Traditional Kuki Chieftainship: It’s Evolution with Special Reference

to Custom, Beliefs and Practices in Establishing a Village

J. Justin Lunkim,

Ph.D Research Scholar in the Department of History, Manipur University

Abstract. The world-view of the tribals is inescapably fashioned by the village

because their social, political and religious life, were for all intent and

purposes, confined to the village. The village, therefore, is a social, economic

and political unit with a well regulated administrative system peculiar to each

tribe. Even among the Kukis the traditional village has been the nuclei in their

social, political and economic order since time immemorial. ‘Kho’ in Kuki

means village and ‘Ki-Vaipoh’ means administration. So, Kho Ki-vaipoh basically

means village administration. Chieftainship was an integral part of political life

among the Kukis. Originally, the right to rule was bestowed to those who had

the power and ability to command a large number of people and to rescind

attack by rival Chiefs. Chieftainship is believed to have originated in the

intellectual and physical power of a person or in other words one who had the

capacity to organise a force could become a chief. Such a person was accepted

the guardian and defender by his people. It thus, appears that the institution of

Chieftainship emerged out of the needs of collective life which characterised

tribal ethos and living. But no definite information can be obtained as to when

and how this institution took a concrete shape in the past. It can be reasonably

asserted that this happened at quite an early stage of evolution in their group

life. This paper attempts to highlight the traditional Kuki Chieftainship, its

evolution, customs, beliefs and practices in establishing a new village.

Keywords: Kuki, Chieftainship, Kinship, Village, Custom, Beliefs, Practices.

Introduction

A village is an independent political unit among the Kukisi and the Chief

of the village and his Council of Ministers called ‘Semang Upa’ or ‘Pachong’ii

are the political leaders. Administration of justice, enforcement of executive

function, maintenance of social practices and customary law including religious

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performances are the areas of the village administration under the

Chieftainshipiii and his Council of Ministers. Thus, a Kuki village is an important

administrative unit. The traditional political institution of the Kukis is closely

intertwined with other institution such as socio-cultural, religious and

economic etc. and their political system and institution are based on kinship

hierarchical order of the clan. The urge to solve socio-political and economic

problems has given birth to the institution of chieftainship in Kuki society. This

took place long ago in the history of evolution of group life. Thomas Hobbes an

exponent of the “Contract Theory” states that the condition of man in a ‘state

of nature’ was deplorable. It was the state of wild savagery in which the

guiding principle was ‘might is right’ and man’s life was solitary, poor, nasty,

brutish and short. Life was not secure and the strong rule over the weak, each

one was enemy to the other. In such a situation there arose the need for a

strong authoritative figure who, will lead them in the defence of their village

and protect them from threat. It was also needed for a sound administration

and for law based on justice.

For the Kukis ownership of land was tied up with chieftainship. In the social

structure a group of families, usually of one clan and ranging from ten to three

hundred people, constituted a village, having its own government, the head of

the clan functioned as administrator for the village. Later on, the head of the

clan who ruled the village came to be known as “Haosa”.iv

Literally ‘Haosa’ denotes a person who possesses great wealth in the form of

land, cattle, valuable stones, gongs, etc. and who is well versed in all types of

incantations and music. Haosa also denotes a person who has captured many

slaves in battles to work for him, who has amassed many weapons through

victories in battles and who belongs to a powerful and well known clan. To be

the ‘Haosa’ (Goswami, 1985), that is, the chief of the village, it is absolutely

necessary for the person to build a new village of his own. Without such a

village the person is known as “Mihau”(Rich).

Evolution of Kuki Chieftainship

The exact date for the origin of Kuki Chieftainship is shrouded in mystery.

During the course of the migration from China through the Chin Hills of Burma

and from there to their settlement in Manipurv, the Kukis experienced many

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vicissitudes which were exacerbated by inter-tribal feuds, and a sense of

insecurity from not having any permanent settlement- something akin to the

state of nature. The necessity was felt for a strong centralised authority which

crystallised into the institution of Chieftainship. In this context Ashok Kumar

Ray observed that, without this effective leadership (Chieftainship) the whole

race would merge into oblivion of History and today they can never survive as

a homogenous race.

