to move the world by jeffrey d. sachs (an excerpt)
TRANSCRIPT
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7282019 To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs (an excerpt)
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Chapter 983089
TH E QUEST FOR PEACE
983127 983144 983141 983150 983114 983151 983144 983150 983110 983115 983141 983150 983150 983141 983140 983161 came to offi ce in January 1961
the world lived in peril o a nuclear war between the two super-
powers Te Cold War conrontation between the United Statesand the Soviet Union would eventually consume trillions o dol-
lars and millions o lives in wars ought around the world At times
humanity seemed to be ldquogripped by orces we cannot controlrdquo a
pessimistic view that Kennedy noted and strenuously argued
against in his Peace Speech And yet the power o those disruptive
orces at times was indeed nearly overwhelming causing events
to spin beyond the control even o presidents Communist Partychairmen and the countries they led
Te Cold War was in every sense a stepchild o the two world
wars Tose wars created the structures o geopolitics military
might and perhaps most important o all the psychological
mindsets that determined the course o the Cold War John Ken-
nedyrsquos peace strategy would emerge rom his intimate under-
standing o the dynamics that had driven the two wars Te 1047297rst
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4 To Move the World
war he knew as a voracious student o history especially the his-
tory as written by Winston Churchill Te second war he knew
1047297rsthand Te years between 1938 and 1945 were a deeply orma-
tive period o his adult liemdashas a student in prewar London while
his ather was US ambassador to the United Kingdom as a youngauthor grappling with the question o why England had ailed or
so long to conront Hitler as a patrol boat captain in the Paci1047297c
where his vessel P-109 was sunk by a Japanese destroyer and as
part o a grieving amily when his elder brother was lost in a dar-
ing bombing mission over Germany1
Te overwhelming question acing the world and acing
Kennedy during his presidency was how to prevent a third worldwar Te actors that had caused the two warsmdashgeopolitics arms
races blunders bluster miscalculations ears and opportunismmdash
continued to operate and to threaten a new con1047298agration Yet the
context was also undamentally new and more threatening Te
nuclear bombs dropped on Hiroshima and Nagasaki in 1945 to
conclude World War II had ushered in the nuclear age and had
made the stakes incalculably higher A thermonuclear bomb couldnow carry ar more explosive orce than all o the bombs o the
Second World War
Kennedyrsquos worldview on these issues was shaped above all by
the in1047298uence and model o Winston Churchill Englandrsquos great
author-politician-warrior-statesman whose masterly history o
the 1047297rst war Te World Crisis described a tragic era o war through
miscalculation
2
whose warnings about Hitler in the 1930s hadgone unheeded until almost too late whose leadership as prime
minister between 1940 and 1945 enabled the United Kingdom to
survive and eventually triumph over Hitler whose warnings in
1946 just afer World War II ended alerted the West to the ris-
ing threat o Soviet power and whose calls during the 1940s
and 1950s or a negotiated settlement with the Soviet Union
did much to in1047298uence Kennedyrsquos peace strategy as president3
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the quest for peace 5
Kennedyrsquos lielong ascination with learning rom and urge to
emulate Winston Churchill has been recounted by many biogra-
phers
Te greatest problem acing Kennedy (and indeed the world)
in drawing lessons rom the two world wars was that the les-sons were highly complex subtle and even seemingly contradic-
tory World War I seemed to be a lesson about sel-ul1047297lling
crises where the ear o war itsel led to an arms race while the
arms race in turn led to a world primed or war Tese lessons
seemed to call or restraint in the arms race and avoidance o
a sel-ul1047297lling rush to war and so even as Hitler rearmed Ger-
many in the 1930s in contravention o the reaty o Versaillesthat had ended World War I Britain avoided provocations that
could spiral out o control Most amously Prime Minister Neville
Chamberlain argued that it would be better to accede to Ger-
man demands on border adjustments with Czechoslovakia and
so ldquoappeasedrdquo Hitler in the name o peace at the Munich coner-
ence in 1938 a disastrous mistake that ueled Hitlerrsquos drive to
war4
I World War I seemed to argue against arms races and sel-
ul1047297lling prophecies o war the lead-up to World War II by con-
trast seemed to argue or meeting strength with strength and
avoiding the temptation o ldquoappeasementrdquo For Kennedy the de-
bate over appeasement was more than intellectual it was intensely
personal John Kennedy watched closely as his ather Joe strongly
deended appeasement indeed declaring that Chamberlain hadno choice when he acceded to Hitlerrsquos outrageous demands at the
1938 Munich conerence as Hitler would have deeated the United
Kingdom in battle When war 1047297nally broke out the proponents o
appeasement were humiliated and Joe Kennedyrsquos vast political
ambitions were destroyed5 Te younger Kennedy would soon im-
plicitly come down on Churchillrsquos side writing in his 1047297rst book
Why England Slept that Britain had dangerously delayed rearm-
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6 To Move the World
ing under the illusion that appeasing Hitler would keep it sae and
out o war6
As president Kennedy would battle with these powerul
and con1047298icting dynamics Should he restrain the arms race in
order to avoid a sel-eeding race to war with the Soviet UnionOr should he strengthen US arms in order to negotiate rom
strength Should he make concessions to the Soviet premier
Nikita Khrushchev to acknowledge Soviet interests Or should he
hold the line to avoid the appearance and reality o appeasement
Kennedy would remain a student o history and o Churchill
whom he most admired trying to apply the complex lessons o
the past to the urgent challenges o the present
Te Nuclear Arms Race
Te problems o distrust between the Soviet Union and the United
States were proound pervasive and persistent and that distrust
spurred the arms race Te two sides were o course rivals andcompetitors And each side lied to the other repeatedly and
persistently Tese were not grounds or easy trust Nor was the
historical context Just a ew years earlier Hitler had cheated re-
lentlessly thereby winning signi1047297cant concessions Chamberlainrsquos
appeasement o Hitler at Munich hung over the Cold War era
Donrsquot trust the other side Better to arm to the teeth
Even though there were enormous gains to be had by both theUnited States and the Soviet Union i they could agree on the
postwar order in Europe politicians on both sides ound it nearly
impossible to take any steps that required trust I they did they
