to sing and dance together john benjamins publishing...

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JB[v.20020404] Prn:3/11/2006; 9:43 F: AICR6816.tex / p.1 (48-138)

chapter !"

To sing and dance together

From infants to jazz

Ben Schögler and Colwyn TrevarthenUniversity of Edinburgh

Communicative musicality is part of us, the way we converse by moving

Of all the ways we human beings share company, and communicate being alive,active and aware in our intricately mobile bodies, singing and dancing, the breathand activity of music, are the most elemental and persuasive. With them we cel-ebrate friendship, and tell the story of our experiences, hopes and beliefs. Thereare messages in the polyrhythmic way our two-legged bodies move, a moving withpulse and accents that can be varied to express the subtleties of will and conscious-ness to others, and music seems to be a special manifestation of human skill. Weare different from other animals in this, but the foundations for all human clever-ness in moving were laid down in the moving of creatures that evolved long ago.We need to trace the development and cultivation of human moving by compar-ison of its principles with those that guide all animal actions. A beginning canbe made by describing how infants, very lively but naive human beings, move inmusical ways.

As soon as they can stand, toddlers dance to the rhythm of music. Newbornsalert to the pulse of a parent’s affectively intoned voice and can respond in syn-chrony (Malloch 1999). Babies only a few months old alert and turn to the soundof a song or instrumental music, and then share the tempo and melody, vocaliz-ing in harmony, especially on final phrases, swaying the body and beating out an‘intrinsic motive pulse’ with arms and legs (Trevarthen 1999; Mazokopaki 2007).Sharing body games with song is a favourite pastime of happy parents with 4- to6-month-olds all over the world (e.g. Takada 2005).

Now it has been shown that a premature baby, two months short of a fullterm gestation, has, not only a coherent body sense, but a precise sense of therhythm of ‘talk’ and can exchange little calls with a parent in sensitive improvisa-

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!"# Ben Schögler and Colwyn Trevarthen

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To sing and dance together !"$

tion of syllables in a shared or ‘co-constructed’ phrase of thinking (Figure 1). Thispreviously unknown time sense and musical talent of a maximally naive human(being wrongly conceived by medical and psychological science as at a stage with-out conscious awareness or intersubjective sympathy) give us a new understandingof the roots of human consciousness (Trevarthen & Reddy 2006), one that recog-nizes that clever minds live in moving bodies, that emotions are essentially partof the appreciation of what movements can do, and that thoughts originate asprojects for moving with conscious acceptance of what occurs in perception of anoutside world (Varela et al. 1991; Gallese & Lakoff 2005). It also gives us a newpsychobiology of culture, how we move together to create meaning, not by imi-tating movements or joint attention to objects, but by sympathy for the motivesand emotions of one another’s actions, by negotiation of roles in intelligent andinventive acting (Donald 2001; Trevarthen 2004a, b).

In the second year, when language is still rudimentary, a ‘children’s musicalculture’ (Björkvold 1992) flourishes among peers, made by the toddlers as theyinvent themes of play. They import or imitate a few ‘standard forms’ of musicfrom the adult word, but mostly they are inventing and sharing a wide range ofvocal and gestural performance, with a natural and free musicality of breath, voiceand the whole body moving.

Knowing that the mind is ‘embodied’ (Varela et al. 1991), designed to workin well-timed collaboration with the weight and mobility of all the limbs together,helps understanding of the wonderful sympathy all animal brains have for move-ments of other animals, how we, and animals too, are naturally intersubjective,making social collaboration by sensing in movements both intentions that formu-late them, and the emotions that modulate and evaluate them. In the human casethere is a new ability to make up rituals and language, for inventing stories andtechniques for acting to change the world – an ability to make culture by ‘mim-ing’ fantastical projects in the art of communicating (Donald 2001). Even a babyhas special biological functions, anatomical features and physiological motivatingprocesses of body and brain, that make cooperative communication and culturallearning a specially human need (Trevarthen 2001a, b, 2004).

