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Showing translation for International Journal of Politics and Good Governance Volume 5, No. 5.4 Quarter IV 2014 ISSN: 0976 1195 1 CONSTITUTIONALISM AND THE CHALLENGES OF DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA Aborisade Olasunkanmi Ladoke Akintola University of Technology, Ogbomoso, Nigeria ABSTRACT The work focuses on constitutionalism and the challenge of development in Africa. The absence of the culture of constitutionalism affected in a very substantial way Africas efforts toward development. That is the reason why primarily task of this work is to investigate the state of constitutionalism in Africa and the reason why most African countries have not entrenched the practice of constitutionalism in their countries. It further probes into the nature and reasons for the past failure of constitutionalism and its effect on development of most countries in Africa. The work then concludes that the entrenchment of a culture of constitutionalism in Africa is the basis of the moral bound that can bring the citizens and the state together. Once this is actualised, then Africa can talk of a meaningful development. Key words: Africa, Challenge, Constitution, Constitutionalism, Development, Entrenchment Introduction Constitutionalism is embedded in the idea that the government should be limited in its powers and that its authority depends on its observing these limitations. These limitations are in the form of individual or group rights against government, such as rights to free expression, association, equality and due process of law. The attempt to limit governmental arbitrariness, which is the premise of a constitution, has several times met with failure. This failure has had a negative effect on both human and material development of Africa. By development we mean a more inclusive concept with its social, political and economic facets. It is the qualitative and quantitative positive transformation of the lives of a people that does not only enhance their material well-being but also ensures their social well-being including the restoration of human International Journal of Politics and Good Governance Volume 5, No. 5.4 Quarter IV 2014 ISSN: 0976 1195 2 dignity (Osagie1985). In other words, development should be a warm, gradual and considerate process in its attempt to alleviate mans economic and technological standard or conditions without disregarding or disrespecting any aspect of mans existing social, cultural and political values (Ifeyinwa 2004). Development is about human, development cannot be divorced from the peoples. Any reasonable developmental efforts must have roots in the people it is meant for, before it can be successful. The adherence to the dictate of constitutionalism means limiting the arbitrariness of governmental power and failure of it means the enthronement of arbitrariness of governmental power. In that regard, this work set out to examine the reason why enthronement of constitutionalism has remained practically impossible in most African state; despite the fact that many constitutional conferences had been held and many constitutional drafting committees have being set up and completed their job; yet the idea of constitutionalism has remain a day dream in many African countries. Constitutionalism and Africa The advent of colonialism in Africa and the subsequent taken over of African states brought about the introduction of modern forms of governance that necessitate modern form of constitution which is written and documented. The introduction of this constitution into the colony is regarded as an imposed constitutionalism. Schepple, K. L (2003) made a distinction between constitutionalism and imposed constitutionalism. According to him; constitutionalism is legitimate, but the imposed constitutionalism is not. Imposed constitutionalism is illegitimate because it is being drafted in the shadow of the gun. None of the African countries under the colonial rule has the opportunity of substantial local participation in the constitutional process. Rather, they have seen substantial intervention and pressure imposed from outside to produce a constitutional outcome preferred by the colonizer. Even after independence, we discovered that almost all the constitutions drafted by African states still follow the same pattern of not allowing a substantial local participation. A noticeable negativity of this imposition is the crisis of legitimacy of the constitutional outcome. Immediately after the independence, the post-colonial Africa leaders are visibly and notoriously oppressive. They acquired absolute power, which made it possible for them to ensure that the International Journal of Politics and Good Governance Volume 5, No. 5.4 Quarter IV 2014 ISSN: 0976 1195 3 people adjust to the structure of oppression and exploitation which they inherited. This trend has taken a new dimension today, according to Ade Ajayi (1992) the urban political elite has alienated itself from its own people such that in those states which purport to maintain a measure of representative government, the political leaders only go to their supporters during election when they need votes. The situation has gone worst to the extent that, many people have lost confidence in the democratic process, because; The elite, like the colonial state, which they inherited, has grown apart from the society. Increasingly the state and the elite who control the state, have become predicators of the society (Ade-Ajayi, J. F.1992) The emphasis here is that, these leaders do not see themselves as statesmen who are expected to develop a keen awareness of collective responsibility in the long term (Joseph, K. 2000), but are like colonial administrators, overseers who are in power to ensure that the people adjust to the structure of oppression and exploitation which they manage( Oladipo, O. 1998). Chinua Achebe (1985) opines that most Africa leaders are not morally upright. They characteristically coerce all personnel and other arms of government to work in their interest. The consequence of this is that, the post colonial state and institutions were as oppressive as their colonial precursors. They were exploitative to the extent that they serve as avenue for capital accumulation and status attainment by the leaders. Thus post-colonial African state could not guarantee freedom and justice for ordinary Africans. This being the case because it could not provide the essential foundation for the pursuit of public benefits- peace, welfare and the opportunity for individuals to pursue their own happiness (Christopher, C. 1991). In an ideal society, leaders are expected to be role model. But the problem with Africa has been the issue of bad leadership. Our leaders lack discipline and the citizens are following suit. African leaders have always been known for not obeying the constitution, since the constitution itself lacks merit. The colonialists have already set in place a bad example of governance, but Africa lacks good leadership that will confront this dilemma and thus take Africa out of its International Journal of Politics and Good Governance Volume 5, No. 5.4 Quarter IV 2014 ISSN: 0976 1195 4 debilitating condition (Afolayan. A. 2009) Leadership is observed to be the most critical, such that many depict the continent as a faraway place where good people go hungry, bad people run government, and chaos and anarchy are the norm.