tunisian constitution analysis

7/31/2019 Tunisian Constitution Analysis

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Jeremy FarrellAugust 14, 2012

Tags: Tunisia, Draft Constitution, TNAC, womens rights, IslamQuotes:

- The completion if this Draft Constitution [...] is a landmark in Tunisias post-Ben Ali

political landscape.- Attempts to implement shara through the Constitutionin sweeping terms, then,

enjoyed little explicit public support amongst Tunisians despite outsized mediacoverage

- It may be, rather, that secular feminists overstate their case by claiming that proposedArticle 28 is a step backwards for womens equality efforts in comparison with thePersonal Status Code.

Wednesday, August 8, al-Chourouq newspaper published an advance copy of TheTunisian National Constituent Assemblys newly released Draft Constitution to the public and tothe Board for Constitutional Coordination, Composition, and Amendment. The completion of

this draft, which will replace the former Tunisian Constitution originally written in 1959 (PDF),is a landmark in Tunisias post-Ben Ali political landscape, although the extensive politicalmaneuvering over many of the proposed Constitutions contents have contributed to a growingsense of dissatisfaction with with the Constituent Assemblys performance and towardgovernment, in general. The draft Constitution is expected to undergo debate in the ConstituentAssembly during a general session and then passed on for a ratification in February 2013 withwider elections envisioned for June 2013. This article explains some of the social and historicalcurrents that have informed the writing of the Constitution, along with providing an Englishtranslation of the text.

The issuing of this draft marks six months since work on writing the Constitution

commenced February 13, 2012 in the National Constituent Assembly. Since that time,government actions have often run afoul of public confidence. One long-standing Nawaat pollfinds that 70% of of participants describe the performance of the interim government asmediocre or disappointing. This fits with the overall outlook Tunisians have of the country,as reflected in recent Pew polling (PDF), wherein 78% ofTunisians are dissatisfied with thedirection of their country and 83% say current economic conditions are bad. Publicconfidence has further eroded following the governments decision to extradite former LibyanPM al-Baghdadi Ali al-Mahmoudi and its controversial removal of Mustafa Kamel Nabli asGovernor of the Tunisian Central Bank. Popular disenchantment has manifested in the wake ofgovernment ineffectiveness in ensuring the availability of basic foodstuffs for Ramadan, asmounting inflation - and perhaps some degree of profiteering - have driven up costs and led to

wide-scale protests in the countrys more economically depressed regions, including thesymbolic Sidi Bouzid. However, individual political luminaries enjoy redoubtable approval ratings with majorfigures such as head of the Ennahda Party Rached al-Ghannouchi, President of the Governmentand Ghannouchi acolyte Hamadi Jebali, and President of the Constituent Assembly Moustaphaben Jafar enjoying favorability ratings well-above 50%. Only Ennahda - frequently, anderroneously, described as the ruling party in Tunisia - enjoys a favorability rating of above50%; the other two members of the beleaguered ruling Troika - the Congress Party for the
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Republic (CPR) and Ettakatol - lag behind at 48% and 44%, respectively, with others backfurther still. The discrepancy between public opinion of national and, by extension,governmental performance post-Ben Ali and that of individual personalities and parties has yet tobe explained, although we submit that public support from al-Nahdhas extensive ranks hasremained strong while public confidence in the government, as expressed across the political

spectrum, has dwindled precipitously. Widespread distrust between liberals, Islamists, andremaining Ben Ali supporters - established long before the election of the Constituent Assembly -has manifested itself along various social fault-lines which, in turn, were addressed during theNational Constituent Assemblys writing of the Draft Constitution. The most serious of theseissues remain the role of Islam in public life and the womens access to rights.

Islam in Public Life

Fear of the intrusion of Islamist social and political influence was a prime factor in BenAlis transition from well-liked reformer to hard-handed autocrat during the 1990s. Since hisouster, conservative Islamists or those acting under their name have distinguished themselves aspowerful actors on the social scene, frequently employing violent censure of artistic expression.

During a film festival to support of Tunisians who have been assaulted, threatened, anddenounced by persons who consider their artistic creations offensive to Islam in June 2011,attendees of the controversial filmNi Allah Ni Matre, directed by Nadia al-Fani and originallytitledLacite, in cha Allah(Secularism, God Willing), were attacked with teargas and physicalviolence by protestors carrying banners of Hizb al-Tahrir, a prominent pan-national Salafistorganization. In October of that year, the most polarizing case of establishing the boundariesbetween empowering creative expression and establishing protected religious boundariesoccurred when Nessma TV broadcast of the Franco-Iranian animated film Persepolis, in whichGod is portrayed figuratively. The film, which Nessma had dubbed into the Tunisian Arabicdialect, aroused large scale anger from conservative circles and the stations headquarters neardowntown Tunis were attacked by hundreds of protestors. The owner of the station, Nabil

Karaoui was initially bought to court, along with several associates, on charges of blasphemy, butwas convicted early in 2012 of a reduced charge of spreading information that can disturb thepublic order and fined 2400 Tunisian Dinars (DT) ($1500 US). The case gained internationalattention and was used as a rallying cry by Islamist groups as far afield as Iraq, who claimed thatthe films dissemination was planned to provoke the feelings of Muslims and mar the name ofIslam. This June, an installation of Printemps dArt exposition in the tony suburb of LaMarsa, with many of the works displaying confrontational attitudes towards religiousconservatism, was also subject to attack. Pictures of the installation surfaced on Facebook, (mis)identifying some of the artists. The photographer and instigator of the attacks, Mohammad-AliBouaziz, was later tried and sentenced to two months in prison or payment of a 1000 DT fine($617 US) for inciting the confrontations, in which one person was killed and a police station

was burned and looted. A similar event, though unmotivated by any particular art exhibitionoccurred in Sousse, the countrys third-largest city, a few days thereafter. The inability of police and security forces to defend themselves and respond tospontaneous situations like the one in La Marsa contrasts markedly with their response to morecoordinated protest efforts, such as the those which occurred on Martyrs Day in April.Government response to the La Marsa attacks was tepid, with the Ministry of the Interioroffering condemnations for all attacks against that which is Sacred, which is the case for someof the works on exhibition. The liberal parties of the Troika - the aforementioned CPR and
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Ettakattol - maintained a low profile while Ennahda went on the offensive against the artinstallment. Claims that the attacks were not carried out by religiously motivated individuals but,rather, merely thugs cannot be discounted, though Ghannouchis call for protests denouncingthe La Marsa art exposition later that same week clearly drew many Muslims who supportEnnahda but not necessarily violence into a position which supports the logic of legitimizing

violent attacks in response to the States failure to protect the Sacred. The importance of provocation within this logic, as identified by Tunisia commentatorEric Churchill who writes under the name Kefteji, is undoubtedly a main ingredient for Section1.4 of the Draft Constitutions Preamble, which states:

