topalilov

The Roman Empire and Beyond: Archaeological and Historical Research on the Romans and

Native Cultures in Central Europe

Edited by

Eric C. De Sena Halina Dobrzanska

BAR International Series 2236 2011

Published by Archaeopress Publishers of British Archaeological Reports Gordon House 276 Banbury Road Oxford OX2 7ED England [email protected] www.archaeopress.com BAR S2236 The Roman Empire and Beyond: Archaeological and Historical Research on the Romans and Native Cultures in Central Europe © Archaeopress and the individual authors 2011 ISBN 978 1 4073 0798 5 Printed in England by Blenheim Colour Ltd All BAR titles are available from: Hadrian Books Ltd 122 Banbury Road Oxford OX2 7BP England www.hadrianbooks.co.uk The current BAR catalogue with details of all titles in print, prices and means of payment is available free from Hadrian Books or may be downloaded from www.archaeopress.com

23

THE EMPEROR AND THE CITY: A CASE STUDY ON THE LINK BETWEEN

HADRIAN AND PHILIPPOPOLIS, THRACE

Ivo Topalilov (University of Shumen, Bulgaria)

Abstract. This paper reviews evidence of one or two visits by Hadrian to the Thracian city of Philippopolis. This author

indicates that depsite a lack of literary evidence for this emperor‟s permanence in Philippopolis, the extent of building

during Hadrian‟s reign, evidence of games in honor of Antinoos and statues of Sabina all point to at least one visit to the

city in the 120‟s or early 130‟s AD.

I. Introduction. “Indeed, no Roman emperor devoted as

much personal attention to cities throughout the empire as

did Hadrian, except perhaps Augustus himself” writes M.

Boatwright and it seems she is quite right.1 The

comprehensive study she has made on the link between

the emperor Hadrian (AD 117-138) and the cities in the

Empire shows that more than 210 cities were affected by

his favor. It is not by chance that Hadrian was

commemorated on the coins as „restitutor‟ of the

provinces. His influence is found in different aspects,

such as the change of the city‟s status. The emperor‟s

intervention in the daily life of towns involved the

appointment of high magistrates, priesthoods and

curators, land attribution, the determination of

boundaries, the remission or exemption of taxes, the

organization of games and festivals, conferring titles and

names, as well as impressive building programs. Building

programs, which were indeed common, may have

consisted of major engineering projects and new

construction, completion of previously initiated work,

renovation and decoration of older buildings and

complexes and so forth.2 The study reveals that most

cities on Boatwright‟s list received just a token of the

emperor‟s favors, which may or may not be simply due to

scanty evidence. The list could be augmented with the

names of other cities for which we currently have no

proof of any emperor‟s presence or benefits.

II. Hadrian and Philippopolis. One of these centers is

the primary city in Thrace - Philippopolis. The grounds

for such an assumption lie in the sudden change that

occurred in the urban development of the city when one

compares the city under Trajan to that of Antoninus

Pius‟s time. In fact, such change is clearly observed not

only in Philippopolis, but also throughout Thrace, which

makes some scholars believe that the cities received

consecratio during Hadrian‟s time. It is, therefore, the

aim of this paper to combine the study of various sources

(e.g., archaeological, epigraphic and numismatic) in order

1 Boatwright 2000, 12. 2 Cf. Boatwright 2000.

to reveal, if possible, the true nature of Hadrian‟s

benefactions to the city, which were the grounds for its

prosperity for over the next century and half. It seems that

these changes were of consequence for the city,

especially when one considers that the only

commemorative arch in Philippopolis was devoted to

Hadrian.