(Alex Thomson 2002) More so, it has been rightly observed that under the various oppressive authoritarian regimes which African countries have had the misfortune to chafe under for the greater part of its post colonial history, Africans have been treated to a bastardization of constitutionalism and growing impotence of the judiciary in the face of countless acts of impunity, executive lawlessness and economic brigandage by praetorian guards that had imposed themselves on the political landscape of the nation(Oyebode 2005). The dearth of good leadership in postcolonial Africa is inversely proportional to the widespread poverty, not only of ideas about running the societies and states, but also the impoverishment of the populace. (Afolayan. A.2009). More crucially, however, the failure of the African state to properly manage its affairs is partly responsible for its inability to participate meaningfully in global processes. Impact on Africa Development Most African countries gained their independence from the British, the French, the Italians, the Portuguese, the Spanish, and the Belgians, among others in the early 1950s, 1960s till 1970s. The nationalist that took over the mantle of leadership from the colonialist were not only interested in replacing European in leading positions of power and privileges( Nzongola, N. J. 1984) but they also created opportunities for themselves and their cronies that enable them to plunder the economy and make sure that existing opportunities and benefits in the state were reserved for themselves and people from their ethnic groups that are fortunate to hold key positions that have also been found vacant in this regard. According to the western Nigeria white paper of 1964, an easterner (Dr Ikejiani) who was the chairman of the Nigeria railway corporation was responsible for the fact that, of the 431 senior posts, 270 were manned by Ibos( Bamisaye, A.1976). It was also reported that Chief Obafemi Awolowo, used his closeness to general Yakubu Gowon the then Nigerian Head of State between 1967-1976 to further advance the educational, economic, industrial and bureaucratic interest of the Yoruba people( Adesina, O. C.1998). As these leaders created opportunities and benefits for themselves and members of their ethnic groups, other ethnic groups that were not so placed or that were not represented in the scheme of things International Journal of Politics and Good Governance Volume 5, No. 5.4 Quarter IV 2014 ISSN: 0976 1195 5 felt alienated from the State and consequently the State becomes an arena of ethnic conflict; social relationship can no longer generate important common goals, interests and values in terms of which a sense of neighbourliness can be developed among them and national identity forged( Oladipo, O. 1998). In a situation of complete disregard for state authority or lack of confidence in the state, there used to be an expression of hostility and violence between and among the beneficial and those that are not benefited in the scheme of things. This type of hostility and violence is not good enough for the sustainability of an ordered society in Africa. There is also a disappearance of basic state functions that serve the people, including collapsed infrastructure, total paralysis of the health sector at all levels, constant nationwide power failure and the attendant negative effects on all sectors of the economy; pervasive unemployment, thereby generating increased armed robbery cutting across all ages of our people, debilitating homelessness; retrogressive educational programmes and policies. Also using the state apparatus for agencies that serve the ruling elites such as; the security forces, presidential staff, central bank, diplomatic services, and customs and collection agencies, these are currently the norm in many countries in Africa. There are more policemen protecting politicians in Africa than are available for normal police duties. The civil service has been destroyed by turning it into an instrument in the hands of politicians by making the top post political appointment. Every change in the civil service has been to increase the power of politicians over civil servants and bring them under their control to remove the valuable role they play in checking corruption and maintaining probity in public offices. More so, lack of adherence to the rules and regulation laid down in the constitution has led to the emergence of ethnic militias in some countries in Africa, for example in Nigeria; the ethnic militias converse verbally and even openly on the state of nation. Some even went to the extent of engaging in confrontation with the state security forces in pursuance of their goals and objectives; they have different goals and aspirations. For example, the movement for the survival of Ogoni people (MOSSOP) is out to protect the interest of the Ogoni, most especially the oil exploitation and environmental degradation of their land. The Odua Peoples Congress (OPC) emerged in August 1994 to challenge the annulment of the June 12 presidential election won by International Journal of Politics and Good Governance Volume 5, No. 5.4 Quarter IV 2014 ISSN: 0976 1195 6 late Chief MKO Abiola, as well as ensure the restructuring of the Nigeria federation. The Egbesu boys of Africa came up to fight the environmental degradation and exploitation of the Niger Delta by the multinational oil corporations. The failure of the police to check the menace of armed robbery in the south-east led to the formation of Bakassi Boys. The Arewa peoples congress was principally set up to counter OPC which was alleged to have master minded most of the ethnic clashes in the South West. In the same view, some other countries in Africa do have rebels movement; the group came into being as a result of one or two exploitations that could have been normalized if the government danced to the dictate of the constitution of the countries concerned. But because the ruling government failed to do the right thing the next thing for the rebel is to take arms against the ruling power. This has resulted into serious war in many countries in Africa. It happened in Liberia, Libya, Sierra Leone, Burundi, Malawi, Central Africa republic, Congo DCR and presently in Sudan. The aggrieved individuals felt marginalized and they thought that the best way to make their grievances known to the public is through violence. Robert Mugabe gave a vivid description of the situation in this way; Africa is now home to the worlds largest number of least Developed Countries. The continent further boasts of the largest refugee population, in the world. Furthermore, it is the theatre of endless conflicts, civil strifes and human right abuses. Whereas standard of living in other continents have risen over time, in Africa, present standards of living are not better than they were two decades ago. High unemployment, inflation, civil strifes, poverty, refugee crises, desertification, disease, and malnutrition-the list is endless- appear to be the only legacy the continent is capable of passing on from one generation to the other(Robert, M.1991). Furthermore, this laxity also laid emphasis on market economy in most countries in Africa. Market economy is when goods and services are exchanged in the market place, which is either physical or ideal. Capitalism is a form of market economy, a situation where the market place decides what goods and services to produce, how to manufacture, sell and their prices through the forces of supply and demand. This is what colonialism introduced to Africa. Colonialism thrust Africa into the world capitalist system dominated by metropolitan forces that operate International Journal of Politics and Good Governance Volume 5, No. 5.4 Quarter IV 2014 ISSN: 0976 1195 7 under harsh individualism and by so doing created a new world (economic) order in which Africans were (and still, are) ill equipped to compete(Sogolo, G. 1993). But most African states have not even developed to the level that can sustain aggressive individualism. The level of development here is very low and the expectations after independence have been dashed due to lack of durable constitutional government. For instance, the North-South Round Table in its review of the regions economic and social performance declares that: Africas economic and social performance during the 1980s was predominantly negative. This was manifest within Africa by severely depressed economic growth rate, stagnant agricultural production, deteriorating social services and a decline in living standards. Externally it was marked by a rising debt burden, inadequate resources flows and a sharp fall in community prices for Africans key experts (North-South Round Table. 