Innate rhythms and expressions of relating

The discovery of infant intersubjectivity, or the ability of young infants to enterinto the dynamic experience of a mother’s moving by sharing a dialogue of vo-cal, facial and gestural expressions, came from close observation of how matchingrhythms of movement were shared (Trevarthen 1998). Descriptive micro-analysesof film, and oculograms of eye movements, showed how rhythmic were all the in-fant’s movements of looking and reaching out with arms and hands and legs and

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!"! Ben Schögler and Colwyn Trevarthen

feet to nearby objects (Trevarthen 1974, 1984). From birth, infants’ move rhyth-mically with integrated purpose – and the fundamental pulse and accelerations ofthe movements appeared to match those of spontaneous and intuitive adult ex-pressions (Trevarthen 1986). In other words, infants and adults are matching orsympathetic rhythmic performers.

A mother talking with her infant presents a dance of head turns, facial move-ments and hand gestures, and a singing voice. Infant and mother both exhibit thepolymodal coherence of action in one mind time, as described by the phenome-nologists (Michotte 1962; Merleau-Ponty 1982). Only later do they learn to attendwith critical focus of attention to ‘seeing’, ‘hearing’ or ‘touching’ with one modalityat a time, using specially limited forms of exploratory moving to ‘fine tune’ skilfulactions, and to learn new ones. From the beginning, the fundamental rhythms ofinfant and adult match. By this equality of time sense they can dialogue efficiently,anticipate one another’s expressions, alternate and synchronize utterances or ges-tures precisely, and ‘attune’ to one another’s emotions (Stern et al. 1985; Beebe etal. 1985). The tensions and grace of each gesture can be appreciated between themin ‘felt immediacy’ (Bråten 1988), because their minds are imagining moving intime and space by matching or ‘corresponding’ processes.

Thus it was demonstrated by a handful of independent studies around 1970that the development of human communication of purposes, interests, and feel-ings, and ultimately the celebration of myths, narratives of purpose and strategiesof ideas as well as the use of language, is founded on and intimate sympathy forpatterns of expressive moving (Bateson1971, 1975; Stern 1971, 1974; Trevarthen1974, 1979). All parts of the body obeyed the same sources of muscular activa-tion, what the Russian physiologist Bernstein (1967) had called the ‘Sollwert’ orcommand to move, moving to the beat of one ‘ecphorator’ or ‘conductor’.

The acoustic analyses of vocal exchanges in protoconversation and mothers’songs by Malloch (Malloch et al. 1997; Malloch 1999) have confirmed these ex-pressive parameters, enriching our appreciation of how the changing pulse andexpressive modulations of a mother’s voice match the rhythm and accelerationsof her infant’s arm movements, and revealing the precision of timing for thenarratives of their vocal interactions and imitations (Figure 2).

While recognizing the conservation of rhythms in human motor activitythrough all stages of development, it is important to note that the biologicalrhythms of animal action and of animal communication are never metric or con-stant. Neural ‘clocks’ are not ‘hard wired’ or ‘mechanical’ generators of action. Likeall ‘biological clocks’ they have a preferred periodicity, but, unlike mechanical orelectronic clocks, are adaptable to circumstances of their actions in the body and inengagement with the world, and consequently variable in their energy and power(Looby & Loudon 2005). A mother-baby protoconversation is the product of a dy-namic coordination or negotiation of moves, within the infant, within the mother,

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To sing and dance together !"%

Figure 2. ‘Protoconversation’ with a 6-week-old: A baby girl in the Infant CommunicationLaboratory of Edinburgh University has a 26 second vocal exchange with her mother thatshows narrative form. The mother’s vocalisations are rhythmic and grouped in phrases or‘bars’ with melodic modulation. The pitch of her voice starts and finishes on C4. It risesthrough an octave to a climax at 15 sec., then descends. The baby occupies a vacant bar at7–8 sec. The climax is marked by a rhythmic utterance by the mother, and the baby syn-chronises with the last ‘note’ in this phrase. The mother’s utterances correspond to musicalbars, as follows (the infant’s vocalisations are indicated by white spaces in the figure and *in the following transcription):“|Come on | A-gain | Come on then | That-’s clev-er!| ** | Oh yes! Is that right? | | Well, tellme some more then |* | Aaaah! | Come on | * * | E-goo! | | E-goo! |.”(Photo by Colwyn Trevarthen, acoustic analysis by Stephen Malloch.)

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!"& Ben Schögler and Colwyn Trevarthen

and in the ongoing vital exchange between them. The baby enters the duet with themother by improvising with ‘swing’, as jazz duetists do (Schögler 1998, 1999). It istheir ability to conceive, enact and perceive variations in the tempo and expressionof their sympathetic rhythmic activity that makes the protoconversation musical.That is how we enter this world and find affectionate company.