Before we begin our analysis of the given facts, it is

necessary to mention that until this moment we do not

have concrete historical proof of the emperor‟s visit to

Philippopolis, as we do for other cities, especially those

in the provinces in Asia Minor.3 The numismatic data and

the epigraphic material, however, indicate Hadrian‟s

travels through Thrace during both of his eastern

provincial tours in AD 124-125 and AD 128-132. The

primary sources do not mention Hadrian‟s visit in

Philippopolis, but Bulgarian scholarship based upon

epigraphic and numismatic data accepts the thesis that

during his first provincial tour Hadrian passed through

Thrace at which time he renamed the indigenous

settlement Uscudama after himself, Hadrianopolis, and

then continued north to the military base Cabyle and then

to Durostorum and Tomis.4

During his second provincial tour, on his way back to

Rome, it is presumed on the basis of ADVENTVS type

coins that the emperor visited Thrace once again.5 This

coin type of AD 134-138,6 combined with epigraphic

evidence of the erection of the basilica in Pautalia,

devoted to Hadrian in AD 135 as well as the

establishment of the new borderline between Thrace and

Lower Moesia in AD 136, clearly reveals his route from

Athens to the north at the limes.7

3 Galsterer-Kröll 1972. 4 Юрукова 1987, 11-12; Велков 1991, 14; Колева 2005, 10; Weber

1904, 57, 148; Henderson 1923, 84, 283; Vladkova 2002, 32. 5 Birley 2000, 145. 6 Mattingly 1966, clxxi-clxxii. 7 Бешевлиев 1952, 60-63; IGBulg. IV, № 2057; Топалилов 2005, 94.

Topalilov

24

Map. 1. Province of Thrace with major cities (after R. Ivanov (ed.), 2002 - Early and Roman Byzantine cities in

Bulgaria, vol. 1, Sofia).

Despite these indications, there is no direct evidence that

the emperor passed through Philippopolis. The funeral

stela of M. Ulpius Statius (Fig. 1), a soldier in equites

singulares Augusti found in Philippopolis suggests that

Hadrian did indeed have a sojourn in the city.8 M. Ulpius

Statius, the emperor‟s horseman, died in Philippopolis

during Hadrian‟s reign; therefore, it is quite likely that the

death occurred during a visit by Hadrian.

One of the most important reforms of Hadrian‟s rule was

the unification of all the provinces and ethnicities within

the Roman Empire through the doctrine of PATRIA.9 In

order to achieve this, the emperor undertook major

reforms in urban as well as provincial life. We have

already mentioned that a major part of his reforms

affected more than 210 cities in the empire. The reforms

of the provinces were not of less importance, since their

goal was to encourage local autonomy in different

aspects.10

For example, we can point out the giving of

local communities the right of self-governing, with the

forthcoming privileges and obligations. These reforms

also affected Thrace where the first symptoms of

organized urban life appeared.

8 AE 2001, 01751, Dis Manibus/ [M(arco)] Ulpio Statio / eq(uiti)

sing(ulari) Aug(usti) / M(arcus) Ulpius Silvanus / frater heres f(aciendum) c(uravit); Герасимова, Мартинова 1994, 29-32. 9 For this doctrine, see mainly Perowne 1976, 54, 67-76. 10 Boatwright 2002, 37ff.

Philippopolis, a metropolis of the Roman province of

Thrace and, therefore, the seat of the provincial assembly

(êïéíόí ô™í Иραê™í), was also affected by those

reforms. The change of the city‟s status was clearly

demonstrated by the most widely used propaganda

medium of the time – local coinage. The Latin title of the

emperor on bilingual coins minted during the reigns of

Domitian and Trajan was exchanged with a Greek title.

On the reverse of the new coins, the emperor‟s title is

simply recorded ÁÄÑÉÁÍÏΣ ΣΕΒΑΣΤΟΣ (Fig. 2).11

This seems to indicate that during the reigns of Domitian

and Trajan the responsibility of minting local coinage

was entrusted to the central Roman government,

represented by the provincial governor, while beginning

with Hadrian‟s reign, the minting of coinage was

transferred to the local city authorities.12

Hadrian‟s deeds and accomplishments lead some scholars

to believe that Philippopolis gained its civic status after

the Roman administrative norms and rules during

Hadrian‟s reign.13

This thesis is doubtful due to the fact

that the tripartite political organization of the polis with

the advisory council (вïõëÞ), assembly (ä\ìïò) and

phylai, is recorded in Philippopolis on inscriptions dating

11 Мушмов 1924, 213-214. 12 See Лозанов 2002, 234-235. 13 Лозанов 2002, 238.