The socio-cultural, political and economic life of the Kukis and other-allied

tribes are determined by the institutionalised political system which had its

own set of norms of governance. According to Morgan and Henry Maine the

Kinship is the foundation of Tribal society as contrast to the territorial

foundation of modern state. Tom Bottomore opines, ‘stateless societies have

existed in which political conflicts and decisions are bound up with kinship

relations or with religious conceptions and rituals, all or most adult members

of society may participate in these activities without any group of people being

able to claim a particular responsibility for carrying them out’.

Chieftainship was handed down to the senior man of the clan or the

Headman called ‘Mi-Upa’. One fundamental premise with reference to

Chieftainship is the concept of territory prevalent among the Kukis. As

Schapera stated (1963: 14-15) each tribe claims exclusive rights to the land it

occupies. All people living there are subjects to the chief, as head of the local

government and only by moving away can they escape his control. Outsiders

may not settle in its territory without his permission: and he places them

where he wishes. Henceforth they are his subjects and if they disobey him,

they may be expelled. He also regulates the distribution and use of the land.

This statement is applicable to the Kukis, because in Kuki society, the Upa with

whom Chieftainship is associated, is revered and additionally only Upas are

qualified to become Chief. Even though the chief is associated in

administration by a select group of people, his post passes from Father to son.

The post being hereditary is vulnerable to both autocracy and despotism.

However, the tendency is kept in check by the fact that, if, conditions under a

Haosa becomes unbearable, the people residing in his village will migrate

elsewhere – a system of checks and balance.

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The ‘Haosa’ system is very firmly entrenched among the kukis.

Notwithstanding the inherent defects associated with the ‘Haosa’ system

which the Kukis cannot do away with, there are many merits to set off the

inherent evils. The Haosa system has come to stay as a perennial source of

custom and tradition. Moreover, on matters relating to economy, polity,

religion, justice etc. the ‘Haosa’ adjucates and interprets according to the

customary law and tradition. The ‘Upas’ or ‘Mi-Upas’, (senior man of the clan),

take the initiative in all matters concerning the administration of their

clansman, by whom they are respected and feared. It is clear that the dogma

of descent determines the legal rule of inheritance which goes on to the male

line which according to Ashok Kumar Ray is a subjective basis of authority

structure.

In fact ‘the evolution of a strong and authoritarian chieftainship system of the

kukis was a historical requirement for the survival of the stock at this hour of

crisis’ (caused by migration and inter-tribal feuds). Basically they had to

depend upon muscle power for their survival. The responsibility of

consolidating and organising this muscle power devolved upon the chiefs.

Besides the historical reason for the emergence of Kuki chieftainship recourse

has been had to oral tradition to explain its origin. ‘A footprint of a child in the

jungle was detected by a group of Thadou- a kuki tribe of Manipur while

hunting a Deer’. They upon encircling the deer, found the deer suckling the

child. The child later became Thangma, a famous chief. It is believed that

Tangma chiefs are his descendants. N. Chatterjee stated that: Chieftainship

originated out of the collective needs of Tribal life and many writers agree with

this explanation. He further added: Example of this can be found among Kuki

groups which have a running village administration independently. Ashok

Kumar Ray asserted ‘the inheritance rules and the succession norms became

routinised in favour of such chieftains and produce a myth around the

chieftainship organisation itself.