The sense of time for moving active in the brain of an infant rules experience ofall parts of the body as one Self (Trevarthen & Reddy 2006), and accepts perceptualinformation about moving from all modalities, proprioceptive feel in the body,exteroceptive seeing and hearing things outside the body, and exproprioceptivelymonitoring sight, feel and sound reflected back to the self from moving. This samecore sense of time-in-movement enables a baby to engage with another personby hearing, seeing, vocalizing and gesturing in one intersubjective timeframe ofintentions and experience. Remarkable evidence of this creation of consciousnessof Self and Other comes from analysis of a musical engagement between a totallyblind Swedish baby and her mother who was singing to her while giving her abottle (Figure 3).

The baby is moving her left hand up and down with an intuitive subtlety ofgestural imagination while her mother sings two baby songs composed by Al-ice Tegner. As the little girl, who has never seen any human hand, listens to hermother’s singing, she ‘dances’ or ‘conducts’ the melody of the song, matching sub-tleties of rhythm and tone of voice with waving of the arm, lifts and rotationsof the wrist and spreading and pointing of the fingers in a 3-dimensional ‘pitchspace’ aligned to the vertical axis of her body. Microanalysis of the film comparedto a spectrograph of the mother’s voice proved that the infant is anticipating hermother’s vocal gestures by an interval of 300 milliseconds. She knows the songs ‘inher head’ and can lead her mother in their duet of expressive moving. Moreover,the analysis reveals that her active participation is intermittent. At times she seemsto pause to just listen, and occasionally she appears to reflect on or ‘think about’ aprevious phrase, gesturing to herself, out of time with the singing at that moment.Her creative and receptive musicality has to be seen as a part of a much more gen-eral innate creative impulse driving actions and awareness, one that is seeking toshare with other persons the experience of moving. The blind baby was not taughtto ‘conduct’ – nobody knew she was doing it until the film was analyzed. It is herinstinctive performance of communicative musicality, to share a familiar and lovedvocal story.

Every human society uses baby songs or rhythmic action games to stimulateplay and joint participation after the infants are about three months old. Fromthat age the infants are highly attentive to the emotional quality or aesthetic styleof the adult’s performance. A song or action game made with joy and affectionelicits happy engagement, and the infant learns a repeated enjoyable ritual, showspleasure at hearing the beginning of a familiar melody, and can demonstrate antic-

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To sing and dance together !"'

Figure 3. Innate hand gestures to melody of song: A 5-month-old girl, born totally blind,‘conducts’ the musical rhythms of her mother’s singing of a Swedish nursery song, withher left hand. A plot of the movements of her left index finger in vertical and horizontaldirections shows that, compared to the pitch plot of her mother’s voice, shows that she isleading the mother by c. 300 msec. (see events at 4, 16 and 28 sec.). The arrows indicate thatshe is synchronising with the mother at other points. She knows the song and can performit her way, ‘dancing’ with the mother’s song. (From a video by Gunilla Preisler, StockholmUniversity; plot of hand movements by Ben Schögler.)

ipation of ends of phrases or the climax and ending of a song by vocalizing ‘in tune’(i. e. matching pitch and timbre), or by gesturing ‘in time’. The baby is then ap-parently engaged by the ‘emotional envelope’ of the presentation, or its ‘narrative’(Stern 1992, 1999; Trevarthen 1987, 1999; Malloch 1999).

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!"( Ben Schögler and Colwyn Trevarthen

What is innate here is an avidity to learn by moving expressively, and the parentresponds intuitively to teach by moving expressively. By six months simple culturespecific ways of moving in ‘performances’, such as the actions of a hand-clappingsong, are taken up and used or ‘shown off ’ by infants in games with their famil-iar companions (Trevarthen 2002). These learned behaviours are associated withstrong expressions of shared enjoyment, or ‘pride’, which recall the emotion ofpleasure that is found to be associated with even neonatal imitations. A six-month-old, now able to sit up and move arms and hands effectively, has limited vocalcapacity compared to a one-year-old, but can call, gurgle, giggle and squeal, andcan assume a special ‘singing’ voice, matching the rhythm of vocal expression withwaving or bouncing gestures (Littleton 2002).