The State shall be a Defender of Religion, tasked with the custody of Freedom of Conscience, the Practice of Religious Creed, Protection of the Sacred, and Guaranteeing Impartiality for the role of Worship in circulating Speech. This wording allows for a robust area of religious expression under explicit governmentprotection while simultaneously providing cause for restraining speech deemed to violate the

protection afforded to the Sacred. One example of such robust freedom permitted to the Sacredwould be Ghannouchis recent claim that those who oppose Ennahda are enemies of Islam.President of the Republic Moncef al-Marzouki, a renowned human rights defender during theBen Ali era, has previously urged government leaders to end such instances oftakfr, oraccusations attacking individuals personal religious positions. Whether speech such as takfrconstitutes Worship will surely be a question for courts to decide, but it is clear that State-structured impartiality toward particular modes of worship and their discourse is alreadysuspect. Likewise, the legal proceedings against Nessma TV executive Karaoui and thesupposedly blasphemous content of his networks broadcast ofPersepolis and thecomparatively weak prosecution of both Mohammed-Ali Bouaziz and those who attacked thescreening ofNiAllah ni Matre because of the provocative nature of the offending artworks

show a pronounced tentativeness toward guaranteeing speech without prior restraint, as providedfor by Section 2.26 of the Draft Constitution.

The practice of Prior Restraint over these Freedoms shall not be allowed in any form. The formal criminalization of insulting or mocking the Sacredness of religion hasrecently been advanced by Ennahda in the National Constituent Assembly; punishmentsprovided for include a prison sentence of two years or a 2000 DT ($1236 US) fine, slightly lessthan that assessed to Karaoui. Examples of the Sacred under the law include God, His prophets,

sacred books, the sunna [example] of his final prophet Muhammad, the Kaba, mosques,churches, and synagogues. Prior to both this law being advanced and the completion of of the

Draft Constitution, a sentence were handed down in a case involving the mocking of theProphet Muhammad in the case ofJabeur Mejri. The advancement of this law, especially in thewake of the Mejri case, clearly shows both the societal and legal tension over the place ofreligion in the Tunisian public sphere and the extent to which one may voice their opinion ofSacred objects. While the State is tasked with defense of religion and the Sacred, such strictdefinition of their constituent parts may infringe upon Constitutional rights to unimpededfreedom of expression.
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In the political realm, Islamist involvement in government draws on strong support froma variety of ideological standpoints. Ennahda is repeatedlyinvoked as the face of moderatepolitical Islam in the American and British media but party members have at times taken tochampioning more immoderate policies. Ennahda leadership - which has been subjected toextended time in prison and, in Ghannouchis case, exile - has stressed the import of national

reconciliation, though only after various hardline party talking points flopped. Those talkingpoints included: Ennahda spokeswoman Souad Ibrahims contention that single mothers are adisgrace to the country; a failed attempt to establish a Saudi-style Ministry of Propagation ofVirtue and Prevention of Vice; and an infamous ad-lib delivered by Jebali himself about theimplementation of a Sixth Caliphate. Outside the Ennahdas purview, Salafi-influenced groups have become particularly active.Although their numbers are estimated around 10,000 in a country of more than 10 million,reports of their extra-legal activity become very prominent. The most shocking of these was thecase of the establishment in late 2011 of a so-called caliphate of Sejnane, a sleepy town in thecountrys politically and economically marginalized northwest. The movement to implement

sharia within the town was led by Hichem Merchegui, an al-Qaeda linked interloper who had

been sentenced to a 104 year prison term under Ben Alis strident anti-Islamist measures andreleased under the general amnesty announced after the latters ouster. The revelation ofconditions in Sejnane were startling, and Tunisias liberals coined the phrase Sejnanistan torefer to particular areas where attempts to impose conservative Islamic interpretations of dressand comportment are especially strong. While this appropriation reflects current events it alsoraises questions about Tunisias social and economic classes, reinforcing the biases of those fromcoastal regions toward the interior, who are seen as less educated and socially polished. Thenorthern regions, especially the Governorate of Jendouba, are the theater of large amounts ofSalafi activity, some of it violent attacks on institutions such as bars and, worryingly, weaponscaches, but much of it charitable in the wake ofheavy snows that blanketed the region in thewinter of 2011.

Not all Salafi groups have attempted to circumvent legal channels, and some haveactively embraced the opportunity to advance their goals through legislation. Variousconservative religious groups have rallied in large numbers in major municipal centers to expresstheir support for the increased Islamization of the State throughout Tunisia by means of

implementation ofshara. In a large rally in May in the holy city ofKairouan, the first Arabfounded city in what is now Tunisia and the countrys fifth largest city by population, members

of the groupAnr al-Shara and its leader Seif Allah Ben Hassine, better known as Abu Yiadh,

convened their second congress to advocate for the application of Gods shara in [their]country. The choice of Kairouan is particularly significant given the citys religious standingand its historical opposition to State-imposed secularism; the town famously refused toinaugurate a Habib Bourguiba Avenue long after it had become de rigeur in Tunisia to do sobecause of the aggressively secular Presidents antagonism toward Islamists, including hispolitical opponent Saleh Ben Youssef. Abu Yiadhs commitment to working within legalframeworks has since weakened, as evidenced by his calling for ajihdagainst the Tunisian

government. Major rallies calling for the implementation ofshara have also been held in thecapital outside the National Constituent Assemblys chambers and in Sfax, Tunisias second