1991). The consequence of this is poverty. Poverty has remained Africas problem. The effect is so devastating that nearly half of the continents population lives below $1 per day. 34 of the worlds 49 least developed countries are in Africa ( Kamaran, M. 2005). It was discovered that only three countries Mauritius, South Africa and Botswana have made progress so far, the existence of high level of abject poverty have made it practically impossible for other countries to progress, talk less of giving peace a chance. Conclusion There is the need for social reconstruction in Africa. Africa has not been able to reconstruct her society in a manner that can empower her people to realize their human potential in a significant manner (Oladipo, O. 2007). An individual cannot significantly actualize her capacity for selfexpression due to lack of coherent structure or institution of good government. The entrenchment of constitutionalism in Africa is the basis of the moral bond that can tie the citizens to the state, and the basis upon which the government can justify its control over the citizens. It is only when this is actualised that a meaningful development can take place in Africa. International Journal of Politics and Good Governance Volume 5, No. 5.4 Quarter IV 2014 ISSN: 0976 1195 8 REFERENCES Adesina, O. C.(1998). The Debt Crisis and the National Question in Sub-Sahara Africa in Remaking Africa: Challenge of the Twenty First Century. Ibadan: Hope Publication. Ade-Ajayi, J. F.(1992) Development is about People View Point: A Critical Review Of Culture and Society, Vol.1 No 51-52 p9-17.. ibid. p10 Alex Thomson,(2002). An Introduction to African Politics, second edition, London and New York: Routledge,; quoted in Afolayan, A. Supra. Afolayan, A.(2009) Poverty as Statecraft: Preliminary Reflections on African Leadership, in Lumina, vol. 20, no. 2, p. 1. Bamisaye, A.(1976). Ethnic Politics as an Instrument of Unique Socio- economic Development in Nigerias First Republic In Sanda, A.O(ed) Ethical Relations in Nigeria Ibadan: Caxton press ltd. Chinua, A. (1985). The Trouble with Nigeria. Enugu: Fourth Dimension. Christopher, C. (1991).The Africa State in Douglas Rimmer (ed) Africa : 30 years on. London: The Royal Africa Society in Association with James Currey Ltd and Heinemann Educational Books Inc.p92. Joseph, K. (2000). Oppressor or Liberator? African Event. No24. Kamaran, M. (2005). An Open Letter to G8 Leaders. File: //A// Kamaran Mofid, An Open Letter to G8 Leaders htm. North-South Round Table. (1991). The Challenge of Africa in the 99s Report of the North- South Round Table Consultation. New York: North-South Round Table. 3. Nzongola, N. J. (1984). The Crisis in Zaire Africans Crisis. London: Institute for Africa Alternative. Oladipo, O. (1998). Modernization and the Search for Community in Africa. Crisis and Conditon of Change in Oladipo, O(ed) Remaking Africa: International Journal of Politics and Good Governance Volume 5, No. 5.4 Quarter IV 2014 ISSN: 0976 1195 9 Challenges of twenty first Century. Ibadan: Hope Publication. P114. Oladipo, O. (2007). The Notions of Community and Democracy in Contemporary African Social and Political Thought. In Ebijuwa T. (ed) Philosophy and Social change, Discourse on values in Africa. Ibadan: Hope Publication Ltd.p147. OYEBODE, A. (2005). The Challenges of Building a Virile Democratic Nation in Critical Issues on Sustainable Democracy and Development: Nigerian Perspective 49-61, Leadership Watch. Robert, M.(1991). Africa in the New World Order: Europe 1992 and Beyond, a Daily Times (Nigeria) Special Lecture delivered on January 9, Published in Daily Times (January 10 1991)p22 Schepple, K. L (2003) Aspirational and Aversive Constitutionalism: The Case for Studying Cross-Constitutional Influence through Models, 1 Int'l J. Const. L. 296.37. Sogolo, G. (1993). The future of Democracy and Participation in Everyday life: The Africa Experience in Advancing Democracy and Participation, Challenges for Future. P57Translate instead from International Journal of Politics and Good Governance Volume 5, No. 5.4 Quarter IV 2014 ISSN: 0976 1195 1 CONSTITUTIONALISM AND THE CHALLENGES OF DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA Aborisade Olasunkanmi Ladoke Akintola University of Technology, Ogbomoso, Nigeria ABSTRACT The work focuses on constitutionalism and the challenge of development in Africa. The absence of the culture of constitutionalism affected in a very substantial way Africans efforts toward development. That is the reason why primarily task of this work is to investigate the state of constitutionalism in Africa and the reason why most African countries have not entrenched the practice of constitutionalism in their countries. It further probes into the nature and reasons for the past failure of constitutionalism and its effect on development of most countries in Africa. The work then concludes that the entrenchment of a culture of constitutionalism in Africa is the basis of the moral bound that can bring the citizens and the state together. Once this is actualised, then Africa can talk of a meaningful development. Key words: Africa, Challenge, Constitution, Constitutionalism, Development, Entrenchment Introduction Constitutionalism is embedded in the idea that the government should be limited in its powers and that its authority depends on its observing these limitations. These limitations are in the form of individual or group rights against government, such as rights to free expression, association, equality and due process of law. The attempt to limit governmental arbitrariness, which is the premise of a constitution, has several times met with failure. This failure has had a negative effect on both human and material development of Africa. By development we mean a more inclusive concept with its social, political and economic facets. It is the qualitative and quantitative positive transformation of the lives of a people that does not only enhance their material well-being but also ensures their social well-being including the restoration of human International Journal of Politics and Good Governance Volume 5, No. 5.4 Quarter IV 2014 ISSN: 0976 1195 2 dignity (Osagie1985). In other words, development should be a warm, gradual and considerate process in its attempt to alleviate mans economic and technological standard or conditions without disregarding or disrespecting any aspect of mans existing social, cultural and political values (Ifeyinwa 2004). Development is about human, development cannot be divorced from the peoples. Any reasonable developmental efforts