The Emperor and the City – Hadrian in Philippopolis

25

to the time of Domitian and Trajan.14

As a matter of fact,

the earliest evidence of one of the major civic institutions

may date as early as the 3rd

century BC.15

Bearing in

mind that the Romans usually preserved the pre-existing

institutions they found in the cities of the Greek East and

only later established new, more loyal ones,16

it is

unlikely that the political organization of a new polis was

established during the time of Hadrian: the city already

had its institutions. In fact, written sources and a statue

dedicated to Domitian in AD 88 indicate that these pre-

existing institutions allowed Philippopolis to become a

metropolis of Thrace prior to the reign of Hadrian.17

As to

its civic status, Philippopolis as a peregrine city with pre-

Roman institutions automatically accepted the status of

civitas stipendiarae.

The importance of self-governing local authorities as a

result of these reforms led to certain changes in the

topography of the city. The archaeological excavations in

Plovdiv show that a huge reconstruction of the northern

part of the main city square (agora) took place. This

consisted of erecting the city council building

(bouleuterion), whose façade was embellished by marble

Corinthian capitals dated to the second decade of the 2nd

century AD.18

Аs emphasized by B. Gerov, the Romans paid special

attention to the establishment of a privileged circle in

society which the imperial administration relied upon

when necessary.19

Such an organization remained very

close to the emperor and his administration was regarded

as the so-called “Sacred Gerusia” (^ såρ@ ãåρïõóЯα).

This group was responsible for erecting statues of the

emperor and the nobility, new construction and

renovations, as well as organizing celebrations and

religious rites connected with the Imperial cult.20

In fact,

the only known statue of Hadrian in Philippopolis was set

up by a gerusiast(s) (Fig. 3).21

Paleographical features as

well as the emperor‟s title show that the statue was

erected during the early reign of Hadrian, demonstrating

that the Sacred Gerusia was established during Hadrian‟s

time.22

It is noteworthy to mention that the establishment

of this institution in other cities in the empire generally

coincided with an emperor‟s presence.23

It is possible that at this time in Philippopolis, some other

institutions were established, not related to civic life, but

rather to provincial life in Thrace. The questionable

institution is that of the tabularius provinciae. The

14 Шаранков 2004, 204. 15 IGBulg. III, 1, 879. 16 Dmitriev 2005. 17 Sharankov 2005, 241-242; Топалилов 2007. 18 Димитров 2009. 19 Геров 1980, 105-107. 20 Шаранков 2004, 205. 21 IGBulg. III, 1, 1046 : [ΑˆôïêρÜôïρα êαЯóαρα èåï‡ Τραéα]íï‡ Рαρèéê[ï‡ õsόí]/[ èåï‡ Νέρïõα õsωíόí, Τραéαí{í] ‘Αäρéαí{í Óåâáóô[{í]/[------------------------------ãåñ]ïõóéáóô../.YI; N. Sharankov (2004, 203) suggests that IGBulg. III,1 , 1047 belongs to this inscription; Gerassimova-Tomova 1987, 245; Шаранков 2004, 203. 22 Шаранков 2004, 203-204. 23 Oliver 1941, 4ff; Oliver 1989, 401-413.

inscriptions found in Philippopolis mention tabularius

provinciae as well as commentaries provinciae

Thraciae,24

as the latter exercised control over the

tabularius.25

The earliest mention of tabularius provinciae is on the

funeral stela of Titus Aelius Euphrosynus, who, according

to his stela, was a freedman of the emperor (Fig. 4) .26

Modern scholars accept the notion that augg. lib in this

stela should be developed as Augg(ustorum) lib(erto),

which means that Titus Aelius Euphrosynus had become a

freedman in the period AD 140-161, when Antoninus

Pius was Emperor and M. Aelius Aurelius Verus was

Caesar. According to L. Botoucharova, it was exactly

during this time when Titus Aelius Euphrosynus was

appointed as tabularius provinciae.27

If the proposed date

is correct, this means that during Antoninus Pius‟s rule

the institution of tabularius provinciae had already been

established in Philippopolis.