largest city, although the explicitness of Salafistdemonstrators calls for implementing shara isunusually vague in reports from other cities. In late March, a conference was convened in which
http://www.francetv.fr/geopolis/blog/tunisie-la-democratie-en-marche/la-violence-salafiste-sintensifie-en-tunisie-5919http://www.francetv.fr/geopolis/blog/tunisie-la-democratie-en-marche/la-violence-salafiste-sintensifie-en-tunisie-5919http://www.francetv.fr/geopolis/blog/tunisie-la-democratie-en-marche/la-violence-salafiste-sintensifie-en-tunisie-5919http://www.francetv.fr/geopolis/blog/tunisie-la-democratie-en-marche/la-violence-salafiste-sintensifie-en-tunisie-5919http://www.francetv.fr/geopolis/blog/tunisie-la-democratie-en-marche/la-violence-salafiste-sintensifie-en-tunisie-5919http://www.lepoint.fr/monde/les-tunisiens-demandent-l-inscription-de-la-charia-dans-la-constitution-17-03-2012-1442309_24.phphttp://www.tunisiensdumonde.com/el-khbar/2012/03/dimanche-matin-des-syndicalistes-dispersent-une-manifestation-de-salafistes-a-sfax/http://www.tunisia-live.net/2012/06/13/islamist-scholar-abu-ayoub-releases-video-calling-for-holy-war-on-tunisian-government/http://www.tunisia-live.net/2012/08/12/tunisias-leaders-commemorate-51st-anniversary-of-salaf-ben-youssef-assassination/http://berkleycenter.georgetown.edu/resources/people/habib-bourguibahttp://berkleycenter.georgetown.edu/resources/people/habib-bourguibahttp://www.abna.ir/data.asp?lang=2&id=290072http://www.google.com/hostednews/afp/article/ALeqM5jC8Z2nznp9lUdml4eIn2OMd73cUw?docId=CNG.ef8ae00de6886e05d25f52d44f8f0177.431http://www.businessnews.com.tn/Assaut-des-salafistes-%C4%85-Bizerte-%C4%85-coups-d%E2%80%99armes-blanches--Plusieurs-bless%C3%A9s-(vid%C3%A9o),534,32909,3http://www.tap.info.tn/ar/ar/2011-04-20-10-16-57/20131-2012-02-15-17-53-13.htmlhttp://www.kapitalis.com/afkar/68-tribune/8196-tunisie-sous-la-neige-la-misere.htmlhttp://www.rfi.fr/afrique/20120528-tunisie-jendouba-violences-salafistes-climat-insecuritehttp://kefteji.wordpress.com/2012/06/01/what-does-it-mean-to-attack-tunisian-bar-culture/http://www.businessnews.com.tn/Assaut-des-salafistes-%C4%85-Bizerte-%C4%85-coups-d%E2%80%99armes-blanches--Plusieurs-bless%C3%A9s-(vid%C3%A9o),534,32909,3http://calenda.revues.org/nouvelle24305.htmlhttp://nawaat.org/portail/2012/05/09/%D9%85%D9%84%D8%AA%D8%AD%D9%88%D9%86-%D9%8A%D8%B1%D9%8A%D8%AF%D9%88%D9%86-%D8%AA%D8%B7%D8%A8%D9%8A%D9%82-%D9%82%D9%88%D8%A7%D9%86%D9%8A%D9%86-%D8%B3%D8%AC%D9%86%D8%A7%D9%86%D8%B3%D8%AA%D8%A7%D9%86/http://fr.euronews.com/2011/01/20/tunisie-le-gouvernement-annonce-l-amnistie-generale/http://www.lefigaro.fr/mon-figaro/2012/01/19/10001-20120119ARTFIG00678--sejnane-les-salafistes-tunisiens-font-la-loi.phphttp://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pP0OL5iRZNghttp://www.ahewar.org/debat/show.art.asp?aid=285047http://www.tunisia-live.net/2011/11/09/ennahda-spokeswoman-souad-abderrahim-single-mothers-are-a-disgrace-to-tunisia/http://www.ahewar.org/debat/show.art.asp?aid=285047http://www.ahewar.org/debat/show.art.asp?aid=285047http://www.lefigaro.fr/international/2011/11/22/01003-20111122ARTFIG00763-tunisie-hamadi-jebali-figured-un-islamisme-eclaire.phphttp://www.babnet.net/cadredetail-41566.asphttp://livepage.apple.com/http://lynch.foreignpolicy.com/posts/2011/12/05/ghannouchis_advicehttp://www.lefigaro.fr/international/2011/11/22/01003-20111122ARTFIG00763-tunisie-hamadi-jebali-figured-un-islamisme-eclaire.phphttp://www.nytimes.com/2011/10/25/world/africa/ennahda-moderate-islamic-party-makes-strong-showing-in-tunisia-vote.html?pagewanted=allhttp://www.nytimes.com/2011/10/25/world/africa/ennahda-moderate-islamic-party-makes-strong-showing-in-tunisia-vote.html?pagewanted=allhttp://www.voanews.com/content/article/147641.htmlhttp://www.voanews.com/content/article/147641.htmlhttp://www.huffingtonpost.com/.../tunisia-moderate-islam_n_1117510.htm...http://www.nytimes.com/2011/10/25/world/africa/ennahda-moderate-islamic-party-makes-strong-showing-in-tunisia-vote.html?pagewanted=allhttp://www.nytimes.com/2011/10/25/world/africa/ennahda-moderate-islamic-party-makes-strong-showing-in-tunisia-vote.html?pagewanted=allhttp://www.nytimes.com/2011/10/25/world/africa/ennahda-moderate-islamic-party-makes-strong-showing-in-tunisia-vote.html?pagewanted=allhttp://www.nytimes.com/2011/10/25/world/africa/ennahda-moderate-islamic-party-makes-strong-showing-in-tunisia-vote.html?pagewanted=allhttp://www.francetv.fr/geopolis/blog/tunisie-la-democratie-en-marche/la-violence-salafiste-sintensifie-en-tunisie-5919http://www.francetv.fr/geopolis/blog/tunisie-la-democratie-en-marche/la-violence-salafiste-sintensifie-en-tunisie-5919http://www.tunisiensdumonde.com/el-khbar/2012/03/dimanche-matin-des-syndicalistes-dispersent-une-manifestation-de-salafistes-a-sfax/http://www.tunisiensdumonde.com/el-khbar/2012/03/dimanche-matin-des-syndicalistes-dispersent-une-manifestation-de-salafistes-a-sfax/http://www.lepoint.fr/monde/les-tunisiens-demandent-l-inscription-de-la-charia-dans-la-constitution-17-03-2012-1442309_24.phphttp://www.lepoint.fr/monde/les-tunisiens-demandent-l-inscription-de-la-charia-dans-la-constitution-17-03-2012-1442309_24.phphttp://www.tunisia-live.net/2012/06/13/islamist-scholar-abu-ayoub-releases-video-calling-for-holy-