opened themselves up to extraordinarily harsh attacks by hard-
liners on their own side who denied that the other side would
abide by any agreements A US politician who urged agreement
with the Soviet Union risked immediate subjection to the cries o
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the quest for peace 7
ldquoMunichrdquo and ldquoappeasementrdquo powerul political charges and ones
Kennedy was especially eager to avoid
Te two sides were trapped by two closely related problems the
prisonerrsquos dilemma and the security dilemma Te prisonerrsquos di-
lemma holds that in the absence o long-term trust or bindingagreements the logic o inter-state rivalry will push both sides to
arm Should the United States arm or disarm I the Soviet Union
arms the United States has no choice but to arm as well in order
to avoid being the weaker side I the Soviet Union disarms then
the United States gains military and political advantage by arming
while the Soviet Union is weak Tereore arming is a ldquodominantrdquo
strategy the best move no matter what the other side does Sincethe logic is the same or the other side both sides end up continu-
ally increasing their arms even though a binding agreement to
disarm would be mutually bene1047297cial7
Te security dilemma propounded by Robert Jervis a leading
political theorist is a corollary o the prisonerrsquos dilemma8 Te se-
curity dilemma holds that a defensive action by one side will ofen
be viewed by the other side as an offensive action Tus i theUnited States builds its nuclear arsenal to stave off a Soviet con-
ventional land invasion o Europe the Soviet Union will view the
US nuclear buildup as preparation or a nuclear 1047297rst strike against
the Soviet Union rather than as a deensive measure And i the
Soviet Union tries to catch up with the US nuclear arsenal that
will be viewed as an offensive action by the United States US
hardliners would argue that the Soviet Union is trying to neutral-ize the US nuclear deterrent so that the Soviet Union can launch
a conventional attack
As a result o the absence o trust and the harsh logic o both
the prisonerrsquos dilemma and the security dilemma both sides con-
tinued to amass nuclear weapons to the point o massive overkill
And as the arsenals continued to expand each side eared that the
other was actually building up or a surprise 1047297rst-strike attack
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8 To Move the World
Te United States indeed contemplated launching a preventive
nuclear war worried that it would be unable to deend itsel in the
uture Jervis recalled the words o the German statesman Otto
von Bismarck who called a preventive war ldquocommitting suicide
rom ear o deathrdquo9
Te nuclear arms race accelerated as the United States and the
Soviet Union expanded their arsenals and as the United Kingdom
and France became nuclear powers (in 1952 and 1960 respec-
tively) with their own independent arsenals By 1960 the United
States had nuclear warheads positioned in several countries around
the world10 Te Soviet Union elt itsel very much surrounded in-
deed and increasingly unsure o whether these US nuclear weap-ons were really under US control
O course it wasnrsquot just the international situation that prompted
the arms buildup on each side It was also domestic politics Te
military-industrial complex gained power within each govern-
ment as time went on In the United States each branch o the
military demanded its own nuclear arsenal so that competition
among the US Army Air Force and Navy also drove up militarybudgets and the numbers o nuclear warheads and delivery sys-
tems Te same was true on the Soviet side where there was ar
less constraint than in the United States on the political power o
the military-industrial complex
o the Brink
When Kennedy assumed offi ce he took to heart Churchillrsquos belie
that political leaders must work actively to solve vexing interna-
tional problems He was intent on pursuing arms control but was
also a staunch Cold Warrior partly out o conviction and partly
out o political expediency in order to protect himsel rom power-
ul hardline anti-communists Kennedy believed that he could
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the quest for peace 9
untangle the dangerous con1047298icts with the Soviet Union And as
Churchill urged Kennedy would aim to solve these problemsrom a position o US military strength and without relinquish-
ing vital Western interests
Te tough and conciliatory sides o Kennedyrsquos negotiating strat-
egy were mutually reinorcing Churchill had long emphasized
the essential role o negotiating with onersquos adversary ldquoo jaw-jawrdquo
he said ldquois always better than to war-warrdquo11 Churchill had called
negotiation through strength his ldquodouble-barreled strategyrdquo andamously declared ldquoI do not hold that we should rearm in order to
1047297ght I hold that we should rearm in order to parleyrdquo12 In 1938 it
had not been just a weakness o political will but also one o mili-
tary preparedness that had led Chamberlain to appease Hitler at
Munich
Kennedy would reer to Churchillrsquos double-barreled approach
in his campaign address in Seattle in September 1960
President Dwight D Eisenhower greets President-elect John F Kennedy (Decem-
ber 6 1960)
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10 To Move the World
It is an unortunate act that we can secure peace only
by preparing or war Winston Churchill said in 1949
ldquoWe arm to parleyrdquo We can convince Mr Khrushchev
to bargain seriously at the conerence table i he respects
our strength13
Kennedy had no doubt either o the enormous potential gains
o cooperation with the Soviet Union or o the grave risks i the
United States cooperated (or instance through arms control)
while the Soviet Union reneged on its side o the deal Cheating
by the Soviet Union would threaten not only US security but
also Kennedyrsquos hold on power domestically Kennedy would re-peatedly urge cooperation but remain alert that any move toward
cooperation however modest could trigger political charges rom
the right that he was an appeaser
Te burdens on Kennedy were greater as a Democrat since Re-
publicans regularly assailed the Democratic Party or being ldquosof
on communismrdquo Kennedy thereore aimed to assure all sidesmdash
the US public Americarsquos allies and o course the Soviet Unionmdashthat he would vigorously resist Soviet aggression and deend
Western interests while he sought greater cooperation with the
Soviet Union He would aim at the core to pursue a tit-or-tat
strategy (a way to break out o the prisonerrsquos dilemma by recipro-
cating cooperation rom the other side) promising to join the
Soviet Union in arms control but also declaring repeatedly his
readiness to revert to an arms race i the Soviet Union did notkeep its promises Te tit-or-tat strategy o incremental coopera-
tion was mapped out a year afer Kennedy came to offi ce by one o
Americarsquos leading sociologists Amitai Etzioni whose remarkable