As mentioned above, at the beginning of Hadrian‟s rule, a

major reconstruction campaign was carried out in the

northern part of the agora, serving as the new

administrative centre of the city. Here, with the

construction of the city council, a second building was

erected which is generally interpreted as a library.28

The

grounds for such an assumption lie in the specific

planning of the buildings, which have a surrounding

marble path and niches in the walls. Libraries were not

the only structures planned in this manner, however, and

similar architectural schemes can be found in archive

buildings (tabularium). These observations coupled with

the fact that archives should be situated on the main

square allow us to put forward the thesis that the building

discovered on the north side of the agora was not a

library, but an archive.29

It is also worth mentioning that

while there is no historical evidence for the existence of a

library or a librarian in Philippopolis, we do have

evidence of a tabularius provinciae. It is reasonable to

speculate that the institution of tabularius provinciae was

established in Hadrian‟s time amongst his many

administrative reforms within the province.

Simultaneously a vast building program had begun. It

comprised not only the construction of the main buildings

of the city, but changed radically the urban topography of

Philippopolis. Among the major urban structures

constructed or renovated at this time were the agora, an

aqueduct, a bath complex, streets, a stadium and an

honorary arch. These monuments will not be discussed

here in detail; however, it is worth noting that several of

these projects were completed during the reign of

24 Kalinka 1906, № 374 25 Ботушарова 1968, 43-45. 26 D (is) M(anibus)/ T(ito) Aelio Aug(ustorum; usti) lib(erto) Eu-/phrosyno tabula-/rio provinciae Thra-/ciae. Aelia Parthen-/ice coiugi

karissi-/mo et dulcissimo/ aram posuit 27 On the freedmen of Antoninus Pius, see Weaver 1972; Ботушарова 1968, 45. 28 Вачева 1992, 36; Мартинова 2006, 275 сл. 29 See Gros 1996, 207.

Topalilov

26

Hadrian‟s heir, Antoninus Pius. For instance, in

Hadrian‟s time the construction of an aqueduct began,

which brought water from the Rhodopa Mountains 22 km

away.30

Hadrian‟s aqueduct, possibly a component of the

PATRIA doctrine, encompassed a smaller, pre-existing

aqueduct;31

the enlargement probably reflects a growing

population. Because of the vastness of the project it was

completed during Antoninus Pius‟ time and

commemorated on local coins where the arches of the

bridge were depicted. Personifications of two river gods

were presented on other coins.32

The building of the new

aqueduct allowed the construction of Roman thermae in

Philippopolis, which have been partially excavated.33

Similarly, we note changes in the road system whereby

the old gravel roads were replaced with improved ones

composed of large sienite slabs with drainage and water-

pipes beneath.34

This construction project was initiated in

Hadrian‟s time, as attested by the latest coin found in the

lower level,35

and was completed during the reign of

Marcus Aurelius.

One of the projects completed during Hadrian‟s lifetime

was the new architectural decoration of the main square

where repairs were made to some of the older Dorian

capitals and new Ionian style capitals made of marble

were added.36

Another structure erected during the reign

of Hadrian was the stadium. Until recently, the exact date

of the construction has been under much discussion,37

but

the games Áíôéíýåéá Tí Öéëéððïðüëåé that took place

through to AD 136 provide a terminus ante quem for the

construction of the stadium.

Until this point we have discussed the various benefits

that Philippopolis gained during Hadrian‟s probable

visit(s). The archaeological excavations, epigraphic data

and sculpture, however, also show how the city expressed

its gratitude to the emperor. The foremost expression of

gratitude is an honorary arch in the NE district of the city.