must have roots in the people it is meant for, before it can be successful. The adherence to the dictate of constitutionalism means limiting the arbitrariness of governmental power and failure of it means the enthronement of arbitrariness of governmental power. In that regard, this work set out to examine the reason why enthronement of constitutionalism has remained practically impossible in most African state; despite the fact that many constitutional conferences had been held and many constitutional drafting committees have being set up and completed their job; yet the idea of constitutionalism has remain a day dream in many African countries. Constitutionalism and Africa The advent of colonialism in Africa and the subsequent taken over of African states brought about the introduction of modern forms of governance that necessitate modern form of constitution which is written and documented. The introduction of this constitution into the colony is regarded as an imposed constitutionalism. Schepple, K. L (2003) made a distinction between constitutionalism and imposed constitutionalism. According to him; constitutionalism is legitimate, but the imposed constitutionalism is not. Imposed constitutionalism is illegitimate because it is being drafted in the shadow of the gun. None of the African countries under the colonial rule has the opportunity of substantial local participation in the constitutional process. Rather, they have seen substantial intervention and pressure imposed from outside to produce a constitutional outcome preferred by the colonizer. Even after independence, we discovered that almost all the constitutions drafted by African states still follow the same pattern of not allowing a substantial local participation. A noticeable negativity of this imposition is the crisis of legitimacy of the constitutional outcome. Immediately after the independence, the post-colonial Africa leaders are visibly and notoriously oppressive. They acquired absolute power, which made it possible for them to ensure that the International Journal of Politics and Good Governance Volume 5, No. 5.4 Quarter IV 2014 ISSN: 0976 1195 3 people adjust to the structure of oppression and exploitation which they inherited. This trend has taken a new dimension today, according to Ade Ajayi (1992) the urban political elite has alienated itself from its own people such that in those states which purport to maintain a measure of representative government, the political leaders only go to their supporters during election when they need votes. The situation has gone worst to the extent that, many people have lost confidence in the democratic process, because; The elite, like the colonial state, which they inherited, has grown apart from the society. Increasingly the state and the elite who control the state, have become predicators of the society (Ade-Ajayi, J. F.1992) The emphasis here is that, these leaders do not see themselves as statesmen who are expected to develop a keen awareness of collective responsibility in the long term (Joseph, K. 2000), but are like colonial administrators, overseers who are in power to ensure that the people adjust to the structure of oppression and exploitation which they manage( Oladipo, O. 1998). Chinua Achebe (1985) opines that most Africa leaders are not morally upright. They characteristically coerce all personnel and other arms of government to work in their interest. The consequence of this is that, the post colonial state and institutions were as oppressive as their colonial precursors. They were exploitative to the extent that they serve as avenue for capital accumulation and status attainment by the leaders. Thus post-colonial African state could not guarantee freedom and justice for ordinary Africans. This being the case because it could not provide the essential foundation for the pursuit of public benefits- peace, welfare and the opportunity for individuals to pursue their own happiness (Christopher, C. 1991). In an ideal society, leaders are expected to be role model. But the problem with Africa has been the issue of bad leadership. Our leaders lack discipline and the citizens are following suit. African leaders have always been known for not obeying the constitution, since the constitution itself lacks merit. The colonialists have already set in place a bad example of governance, but Africa lacks good leadership that will confront this dilemma and thus take Africa out of its International Journal of Politics and Good Governance Volume 5, No. 5.4 Quarter IV 2014 ISSN: 0976 1195 4 debilitating condition (Afolayan. A. 2009) Leadership is observed to be the most critical, such that many depict the continent as a faraway place where good people go hungry, bad people run government, and chaos and anarchy are the norm.(Alex Thomson 2002) More so, it has been rightly observed that under the various oppressive authoritarian regimes which African countries have had the misfortune to chafe under for the greater part of its post colonial history, Africans have been treated to a bastardization of constitutionalism and growing impotence of the judiciary in the face of countless acts of impunity, executive lawlessness and economic brigandage by praetorian guards that had imposed themselves on the political landscape of the nation(Oyebode 2005). The dearth of good leadership in postcolonial Africa is inversely proportional to the widespread poverty, not only of ideas about running the societies and states, but also the impoverishment of the populace. (Afolayan. A.2009). More crucially, however, the failure of the African state to properly manage its affairs is partly responsible for its inability to participate meaningfully in global processes. Impact on Africa Development Most African countries gained their independence from the British, the French, the Italians, the Portuguese, the Spanish, and the Belgians, among others in the early 1950s, 1960s till 1970s. The nationalist that took over the mantle of leadership from the colonialist were not only interested in replacing European in leading positions of power and privileges( Nzongola, N. J. 1984) but they also created opportunities for themselves and their cronies that enable them to plunder the economy and make sure that existing opportunities and benefits in the state were reserved for themselves and people from their ethnic groups that are fortunate to hold key positions that have also been found vacant in this regard. According to the western Nigeria white paper of 1964, an easterner (Dr Ikejiani) who was the chairman of the Nigeria railway corporation was responsible for the fact that, of the 431 senior posts, 270 were manned by Ibos( Bamisaye, A.1976). It was also reported that Chief Obafemi Awolowo, used his closeness to general Yakubu Gowon the then Nigerian Head of State between 1967-1976 to further advance the educational, economic, industrial and bureaucratic interest of the Yoruba people( Adesina, O. C.1998). As these leaders created opportunities and benefits for themselves and members of their ethnic groups, other ethnic groups that were not so placed or that were not represented in the scheme of things International Journal of Politics and Good Governance Volume 5, No. 5.4 Quarter IV 2014 ISSN: 0976 1195 5 felt alienated from the State and consequently the State becomes an arena of ethnic conflict; social relationship can no longer generate important common goals, interests and values in terms of which a sense of neighbourliness can be developed among them and national identity forged( Oladipo, O. 1998). In a situation