The Haosa being the source and symbol of traditional custom, Kuki land

ownership system was part of the institution of chieftainship, secular and

based on kinship for the purpose of village administration. The institution of

Kuki chieftainship begins at home. Each set of rules applied to the household is

also applied to the village, area, state and national level governance. No kukis

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can be isolated from the village community. The village administration is the

larger unit of each family’s governance. The kukis also posses ‘a very solidly

established institution of chieftainship like the African Nuer (Evan Pritchard

1940: 6) the kuki political structure…..is segmented into lineages which are

diverging branches of descent from a common ancestor….The political

structure of the kukis is based on kinship hierarchical order of the clan. This is

why Higgins, the Political Agent of Manipur who fought against the kuki chiefs

remarked: the reason behind the solidarity of the kuki chiefs was kinship ties

that bound them together through their age-old culture of ‘Sajam-lha’- a

decision to wage war unto death.

Law of Succession

Satkhokai Chongloi writes “since the Kukis believed that the Chieftainship is

given by God, the office of Chieftainship remained in the family of the ‘Upa’

(head of the Clan).” It cannot be taken away from the Upa. Chieftainship

among the Kukis is associated with the ‘Upa’ or senior man (Gangte, 1993). The

term ‘Upa’ is conferred on a person by way of reverence and a great deal of

veneration is attached to it. Upa’s are the only persons who can become

chiefs. A kuki village has inevitably got a chief, which post is not elective but

hereditary. Asok Kumar Ray, in his book, ‘Authority and Legitimacy’, writes ‘the

rule of primogeniture is strictly followed’ - position and the line of succession

passes on to the eldest male descendants. On similar lines W.W. Hunter has

written, “The Chieftainship and titles are hereditary honours descending from

Father to son. Verrier Elwin stated that among the Kukis, each village has a

Chief, whose position is “hereditary and is succeeded by his son. The eldest son

succeeds his father and if a Chief has no male child then the chieftainship goes

to the nearest relation who may be from a distant village.” Macculloch and

Robert Brown also observed that “the eldest son on his marriage remains with

his father, a younger son has a part of his father’s subjects made over to him,

and sets up for himself”. Only in case of minority of the eldest son the next

eldest kin of the chief runs the village administration till the maturity of the

eldest son. Or when the eldest son is out of station, the village administration

is run by his next kin or any close male relative till he returns and resumes his

position. In their society chieftainship is a hereditary privilege. As Tswana

rightly says, “A Chief is Chief because he is born to it.”

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The above statements are corroborated by Carey and Tuck: “the

Kuki chiefs invariably inherit their position by the right of birth and take the

initiative in all matters concerning the administration of their clansmen. The

dogma of descent determines their legal rules of inheritance”. The

genealogical descent of the Kuki chiefs who claim to have come from the

mythological progenitor of the race Chongthu or Dapa attains a special

significance. Macculloch, Damant and Shaw have noticed the attention the

‘Khongjais’vi pay to their genealogy. Macculloch noted that, “they pay much

attention to their genealogy and profess to know the name of their chiefs in

succession from their leaders out of the bowels of the earth up to the present

time”. In all question of genealogy, Damant wrote, “the kukis are very

particular and the hereditary succession of their chiefs is strictly observed”.

The genealogical descent from Chongthu to Thadou is not only mythical but

amorphous as because not only the Thadou-Kukis but also all other allied Kukis

have their competing claim over the descent from Chongthu. In this

connection it may be noted here that Lunkim, Lenthang and Changsan were

not the descendants of Chongthu rather they were the ones whom Chongthu

met when he came out from the cave. Tarun Goswami also placed the family

lines of the Kukis under two ancestral lines of descent, namely the Khongsais

and the Chongthu.

In a society where genealogical descent is connected with social

status, such conflicting claim is natural. Maintenance of long genealogies is not

only customary but also adds prestige to the royal line. Long genealogies often

fictitious, in the absence of any written record, nonetheless has given the

system credibility, stability and the basis for legitimacy. In case of the territorial

chief, the territorial chiefs, partly by charisma and partly by their individual

adventure were able to establish new villages with their followers and they are

of recent phenomenon. So, in the strict traditional sense there were no

territorial chiefs.