Situated on via diagonalis, the arch later became the main

gate of Late Antique Philippopolis (Fig. 5).38

The arch

itself belongs to the tripylon type, but only the lower part

is preserved. Despite this, we can conclude that the arch

was richly decorated with statues in niches, semi-

columns, capitals, friezes/architraves and cornices. The

architectural decoration dates the construction of this

monument in the second decade of the 2nd century AD.39

A fragment with a single-line inscription reading ΑΥΤΟ

30 Цончев 1938; for the uncovered section of the aqueduct, see

Топалилов 2009; for this type of aqueduct, dated to the 1st and first

half of the 2nd centuries, see Biernacka-Lubańska 1973, 145-146 ff. 31 Кесякова 1983, 72. 32 Колев 1966, 77-78. 33 Цончев 1940, 129 сл. 34 Кесякова 1993, 92; Кесякова 1994, 196. 35 Кесякова 1977, 59. 36 Djambov, Mateev 1983, 285-289; Джамбов, Матеев 1979, 52; Матеев 1993, 65; Кесякова 2004, 17; 37; Димитров 2009. 37 Матеев 1971, 136; Ботушарова 1977; Tsontchev 1947, 40-41;

Вагалински 2000. 38 Botucharova, Kessiakova 1980, 267, fig. 4-5; Кесякова 1993, 85-86,

обр. 3-6; Кесякова 1999, 93-94, обр. 115. 39 Димитров 2009.

was found in close proximity to the arch (Fig. 6). It is

clear that this is the beginning of the emperor‟s title in a

votive inscription that would have read Αˆôï [êρÜôïρα êáЯóáñá]. Paleographically, the diagonal hast of the „A‟

and the two small hastae of the „Y‟ as well as the shape of

letters are parallel to the official Trajanic inscriptions of

Philippopolis.

Not only was Hadrian honored with an arch, but also with

special games dedicated to Antinoos. Our knowledge of

these games is based on a marble plaque with his image

depicted and the inscription: Áíôßíïïí añωα – the hero

Antinoos (Fig. 7).

The written sources (Cass. Dio LXIX, 11; Script. Hist.

Aug., Hadr., XIV, 5-7; Aur. Victor, De Caes., 14, 7-9;

Eus. Hist. eccl., IV, 8) clearly reveal the attachment of

Hadrian to the young boy from Bythinia who was ideal

for his beauty and after his death became the symbol of

self-sacrifice in the name of love. A city with his name

was built and he was pronounced at first as a hero, and

later as god, and celebrated with games in the Greek East.

A plaque found in Philippopolis shows that similar

games, in our case Áíôéíýåéá Tí Öéëéððïðüëåé, were

held here and that the disciplines included athletic events

requiring a stadium.40

It is worth mentioning that Antinoos is presented as a

hero rather than the widely spread θεόν, which

demonstrates that the games in Philippopolis were

organized shortly after his death in AD 130 when he had

not yet been declared a god. Knowing that the cult to

Antinoos flourished during the period AD 134-138, the

Philippopolis games were likely organized prior to AD

134 by local authorities or the provincial assembly of the

Thracians.

It appears that the cult to Antinoos gained great

popularity in Philippopolis and he was honored a second

time with games during the later part of Hadrian‟s reign.

Antinoos is represented again on a local coin minted for

the adopted son of Hadrian, Lucius Aelius Caesar (AD

136-137), but this time as a god (Fig. 8).41

In some cities

where this cult gained a large following, as it had in

Matineia, such games were organized every four years.

The marble plaque of Philippopolis dates soon after his

death, but the aforementioned coin is a bit later,

indicating that games similar to the ones in Matineia were

also organized in the Thracian city. If the second ones

took place during the time of Lucius Aelius Caesar as the

coin suggests, we can assume that the first ones were held

here in AD 132-133.

As a consequence of Hadrian‟s benefits to Philippopolis

we might expect the development of the imperial cult in

the city. Archaeological excavations show that a temple

of the Imperial cult was built on the agora at this time,

40 Шаранков 2004, 164-168. 41 The coin is published in Мушмов 1924, 214 и табл. ІІ, № 22, who

identified the image as Apollo. For the interpretation that the image is of

Antinoos, see Шаранков 2004, 167.