war-on-tunisian-government/http://www.tunisia-live.net/2012/06/13/islamist-scholar-abu-ayoub-releases-video-calling-for-holy-war-on-tunisian-government/http://www.tunisia-live.net/2012/08/12/tunisias-leaders-commemorate-51st-anniversary-of-salaf-ben-youssef-assassination/http://www.tunisia-live.net/2012/08/12/tunisias-leaders-commemorate-51st-anniversary-of-salaf-ben-youssef-assassination/http://berkleycenter.georgetown.edu/resources/people/habib-bourguibahttp://berkleycenter.georgetown.edu/resources/people/habib-bourguibahttp://www.abna.ir/data.asp?lang=2&id=290072http://www.abna.ir/data.asp?lang=2&id=290072http://www.google.com/hostednews/afp/article/ALeqM5jC8Z2nznp9lUdml4eIn2OMd73cUw?docId=CNG.ef8ae00de6886e05d25f52d44f8f0177.431http://www.google.com/hostednews/afp/article/ALeqM5jC8Z2nznp9lUdml4eIn2OMd73cUw?docId=CNG.ef8ae00de6886e05d25f52d44f8f0177.431http://www.kapitalis.com/afkar/68-tribune/8196-tunisie-sous-la-neige-la-misere.htmlhttp://www.kapitalis.com/afkar/68-tribune/8196-tunisie-sous-la-neige-la-misere.htmlhttp://www.tap.info.tn/ar/ar/2011-04-20-10-16-57/20131-2012-02-15-17-53-13.htmlhttp://www.tap.info.tn/ar/ar/2011-04-20-10-16-57/20131-2012-02-15-17-53-13.htmlhttp://www.businessnews.com.tn/Assaut-des-salafistes-%C4%85-Bizerte-%C4%85-coups-d%E2%80%99armes-blanches--Plusieurs-bless%C3%A9s-(vid%C3%A9o),534,32909,3http://www.businessnews.com.tn/Assaut-des-salafistes-%C4%85-Bizerte-%C4%85-coups-d%E2%80%99armes-blanches--Plusieurs-bless%C3%A9s-(vid%C3%A9o),534,32909,3http://www.businessnews.com.tn/Assaut-des-salafistes-%C4%85-Bizerte-%C4%85-coups-d%E2%80%99armes-blanches--Plusieurs-bless%C3%A9s-(vid%C3%A9o),534,32909,3http://www.businessnews.com.tn/Assaut-des-salafistes-%C4%85-Bizerte-%C4%85-coups-d%E2%80%99armes-blanches--Plusieurs-bless%C3%A9s-(vid%C3%A9o),534,32909,3http://kefteji.wordpress.com/2012/06/01/what-does-it-mean-to-attack-tunisian-bar-culture/http://kefteji.wordpress.com/2012/06/01/what-does-it-mean-to-attack-tunisian-bar-culture/http://www.rfi.fr/afrique/20120528-tunisie-jendouba-violences-salafistes-climat-insecuritehttp://www.rfi.fr/afrique/20120528-tunisie-jendouba-violences-salafistes-climat-insecuritehttp://calenda.revues.org/nouvelle24305.htmlhttp://calenda.revues.org/nouvelle24305.htmlhttp://nawaat.org/portail/2012/05/09/%D9%85%D9%84%D8%AA%D8%AD%D9%88%D9%86-%D9%8A%D8%B1%D9%8A%D8%AF%D9%88%D9%86-%D8%AA%D8%B7%D8%A8%D9%8A%D9%82-%D9%82%D9%88%D8%A7%D9%86%D9%8A%D9%86-%D8%B3%D8%AC%D9%86%D8%A7%D9%86%D8%B3%D8%AA%D8%A7%D9%86/http://nawaat.org/portail/2012/05/09/%D9%85%D9%84%D8%AA%D8%AD%D9%88%D9%86-%D9%8A%D8%B1%D9%8A%D8%AF%D9%88%D9%86-%D8%AA%D8%B7%D8%A8%D9%8A%D9%82-%D9%82%D9%88%D8%A7%D9%86%D9%8A%D9%86-%D8%B3%D8%AC%D9%86%D8%A7%D9%86%D8%B3%D8%AA%D8%A7%D9%86/http://fr.euronews.com/2011/01/20/tunisie-le-gouvernement-annonce-l-amnistie-generale/http://fr.euronews.com/2011/01/20/tunisie-le-gouvernement-annonce-l-amnistie-generale/http://www.lefigaro.fr/mon-figaro/2012/01/19/10001-20120119ARTFIG00678--sejnane-les-salafistes-tunisiens-font-la-loi.phphttp://www.lefigaro.fr/mon-figaro/2012/01/19/10001-20120119ARTFIG00678--sejnane-les-salafistes-tunisiens-font-la-loi.phphttp://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pP0OL5iRZNghttp://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pP0OL5iRZNghttp://www.ahewar.org/debat/show.art.asp?aid=285047http://www.ahewar.org/debat/show.art.asp?aid=285047http://www.ahewar.org/debat/show.art.asp?aid=285047http://www.ahewar.org/debat/show.art.asp?aid=285047http://www.tunisia-live.net/2011/11/09/ennahda-spokeswoman-souad-abderrahim-single-mothers-are-a-disgrace-to-tunisia/http://www.tunisia-live.net/2011/11/09/ennahda-spokeswoman-souad-abderrahim-single-mothers-are-a-disgrace-to-tunisia/http://www.lefigaro.fr/international/2011/11/22/01003-20111122ARTFIG00763-tunisie-hamadi-jebali-figured-un-islamisme-eclaire.phphttp://www.lefigaro.fr/international/2011/11/22/01003-20111122ARTFIG00763-tunisie-hamadi-jebali-figured-un-islamisme-eclaire.phphttp://www.lefigaro.fr/international/2011/11/22/01003-20111122ARTFIG00763-tunisie-hamadi-jebali-figured-un-islamisme-eclaire.phphttp://www.lefigaro.fr/international/2011/11/22/01003-20111122ARTFIG00763-tunisie-hamadi-jebali-figured-un-islamisme-eclaire.phphttp://lynch.foreignpolicy.com/posts/2011/12/05/ghannouchis_advicehttp://lynch.foreignpolicy.com/posts/2011/12/05/ghannouchis_advicehttp://livepage.apple.com/http://livepage.apple.com/http://www.babnet.net/cadredetail-41566.asphttp://www.babnet.net/cadredetail-41566.asphttp://www.nytimes.com/2011/10/25/world/africa/ennahda-moderate-islamic-party-makes-strong-showing-in-tunisia-vote.html?pagewanted=allhttp://www.nytimes.com/2011/10/25/world/africa/ennahda-moderate-islamic-party-makes-strong-showing-in-tunisia-vote.html?pagewanted=allhttp://www.nytimes.com/2011/10/25/world/africa/ennahda-moderate-islamic-party-makes-strong-showing-in-tunisia-vote.html?pagewanted=allhttp://www.nytimes.com/2011/10/25/world/africa/ennahda-moderate-islamic-party-makes-strong-showing-in-tunisia-vote.html?pagewanted=allhttp://www.huffingtonpost.com/.../tunisia-moderate-islam_n_1117510.htm...http://www.huffingtonpost.com/.../tunisia-moderate-islam_n_1117510.htm...http://www.voanews.com/content/article/147641.htmlhttp://www.voanews.com/content/article/147641.html