book Te Hard Way to Peace spelled out a psychological approach
to orging peace14 Etzioni believed that con1047297dence building was
crucial since in his view psychological rather than political or
military actors were the decisive drivers o the Cold War He pro-
pounded a notion o ldquopsychological gradualismrdquo to reduce ear
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the quest for peace 11
build trust and initiate a phased process o reciprocated conces-
sions Eventually suspicion and ear would be ldquoreduced to a level
where ruitul negotiations are possiblerdquo15 In many ways Kenne-
dyrsquos peace initiative in 1963 would pursue this approach
Kennedy 1047297rst signaled both aspects o his approach in hisinaugural address on January 20 196116 First came his robust ull-
throated commitment to the deense o liberty
Let every nation know whether it wishes us well or ill
that we shall pay any price bear any burden meet any
hardship support any riend oppose any oe in order
to assure the survival and the success o liberty
But equally stirring was his commitment to pursue the mutual
gains o cooperation
So let us begin anewmdashremembering on both sides that
civility is not a sign o weakness and sincerity is always
subject to proo Let us never negotiate out o ear Butlet us never ear to negotiate
Let both sides or the 1047297rst time ormulate serious
and precise proposals or the inspection and control o
armsmdashand bring the absolute power to destroy other
nations under the absolute control o all nations
Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders o science
instead o its terrors ogether let us explore the starsconquer the deserts eradicate disease tap the ocean
depths and encourage the arts and commerce
Kennedyrsquos emphasis on ldquoprecise proposalsrdquo was not incidental
Following Churchill once again Kennedy believed that miscalcu-
lation with the Soviet Union would best be avoided through clear
detailed and principled negotiating positions Yet here too the
ideal and the practical would collide Negotiations are 1047297lled with
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12 To Move the World
eints bluffs and intermediate positions and these inevitably
raise the risk o miscalculation
Kennedy was sincere in his inaugural address when he said ldquoSo
let us begin anewrdquo As a senator and as a presidential candidate he
himsel had helped to spur the arms race by opportunisticallyhammering away at Dwight D Eisenhowerrsquos administration or
allowing a ldquomissile gaprdquo to emerge claiming in 1958 that there was
every indication ldquothat by 1960 the United States will have lost
its superiority in nuclear striking powerrdquo17 In act the true missile
gap contrary to Kennedyrsquos claim stood greatly in Americarsquos avor
While the de1047297nitive knowledge o the Soviet Unionrsquos very limited
ballistic missile capacity was a closely held secret o the Eisen-hower administration based on secret U-2 spy plane 1047298ights Sena-
tor Kennedy probably knew that he was exaggerating Soviet
capabilities As the presidential candidate running against hard-
line vice president Richard Nixon Kennedy was especially keen to
project a tough-minded oreign policy stance and avoid the charge
o being sof on communism typically levied against Democrats
No matter what Kennedy may have believed as a candidate helearned early in his presidency that there was no missile gap in the
Sovietsrsquo advantage
Khrushchev would probably have understood the political
reasons or Kennedyrsquos missile-gap rhetoric and might even have
bene1047297ted in a way rom Kennedyrsquos exaggerated portrayal o Soviet
power Indeed when Kennedy chose in October 1961 to reveal
to the public the relative weakness o the Soviet nuclear orceKhrushchev was deeply aggrieved Still in the early days o the
new administration Khrushchev was intent on determining
whether Kennedy was in act a diehard Cold Warrior like Eisen-
howerrsquos in1047298uential Secretary o State John Foster Dulles or a po-
tentially cooperative counterpart in peaceul coexistence Early
steps by Kennedy could thereore help to chart the course toward
better relations
In addition to their public speeches and the interaction o their
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the quest for peace 13
diplomats the two leaders would soon learn much more about
each other in another way Beginning with Khrushchevrsquos letter o
congratulations to the newly elected Kennedy on November 9
1960 the two men engaged until Kennedyrsquos death in a back-
channel personal correspondence o more than a hundred lettersBoth pledged that the letters would be held con1047297dentially and
never leaked or propaganda purposes ldquoFor my partrdquo Kennedy
wrote ldquothe contents and even the existence o our letters will be
known only to the Secretary o State and a ew other o my closest
associates in the governmentrdquo18 Both leaders seem to have hon-
ored their pledges o con1047297dentiality Te result is a most extraor-
dinary exchange that together with other events offers criticalinsights into the thinking o both men the issues that worried
them and their strategies or peace
Kennedyrsquos Opening Provocations
Unortunately or the prospects o US-Soviet cooperation andcontrary to the approach o incremental cooperation Kennedy
came out swinging He did this in three provocative ways First
despite the act that the United States was ar ahead in nuclear
weapons Kennedy ordered a major military buildup o both nu-
clear and conventional arms Te total number o US nuclear
warheads would soar rom 20000 in 1960 to 29000 in 1963 at a
time when the Soviet Union had a small raction o that number(1600 in 1960 and 4200 in 1963)19 Conventional orces were also
greatly augmented as Kennedy adopted a new model o ldquo1047298exible
responserdquo He was highly critical o Eisenhowerrsquos nuclear policy
o ldquomassive retaliationrdquo to meet Soviet threats which purportedly
relied on US nuclear weapons to deter Soviet provocations
Kennedy wanted more non-nuclear options20
Second Kennedy approved a CIA plan or an invasion o Cuba
which would become the biggest blunder o his presidency Tird
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14 To Move the World
he went ahead with a conrontational move that had been ap-
proved by his predecessor Dwight Eisenhower In 1958 Eisen-
hower had decided to strengthen the US nuclear arsenal by
posting intermediate-range nuclear missiles under US control in
Italy and urkey Te placements o these Jupiter missiles wereimplemented in June 1960 in Italy and October 1961 (the 1047297rst year
o the Kennedy administration) in urkey21 Te Soviet Union now
aced the threat not only o Americarsquos strategic bombers but also
o nearby missiles that could reach the Soviet Union in minutes
Tis was a new and terriying prospect that tipped the psycho-
logical and strategic balance toward the United States and consti-
tuted a major motivation or Khrushchevrsquos later attempt to putsimilar missiles into Cuba