of complete disregard for state authority or lack of confidence in the state, there used to be an expression of hostility and violence between and among the beneficial and those that are not benefited in the scheme of things. This type of hostility and violence is not good enough for the sustainability of an ordered society in Africa. There is also a disappearance of basic state functions that serve the people, including collapsed infrastructure, total paralysis of the health sector at all levels, constant nationwide power failure and the attendant negative effects on all sectors of the economy; pervasive unemployment, thereby generating increased armed robbery cutting across all ages of our people, debilitating homelessness; retrogressive educational programmes and policies. Also using the state apparatus for agencies that serve the ruling elites such as; the security forces, presidential staff, central bank, diplomatic services, and customs and collection agencies, these are currently the norm in many countries in Africa. There are more policemen protecting politicians in Africa than are available for normal police duties. The civil service has been destroyed by turning it into an instrument in the hands of politicians by making the top post political appointment. Every change in the civil service has been to increase the power of politicians over civil servants and bring them under their control to remove the valuable role they play in checking corruption and maintaining probity in public offices. More so, lack of adherence to the rules and regulation laid down in the constitution has led to the emergence of ethnic militias in some countries in Africa, for example in Nigeria; the ethnic militias converse verbally and even openly on the state of nation. Some even went to the extent of engaging in confrontation with the state security forces in pursuance of their goals and objectives; they have different goals and aspirations. For example, the movement for the survival of Ogoni people (MOSSOP) is out to protect the interest of the Ogoni, most especially the oil exploitation and environmental degradation of their land. The Odua Peoples Congress (OPC) emerged in August 1994 to challenge the annulment of the June 12 presidential election won by International Journal of Politics and Good Governance Volume 5, No. 5.4 Quarter IV 2014 ISSN: 0976 1195 6 late Chief MKO Abiola, as well as ensure the restructuring of the Nigeria federation. The Egbesu boys of Africa came up to fight the environmental degradation and exploitation of the Niger Delta by the multinational oil corporations. The failure of the police to check the menace of armed robbery in the south-east led to the formation of Bakassi Boys. The Arewa peoples congress was principally set up to counter OPC which was alleged to have master minded most of the ethnic clashes in the South West. In the same view, some other countries in Africa do have rebels movement; the group came into being as a result of one or two exploitations that could have been normalized if the government danced to the dictate of the constitution of the countries concerned. But because the ruling government failed to do the right thing the next thing for the rebel is to take arms against the ruling power. This has resulted into serious war in many countries in Africa. It happened in Liberia, Libya, Sierra Leone, Burundi, Malawi, Central Africa republic, Congo DCR and presently in Sudan. The aggrieved individuals felt marginalized and they thought that the best way to make their grievances known to the public is through violence. Robert Mugabe gave a vivid description of the situation in this way; Africa is now home to the worlds largest number of least Developed Countries. The continent further boasts of the largest refugee population, in the world. Furthermore, it is the theatre of endless conflicts, civil strifes and human right abuses. Whereas standard of living in other continents have risen over time, in Africa, present standards of living are not better than they were two decades ago. High unemployment, inflation, civil strifes, poverty, refugee crises, desertification, disease, and malnutrition-the list is endless- appear to be the only legacy the continent is capable of passing on from one generation to the other(Robert, M.1991). Furthermore, this laxity also laid emphasis on market economy in most countries in Africa. Market economy is when goods and services are exchanged in the market place, which is either physical or ideal. Capitalism is a form of market economy, a situation where the market place decides what goods and services to produce, how to manufacture, sell and their prices through the forces of supply and demand. This is what colonialism introduced to Africa. Colonialism thrust Africa into the world capitalist system dominated by metropolitan forces that operate International Journal of Politics and Good Governance Volume 5, No. 5.4 Quarter IV 2014 ISSN: 0976 1195 7 under harsh individualism and by so doing created a new world (economic) order in which Africans were (and still, are) ill equipped to compete(Sogolo, G. 1993). But most African states have not even developed to the level that can sustain aggressive individualism. The level of development here is very low and the expectations after independence have been dashed due to lack of durable constitutional government. For instance, the North-South Round Table in its review of the regions economic and social performance declares that: Africas economic and social performance during the 1980s was predominantly negative. This was manifest within Africa by severely depressed economic growth rate, stagnant agricultural production, deteriorating social services and a decline in living standards. Externally it was marked by a rising debt burden, inadequate resources flows and a sharp fall in community prices for Africans key experts (North-South Round Table. 1991). The consequence of this is poverty. Poverty has remained Africas problem. The effect is so devastating that nearly half of the continents population lives below $1 per day. 34 of the worlds 49 least developed countries are in Africa ( Kamaran, M. 2005). It was discovered that only three countries Mauritius, South Africa and Botswana have made progress so far, the existence of high level of abject poverty have made it practically impossible for other countries to progress, talk less of giving peace a chance. Conclusion There is the need for social reconstruction in Africa. Africa has not been able to reconstruct her society in a manner that can empower her people to realize their human potential in a significant manner (Oladipo, O. 2007). An individual cannot significantly actualize her capacity for selfexpression due to lack of coherent structure or institution of good government. The entrenchment of constitutionalism in Africa is the basis of the moral bond that can tie the citizens to the state, and the basis upon which the government can justify its control over the citizens. It is only when this is actualised that a meaningful development can take place in Africa. International Journal of Politics and Good Governance Volume 5, No. 5.4 Quarter IV 2014 ISSN: 0976 1195 8 REFERENCES Adesina, O. C.(1998). The Debt Crisis and the National Question in Sub-Sahara Africa in Remaking Africa: Challenge of the Twenty First Century. Ibadan: Hope Publication. Ade-Ajayi, J. F.(1992) Development is about People View Point: A Critical Review Of Culture and Society, Vol.1 No 51-52 p9-17.. ibid. p10 Alex Thomson,(2002). An Introduction to African Politics, second edition, London and New York: Routledge,; quoted in Afolayan, A. Supra. Afolayan, A.