Moving to move others

The concept of being ‘moved’ by music must be as old as music itself. The lan-guage we use to describe the emotional effects of music is full of metaphors foranimal movement, a soaring crescendo, a dancing, or plodding melody, for ex-ample. Daniel Stern uses the following adverbs to distinguish qualities of ‘timecontours’ or ‘feeling flow patterns’ of ‘vitality’ in subjective experience of social in-teraction: surging, fading-away, fleeting, explosive, tentative, effortful, accelerating,decelerating, climaxing, bursting, and drawn out (Stern 1999:68). These ways ofmoving with different profiles of energy or power are the essential aesthetic mes-sages between musical communicators, or art communicators of any kind (Langer1953; Dissanayake 1999, 2000).

All the sounds that musicians make in solo performance and in orchestralconcerts are a product of physical movement of human beings, either interactingwith the masses and resonance of an instrument or within the vocal apparatus oftheir own body. Music is a product of bodies moving with perceptual control ofthe quality or ‘e-motion’ of moving – it carries commands to move in all their vitalquality. That is why it moves us.

Analysis of dynamic emotional exchanges of all human activity, but especiallyin the arts of theatre, music and dance, (which Adam Smith (1777/1982) wroteabout as the Imitative Arts) enables researchers to harvest a wealth of informationon the generation of motivated psychological time, thus clarifying the processesof perception and cognition which depend on the mind’s work to move the bodyeffectively in engagement with the world. It gives us the key to understanding so-cial communication in all animal species and humans (Donald 1999; Panskeppet al. 2002; MISSING REFERENCE). Artists in all their incarnations act as media-tors for emotion and aesthetics, translating narratives of expression and experiencebetween different modalities of perception.

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To sing and dance together !")

When an artist seeks to recreate a form or gesture by translating it fromone modality to another, between different ‘actions of the musculature’ (Donald1999:41) (e.g., from expressions heard in sound to dance movements), theydemonstrate the inner workings of human creative, communicative and expressivecompetence. In music with dance performers seek to engage others and tell storiesthrough the movement of their bodies in response to the narratives of emotion ina tradition of music (Hanna 1979).

An exact science of musical movement

Micro-analytic research has proved that by coordinating their actions in sympathyand with dynamic sensitivity, mother and infant come to share a dance of voice,hand and face in one time. Although the modality of information they pick upfrom each other is constantly shifting, the coordination and focusing of their at-tention is fitted to coherent musical time units that form the building blocks fortheir engagement. There is little doubt that when they are sharing time construc-tively, whether engaged in explicitly musical forms of play or not, the interactionbetween mother and infant is rhythmic, like music. But what is the crucial infor-mation that makes this joint performance possible? What is the common currencybetween body parts and modalities of perception? How can persons coordinateand share motives and gestures that are expressed across changing modalities ofexperience? How do they pick up and couple the rhythmic time units?

The ‘expressive’ information in music and dance has long been the focus ofresearch into creativity and expression (Scholes 1960; Dogantan 2002; Camuuri etal. 2003; Haagendorn 2004; Stevens et al. 2003). There is also a well establishedtradition of psychological research into the purposeful sequencing and perceptualguidance of movements (Lashley 1951; Gibson 1966; Lee 1998). It is understoodthat any efficient or creative act of expression employs all the levels of organiza-tion – physiological, muscular, neural and behavioural – and the question of howthese levels, from biophysics to emotion, can be coordinated or integrated in thebrain is central to our understanding of the psychology and communication as awhole (Panskepp & Bernatzky 2002). A persistent difficulty has been the lack ofa means of integrating information from different fields of enquiry in a coherenttheory that is sufficiently sensitive to their multidimensional nature and flexibilityof timing (Camurri et al. 2000).

Research at the Perception in Action Laboratories of Edinburgh University hasaddressed this problem, applying Gibson’s ‘ecological perception theory’ (Gibson1966) and principles of perceptuo-motor coordination (Bernstein 1967). The‘prospective control of movements by perception’ (Lee 1998) is being investigatedin the context of the kinematic specification principle first established by Runeson

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!"" Ben Schögler and Colwyn Trevarthen

and Frykholm (1983) in experiments exploiting Johansson’s (1973) point lighttechnique for recording unencumbered movements of body parts. The method ac-cepts that essential control principles of movement in a performance are specifiedby the pattern of the motor events in time, and that these principles are detected bya perceiver of the moving person. For example, one perceives whether a walker ismale or female in a point light movie from information specified in the kinematicsof the movements of their hips and legs to which the lights are attached. Runesonand Frykholm, using Johansson’s principles of investigation, demonstrated thatdynamic properties of movement can be detected in changing sounds.