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Islamic scholars from the Tunisian Board for Shara Sciences called for the Constituent

Assembly to approve ofshara as a primary source of legislation, but stopped short of callingfor it to be the sole source. In fact, the most famous example of an Islamist calling for

implementation ofshara in Tunisia came not from a Tunisian, but from the Egyptian Ayman al-

Zawahari (PDF), head of al-Qida.

Attempts to implement shara through the Constitutionin sweeping terms, then, enjoyedlittle explicit public support amongst Tunisians despite outsized media coverage. Within theframework of writing the Constitution, the Salafi-influenced Reform Front - Tunisias only

Salafist political party - was the sole legislative voice pushing to designate shara as the solesource of legislation. Much of the conversation was built upon the first Article of the 1959Constitution, wherein it was stated that Islam is the Religion of State, but kept silent on the

role ofshara in drafting legislation. These circumstances are analogous to the case in Egypt,

where the Salafi Nour Party pushed for a wording that made shara, and not just its principles,the ultimate measure in drafting legislation. The push to more narrowly define State legislative

processes through implementation ofshara is fraught with difficulty, due especially to the

variegated nature ofshara itself, and consensus even amongst religious conservatives in theNational Constituent Assembly proved elusive. Ennahda eventually declined to pursue thedesired wording, leaving Section 1.1 largely unchanged from its 1959 composition andpotentially causing a rift between Ennahda and more conservative political actors. The text in theproposed Article 1.1 of Draft Constitution is as follows:

Tunisia is a Free State, Independent, Possessing Sovereignty. Islam is Its Religion, Arabic Its Language, and the Republic its System of Government. Absent the explicit mention ofsharia in Article 1.1, numerous references to the Muslimand Arab loyalties of Tunisia, as favored by conservative groups, were inserted into the Preamble

of the Draft Constitution:

Based upon the essentials of its Arabic-Muslim Identity... Affirming our Cultural and Civilizational Belonging to the Community of Muslims... Standing Victorious [...] for Liberation and Justice Movements - at their Head, the Palestinian Liberation Movement. According to Section 9.3 these characterizations are not subject to Constitutionalamendment:

It shall not be possible through Constitutional Amendment to deviate from Islam in considering it theReligion of State.

The characterization of the Tunisian State in such stark terms has angered some inAmazigh circles for the exclusivity granted to the Arabic character of the country. A case couldbe made that such a characterization conflicts with the text of proposed Article 1.32:

- The State shall guarantee Cultural Rights to Every Citizen.
http://amazightounes.orgfree.com/?p=330http://amazightounes.orgfree.com/?p=330http://kefteji.wordpress.com/2012/06/11/constitution-watch-reaction-and-problems-with-the-preamble/http://kefteji.wordpress.com/2012/06/11/constitution-watch-reaction-and-problems-with-the-preamble/http://kefteji.wordpress.com/2012/06/11/constitution-watch-reaction-and-problems-with-the-preamble/http://kefteji.wordpress.com/2012/06/11/constitution-watch-reaction-and-problems-with-the-preamble/http://www.mepc.org/articles-commentary/commentary/tunisias-islamists-are-ennahda-and-salafis-divorcing?printhttp://nawaat.org/portail/2012/03/06/la-chariaa-dans-la-constitution-tunisienne/http://nawaat.org/portail/2012/03/06/la-chariaa-dans-la-constitution-tunisienne/http://www.egyptindependent.com/news/islamists-debate-role-sharia-constitutionhttp://www.shorouknews.com/news/view.aspx?id=349afe33-f2c6-40b1-aa16-9e092b689349http://www.lemonde.fr/tunisie/article/2012/03/17/la-place-de-la-charia-dans-la-constitution-divise-la-tunisie_1671383_1466522.htmlhttp://www.google.com/url?sa=t&rct=j&q=&esrc=s&source=web&cd=8&ved=0CGEQFjAH&url=http://azelin.files.wordpress.com/2012/06/dr-ayman-al-e1ba93awc481hirc4ab-22oh-people-of-tunisia-support-your-sharc4abah22-en.pdf&ei=yYguUOWuKOSI6AHqvICQDg&usg=AFQjCNESizNvlkVhJl1XwgQF8n_i1P_OPA&sig2=kjin6_4iPl2xTfPtkx_UvAhttp://kefteji.wordpress.com/2012/06/11/constitution-watch-reaction-and-problems-with-the-preamble/http://kefteji.wordpress.com/2012/06/11/constitution-watch-reaction-and-problems-with-the-preamble/http://amazightounes.orgfree.com/?p=330http://amazightounes.orgfree.com/?p=330http://www.mepc.org/articles-commentary/commentary/tunisias-islamists-are-ennahda-and-salafis-divorcing?printhttp://www.mepc.org/articles-commentary/commentary/tunisias-islamists-are-ennahda-and-salafis-divorcing?printhttp://www.lemonde.fr/tunisie/article/2012/03/26/ennahda-contre-l-inscription-de-la-charia-dans-la-constitution-tunisienne_1675938_1466522.htmlhttp://www.lemonde.fr/tunisie/article/2012/03/26/ennahda-contre-l-inscription-de-la-charia-dans-la-constitution-tunisienne_1675938_1466522.htmlhttp://nawaat.org/portail/2012/03/06/la-chariaa-dans-la-constitution-tunisienne/http://nawaat.org/portail/2012/03/06/la-chariaa-dans-la-constitution-tunisienne/http://carnegieendowment.org/2012/05/15/egypt-and-islamic-sharia-guide-for-perplexed/argbhttp://carnegieendowment.org/2012/05/15/egypt-and-islamic-sharia-guide-for-perplexed/argbhttp://www.egyptindependent.com/news/islamists-debate-role-sharia-constitutionhttp://www.egyptindependent.com/news/islamists-debate-role-sharia-constitutionhttp://www.lemonde.fr/tunisie/article/2012/03/17/la-place-de-la-charia-dans-la-constitution-divise-la-tunisie_1671383_1466522.htmlhttp://www.lemonde.fr/tunisie/article/2012/03/17/la-place-de-la-charia-dans-la-constitution-divise-la-tunisie_1671383_1466522.htmlhttp://www.lemonde.fr/tunisie/article/2012/03/17/la-place-de-la-charia-dans-la-constitution-divise-la-tunisie_1671383_1466522.htmlhttp://www.lemonde.fr/tunisie/article/2012/03/17/la-place-de-la-charia-dans-la-constitution-divise-la-tunisie_1671383_1466522.htmlhttp://www.shorouknews.com/news/view.aspx?id=349afe33-f2c6-40b1-aa16-9e092b689349http://www.shorouknews.com/news/view.aspx?id=349afe33-f2c6-40b1-aa16-9e092b689349http://www.google.com/url?sa=t&rct=j&q=&esrc=s&source=web&cd=8&ved=0CGEQFjAH&url=http://azelin.files.wordpress.com/2012/06/dr-ayman-al-e1ba93awc481hirc4ab-22oh-people-of-tunisia-support-your-sharc4abah22-en.pdf&ei=yYguUOWuKOSI6AHqvICQDg&usg=AFQjCNESizNvlkVhJl1XwgQF8n_i1P_OPA&sig2=kjin6_4iPl2xTfPtkx_UvAhttp://www.google.com/url?sa=t&rct=j&q=&esrc=s&source=web&cd=8&ved=0CGEQFjAH&url=http://azelin.files.wordpress.com/2012/06/dr-ayman-al-e1ba93awc481hirc4ab-22oh-people-of-tunisia-support-your-sharc4abah22-en.pdf&ei=yYguUOWuKOSI6AHqvICQDg&usg=AFQjCNESizNvlkVhJl1XwgQF8n_i1P_OPA&sig2=kjin6_4iPl2xTfPtkx_UvAhttp://www.google.com/url?sa=t&rct=j&q=&esrc=s&source=web&cd=8&ved=0CGEQFjAH&url=http://azelin.files.wordpress.com/2012/06/dr-ayman-al-e1ba93awc481hirc4ab-22oh-people-of-tunisia-support-your-sharc4abah22-en.pdf&ei=yYguUOWuKOSI6AHqvICQDg&usg=AFQjCNESizNvlkVhJl1XwgQF8n_i1P_OPA&sig2=kjin6_4iPl2xTfPtkx_UvAhttp://www.google.com/url?sa=t&rct=j&q=&esrc=s&source=web&cd=8&ved=0CGEQFjAH&url=http://azelin.files.wordpress.com/2012/06/dr-ayman-al-e1ba93awc481hirc4ab-22oh-people-of-tunisia-support-your-sharc4abah22-en.pdf&ei=yYguUOWuKOSI6AHqvICQDg&usg=AFQjCNESizNvlkVhJl1XwgQF8n_i1P_OPA&sig2=kjin6_4iPl2xTfPtkx_UvAhttp://www.zytouna.com/%D9%85%D8%A4%D8%AA%D9%85%D8%B1-%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%B4%D8%B1%D9%8A%D8%B9%D8%A9-%D9%88-%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%AF%D8%B3%D8%AA%D9%88%D8%B1-%D8%B9%D9%84%D9%89-%D8%A3%D8%B9%D8%B6%D8%A7%D8%A1-%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%AA/%D8%A3%D8%AE%D8%A8%D8%A7%D8%B1http://www.zytouna.com/%D9%85%D8%A4%D8%AA%D9%85%D8%B1-%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%B4%D8%B1%D9%8A%D8%B9%D8%A9-%D9%88-%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%AF%D8%B3%D8%AA%D9%88%D8%B1-%D8%B9%D9%84%D9%89-%D8%A3%D8%B9%D8%B6%D8%A7%D8%A1-%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%AA/%D8%A3%D8%AE%D8%A8%D8%A7%D8%B1