The status of the Kuki chief lies in community recognition which is formally

expressed through the payment of tribute to their chiefs. The tribute provides

legitimacy to the chiefs and land control added to the chief’s status. Land and

land tithe system of the Kukis provides an important basis of legitimacy to the

authority of the chief. John Macrae and Robert Brown found two types of

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Chiefs – the village chief and the hereditary chief. The hereditary chiefs are the

clan chiefs (Mi-Upa) or principal chiefs.

Asok Kumar Ray further divided the village chief into two types – traditional

village chief and territorial village chief. He writes the traditional village chiefs

are the younger branches of the clan chiefs. Like the clan chieftainship, the

rules of dogma of descent and the law of primogeniture have become fully

routinised in the traditional village chieftainship. While the territorial village

chiefs are the creation of recent years and not a product of tradition. Thus, in

the territorial chief neither of the two points (rules) i.e. the principle of dogma

of descent and the law of primogeniture are important to start with. The

privilege of descent and the law of primogeniture are two traditional factors

which determine the title of chieftainship.

Establishing a New Village (Khothah Sat)

Traditionally, a person who intends to establish a new village needs prior-

approval from the Chief of his native village or the principal Chief of the clan to

which he belongs. Once the approval is obtained the intending person has the

obligations to perform certain social and ritual functions. Along with his

Bechavii and Tuchaviii, the person would bring one pig and a jar of wine (Ju) to

the concerned Chief. This is followed by a feast arranged in the house of the

village Chief.

Counsellors of the village Chief and other important elders are

invited to the feast. On this occasion the village Chief holds discussion with his

counsellors about the request for permission to build a new village. Only after

such a discussion the village Chief expresses his approval or disapproval to

such a proposal. If the village Chief agrees to the proposal the intending person

is free to go ahead with building the new village. The pioneer automatically

becomes the chief of the new village. Every new inhabitant of the new village is

required to contribute a basketful of paddy ‘Changseo’ix to the village Chief

every year. Also every person of the village is obliged to contribute the flesh of

the hind-legs of any killed animal to the village Chief. This custom is known as

Samal. It is important to note here that all such contributions like a basketful of

paddy and hind-legs of every killed animal to the Chief signify absolute and

continuous loyalty of the people to the Chief of their village to whom they

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always turn for protection from enemies and for maintaining the traditional

customs, peace and discipline in the village. The newly recognised Chief of the

new village then nominates the Priest (Thiempu), Blacksmith (Thih-Kheng),

Bechas and Tuchas, Secretary (Lhangsam) etc. families and other persons of

the native village and of the neighbouring villages who wanted to settle in the

new village are accordingly invited to do so.

Selection of Village Site

For establishing their village the Kukis usually select the hill tops or the

broadest parts of the highest ridges with water at hand. William Shaw writes,

the Kukis normally select the dense jungle, either on top of a ridge or on the

slope just below. There were also instances of selecting a village site on hill

tops which commanded an extensive view of all the approaches to the village.

In some cases the villages were protected with ditches, stone walls or thorny

fencing etc. the reason might be attributed to the prevalence of the practise of

head-hunting. According to Rowney, the villages were usually posted on the

steepest and most inaccessible hills, and were fortified bamboo palisades,

while the passages to them were guarded day and night, in peace and war.

Precautions of this sort were necessary on account of the aggressive character

of the race and the outrages they perpetuated which invited reprisals.

Colonial ethnographers like Sir James Johnstone, T.C. Hudson and

William Shaw etc. regarded the Kukis as nomadic or migratory in nature. It is

true that before permanent settlement nomadism was prevalent in many tribal

societies. In tune with this, the practice of a chief splitting up his village into

small hamlet found among the Kukis was more because of the influence of

environment rather than dictated by customs and traditions. To an outsider,

such practices may look like a nomadic pattern but in Kuki way it is an

expansion of space for subsistence. Or in other words, to get a secured place

for survival, a Kuki had to wander in search of land sufficient for Jhumx

cultivation. The cycle of jhum cultivation comes to an end within a specific

period of time when the soil loses its fertility and largely depends on the cycle

of nature. So at a certain point of time, the fertile village land for jhum

cultivation within the reach of the villagers become scarce. It was only natural

that a group of people moved out of the village to a place where they would

get a land good enough for cultivation.