A wide range of research on expressive performance (Askenfelt 1988; Clynes1973; Gabrielsson 1988; Jusslin & Sloboda 2001; Todd 1994) has demonstratedthat perceptual information about us, what we are doing and how we feel aboutit, can be communicated to others in different modalities from the way we controlour movement. As we run, jump, dance, smile or laugh we exercise a variety ofbody parts in a multitude of ways. The signal we offer may be a jiggle, a glanceseen, a touch or a sound, what the other perceives is a person doing something, andmore specifically how they are doing it. We infer purpose and manner to others’actions. We offer information about ourselves in how we move, and we offer aninvitation for others to join in and move with us.

Recent research into musical behaviour of adults that uses ‘motion capture’technology and physical analysis of sound recordings to make exact measurementof forms of expression in musical performance, with mathematical examination ofthe ‘functions’ that guide each movement to its goal, may provide a paradigm thatwill explain how the intimate exchanges of mother and infant can be so efficientlytimed. This approach is giving movement scientists a privileged view of the balletacted out in every form of human communication where motives, consciousnessand understanding are transferred between minds. It calls for a general theory ofhow the time/space dimensions movement images are generated and controlled inthe brain.

General Tau Theory (Lee 1998, 1999, 2005) defines a precise model of howinformation about intentions in movements and their regulations are formulatedin the brain of an actor, facilitating accurate measurement of how movements aremade with purpose and efficiency. When examining how people move in a com-municative context, such as in a jazz duet (Schögler 1998) or in mother infantinteraction (Trevarthen 1999), we can apply this model to extract the gestural in-formation about motives that is exchanged between individuals. Application of thetheory requires a mathematical analysis of how actions are guided in time. Withoutgoing into the mathematical formulation, which is spelled out in David Lee’s pub-lications, we can use his definition of the special temporal measure that providessufficient information necessary to guide the closure of a ‘motion-gap’ between amover’s body and the goal, i. e. “the time-to-closure of the motion-gap at the cur-

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To sing and dance together !"*

rent closure-rate”. This variable is defined as the ‘tau’ of the motion-gap, after thename for the Greek letter ‘T’ (Lee 1998). The tau function has been demonstratedto govern the prospective control of a wide range of animal movements (Lee 1998,2005). This proves that animal brains have evolved capable of anticipating the ex-perience of a movement to a goal (or the closure of a ‘motion gap’) by comparingthis experience to a function generated in the brain, the tau-guide, which providesthe perceptual system with dynamic temporal information for each movementabout the changing state of the system in relation to an anticipated goal state.

The ‘motion gap’ is defined in independence of either the physical nature ofthe movement required, or the perceptual modality that monitors it – it can be thefelt angle of a joint rotation, the swing of a foot to kick a ball, the touch of fingersgrasping an object, a turn of the head in the visual array, a change in the sound ofa voice made by moving the larynx or the jaws, lips and tongue, the sounds echoedback from the room by walking, or from objects being handled, and so on. Experi-ments have shown that all ‘motion-gaps’ and the way they change can be describedwith high accuracy through the application of tau theory, apparently for any formof movement to a goal. This is a biological constant for animal movements

For a musical example, when a singer moves between two notes a ‘pitch-gap’is anticipated between the note the singer is on at first, and the note he or she istrying to achieve. The hearing of such a musical event has the power to reach in-side our minds and evoke emotions through our experience of the human-mademovement. This power depends on the ability of the musician to engage us withtemporally coherent forms of changing purpose and to express such ‘narration’to us in a manner appreciable by us (Trevarthen & Malloch 2001). The studyof musical/creative behaviours thus offers the movement scientist a way to catchthe human agent moving expressively, with intellectual guard down – to see themind not as a disembodied, ideal interpreter and thinker, but as a feeling, acting,impulsive person, spontaneously alive in his or her body.