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Womens Status

A comprehensive treatment of the history of womens rights in Tunisia - dating back tothe Roman era - has been given by scholars Jane Tchacha and Khedija Arfaoui. Tunisia has longbeen hailed as a relative bastion of Womens Rights in the Arab World, due mainly to the

implementation of the Personal Status Code (JSTOR) by President Habib Bourguiba in 1957.The Personal Status code, according to the translation by George Sfeir:

...applies to Muslim Tunisians only, the personal status of Christians being regulated by French law, while

Jewish citizens of Tunisia have their own code [...] Polygamy is abolished; divorces may only take place in courts and full consent of both parties is a pre-requisite to marriage. On the other hand, the Islamic law of inheritance is preserved. For the secular State, such policies were seen as a priority and resulted in rapiddevelopment of society and opportunity. From Tchacha and Arfaoui:

From 1956 to the mid 1970s, Tunisian girls and women increasingly took advantage of their

new role (Arfaoui 2007). They pursued their education and they entered the workforce in record numbers, birth rates declined and a growing middle class emerged. If hardly less than 5% of children were enrolled in primary school in 1956, by 2003, this figure increased to 98% for both boys and girls; moreover, adult education rose from 16% in 1960 to 74% in 2004. Presently, the number of female students exceeds that of male students in higher education, representing 59% of total tertiary education enrolment in Tunisia in 2008. (p. 218) Fears that not enough had been done to promote the preservation of womens gains in thewake of Ben Alis ouster quickly attached themselves to the specter ofIslamist attempts to defeatthe Personal Status Code. One Gallup poll, After the Arab Uprisings: Women on Rights,Religion, and Rebuilding, ominously declared, the rise of Islamist political parties in Tunisia

and Egypt has many secular Arab womens rights activists and Western observers worried thatthe change women helped ignite has betrayed them. In Tunisia, though, women remained on theforefront of fighting for rights to religious expression. Official prohibitions on women wearingIslamic clothing such as the niqb in universities implemented in 1981 under Decree 108 (PDF) -which Ben Ali tried to extend in 2006 to include most forms of veiling - were challenged bygroups of young female students demanding the right to veil early in 2012. At the Universit deManouba, the intransigence of the dispute closed down the university for more than a month.Tchacha and Arfaoui rightly point out the multiplicity of feminisms in Tunisia after the fall ofBen Ali and discuss the role of Islamist feminism in shaping new discourse about whatfeminism actually meant in its Tunisian context, quoting one interview subject as saying,[Traditional f]eminism has been associated with the foreign, with the western thought, with a

certain attitude about women, and it is not welcomed. (p. 224) A dichotomy had developedwherein the bulwark of secular feminism in Tunisia began to lose ground to a type of feminism -often espoused by men and women alike - emphasizing religious freedoms and rights. Even as doubts about the efficacy of secular models of feminism arose, governmentattempts to ensure womens access to public life remained visible. The transitional Tunisiangovernment passed a law in May 2011 mandating that party voting lists alternate betweenwomen and men, effectively guaranteeing women half the ticket. Four thousand women declared
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for candidacy and won approximately one-quarter of the seats in the National ConstituentAssembly with Meherzia Labidi - an Ennahda candidate perhaps most famous for her salary -installed as its Vice-President. Other women have maintained prominent roles within thegovernment or party structures, as well: Nadia Chaabane, head of the Pole party and a passionatefeminist in the secular model; Mabrouka MBarek, head of the Congress for the Republic list and

member of the Constitutional Committee; and Lobna Jribi, deputy in Ettakattol and staunchproponent of the Open Government initiative all represent the secular Tunisian feminist model.According to this Nawaat infographic, women hold three of the 42 positions available within thegovernmental structure of ministries, with CPR deputy Sihem Badi running the the Ministry ofWomens Affairs and Ennahda member Mamia Elbanna heading the Ministry of theEnvironment. Within this political sphere Islamists began to circulate new models for a womans accessto religious symbols and her role within society. The one most susceptible to debate was theproposed Article 27, which characterized women as mans associate and emphasized hercomplementarity (takmul) with man. Reaction from secular feminists and the Western Presswas swift and damning, as it has since been in more liberal circles of the Arab world. Salma