Kennedy sought to negotiate peace through strength but these
early moves were more than a mere show o strength they were
a ratcheting up o the Cold War Here the contradictory lessons
o World War I and World War II were starkly revealed Kennedy
was prooundly concerned about a war starting through mis-
calculation as had World War I but was equally i not moreconcerned with being perceived as weak i he ailed to project mil-
itary strength and 1047297rmness Yet by taking steps to build US
military strength and increase the number o US military op-
tions he inadvertently exacerbated the risks o terrible miscalcu-
lation very much a case o Jervisrsquos security dilemma in operation
At the time that Kennedy assumed the presidency the CIA was
already in high gear to topple Cubarsquos new lef-wing governmentwhich had begun to con1047297scate US assets and sidle up to the
Soviet Union America had long backed Cubarsquos corrupt dictator
Fulgencio Batista who offered privileges and protection to Amer-
ican investors in the nearby island only ninety miles rom Florida
During the 1950s the young lawyer Fidel Castro led a guerrilla
insurgency against Batista 1047297nally succeeding in prompting the
dictator to 1047298ee on January 1 195922 No sooner had Castro con-
solidated his control over Cuba than Eisenhower and the CIA di-
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the quest for peace 15
rector Allen Dulles (the brother o Secretary o State John Foster
Dulles) began to plot a coup to bring him down Castro was not
yet a hardcore Soviet ally though a partial US trade embargo
initiated by the Eisenhower administration in 1960 was pushing
Cuba in that direction US actions in 1961 would soon lead Cubaully into the Soviet camp Te CIA brieed Kennedy early in his
term about plans or a CIA-backed invasion o Cuba that would be
carried out by Cuban expatriates Te planning was ar advanced
as the CIA had prepared it in the 1047297nal year o the Eisenhower ad-
ministration
From the start Kennedy was deeply concerned not only about
the invasionrsquos chances o success but also about its implicationsor US-Soviet relations Tis would be among the 1047297rst major
moves in his new strategic game with Khrushchev and it would
be ar rom a cooperative one Kennedy eared speci1047297cally
that any action against Castro might prompt Soviet retaliation in
Berlin the hotspot o the Cold War Tis linkage was probably
exaggeratedmdashthe Soviets did not yet see Castro as vitalmdashbut it
played a role in Kennedyrsquos thinking Te planned invasion wasalso one o Kennedyrsquos 1047297rst oreign policy decisions He did not yet
have the con1047297dence to disregard the CIA and the military
Kennedy tried to have it both ways and ended up in a disas-
trous muddle He gave the green light to the CIA-based Cuban
invasion in April 1961 but he wanted ldquodeniabilityrdquo o US involve-
ment and so withheld key military backing such as air support
that was vital to any chance o military success Te hope o deni-ability was oolish the US role was obvious Kennedyrsquos prevarica-
tion guaranteed a complete ailure o the attack (a ailure that was
most likely in any event) ollowed by harsh international criticism
o the United States Te operation was too small or success but
too large or deniability Te expatriates who landed at the Bay o
Pigs were quickly killed or captured and the entire episode ended
ignominiously23
In the postmortem Kennedy met with Eisenhower to discuss
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16 To Move the World
the botched operation and Eisenhower asked Kennedy why he
had denied air cover or the invasion Te historian Michael
Beschloss described the painul interchange
Kennedy said ldquoWell my advice was that we must try tokeep our hands rom showing in the affairrdquo Eisenhower
was aghast ldquoHow could you expect the world to believe
we had nothing to do with it Where did these people
get the ships to go rom Central America to Cuba
Where did they get the weapons I believe there is
only one thing to do when you go into this kind o thing
it must be a successrdquo24
By itsel the CIA operation was oolish naiumlve and incompe-
tently designed and managed Tis was par or the course or the
CIA which had bungled one operation afer another in many
parts o the world Te Bay o Pigs 1047297asco also con1047297rmed Kenne-
dyrsquos deep mistrust o the military which had begun with his expe-
rience in World War II Kennedy told reporter and riend BenBradlee ldquoTe 1047297rst advice Irsquom going to give my successor is to
watch the generals and to avoid eeling that just because they were
military men their opinions on military matters were worth a
damnrdquo25
It also contributed to a cascading set o errors Forced to appear
tough and decisive afer the very public ailure Kennedy quickly
called or increased military spending and harsher measures todestabilize the Castro regime26 Tese included a series o hare-
brained attempts to assassinate Castro part o the larger anti-
Castro strategy the CIA dubbed ldquoOperation Mongooserdquo27 As a
result both Castro and Khrushchev came to believe that Ken-
nedyrsquos next gambit would be a ull-1047298edged invasion o Cuba Tat
expectation contributed to the Cuban Missile Crisis the ollowing
year
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the quest for peace 17
Te Kennedy-Khrushchev private letters offer a remarkable in-
terchange regarding the Bay o Pigs Te letters beore the Bay o
Pigs are highly congenial the opening moves o con1047297dence build-
ing under the tit-or-tat strategy Khrushchev writes on Novem-
ber 9 1960 that he hopes Kennedyrsquos election will mean that ldquoourcountries would again ollow the line along which they were de-
veloping in Franklin Rooseveltrsquos timerdquo when the two countries
were allies28 He holds out the prospect o important agreements
ldquowe are ready or our part to continue efforts to solve such a press-
ing problem as disarmament to settle the German issue through
the earliest conclusion o a peace treaty and to reach agreement on
other questionsrdquo29 Kennedy responds that ldquoa just and lasting peacewill remain a undamental goal o this nation and a major task o
its Presidentrdquo30 Tey begin to arrange an early summit meeting
Yet the tone cracks in Khrushchevrsquos letter o April 18 two days
afer the Cuban invasion
Mr President I send you this message in an hour o
alarm raught with danger or the peace o the wholeworld Armed aggression has begun against Cuba It is a
secret to no one that the armed bands invading this
country were trained equipped and armed in the
United States o America31
ldquoI approach you Mr Presidentrdquo Khrushchev writes ldquowith an
urgent call to put an end to aggression against the Republic oCubardquo
Kennedyrsquos answer the same day is dreadully maladroit ldquoYou
are under a serious misapprehension in regard to the events in
Cubardquo he replies ldquoI have previously stated and I repeat now that