Being moved by song

Extracting tau information from a movement is a means of detecting the neuralinformation for action in a tau guided movement. It taps the kind of informationin movement that allows infants and adults to move in sympathy, communicatingmotives and intentions from brain to brain simply by moving together. In experi-mental settings, tau theory has been applied to a variety of performances, such asbowing in double bass playing and the control of pitch in singing. We report herea study of the art of song.

The Scottish philosopher, Adam Smith made a remarkably modern statementin the 18th Century about the phenomena of musical art. He said:

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!*# Ben Schögler and Colwyn Trevarthen

Without any imitation, instrumental Music can produce very considerable effects;though its powers over the heart and affections are, no doubt, much inferior tothose of vocal Music, it has however, considerable powers: by the sweetness of itssounds it awakens agreeably, and calls upon the attention; by their connection andaffinity it naturally detains that attention, which follows easily a series of agree-able sounds, which have all a certain relation both to a common, fundamental,or leading note, called the key note; and to a certain succession or combinationof notes, called the song or composition. By means of this relation each foregoingsound seems to introduce, and as it were prepare the mind for the following: byits rhythmus, by its time and measure, it disposes that succession of sounds intoa certain arrangement, which renders the whole more easy to be comprehendedand remembered. Time and measure are to instrumental Music what order andmethod are to discourse; they break it into proper parts and divisions, by whichwe are enabled both to remember better what has gone before, and frequently toforsee somewhat of what is to come after: we frequently forsee the return of aperiod which we know must correspond to another which we remember to havegone before; and according to the saying of an ancient philosopher and musician,the enjoyment of Music arises partly from memory and partly from foresight.

(Smith 1777/1982:203–204)

Smith has identified both the expressive quality and rhythm of musical movement,and also the prospective control that encompasses the imagining or rememberingof a tune. We tested this conception as follows.

A professional jazz singer was invited to record an acapella version of the song‘The Beat Goes On’. Her singing was recorded in a traditional studio setting butwith one addition. She was asked to try and move her right hand in a manner thatmatched her vocal performance, paying particular attention to her movementsup and down in pitch. Thus, as she moved from a high note to a low note herhand was to move down, and vice versa. While audio recordings were made of hersinging, her hand movements were also recorded using a Selspot Motion Capturesystem. This uses an active light emitting diode (led) marker on the body part tobe tracked, and a special video camera that records the movement. We tracked thesinger’s hand in horizontal (x) and vertical (y) planes at 500 cycles per second. Theset up is shown in Figure 4.

After the singer had performed the song, the recorded sound was processed us-ing Praat acoustic software (Boersma & Weenink 2000) to extract an accurate pitchcontour. Her gestures of voice (pitch) and hand (movement in x and y planes) asshe sang a phrase of 3.5 seconds are plotted in Figure 5. The song has a repeatingblues structure providing several examples of each distinct pitch movement, whichfacilitated analytic comparison.

We search for a coherence in the functions of the nervous information con-trolling movements of hand and voice that might correspond to the message wereceive from the singer. There are many ‘motion gaps’ being controlled by the brain

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To sing and dance together !*$

Figure 4. Experimental set up for the singing/gesturing experiment

Figure 5. Graph showing an excerpt from the recording of the singer’s voice, with move-ments in pitch (cross-hatched line) and corresponding horizontal (dotted line) and vertical(black line) hand movements. This represents the first repetition of the phrase, “Drumskeep pound-ing a rhy-thm to the brai-n”. A graph showing the kappas of the pitch changeand hand movement for repeated performance of the word “brai-n” (circled) is shown inFigure 6.

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!*! Ben Schögler and Colwyn Trevarthen

in this behaviour. The two selected for measurement and comparison here are the‘pitch-gap’ between successive notes and the distance or ‘spatial gap’ that varieswith the movements of the hand.