(2009) Poverty as Statecraft: Preliminary Reflections on African Leadership, in Lumina, vol. 20, no. 2, p. 1. Bamisaye, A.(1976). Ethnic Politics as an Instrument of Unique Socio- economic Development in Nigerias First Republic In Sanda, A.O(ed) Ethical Relations in Nigeria Ibadan: Caxton press ltd. Chinua, A. (1985). The Trouble with Nigeria. Enugu: Fourth Dimension. Christopher, C. (1991).The Africa State in Douglas Rimmer (ed) Africa : 30 years on. London: The Royal Africa Society in Association with James Currey Ltd and Heinemann Educational Books Inc.p92. Joseph, K. (2000). Oppressor or Liberator? African Event. No24. Kamaran, M. (2005). An Open Letter to G8 Leaders. File: //A// Kamaran Mofid, An Open Letter to G8 Leaders htm. North-South Round Table. (1991). The Challenge of Africa in the 99s Report of the North- South Round Table Consultation. New York: North-South Round Table. 3. Nzongola, N. J. (1984). The Crisis in Zaire Africans Crisis. London: Institute for Africa Alternative. Oladipo, O. (1998). Modernization and the Search for Community in Africa. Crisis and Conditon of Change in Oladipo, O(ed) Remaking Africa: International Journal of Politics and Good Governance Volume 5, No. 5.4 Quarter IV 2014 ISSN: 0976 1195 9 Challenges of twenty first Century. Ibadan: Hope Publication. P114. Oladipo, O. (2007). The Notions of Community and Democracy in Contemporary African Social and Political Thought. In Ebijuwa T. (ed) Philosophy and Social change, Discourse on values in Africa. Ibadan: Hope Publication Ltd.p147. OYEBODE, A. (2005). The Challenges of Building a Virile Democratic Nation in Critical Issues on Sustainable Democracy and Development: Nigerian Perspective 49-61, Leadership Watch. Robert, M.(1991). Africa in the New World Order: Europe 1992 and Beyond, a Daily Times (Nigeria) Special Lecture delivered on January 9, Published in Daily Times (January 10 1991)p22 Schepple, K. L (2003) Aspirational and Aversive Constitutionalism: The Case for Studying Cross-Constitutional Influence through Models, 1 Int'l J. Const. L. 296.37. Sogolo, G. (1993). The future of Democracy and Participation in Everyday life: The Africa Experience in Advancing Democracy and Participation, Challenges for Future. P57International Journal of Politik dan Tata Pemerintahan yang BaikVolume 5, No. 5.4 Triwulan IV 2014ISSN: 0976 - 11951Konstitusionalisme dan TANTANGANPEMBANGUNAN DI AFRIKAAborisade OlasunkanmiLadoke Akintola University of Technology, Ogbomoso, NigeriaABSTRAKPekerjaan berfokus pada konstitusionalisme dan tantangan pembangunan di Afrika. Ketidakhadiranbudaya konstitusionalisme yang terkena dalam cara yang sangat besar upaya Afrika terhadappembangunan. Itulah alasan mengapa terutama tugas dari pekerjaan ini adalah untuk menyelidiki keadaankonstitusionalisme di Afrika dan alasan mengapa sebagian besar negara Afrika belum mengakar padapraktek konstitusionalisme di negara mereka. Ini probe lebih lanjut ke sifat dan alasankegagalan masa lalu konstitusionalisme dan pengaruhnya terhadap pengembangan sebagian besar negara di Afrika.Pekerjaan kemudian menyimpulkan bahwa kubu budaya konstitusionalisme di Afrika adalahdasar terikat moral yang dapat membawa warga negara dan pemerintah bersama-sama. Setelah ini kita aktualisasikan,maka Afrika dapat berbicara tentang perkembangan yang berarti.Kata kunci: Afrika, Tantangan, Konstitusi, Konstitusionalisme, Pembangunan, EntrenchmentPengantarKonstitusionalisme tertanam dalam gagasan bahwa pemerintah harus dibatasi kekuasaannyadan bahwa otoritas tergantung pada yang mengamati keterbatasan ini. Keterbatasan ini dalam bentukhak individu atau kelompok terhadap pemerintah, seperti hak untuk bebas berekspresi, berserikat,kesetaraan dan proses hukum. Upaya untuk membatasi kesewenang-wenangan pemerintah, yang merupakanpremis konstitusi, telah beberapa kali bertemu dengan kegagalan. Kegagalan ini telah memiliki negatifEfek pada kedua pembangunan manusia dan material dari Afrika. Dengan pembangunan kita berarti "lebihKonsep inklusif dengan aspek sosial, politik dan ekonomi. Ini adalah kualitatif danperubahan positif kuantitatif kehidupan orang-orang yang tidak hanya meningkatkan merekaBahan kesejahteraan tetapi juga memastikan kesejahteraan sosial mereka termasuk pemulihan manusiaInternational Journal of Politik dan Tata Pemerintahan yang BaikVolume 5, No. 5.4 Triwulan IV 2014ISSN: 0976 - 11952martabat "(Osagie1985). Dengan kata lain, pembangunan harus "hangat, bertahap dan perhatianProses dalam upayanya untuk mengurangi standar atau kondisi ekonomi dan teknologi manusiatanpa mengabaikan atau tidak menghargai setiap aspek manusia yang ada sosial, budaya dan politiknilai "(Ifeyinwa 2004). Pembangunan adalah tentang manusia, pembangunan tidak dapat dipisahkan darimasyarakat. Setiap upaya perkembangan yang wajar harus memiliki akar pada orang-orang itu dimaksudkan untuk,sebelum bisa sukses. Kepatuhan terhadap mendikte konstitusionalisme berarti membatasikesewenang-wenangan kekuasaan pemerintahan dan kegagalan itu berarti penobatan kesewenang-wenangankekuasaan pemerintahan. Dalam hal itu, karya ini berangkat untuk memeriksa alasan mengapa penobatankonstitusionalisme tetap praktis tidak mungkin dalam keadaan yang paling Afrika; meskipun faktayang banyak konferensi konstitusional telah ditahan dan banyak komite penyusunan konstitusitelah dijebak dan menyelesaikan pekerjaan mereka; namun gagasan konstitusionalisme memiliki tetap harimimpi di banyak negara Afrika.Konstitusionalisme dan AfrikaMunculnya kolonialisme di Afrika dan selanjutnya diambil alih negara Afrika yang dibawatentang pengenalan bentuk modern dari pemerintahan yang memerlukan bentuk modern darikonstitusi yang ditulis dan didokumentasikan. Pengenalan konstitusi ini ke dalamkoloni dianggap sebagai konstitusionalisme dikenakan. Schepple, K. L (2003) membuat perbedaanantara konstitusionalisme dan dikenakan konstitusionalisme. Menurut dia; pemerintahan berdasarkan undang-undang dasaradalah sah, tetapi konstitusionalisme dikenakan tidak. Dikenakan konstitusionalisme adalah tidak sahkarena sedang disusun "dalam bayangan pistol". Tak satu pun dari negara-negara Afrika di bawahpemerintahan kolonial memiliki kesempatan partisipasi daerah dalam proses konstitusional.Intervensi substansial Sebaliknya, mereka telah melihat dan tekanan yang dipaksakan dari luar untuk menghasilkanHasil konstitusional disukai oleh penjajah. Bahkan setelah kemerdekaan, kami menemukan bahwahampir semua konstitusi yang disusun oleh negara-negara Afrika masih mengikuti pola yang sama tidak memungkinkanpartisipasi lokal yang cukup besar. Sebuah negatif terlihat dari pengenaan ini adalah krisislegitimasi hasil konstitusional.Segera setelah kemerdekaan, pasca-kolonial pemimpin Afrika terlihat dan terkenalmenindas. Mereka memperoleh kekuasaan mutlak, yang memungkinkan bagi mereka untuk memastikan bahwaInternational Journal of Politik dan Tata Pemerintahan yang BaikVolume 5, No. 5.4 Triwulan IV 2014ISSN: 0976 - 11953orang menyesuaikan diri dengan struktur penindasan dan eksploitasi yang mereka warisi. Tren ini memilikimengambil dimensi baru hari ini, menurut Ade Ajayi (1992) "elit politik perkotaan memilikiterasing diri dari rakyatnya sendiri sehingga di negara-negara yang dimaksudkan untuk mempertahankan suatu ukuranpemerintahan perwakilan, para pemimpin politik hanya pergi ke pendukung mereka selama pemiluketika mereka membutuhkan orang ". Situasi telah terburuk sejauh itu, banyak orang telah kehilangankepercayaan dalam proses demokrasi, karena;Elit, seperti