the United States intends no military intervention in Cubardquo32 Tis
patently alse denial brings a powerul rebuke rom Khrushchev
our days later
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18 To Move the World
I have received your reply o April 18 You write that the
United States intends no military intervention in Cuba
But numerous acts known to the whole worldmdashand to
the Government o the United States o course better
than to any one elsemdashspeak differently Despite all as-surances to the contrary it has now been proved beyond
doubt that it was precisely the United States which pre-
pared the intervention 1047297nanced its arming and trans-
ported the gangs o mercenaries that invaded the
territory o Cuba33
Kennedyrsquos denial marked the second notable US presidentiallie to Khrushchev in less than a year Te previous summer the
CIA had pressed Eisenhower to permit another round o U-2 spy
1047298ights over the Soviet Union He reluctantly agreed When a U-2
plane was shot down the CIA and Eisenhower assumed that the
pilot Francis Gary Powers had been killed and the plane de-
stroyed in the crash Tey thereore publicly lied about the mis-
sion claiming that a US weather-research plane had lost its wayand crashed in Soviet airspace Khrushchev then revealed Eisen-
howerrsquos lie by producing not only the U-2 wreckage but the live
pilot as well US per1047297dy was exposed and Eisenhower was orced
to take responsibility Yet this was not a simple public relations
victory or Khrushchev It was a bitter setback or Khrushchevrsquos
concept o peaceul coexistence It also undercut his domestic
credibility as he had initially deended Eisenhower as not respon-sible or the U-2 1047298ight and the exposure o Eisenhowerrsquos lie
seemed to give credence to the Soviet hardliners who argued that
the United States could not be trusted Khrushchev soon enough
would demonstrate his capacity to lie about weighty matters as
well the Cold War was not a game played by saints Yet the back-
to-back prevarications by Eisenhower and Kennedy surely em-
Te U-2 1047298ights were seen even by the United States as serious provocations to theUSSR and violations o international law
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the quest for peace 19
boldened Khrushchev in his own uture dissembling regarding
nuclear testing and Cuba
In a ollow-up letter to Kennedy (May 16) Khrushchev ac-
knowledges that ldquoa certain open alling out has taken place in the
relations between our countriesrdquo34 Yet he set the ground or anupcoming June meeting with Kennedy in Vienna by emphasizing
the key point he sees the importance o a US-Soviet settlement
on Germany Te ate o postwar Germany had proved a constant
source o tension between the two superpowers since the dawn o
the Cold War and never more so than when Kennedy took offi ce
It is thereore crucial to revisit some o this history
At the July 1945 Potsdam conerence at the end o World War IIit was agreed that a council o the our major Allied powers (the
United States the United Kingdom France and the Soviet Union)
would administer postwar Germany but the ldquohowrdquo was lef un-
speci1047297ed35 In the short term the our powers accepted that Ger-
many would be divided into our occupation zones and that each
occupying power would manage its own zone until longer-term
arrangements or a uni1047297ed Germany could be agreed upon Tecapital city o Berlin though alling within the Soviet zone was
also divided among the our powers But the longer-term arrange-
ments or Germany were never agreed upon and relations be-
tween the West and the Soviet Union quickly deteriorated once
there was no common enemy o Hitler to unite them36 Te United
States France and the United Kingdom soon amalgamated their
occupation zones into a single entity which in 1949 became theFederal Republic o Germany (West Germany) Te Soviet zone
became the German Democratic Republic (East Germany) Te
ailure to agree on the ate o a uni1047297ed Germany sowed the seeds
or many o the Cold War con1047298icts that ollowed
Herein lay the basic dilemma Te Soviet Unionmdashwhich had
lost more than twenty million soldiers and civilians in World
War IImdasheared a German resurgence and thereby asserted harsh
control over the Soviet occupation zone o Germany Not only
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20 To Move the World
that but Joseph Stalin the brutal leader o the Soviet Union since
the mid-1920s ruthlessly created satellite states in Eastern Europe
(in Yugoslavia Czechoslovakia Poland and elsewhere) under
single-party communist rule thereby establishing a controlling
corridor rom Russia all the way to the heart o Germany o theWestern powers these actions seemed to suggest a Soviet plan to
dominate all o Europe i not the world While US leaders had
initially avored deindustrializing Germany at the end o the war
to prevent it rom again becoming an economic and military
power37 they quickly changed their minds in the ace o the per-
ceived Soviet aggression Tey instead decided to reindustrialize
the western part o Germany as rapidly as possible as a bulwarkagainst the Soviet Union and to strengthen Western Europe gen-
erally38 Te Soviet Union viewed the hardening o US positions
as a violation o agreements intended to prevent a long-term re-
surgence o German power
Itrsquos not hard to see where this led As West Germany got stron-
ger Soviet anxieties rose As the Soviet Unionrsquos anxieties rose it
became more belligerent in response and the West then becameeven more determined to rebuild West Germany to resist Soviet
domination Tis explosive dynamic continued afer Kennedyrsquos
assumption o offi ce
Making things even more diffi cult or Kennedy was the act that
Eisenhower had proved neither very attentive nor interested in
the Soviet concerns vis-agrave-vis Germany Eisenhower stood strongly
in avor o Germanyrsquos economic and military recovery in part be-cause he wanted Western Europe to deend itsel so that US
troops could return home39 Eisenhower liked neither the cost o
stationing US troops in Europe nor the long-term political com-
mitment Eisenhower believed that US commitments should be
tapered down as soon as Europe could take up the burdens o its
own deense40 And i that even meant a Western Europe with nu-
clear weapons he was generally or it
In the 1047297nal years o the Eisenhower administration in response
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the quest for peace 21
to the European desire or nuclear weapons the United States and
NAOmdashthe military alliance o Western powers ormed in 1955mdash
began 1047298oating the idea o ldquonuclear sharingrdquo among the NAO
countries perhaps through a nuclear Multilateral Force (MLF)
Te United States saw the MLF as a way to share nuclear weaponswith allies and give Europe its own deterrent without having to
give any one nation ull control and the power to launch a nuclear
weapon unilaterally41 Tis prospect particularly o West German
nuclear access was a crucial actor in the dramatic heating up o