The musical expression describes some common parameter of intention be-hind the very different movements of the arm and hand, and of the respiratorysystem and larynx, not the excitation of any particular muscle groups in combina-tion. Tau functions have been identified in the neural activity of the motor corticesin anticipation of any guided movement (Lee 1998). Its analysis ascertains how anyparticular data set matches the hypothesized tau-guide in the brain. A movementis said to ‘fit’ the tau-coupling model when 95% of the variance in that movement(equivalent to a probability level of p < 0.05) can be accounted for by the tau-coupling model. We are asking if the activity of this kind of nervous informationsource can be detected and perceived as ‘musical’ in the movements of the singersvocal system or of her hand. The tau-coupling analyses allow us to measure, notjust the effectiveness of movement, but also different ‘qualitative’ aspects of thekinematics or control and expression of the ‘motion-gaps’ in question. Two keycomponents relate to expressive communication in the movements – the qualitiesof moving described by the terms Daniel Stern used, as cited above, to describedifferent ‘feeling flow contours’. They also help define what Adam Smith referredto as the ‘sweetness of sound’ in music and its rhythmus.

First, mean coupling constant, K, describes the dynamic pattern of the wholemovement, in short how the movement caused by changing muscle forces is ‘cou-pled’ to the form of action anticipated by nervous activity in the brain. By sendingappropriate tau information to the muscles, the brain ‘intends’ to regulate the tauof a motion-gap so that its relation to the tau guide stays constant at some valueK set by the brain. K can be adjusted between movements to vary their dynamicalform or force and power. For example, if the movement accelerated strongly andthen followed a longer period of deceleration to arrive gently and come to rest atits goal state with zero velocity or no impact, then this would be described by aK changing between 0.0 and 0.5. That is, when the value of K is between 0 and0.5, the movement ends with touch contact, as when a person is reaching carefullyfor something light and small. When K is between 0.5 and 1.0 the movement endswith hard contact or impact. The mean absolute force and power involved in mov-ing a part of the body are both raised by increasing K. For example, perceiving andmoving with tau guidance and keeping track of K enables a musician to play orsing the right note in the right way at the right time (Lee & Schögler 2006).

The second component of the mathematical account is a moment-to-momentdescription of the process of coupling. This transcript of neural control takes theform of a changing profile of the ratio of the movement tau and the prospec-tive neural guide tau, giving a resultant description of the process of controlas themovement unfolds. When this ratio of the tau of the movement to the tau guide

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is plotted against time for the duration of a coupled movement a graphical repre-sentation of the active process of ‘coupling’ is produced in what we have termeda kappa graph. This transcript displays the adjustments made to the ‘motion-gaptau’ to maintain proportionality with the ‘guide-tau’ provided neurally. This mea-sure shows us the ‘flow’ of movements, and consistencies in the ‘way’ these kappaprofiles unfold may provide a glimpse of the underlying expressive ‘image’ or plan,the quality or ‘tone’ of the gesture the artist is trying to convey through theirmovements be they ostenato, vibrato or soaring glissando (Lee & Schögler 2006).

A graph of kappa gives a temporal description of the pattern of control of themovement over its whole course. These graphs demonstrate a measurable effect ofputting a Sollwert (Bernstein 1967) or ‘motor plan’ (Jeannerod 2006) into action,and they show systematic variation over different movements in different modali-ties. We suggest that the mathematical form in a graphical representation of kappashows the emotional intention in the nervous plan for action behind the gesture. Ifthese graphs are the same shape for different types of movements, such as the ges-tures of hand and voice of our singer, then they go deeper and show us a commonamodal state of emotionality in mind made apparent in both hand and voice, notdependent on either one medium of changing pitch or spatial orientation – that is,they convey that which is common to both hand and voice, the singer’s intendedexpression.

So, in our study of this the singer’s performance of ‘the beat goes on’, we wereinterested in several questions. Can tau analyses be used to accurately describe theprocess of control in both vocal and hand movements? Is there coherence betweenthe tau variables of mean K and kappa for hand and voice? Can this informationcommunicate to us something about the feelings of the person singing? Couplinganalyses showed that the control of each and every vocal (pitch) and hand (spa-tial) movements was accurately described by tau functions. However, in additionto a striking concordance overall between the movements of hand and voice, therewere several instances where the K values did not match. This is an important fea-ture, demonstrating that the relationship between the central nervous control andexpression of any one behaviour is a dynamic process in an adjustable experienceof activity. The singer had received very little direction regarding her hand gesturesand she had no practice. Her moving was the spontaneous expression of impulsesto move and to feel the movement whilst performing the song. She may have beenuncertain and hesitant in her movements at times, and different points in her ges-tural narrative have different emotive consequences. To clarify this aspect moreinvestigation will be required. There were, nevertheless, several instances wherethe control of both hand and voice described by the tau coupling analyses wereobviously very close, and we chose these for further attention. At several pointswithin her performance the way she moved her hand was the same as the way

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Figure 6. Graph showing mean kappas, for hand and voice for 12 repetitions of the down-ward pitch change, shown in Figure 5 (time is normalized for the different utterances ofthe word to facilitate comparison).

she moved her voice. We conclude that the ‘sameness’ would give us informationabout how her brain controlled the two activities.