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Thus, in selecting a site for a new village the following factors are taken into

considerations. They are:

1. The proposed village site should be built on a fairly spacious and

level piece of ground of a hill upon which the sun shines well.

2. It should be located somewhere in the middlemost height of the

hills nearer to the water sources.

3. The stretch of land should be sufficiently big to accommodate

fifty to hundred households.

4. Shelter from the wind and availability of fertile cultivable land.

Consultation of Divine Omen

After selecting a site for the new village a number of rites are performed. The

new Chief along with the new Priest, the new Blacksmith, the Bechas and

Tuchas goes to the proposed site. They carry with them an egg of a hen, a

small clay jar of wine, a piece of Ai (the rootstock of a wild turmeric plant) and

a full-grown cock. On a selected spot a tripod (Lungthu) of wooden pegs is

made. An egg with a hole made on it is placed upon the tripod. The priest then

chants his incantation and heats the egg with a slow fire. “If the albumen and a

little of the yolk trickles out through the hole of the egg it is considered as a

sign of good luck” but if it bursts it is taken as a sign of bad luck not conducive

to permanent settlement. This process of consulting omen is called “AHTUI

SAN”.

Another rite known as “AI-SAN” too is performed. “AI” (i.e., the wild

turmeric) is cut into two parts lengthwise with one stroke of a dao. If the two

cut pieces of the ai fall on the ground with the inner side of one piece turning

upward and of the other downward it is taken as a sign of good luck. Besides

the above mentioned rites, a few other additional omen consultations are also

performed by some Kuki clans and tribes. The processes are repeated at

different selected sites till it is favourable for settlement. At the place where

the rites show good omen a cock is sacrificed to the spirits.

Conclusion

Consequently, the Kukis followed different methods for selecting a site and

establishing a village. But whatever method was followed it involved

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performance of certain rituals as also offering of certain customary items to

the person who possessed authority to permit the establishment of a new

village. The recognition for establishing a new village involves customary

procedures and obligations. Under the traditional system of Chieftainship, the

rule of primogeniture is strictly followed and the common people had no right

to become a chief and hence Chieftainship remained a privilege of the few. It is

also observed that in the strict traditional sense there were no territorial

chiefs.

Thus, chieftainship has come to stay as an institution which is the

perennial source of customary laws, and the mechanism by which such laws

are interpreted in the social system that makes them a living force enabling to

maintain their separate identity inheriting a rich cultural heritage.

Notes

i Kukis are indigenous people inhabiting the areas of India, Myanmar and Bangladesh. Kuki is a generic term which includes tribes such as Chin, Mizo and Zo. ii Semang-Upa or Pachong are a group of village elders nominated by the Chief (Haosa). Their main duty is to assist the Chief in discharging his duties. However, the number of Semang-Upa or Pachong varies from village to village depending on the size and work load of the village. iii Chieftainship is a traditional local self-governance of the Kukis. iv Haosa is a local term which refers to the Kuki village Chief. v Manipur, an erstwhile princely state, is situated in the extreme corner of North-East Indian Territory, bounded by Myanmar on the East, Nagaland on the North, and Tripura on the West. Manipur covers an area of 8,628 sq. miles, of which 700 sq. miles constitute the valley where the Meiteis live. The rest is the homeland of Kuki and Naga Tribes. vi Khongjais: the Kukis of Manipur are called Khongjais by the Meiteis. vii Becha is the person upon whom a family has absolute confidence to whom all the social obligations and observances of the family are entrusted. viii Tucha stands for an off-spring of one’s daughter or sister or an off-spring of a man. Their duty is to prepare food, drink, etc. and serve. ix Changseo is a basket full of paddy paid to the Chief by all the families of the village annually for cultivating the land. x Jhum is a slash and burn method of agriculture on the mountain slopes practised by many communities in North East India and surrounding countries.

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