US-Soviet tensions in the lead-up to Kennedyrsquos presidency Tis
point is made orceully by the historian Marc rachtenberg in A
Constructed Peace (1999) one o the most incisive and importanthistorical analyses o this phase o the Cold War
Kennedy did not yet have a strategy or Germany and indeed
was pressed hard by the West German leader Konrad Adenauer
not to have one From Adenauerrsquos point o view any thaw in rela-
tions between the United States and the Soviet Union would likely
come at West Germanyrsquos expense But Kennedy would listen to
and learn rom Khrushchevrsquos repeated and heated concerns overGermany especially concerning Germanyrsquos acquisition o nuclear
weapons Kennedy would eventually break with Adenauer on that
question thereby paving the way to closer cooperation with the
Soviet Union But that breakthrough was still two years in the u-
ture and dire risks were strewn on the path to success
Berlin Redux
Following the Bay o Pigs debacle it was now Khrushchevrsquos turn
to misstep badly With Kennedy on his back oot Khrushchev be-
lieved that he was now in a position to pressure Kennedy into an
agreement on Germany which was Khrushchevrsquos primary oreign
policy concern Kennedyrsquos primary interest was in discussing a
nuclear test ban treaty which he elt was essential to slowing the
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22 To Move the World
arms race and nuclear prolieration one o Kennedyrsquos mostpressing concerns Te idea o a test ban treaty had been dis-
cussed or several years but the two sides were never able to get
past their disagreements on how such an agreement would be
enorced
At the Vienna Summit o June 1961 Khrushchev ensured that
Germany and Berlin rather than a test ban treaty dominated
the discussion Khrushchev told Kennedy that the Soviet Unionwould recognize the German Democratic Republic (East Ger-
many) and end Western access rights to West Berlin by the end o
1961 America and its allies viewed access to West Berlin as a vital
interest o the Western alliance and so Khrushchevrsquos threat was an
enormous provocation I war came rom this it would come said
Khrushchev He said that Berlin was a ldquorunning sorerdquo and that
disarmament was ldquoimpossible as long as the Berlin problem ex-
Soviet premier Nikita Khrushchev with President Kennedy at the start o the
Vienna Summit (June 3 1961)
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the quest for peace 23
istedrdquo42 Kennedy responded ldquoTen Mr Chairman there will be a
war It will be a cold long winterrdquo43
In act the diffi cult interchange brought the two leaders a little
closer to a solution though they certainly could not see it at the
time Tere were actually three German issues on the table allintricately intertwined Te 1047297rst was the Soviet desire or a peace
treaty with Germany that would somehow protect the Soviet
Union rom uture German aggression Te second was West Ber-
lin which Khrushchev considered to be ldquothis thorn this ulcerrdquo
within East Germany44 Khrushchev viewed West Berlin as a stag-
ing post or Western spying and aggression against the Soviet
Union ldquoa NAO beachhead and military base against us insidethe GDRrdquo45 He wanted the Western troops out Te third issue
involved the question o German rearmament and especially
German access to US nuclear weapons Te implicit progress
made in Vienna was a start in teasing apart these three issues
Kennedy would hold his ground on West Berlin but would also
recognize Khrushchevrsquos valid concerns about German rearma-
ment Kennedy made clear to Khrushchev in Vienna that he op-posed ldquoa buildup in West Germany that would constitute a threat
to the Soviet Unionrdquo46
History has judged that Kennedy ldquolostrdquo the Vienna Summit be-
cause he was browbeaten by Khrushchev particularly when the
two quarreled over ideology Indeed Kennedy himsel described
the Vienna experience as brutal telling a New York imes reporter
that it was the ldquoworst thing in my lie He savaged merdquo
47
Yet Ken-nedy in act had held 1047297rm and clear the West would not buckle
under threats on West Berlin More important and despite all
appearances Kennedy and Khrushchev were now on a path to
resolve the larger German issues a path they would pursue suc-
cessully in 1963
But the next act on Berlin would be a public relations disaster
or the Soviet Union As tensions over Berlin mounted more and
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24 To Move the World
more East Berliners voted with their eet by crossing the line to
West Berlin and rom there to the West generally During the 1047297rst
six months o 1961 over 100000 people lef East Germany with
50000 1047298eeing in June and July alone48 Te ongoing exodus o
East Berliners was a huge economic loss to a 1047298oundering econ-omy but an even starker daily embarrassment in the rontline
competition between socialism and capitalism It was one o the
main reasons why Khrushchev sought a long-term solution to
Berlin
As the 1047298ow o East Berliners accelerated so did the geopolitical
pressures Finally the East German government with the support
o its Soviet backers moved to stanch the human 1047298ood Berlinwoke up on the morning o August 13 to a barbed wire divide
soon to be a concrete and heavily armed wall patrolled by around
7000 soldiers and stretching 96 miles in Berlin and along the bor-
der between East and West Germany49
Kennedy wisely did not challenge the Berlin Wall except in a
perunctory manner recognizing that any challenge or protest
would prove empty Te West would certainly not go to war overSoviet actions on the Soviet side o the wall Indeed Kennedy im-
mediately and correctly surmised that the wall might actually
prove to be stabilizing in its perverse way by removing the embar-
rassing and costly provocation o mass outmigration rom East
Berlin As he suspected the end o the 1047298ow o migrants rom
East Berlin rather quickly eased the Berlin crisis
In act the overall Berlin situation seemed to Kennedy to be adangerous snare that was certainly not worth the risks o global
war Afer the Vienna Summit Kennedy had commented to his
close aide Kenneth OrsquoDonnell
Wersquore stuck in a ridiculous situation God knows Irsquom
not an isolationist but it seems particularly stupid to
risk killing a million Americans over an argument about
access rights on an Autobahn or because the Ger-
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the quest for peace 25
mans want Germany reuni1047297ed I Irsquom going to threaten
Russia with a nuclear war it will have to be or much
bigger and more important reasons than that Beore I
back Khrushchev against the wall and put him to a 1047297nal
test the reedom o all Western Europe will have to be atstake50
Kennedy would continue successully to deend West Berlin
but he would also recognize the need to move to a sounder long-
term position with the Soviet Union vis-agrave-vis Germany Tat in-
sight was crucial to Kennedyrsquos eventual success in 1963 and to the