27

despite the fact that the institution of Bρ÷éåρåэт already

existed during the time of his predecessors. On the other

hand, it seems that the newly established “Sacred

gerusia” was also practicing the Imperial cult. The

“Sacred gerusia” decorated the lodge dedicated to the

emperor and the high ranking Roman magistrates in the

province at their own expense.42

The section of the

“loving the emperor” (öéëïêαéóÜρωí) was placed next

to the lodge.43

As some other epigraphic monuments

reveal, öéëïêαéóÜρωí could be regarded as an epithet

of magistrates and organizations responsible for

practicing the Imperial cult.44

Except for the emperor himself, some other members of

the imperial family were also honored by statues in

Philippopois, namely Hadrian‟s wife, Sabina. Two

marble heads of the empress have been found so far. The

first one represents the empress as a goddess45

(Fig. 9)

following the official propaganda in women‟s fashionable

portrait practices, while the second one belongs to the

group of private portraiture (Fig. 10).46

The former was

found near the stadium and may have belonged to the

decoration of this building together with a statue of

Hadrian, as the closest parallel of this head from Perge

shows,47

while the latter was found near the eastern gate

of Philippopolis.

It is suggested that both marble heads should be dated

soon after AD 128 and they are regarded as a

consequence of the emperor‟s visit in Thrace.48

As for

Sabina‟s head, which belongs to the group of private

portraiture, we suggest that this results from the

popularity gained by the imperial family in Philippopolis

at this time. Until now these are the only known statues

of Sabina found in Thrace.49

III. Conclusion. Analyzing the data of the archaeological

excavations, epigraphic monuments, numismatic data,

sculptures and architectural decoration of the buildings in

Philippopolis, allows us to suggest a clear connection

between the emperor and the city in both directions. This

study shows different aspects of that link, which resulted

in Philippopolis becoming a modern Roman city. We can

even claim that other construction projects of such a great

scale were not carried out in Philippopolis until the reign

of Constantine I, despite the flourishing of the city during

Severan times when it was fully renovated. Part of the

data also indicates that Hadrian visited the city during his

first provincial tour (AD 124-125). As a result, we

propose the establishment of the “Sacred gerusia” as well

as the dedication of a statue of the emperor, the erection

42ôáìéåэïíôïò Bî(éïëïãωôÜôïõ)/РïëõãÞρïõ ’ΑëåîÜ-/[í]äñïõ Tê ô™í êïéí™í/ ô\ò såñAò ãåρïõóЯα(т)./åˆôõ÷™т. 43 Шаранков 2004, 199. 44 Шаранков 2004, 199. 45 Tsontchev 1959, 27, no. 35, pl. XII, fig. 35; Колева 2005, 7-8. 46 Колева 2005, 8-9. 47 Tsontchev 1959, 25, no. 32, pl. X, fig. 32; Колева 2005, 9. 48 Колева 2005, 9-13. 49 Колева 2005, 7-13.

of an honorific arch,50

the beginning of large-scale

urbanization and so forth. This clearly shows his

intentions based upon the PATRIA doctrine. We might

assume that during his journey the aforementioned M.

Ulpius Statius died in Philippopolis. Moreover, the

organization of games dedicated to deified Antinoos, the

use of small portraiture and the minting of coins in the

local monetary atelier for Lucius Aelius Caesar are good

grounds to propose a second visit by the Emperor to

Philippopolis in the period AD 135-136.

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29

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Topalilov

30

FIGURES

Figure 1. Funeral stele of M. Ulpius Statius.

Figure 2. Coin of Hadrian with Greek legend.

Figure 3. Base of a statue with dedication to Hadrian.


31

Figure 4. Funeral stele of Titus Aelius Euphrosynus.

Figure 5. Remains of dedicatory arch along via Diagonalis.

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Figure 6. Fragment of dedicatory arch with inscription AYTO.

Figure 7. Marble relief with dedication to Antinoos.


33

Figure 8. Hadrianic coin with reference to Lucius Aelius Caesar.

Figure 9. Bust of Sabina as goddess.

Figure 10. Bust of Sabina.

topalilov

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