negara kolonial, yang mereka warisi, memilikitumbuh terpisah dari masyarakat. Semakin negara danelit yang menguasai negara, telah menjadi predicators masyarakat(Ade-Ajayi, J. F.1992)Penekanannya di sini adalah bahwa, para pemimpin ini tidak melihat diri mereka sebagai negarawan yang diharapkanmengembangkan "kesadaran yang tajam tanggung jawab bersama dalam jangka panjang" (Yusuf, K. 2000), tetapi"Seperti administrator kolonial, pengawas yang berkuasa untuk memastikan bahwa orang-orang menyesuaikan diristruktur penindasan dan eksploitasi yang mereka kelola "(Oladipo, O. 1998). ChinuaAchebe (1985) berpendapat bahwa kebanyakan pemimpin Afrika tidak bermoral lurus. Mereka khasmemaksa semua personil dan senjata lainnya dari pemerintah untuk bekerja demi kepentingan mereka. Konsekuensi dariini adalah bahwa, negara kolonial pos dan lembaga adalah sebagai menindas sebagai prekursor kolonial mereka.Mereka eksploitatif sejauh bahwa mereka berfungsi sebagai jalan untuk akumulasi modal dan statuspencapaian oleh para pemimpin. Negara Afrika sehingga pasca-kolonial tidak bisa menjamin kebebasan dankeadilan bagi Afrika biasa. Ini menjadi kasus karena tidak bisa memberikan "yang pentingdasar untuk mengejar publik manfaat-perdamaian, kesejahteraan dan kesempatan bagi individuuntuk mengejar kebahagiaan mereka sendiri "(Christopher, C. 1991).Dalam sebuah masyarakat yang ideal, pemimpin diharapkan menjadi model peran. Namun masalah dengan Afrika telahisu kepemimpinan yang buruk. Para pemimpin kita kurang disiplin dan warga yang mengikuti.Para pemimpin Afrika selalu dikenal karena tidak mematuhi konstitusi, karena konstitusisendiri tidak memiliki manfaat. Penjajah telah diatur di tempat contoh buruk dari pemerintahan, tapiAfrika tidak memiliki kepemimpinan yang baik yang akan menghadapi dilema ini dan dengan demikian mengambil Afrika keluar dari perusahaanInternational Journal of Politik dan Tata Pemerintahan yang BaikVolume 5, No. 5.4 Triwulan IV 2014ISSN: 0976 - 11954Kondisi yang melemahkan (Afolayan. A. 2009) Kepemimpinan diamati yang paling penting, sepertibahwa banyak menggambarkan benua sebagai "tempat yang jauh di mana orang-orang baik kelaparan, orang jahat menjalankanpemerintah, dan kekacauan dan anarki adalah norma. "(Alex Thomson 2002) Lebih dari itu, telahbenar mengamati bahwa di bawah "berbagai rezim otoriter yang menindas Afrika yangnegara telah memiliki kemalangan untuk radang di bawah untuk sebagian besar dari sejarah kolonial pasca-nya,Afrika telah disuguhi pembastaran konstitusionalisme dan impotensi tumbuh dariperadilan dalam menghadapi kekejaman-impunitas, pelanggaran hukum eksekutif dan ekonomiperampokan oleh penjaga praetorian yang dikenakan diri pada lanskap politikbangsa "(Oyebode 2005). Kelangkaan kepemimpinan yang baik di postkolonial Afrika "terbaliksebanding dengan kemiskinan yang meluas, tidak hanya dari ide-ide tentang menjalankan masyarakat dan negara,tetapi juga pemiskinan rakyat. "(Afolayan. A.2009). Lebih penting lagi, bagaimanapun,kegagalan negara Afrika untuk benar mengelola urusannya sebagian bertanggung jawab atas ketidakmampuannya untukberpartisipasi secara berarti dalam proses global.Dampak Pembangunan AfrikaKebanyakan negara-negara Afrika memperoleh kemerdekaan mereka dari Inggris, Perancis, Italia, yangPortugis, Spanyol, dan Belgia, antara lain di awal 1950-an, 1960-an sampai 1970-an. Itunasionalis yang mengambil alih mantel kepemimpinan dari kolonialis itu tidak hanya "tertarikmenggantikan Eropa dalam posisi kekuasaan dan hak istimewa memimpin "(Nzongola, NJ 1984), tetapimereka juga menciptakan peluang untuk diri mereka sendiri dan kroni mereka yang memungkinkan mereka untuk menjarahekonomi dan pastikan bahwa peluang yang ada dan manfaat di negara bagian yang disediakan untukdiri mereka sendiri dan orang-orang dari kelompok etnis mereka yang beruntung untuk memegang posisi kunci yang memilikijuga telah ditemukan kosong dalam hal ini. Menurut "Barat Nigeria kertas putih dari tahun 1964, sebuahorang timur (Dr Ikejiani) yang merupakan ketua perusahaan kereta api Nigeria bertanggung jawabuntuk fakta bahwa, dari 431 tulisan senior, 270 yang diawaki oleh Ibos "(Bamisaye, A.1976). Itujuga melaporkan bahwa Kepala Obafemi Awolowo, digunakan kedekatannya dengan umum Yakubu Gowon yangkemudian Nigeria Kepala Negara antara 1967-1976 untuk lebih "memajukan pendidikan, ekonomi,kepentingan industri dan birokrasi orang Yoruba "(Adesina, OC1998). Karena inipemimpin menciptakan peluang dan manfaat bagi diri mereka sendiri dan anggota kelompok etnis mereka,kelompok etnis lain yang tidak begitu ditempatkan atau yang tidak terwakili dalam skema halInternational Journal of Politik dan Tata Pemerintahan yang BaikVolume 5, No. 5.4 Triwulan IV 2014ISSN: 0976 - 11955merasa terasing dari negara dan akibatnya negara menjadi arena konflik etnis;Hubungan sosial tidak bisa lagi menghasilkan "penting tujuan bersama, kepentingan dan nilai-nilai dihal yang rasa bertetangga dapat dikembangkan antara mereka dan identitas nasionalditempa "(Oladipo, O. 1998). Dalam situasi ketidak-pedulian terhadap otoritas negara atau kurangnyakepercayaan di negara bagian, dulu ada ekspresi permusuhan dan kekerasan antara danantara menguntungkan dan orang-orang yang tidak diuntungkan dalam skema hal. Jenispermusuhan dan kekerasan tidak cukup baik bagi keberlangsungan suatu masyarakat yang teratur di Afrika.Ada juga hilangnya fungsi dasar negara yang melayani masyarakat, termasuk runtuhinfrastruktur, kelumpuhan total dari sektor kesehatan di semua tingkatan, kegagalan daya nasional konstandan efek negatif petugas pada semua sektor ekonomi; pengangguran meluas,sehingga menghasilkan peningkatan perampokan bersenjata memotong di semua usia orang-orang kita, melemahkantunawisma; mundur program dan kebijakan pendidikan. Juga menggunakan aparat negarabagi instansi yang melayani elit penguasa seperti; pasukan keamanan, staf presiden, tengahBank, layanan diplomatik, dan adat istiadat dan koleksi lembaga, ini adalah saat norma dibanyak negara di Afrika. Ada lebih polisi melindungi politisi di Afrika daripadatersedia untuk tugas polisi normal. Pelayanan sipil telah dihancurkan dengan mengubahnya menjadi sebuahinstrumen di tangan politisi dengan membuat janji pasca politik atas. Setiapperubahan dalam pelayanan sipil telah meningkatkan kekuatan politisi atas pegawai negeri danmembawa mereka di bawah kendali mereka untuk menghapus peran berharga mereka bermain dalam memeriksa korupsi danmempertahankan kejujuran di kantor-kantor publik.Lebih dari itu, kurangnya kepatuhan terhadap peraturan dan regulasi yang ditetapkan dalam konstitusi telah menyebabkanmunculnya milisi etnis di beberapa negara di Afrika, misalnya di Nigeria; etnismilisi berkomunikasi secara lisan dan bahkan secara terbuka tentang keadaan bangsa. Beberapa bahkan pergi sejauhterlibat dalam konfrontasi dengan pasukan keamanan negara dalam pengejaran tujuan mereka dantujuan; mereka memiliki tujuan dan aspirasi yang berbeda. Misalnya, gerakan untuk kelangsungan hiduporang Ogoni (Mossop) adalah untuk melindungi kepentingan Ogoni, terutama minyakeksploitasi dan degradasi lingkungan tanah mereka. Kongres Odua Rakyat (OPC)muncul pada Agustus 1994 untuk menantang pembatalan 12 Juni pemilihan presiden dimenangkan olehInternational Journal of Politik dan Tata Pemerintahan yang BaikVolume 5, No. 5.4 Triwulan IV 2014ISSN: 0976 - 11956akhir Kepala MKO Abiola, serta memastikan restrukturisasi federasi Nigeria. The Egbesuanak laki-laki Afrika datang untuk melawan kerusakan lingkungan dan eksploitasi NigerDelta oleh perusahaan minyak multinasional. Kegagalan polisi untuk memeriksa