calming o the East-West conrontation thereafer It was a basicstrategic insight that Eisenhower never recognized or acted upon
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Excerpted from To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs Copyright copy 2013 by Jeffrey D Sachs Excerpted
by permission of Random House a division of Random House Inc All rights reserved No part of this
excerpt may be reproduced or reprinted without permission in writing from the publisher
Read more
TO MOVE THE WORLD
Order your copy now
Amazon
Barnes amp Noble
IndieBound
Kindle
Nook
iBookstore
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Other Retailers
Learn more about the book
Meet Jeffrey D Sachs at a book signing
7282019 To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs (an excerpt)
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Chapter 983089
TH E QUEST FOR PEACE
983127 983144 983141 983150 983114 983151 983144 983150 983110 983115 983141 983150 983150 983141 983140 983161 came to offi ce in January 1961
the world lived in peril o a nuclear war between the two super-
powers Te Cold War conrontation between the United Statesand the Soviet Union would eventually consume trillions o dol-
lars and millions o lives in wars ought around the world At times
humanity seemed to be ldquogripped by orces we cannot controlrdquo a
pessimistic view that Kennedy noted and strenuously argued
against in his Peace Speech And yet the power o those disruptive
orces at times was indeed nearly overwhelming causing events
to spin beyond the control even o presidents Communist Partychairmen and the countries they led
Te Cold War was in every sense a stepchild o the two world
wars Tose wars created the structures o geopolitics military
might and perhaps most important o all the psychological
mindsets that determined the course o the Cold War John Ken-
nedyrsquos peace strategy would emerge rom his intimate under-
standing o the dynamics that had driven the two wars Te 1047297rst
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4 To Move the World
war he knew as a voracious student o history especially the his-
tory as written by Winston Churchill Te second war he knew
1047297rsthand Te years between 1938 and 1945 were a deeply orma-
tive period o his adult liemdashas a student in prewar London while
his ather was US ambassador to the United Kingdom as a youngauthor grappling with the question o why England had ailed or
so long to conront Hitler as a patrol boat captain in the Paci1047297c
where his vessel P-109 was sunk by a Japanese destroyer and as
part o a grieving amily when his elder brother was lost in a dar-
ing bombing mission over Germany1
Te overwhelming question acing the world and acing
Kennedy during his presidency was how to prevent a third worldwar Te actors that had caused the two warsmdashgeopolitics arms
races blunders bluster miscalculations ears and opportunismmdash
continued to operate and to threaten a new con1047298agration Yet the
context was also undamentally new and more threatening Te
nuclear bombs dropped on Hiroshima and Nagasaki in 1945 to
conclude World War II had ushered in the nuclear age and had
made the stakes incalculably higher A thermonuclear bomb couldnow carry ar more explosive orce than all o the bombs o the
Second World War
Kennedyrsquos worldview on these issues was shaped above all by
the in1047298uence and model o Winston Churchill Englandrsquos great
author-politician-warrior-statesman whose masterly history o
the 1047297rst war Te World Crisis described a tragic era o war through
miscalculation
2
whose warnings about Hitler in the 1930s hadgone unheeded until almost too late whose leadership as prime
minister between 1940 and 1945 enabled the United Kingdom to
survive and eventually triumph over Hitler whose warnings in
1946 just afer World War II ended alerted the West to the ris-
ing threat o Soviet power and whose calls during the 1940s
and 1950s or a negotiated settlement with the Soviet Union
did much to in1047298uence Kennedyrsquos peace strategy as president3
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the quest for peace 5
Kennedyrsquos lielong ascination with learning rom and urge to
emulate Winston Churchill has been recounted by many biogra-
phers
Te greatest problem acing Kennedy (and indeed the world)
in drawing lessons rom the two world wars was that the les-sons were highly complex subtle and even seemingly contradic-
tory World War I seemed to be a lesson about sel-ul1047297lling
crises where the ear o war itsel led to an arms race while the
arms race in turn led to a world primed or war Tese lessons
seemed to call or restraint in the arms race and avoidance o
a sel-ul1047297lling rush to war and so even as Hitler rearmed Ger-
many in the 1930s in contravention o the reaty o Versaillesthat had ended World War I Britain avoided provocations that
could spiral out o control Most amously Prime Minister Neville
Chamberlain argued that it would be better to accede to Ger-
man demands on border adjustments with Czechoslovakia and
so ldquoappeasedrdquo Hitler in the name o peace at the Munich coner-
ence in 1938 a disastrous mistake that ueled Hitlerrsquos drive to
war4
I World War I seemed to argue against arms races and sel-
ul1047297lling prophecies o war the lead-up to World War II by con-
trast seemed to argue or meeting strength with strength and
avoiding the temptation o ldquoappeasementrdquo For Kennedy the de-
bate over appeasement was more than intellectual it was intensely
personal John Kennedy watched closely as his ather Joe strongly
deended appeasement indeed declaring that Chamberlain hadno choice when he acceded to Hitlerrsquos outrageous demands at the
1938 Munich conerence as Hitler would have deeated the United
Kingdom in battle When war 1047297nally broke out the proponents o
appeasement were humiliated and Joe Kennedyrsquos vast political
ambitions were destroyed5 Te younger Kennedy would soon im-
plicitly come down on Churchillrsquos side writing in his 1047297rst book
Why England Slept that Britain had dangerously delayed rearm-
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6 To Move the World
ing under the illusion that appeasing Hitler would keep it sae and
out o war6
As president Kennedy would battle with these powerul
and con1047298icting dynamics Should he restrain the arms race in
order to avoid a sel-eeding race to war with the Soviet UnionOr should he strengthen US arms in order to negotiate rom
strength Should he make concessions to the Soviet premier
Nikita Khrushchev to acknowledge Soviet interests Or should he
hold the line to avoid the appearance and reality o appeasement
Kennedy would remain a student o history and o Churchill
whom he most admired trying to apply the complex lessons o
the past to the urgent challenges o the present
Te Nuclear Arms Race
Te problems o distrust between the Soviet Union and the United
States were proound pervasive and persistent and that distrust