The area within the elliptical line in Figure 5, at the end of the phrase whenshe sings, “to the brain”, illustrates one such moment of high concordance betweenvocal and manual gestures. As the singer lifts and drops her voice we can see thatthe Y-movement of the hand (a vertical displacement relative to the camera) antic-ipates this change by a short interval, and then follows a similar time course. Whenthe kappa graphs for both lift and fall of the hand and pitch change for several suchcoincident actions of voice and hand in the performance of the song are plottedon the same graph and time is normalized so their shape can be closely compared,the result is quite remarkable (Figure 6). The mean kappa graphs, with error barsto indicate the standard deviation of kappa, for 12 corresponding hand and pitchmovements (pitch in black, hand in grey) show that the temporal pattern of con-trol for both hand and voice are very similar indeed. Despite being movementsof a very different character made by very different motor structures, and thattake place over different periods of time, they have similar dynamic form. It canbe seen, for example, in Figure 5 that the duration of the downward hand move-ment is much longer than the corresponding fall of pitch. The common factor isthe singer’s own intended expression evident in the pattern of control for both handand voice. This is evidence for a single source for these movements, a single ‘motor

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Figure 7. The movement music cycle: A gesture or feeling is translated from the score tothe mind of a musician, and to the body of a dancer.

image’ or ‘plan’, a measure of what Bernstein termed the Sollwert (Bernstein 1967).This and other similar experiments have led to the formulation of a new approachto studying the expressive qualities of communicative behaviour, entailing a questindicated by the simplified Figure 7 and concerning these processes and relations:here is something measurable in the pattern of flow communicative/expressive be-haviour characterized in music and dance that communicates the underlying emotionor expression. What is this something? And how is it shared and translated betweenartists?

Coda: A strategy for finding the variables of human sympathy in movement

In collaboration with Professor David Lee and his team at the Perception in ActionLaboratories at Edinburgh University, we investigate the following theory: the in-formation for communication between performers in the expressive or ‘imitative’arts, and for the appreciation of their art by others’, relates to the special dynamicor ‘kinematic’ properties of movements and sounds, and more specifically to thetau-coupling information generated in the brain that determines how those kine-matics are controlled. By means of accurate measurement of the changing form ofexpressive actions in different media, perceived in their effects by different modal-ities, it should be possible to isolate and track those components that relate tothe emotion or expression intended by the performing artist, and to the aestheticappreciation of their performances.

The work we report here is but a pilot study, and far from conclusive. However,it enables us to propose that understanding the expressions of art will require fu-ture research employing the same degree of precision. The method of tau analysisaffords a way to bring all forms of communicative behaviours in art and tech-

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nique under one form of scrutiny that is given meaning by one theory about theirmotives.

The prospect of unlocking the fundamental psychobiological building blocksthat make possible the skilful intersubjectivity discovered in interactions betweenvery young infants and their parents – in protoconversations, baby songs andrhythmic games – is exciting. It must be of significance for understanding thelearning and communal functions of language, and all other forms of cultivatedrituals of human societies, as Mary Catherine Bateson (1979) predicted. By aug-menting the innovative approach of a detailed acoustic investigation of the pat-terns of ‘communicative musicality’ in mother-infant play (Trevarthen & Malloch2000) with the tau analysis procedures it should be possible to trace with confi-dence the communication of shared motives and emotions of human beings ofall ages as they dance between vocal prosody and words, with feeling also madeevident by a smile or a frown, a touch or a gesture. Human conversation is a multi-talented performance ‘orchestrated’ by an innate sense of the time and energy ofmoving generated in the emotional core of the mind.

Acknowledgements

The pilot experiments were carried out, under supervision of Professor David Leeand Ben Schögler, by undergraduate students at Edinburgh University, R. Berger,P. Biggs, B. Harvey, J. Scriven, and E. Ward, as research projects for their HonoursDissertations in Psychology, 2004.

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