Hajri, of the Tunisian Association of Democratic Women as quoted in a TunisiaLive piece, saidI am distraught and worried. Women are not given rights as individuals, only in reference tomen. The public debate spurred massive demonstrations throughout the country on August 13th,Tunisian Womens Day, to support womens equality with men - a subject of that still dividesmuch of Tunisian society. Are Tunisian women at risk of losing their rights, or of having their rights madecontingent to those of men? Is the wording of the proposed Article 1.27 in fact a step back fromprevious iterations of Womens Rights statutes in Tunisia? Article 23 of the original PersonalStatus Code from 1957, taken again from Sfeirs translation reads:

The husband shall treat his wife with benevolence, live with her on good terms, refrain from causing her harm and, in all those matters envisaged by true maintenance, support her and his children from her in accordance with his circumstances and hers. The wife shall, if she possess any property, contribute to the support of the family. She shall respect her husband in his capacity as head ofthe family, and, within these prerogatives, obey him in whatever he orders her, and perform her marital duties in conformity with usage and custom This wording stood until a 1993 amendment (PDF) of this Article to the following:

It is incumbent upon each one of the spouses to treat the other with kindness and improve his or her wellbeing (ashira), and avoid inflicting harm upon him or her. The two spouses shall undertake married responsibilities according to what custom (al-urf) and common practice (al-da) require, and help improve the familys affairs (shun). They shall raise children and provide for them (tarf shunihim), including: education, travel, and financial transactions. It is incumbent upon the husband, in his capacity as the head (ras) of the family, to provide for his wife and children to the extent that his conditions and theirs allow within the scope of the content of payments. It is incumbent upon the wife to contribute to the familys expenditures if she has means (ml). The wording of the proposed Article 1.27 in the new Draft Constitution reads:
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The State shall guarantee the Protection of Womens Rights and support for their gains, in considering her a true Partner with Man in building the Nation; the role of these two is complimentary within the Family. The state shall guarantee the parity (takfu) of opportunity between the Woman and the Man while accepting different Responsibilities. The State shall guarantee Prosecution of every form of Violence against Women. The content of these statutes does not differ significantly. All ascribe a type ofcomplementarity between men and women within the space of the family, with both forms ofthe Personal Status Code making women explicitly subservient to the man, who is head of thehousehold. Only the proposed Article 1.27 explicitly assigns women a role in building theNation based upon parity. Perhaps the most objectionable wording of proposed Article 27 is itsemphasis on accepting different Responsibilities, but this does not noticeably depart from thePersonal Status Code in classifying a womans responsibilities; in each case, theseresponsibilities are vaguely defined through custom, and specifically tied to her responsibilityto contribute funds to familial expenditures if she is capable. The Draft Constitution more fullydefines the States relationship with the family in Article 1.21:

The State Guarantees the Familys Rights the by recognizing Them as Potentialized, Natural, and Fundamental for Society.The State shall work toward protecting the Family, Its Stability, and allowing It to perform Its role in safeguarding Equality between the spouses. The State shall seek to ease the appropriate conditions for marriage; to guarantee a suitable home for every family; and to provide a Minimum Wage sufficient to support the Dignity of Its Members. In this Article, the government explicitly uses the word equality (muswh) to definethe role of spouses. Further guarantees to equality are provided for all Citizens in Article 1.22:

All Citizens are Equal in Rights and Responsibilities, and They are Equal under the Law

This wording is echoed n Article 2.22:

Citizens are Equal in the Right and Responsibilities under the Law, without discrimination (tamyz) in anyform.

Given this application of equality in other Articles of the Draft Constitution, it isstrange that Article 28 received approval - 9 of 12 votes, with eight of those votes coming fromEnnahda members - in using the word complementarity. The word is used one other time in thePreamble to the Draft Constitution:

Working toward the establishment of Maghrebian Unity as a step toward the realization of Arab Unity, and toward a Complementarity with Islamic Peoples and African Peoples, and Cooperation with the People of the World [...] Juxtaposing familial relations to state level commitments because of the wordcomplementarity is surely as academic an exercise as one could imagine, but the choice ofwords here does not seem indicative of any attempt to weaken the sphere of Tunisiassovereignty or its assertion of rights in bilateral and international interactions. It may be, rather,that secular feminists overstate their case by claiming that proposed Article 28 is a step


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backwards for womens equality efforts in comparison with the Personal Status Code. Even withthe semantic vagaries of proposed Article 28, the additional references to equality within theDraft Constitution should provide ample room to appeal for womens access to rights andequality under in Tunisia . This is not to say that Tunisian women should cease to defend theirrights and freedoms against infringement, but rather, that steps should be taken to highlight areas

of the Constitution that do assert their equality under the Law and pursue bringing proposedArticle 28 in line with these sentiments. Efforts could be made, for example, to publicize motionsto strip Olympic silver medalist Habiba Ghribi of her citizenship for running in immodest shorts.This is a potential Constitutional violation that specifically targets womens equality in access toathletic activities as set forth in Article 1.33:

The State shall seeks to offer the necessary opportunities to practice athletic and physical activities and and to offer means for improvement of living and leisure. Similarly, this call violates Article 1.6 in its attempt to strip natural-born Tunisians oftheir citizenship: The State guarantees to its Citizens Individual and General Freedoms, and presents to them Means for a Noble Living. Attempts to strip Nationality from Them, surrendering Them to International Authorities, Exiling Them, or Preventing Them from returning to their Homeland are expressly forbidden. By acting swiftly to support Habib Ghriba, public officials would be making a strongstatement affirming womens right to make personal choices about clothing and livelihood, andpromoting the ways in which the Draft Constitution protects all Tunisians under the Law in equalmeasure. Other areas of the Draft Constitution might also profit from further revision from theCoordination Committee. One of the difficulties in translating Arabic is its use of masculineforms to refer to abstractly referenced individuals or to groups, and several proposed Articlesleave room for interpretations that do not in and of themselves provide for equality of men andwomen; particularly problematic is the use of the words Citizen (muwin, pl. muwinn) andTunisian (tnis):

Article 1.12 It is incumbent upon Citizens maintain the Unity of the Nation and the Defense of Its Inviolability, abide

by Its Laws, and pay taxes. Article 1.13 National Service is incumbent upon Citizens according to the Structures and Conditions regulated by Law.