ancamanperampokan bersenjata di selatan-timur menyebabkan pembentukan Bakassi Boys. The Arewa orangkongres itu terutama dibentuk untuk melawan OPC yang diduga telah menguasai sebagian berpikirandari bentrokan etnis di Barat Selatan. Dalam pandangan yang sama, beberapa negara lain di Afrika yang memilikiGerakan pemberontak '; kelompok muncul menjadi ada sebagai hasil dari satu atau dua eksploitasi yang bisatelah dinormalkan jika pemerintah menari dengan mendikte konstitusi negarabersangkutan. Namun karena pemerintah yang berkuasa gagal melakukan hal yang benar hal berikutnya untukpemberontak adalah untuk mengambil senjata melawan kekuasaan yang berkuasa. Hal ini telah menghasilkan ke dalam perang yang serius di banyaknegara di Afrika. Itu terjadi di Liberia, Libya, Sierra Leone, Burundi, Malawi, Afrika Tengahrepublik, Kongo DCR dan saat ini di Sudan. Individu-individu yang dirugikan merasa terpinggirkan danmereka berpikir bahwa cara terbaik untuk membuat keluhan mereka dikenal masyarakat adalah melalui kekerasan.Robert Mugabe memberikan gambaran yang jelas tentang situasi dengan cara ini;Afrika sekarang rumah bagi jumlah terbesar di duniaSetidaknya Negara Maju. Benua membanggakan lanjutdari populasi pengungsi terbesar, di dunia. Selain itu,itu adalah teater konflik tak berujung, strifes sipil dan manusiapelanggaran hak. Sedangkan standar hidup di benua laintelah meningkat dari waktu ke waktu, di Afrika, standar ini hiduptidak lebih baik dari mereka dua dekade lalu. Tinggipengangguran, inflasi, strifes sipil, kemiskinan, pengungsikrisis, desertifikasi, penyakit, dan kekurangan gizi-daftar iniendless- tampaknya menjadi satu-satunya warisan benua mampulewat dari satu generasi ke generasi lainnya (Robert, M.1991).Selain itu, kelemahan ini juga meletakkan penekanan pada ekonomi pasar di sebagian besar negara di Afrika.Ekonomi pasar adalah ketika barang dan jasa dipertukarkan di pasar, yang baikfisik atau ideal. Kapitalisme merupakan bentuk ekonomi pasar, situasi di mana pasarmemutuskan apa barang dan jasa untuk menghasilkan, cara pembuatan, menjual dan harga mereka melaluikekuatan penawaran dan permintaan. Inilah yang kolonialisme diperkenalkan ke Afrika. Kolonialisme"Dorong Afrika ke dalam sistem kapitalis dunia yang didominasi oleh kekuatan metropolitan yang beroperasiInternational Journal of Politik dan Tata Pemerintahan yang BaikVolume 5, No. 5.4 Triwulan IV 2014ISSN: 0976 - 11957di bawah individualisme kasar "dan dengan demikian menciptakan dunia baru (ekonomi) urutanAfrika adalah (dan masih, yang) sakit dilengkapi untuk bersaing "(Sogolo, G. 1993). Tapi kebanyakan negara-negara Afrikabahkan belum berkembang ke tingkat yang dapat mempertahankan individualisme agresif. Tingkatpembangunan di sini sangat rendah dan harapan setelah kemerdekaan telah pupus karenakurangnya pemerintahan konstitusional tahan lama. Misalnya, Utara-Selatan Round Table dalam Suratreview kinerja ekonomi dan sosial di kawasan ini menyatakan bahwa:Kinerja ekonomi dan sosial di Afrika selama tahun 1980-an ...didominasi negatif. Hal ini terwujud dalam Afrikaoleh laju pertumbuhan ekonomi mengalami depresi berat, stagnan pertanianproduksi, pelayanan sosial yang memburuk dan penurunan hidupstandar. Eksternal itu ditandai dengan beban utang meningkat,arus sumber daya yang tidak memadai dan penurunan tajam dalam harga masyarakatuntuk ahli kunci (Utara-Selatan Round Table. 1991) Afrika itu.Konsekuensi dari hal ini adalah kemiskinan. Kemiskinan tetap masalah Afrika. Efeknya begitumenghancurkan bahwa hampir setengah dari populasi benua hidup di bawah $ 1 per hari. "34 dari49 negara paling maju di dunia berada di Afrika "(Kamaran, M. 2005). Hal ini ditemukan bahwahanya tiga negara Mauritius, Afrika Selatan dan Botswana telah membuat kemajuan sejauh ini,Adanya tingkat tinggi kemiskinan telah membuat hampir mustahil bagi negara-negara lainkemajuan, bicara kurang memberikan perdamaian kesempatan.KesimpulanAda kebutuhan untuk rekonstruksi sosial di Afrika. Africa "belum mampu merekonstruksi nyamasyarakat dengan cara yang dapat memberdayakan orang-orangnya untuk menyadari potensi mereka sebagai manusia dalam signifikancara "(Oladipo, O. 2007). Seorang individu tidak dapat secara signifikan mengaktualisasikan kapasitasnya untuk selfexpressionkarena kurangnya struktur koheren atau lembaga pemerintahan yang baik. Kubu Thekonstitusionalisme di Afrika adalah dasar dari ikatan moral yang dapat mengikat warga negara,dan dasar yang di atasnya pemerintah dapat membenarkan kontrol atas warga. Hal ini hanya bilaini aktualisasikan bahwa perkembangan yang berarti dapat terjadi di Afrika.International Journal of Politik dan Tata Pemerintahan yang BaikVolume 5, No. 5.4 Triwulan IV 2014ISSN: 0976 - 11958REFERENSIAdesina, O. C. (1998). "The Krisis Utang dan Pertanyaan Nasional di Sub-Sahara Afrika" diMembentuk kembali Afrika: Tantangan dari Twenty First Century. Ibadan:Harapan Publikasi.Ade-Ajayi, JF (1992) "Pengembangan adalah tentang People" View Point: A KritisUlasan Of Budaya dan Masyarakat, Vol.1 No 51-52 p9-17 .. ibid. p10Alex Thomson, (2002). Sebuah Pengantar Politik Afrika, edisi kedua, London dan NewYork: Routledge ,; dikutip dalam Afolayan, A. Supra.Afolayan, A. (2009) "Kemiskinan sebagai kenegaraan: Awal Refleksi Afrika Kepemimpinan," diLumina, vol. 20, no. 2, p. 1.Bamisaye, A. (1976). "Politik Etnis sebagai Instrumen Pembangunan ekonomi Unik Sosial-di Nigeria Republik Pertama "Di Sanda, AO (ed) Hubungan Etika di NigeriaIbadan: Caxton tekan ltd.Chinua, A. (1985). The Trouble dengan Nigeria. Enugu: Fourth Dimension.Christopher, C. (1991) "The Africa Negara" di Douglas Rimmer (ed) Afrika:. 30 tahun pada. London:Royal Society di Afrika Asosiasi dengan James Currey Ltd dan HeinemannPendidikan Buku Inc.p92.Yusuf, K. (2000). "Opressor atau pembebas?" Event Afrika. No24.Kamaran, M. (2005). Surat Terbuka untuk Pemimpin G8. File: // A // Kamaran Mofid,Surat Terbuka untuk Pemimpin G8 htm.Utara-Selatan Round Table. (1991). Tantangan Afrika dalam Laporan 99 of the North-SelatanKonsultasi Meja Bundar. New York: North-South Round Table. 3.Nzongola, N. J. (1984). "Krisis di Zaire" Krisis Afrika itu. London: LembagaAfrika Alternatif.Oladipo, O. (1998). "Modernisasi dan Pencarian Komunitas di Afrika. Krisisdan Keadaan Perubahan "di Oladipo, O (ed) Memperbaharui Afrika:International Journal of Politik dan Tata Pemerintahan yang BaikVolume 5, No. 5.4 Triwulan IV 2014ISSN: 0976 - 11959Tantangan dua puluh abad pertama. Ibadan: HarapanPublikasi. P114.Oladipo, O. (2007). The Pengertian Masyarakat dan Demokrasi di KontemporerAfrika Sosial dan Politik Pemikiran. Dalam Ebijuwa T. (ed) Filsafat dan Sosialberubah, Wacana tentang nilai-nilai di Afrika. Ibadan: Harapan Publikasi Ltd.p147.OYEBODE, A. (2005). Tantangan Membangun Demokrasi Bangsa jantan di Masalah KritisDemokrasi dan Pembangunan Berkelanjutan: Nigeria Perspektif 49-61,Kepemimpinan Watch.Robert, M. (1991). "Afrika di New World Order: Eropa 1992 dan Beyond", sebuah harianKali (Nigeria) Kuliah Khusus disampaikan pada tanggal 9 Januari, Diterbitkan dalam HarianKali (10 Januari 1991) p22Schepple, K. L (2003) Aspiratif dan permusuhan Konstitusionalisme: Kasus untuk BelajarPengaruh lintas Konstitusi melalui Model, 1 Int'l J. Const. L. 296,37.Sogolo, G. (1993). Masa depan Demokrasi dan Partisipasi dalam kehidupan sehari-hari: The AfrikaPengalaman dalam Memajukan Demokrasi dan Partisipasi, Tantangan untukMasa Depan. P57Google Translate for Business:Translator ToolkitWebsite TranslatorGlobal Market FinderBottom of FormTurn off instant translationAbout Google TranslateMobileCommunityPrivacy & TermsHelpSend feedback