Article 1.14 A Livelihood is a Right of every Citizen, and the State shall make every effort to guarantee It through

appropriate and just circumstances. Article 1.24 Compulsory National Service is incumbent upon every Citizen according to the Patterns and Forms which

the Law defines. The word Tunisian (tnis) also becomes legally problematic when applied to standingas a candidate for President, presented in section 4.46 of the Draft Constitution.
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Article 4.46 (First Opinion) It shall be stipulated for the male or female candidate (mutarashshi wa mutarashshia) standing for the Presidency of the Republic to: be a voter; not carry a second nationality; be a Muslim born to a Tunisian mother and father; be at least forty (40) years of age. Article 4.46 (Second Opinion) Candidacy for the position of the President of the Republic is a Right of every man or woman who is Tunisian by birth and whose religion is Islam. Article 4.46 (Third Opinion) Candidacy for the position of the President of the Republic is a Right of every Tunisian. Article 4.46 (Fourth Opinion)

- Candidacy for the position of the President of the Republic is a Right of every Citizen carrying Tunisian

nationality to the exclusion of all others.

Article 4.46 (Fifth Option) Candidacy for the position of President of the Republic is a Right of every Tunisian Muslim born to a Tunisian Father, Mother, and Paternal and Maternal Grandfathers, to the exclusion of any break in lineage. Certainly, some of the vagaries will be resolved in later legislation, especially those

relating to National Service in the armed forces and police in proposed Articles 1.13 and 1.24.However, but including the feminine muwina in proposed Articles 1.12 and 1.14 and tnisiyaas rendered in the first two opinions of proposed Article 4.46 would go a long way towardshoring up guarantees of explicit equality between men and women.

Many obstacles besides these stand between the National Constituent Assembly and thecompletion of a Constitution which takes into account secular, religious, and gender concerns.There has been much furor over the proposed Independent Press Authority as provided for by theDraft Constitution, and continued barriers to press freedom remain entrenched. Despite gainsmade by journalists after a truly abysmal press climate under Ben Ali, Tunisia still ranked only134th in the world in press freedom in 2011, according to Reporters Without Borders, and attacks

on reporters and activists because of their political views continue. The implementation of a newjudiciary, also provided with an independent oversight body by the Draft Constitution, will test asystem which renowned Tunisian jurist Yadh Ben Achour describes as long subject to thepolitical whims of the Tunisian government under both Bourguiba and Ben Ali. Long hoursawait the Coordination Committee in the next months and Tunisians will anxiously hang onevery change to a Draft Constitution that attempts to break free of the limitations imposed byprevious regimes and, simultaneously, sets the paradigm for writing governing documents inLibya, Egypt and other states currently in transition in the MENA region.
http://yadhba.blogspot.com/2011/11/la-tunisie-entre-le-message-de-la.htmlhttp://www.google.com/url?sa=t&rct=j&q=&esrc=s&source=web&cd=13&ved=0CHwQFjAM&url=http://www.francetv.fr/geopolis/blog/tunisie-la-democratie-en-marche/regards-croises-de-journalistes-en-tunisie-4841&ei=v-kvUJiuLOy16AHBuIH4Ag&usg=AFQjCNFHtSQpCIy3QEIaR8ndwYum3EvfDA&sig2=w2aIYAuXEEBDt6MklR3auQhttp://www.tuniscope.com/index.php/article/15419/actualites/bien-etre/libere-293913http://en.rsf.org/press-freedom-index-2011-2012,1043.htmlhttp://www.slateafrique.com/2323/presse-tunisienne-l-ombre-de-ben-ali-planehttp://www.tunisia-live.net/2012/08/02/ngo-debates-freedom-of-the-press-in-tunisias-draft-constitution/?utm_source=rss&utm_medium=rss&utm_campaign=ngo-debates-freedom-of-the-press-in-tunisias-draft-constitutionhttp://www.tunisia-live.net/2012/08/02/ngo-debates-freedom-of-the-press-in-tunisias-draft-constitution/?utm_source=rss&utm_medium=rss&utm_campaign=ngo-debates-freedom-of-the-press-in-tunisias-draft-constitutionhttp://yadhba.blogspot.com/2011/11/la-tunisie-entre-le-message-de-la.htmlhttp://yadhba.blogspot.com/2011/11/la-tunisie-entre-le-message-de-la.htmlhttp://www.tuniscope.com/index.php/article/15419/actualites/bien-etre/libere-293913http://www.tuniscope.com/index.php/article/15419/actualites/bien-etre/libere-293913http://www.google.com/url?sa=t&rct=j&q=&esrc=s&source=web&cd=13&ved=0CHwQFjAM&url=http://www.francetv.fr/geopolis/blog/tunisie-la-democratie-en-marche/regards-croises-de-journalistes-en-tunisie-4841&ei=v-kvUJiuLOy16AHBuIH4Ag&usg=AFQjCNFHtSQpCIy3QEIaR8ndwYum3EvfDA&sig2=w2aIYAuXEEBDt6MklR3auQhttp://www.google.com/url?sa=t&rct=j&q=&esrc=s&source=web&cd=13&ved=0CHwQFjAM&url=http://www.francetv.fr/geopolis/blog/tunisie-la-democratie-en-marche/regards-croises-de-journalistes-en-tunisie-4841&ei=v-kvUJiuLOy16AHBuIH4Ag&usg=AFQjCNFHtSQpCIy3QEIaR8ndwYum3EvfDA&sig2=w2aIYAuXEEBDt6MklR3auQhttp://en.rsf.org/press-freedom-index-2011-2012,1043.htmlhttp://en.rsf.org/press-freedom-index-2011-2012,1043.htmlhttp://www.slateafrique.com/2323/presse-tunisienne-l-ombre-de-ben-ali-planehttp://www.slateafrique.com/2323/presse-tunisienne-l-ombre-de-ben-ali-planehttp://www.tunisia-live.net/2012/08/02/ngo-debates-freedom-of-the-press-in-tunisias-draft-constitution/?utm_source=rss&utm_medium=rss&utm_campaign=ngo-debates-freedom-of-the-press-in-tunisias-draft-constitutionhttp://www.tunisia-live.net/2012/08/02/ngo-debates-freedom-of-the-press-in-tunisias-draft-constitution/?utm_source=rss&utm_medium=rss&utm_campaign=ngo-debates-freedom-of-the-press-in-tunisias-draft-constitution

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