spurred the arms race Te two sides were o course rivals andcompetitors And each side lied to the other repeatedly and
persistently Tese were not grounds or easy trust Nor was the
historical context Just a ew years earlier Hitler had cheated re-
lentlessly thereby winning signi1047297cant concessions Chamberlainrsquos
appeasement o Hitler at Munich hung over the Cold War era
Donrsquot trust the other side Better to arm to the teeth
Even though there were enormous gains to be had by both theUnited States and the Soviet Union i they could agree on the
postwar order in Europe politicians on both sides ound it nearly
impossible to take any steps that required trust I they did they
opened themselves up to extraordinarily harsh attacks by hard-
liners on their own side who denied that the other side would
abide by any agreements A US politician who urged agreement
with the Soviet Union risked immediate subjection to the cries o
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the quest for peace 7
ldquoMunichrdquo and ldquoappeasementrdquo powerul political charges and ones
Kennedy was especially eager to avoid
Te two sides were trapped by two closely related problems the
prisonerrsquos dilemma and the security dilemma Te prisonerrsquos di-
lemma holds that in the absence o long-term trust or bindingagreements the logic o inter-state rivalry will push both sides to
arm Should the United States arm or disarm I the Soviet Union
arms the United States has no choice but to arm as well in order
to avoid being the weaker side I the Soviet Union disarms then
the United States gains military and political advantage by arming
while the Soviet Union is weak Tereore arming is a ldquodominantrdquo
strategy the best move no matter what the other side does Sincethe logic is the same or the other side both sides end up continu-
ally increasing their arms even though a binding agreement to
disarm would be mutually bene1047297cial7
Te security dilemma propounded by Robert Jervis a leading
political theorist is a corollary o the prisonerrsquos dilemma8 Te se-
curity dilemma holds that a defensive action by one side will ofen
be viewed by the other side as an offensive action Tus i theUnited States builds its nuclear arsenal to stave off a Soviet con-
ventional land invasion o Europe the Soviet Union will view the
US nuclear buildup as preparation or a nuclear 1047297rst strike against
the Soviet Union rather than as a deensive measure And i the
Soviet Union tries to catch up with the US nuclear arsenal that
will be viewed as an offensive action by the United States US
hardliners would argue that the Soviet Union is trying to neutral-ize the US nuclear deterrent so that the Soviet Union can launch
a conventional attack
As a result o the absence o trust and the harsh logic o both
the prisonerrsquos dilemma and the security dilemma both sides con-
tinued to amass nuclear weapons to the point o massive overkill
And as the arsenals continued to expand each side eared that the
other was actually building up or a surprise 1047297rst-strike attack
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8 To Move the World
Te United States indeed contemplated launching a preventive
nuclear war worried that it would be unable to deend itsel in the
uture Jervis recalled the words o the German statesman Otto
von Bismarck who called a preventive war ldquocommitting suicide
rom ear o deathrdquo9
Te nuclear arms race accelerated as the United States and the
Soviet Union expanded their arsenals and as the United Kingdom
and France became nuclear powers (in 1952 and 1960 respec-
tively) with their own independent arsenals By 1960 the United
States had nuclear warheads positioned in several countries around
the world10 Te Soviet Union elt itsel very much surrounded in-
deed and increasingly unsure o whether these US nuclear weap-ons were really under US control
O course it wasnrsquot just the international situation that prompted
the arms buildup on each side It was also domestic politics Te
military-industrial complex gained power within each govern-
ment as time went on In the United States each branch o the
military demanded its own nuclear arsenal so that competition
among the US Army Air Force and Navy also drove up militarybudgets and the numbers o nuclear warheads and delivery sys-
tems Te same was true on the Soviet side where there was ar
less constraint than in the United States on the political power o
the military-industrial complex
o the Brink
When Kennedy assumed offi ce he took to heart Churchillrsquos belie
that political leaders must work actively to solve vexing interna-
tional problems He was intent on pursuing arms control but was
also a staunch Cold Warrior partly out o conviction and partly
out o political expediency in order to protect himsel rom power-
ul hardline anti-communists Kennedy believed that he could
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the quest for peace 9
untangle the dangerous con1047298icts with the Soviet Union And as
Churchill urged Kennedy would aim to solve these problemsrom a position o US military strength and without relinquish-
ing vital Western interests
Te tough and conciliatory sides o Kennedyrsquos negotiating strat-
egy were mutually reinorcing Churchill had long emphasized
the essential role o negotiating with onersquos adversary ldquoo jaw-jawrdquo
he said ldquois always better than to war-warrdquo11 Churchill had called
negotiation through strength his ldquodouble-barreled strategyrdquo andamously declared ldquoI do not hold that we should rearm in order to
1047297ght I hold that we should rearm in order to parleyrdquo12 In 1938 it
had not been just a weakness o political will but also one o mili-
tary preparedness that had led Chamberlain to appease Hitler at
Munich
Kennedy would reer to Churchillrsquos double-barreled approach
in his campaign address in Seattle in September 1960
President Dwight D Eisenhower greets President-elect John F Kennedy (Decem-
ber 6 1960)
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10 To Move the World
It is an unortunate act that we can secure peace only
by preparing or war Winston Churchill said in 1949
ldquoWe arm to parleyrdquo We can convince Mr Khrushchev
to bargain seriously at the conerence table i he respects
our strength13
Kennedy had no doubt either o the enormous potential gains
o cooperation with the Soviet Union or o the grave risks i the
United States cooperated (or instance through arms control)
while the Soviet Union reneged on its side o the deal Cheating
by the Soviet Union would threaten not only US security but
also Kennedyrsquos hold on power domestically Kennedy would re-peatedly urge cooperation but remain alert that any move toward
cooperation however modest could trigger political charges rom
the right that he was an appeaser
Te burdens on Kennedy were greater as a Democrat since Re-
publicans regularly assailed the Democratic Party or being ldquosof
on communismrdquo Kennedy thereore aimed to assure all sidesmdash
the US public Americarsquos allies and o course the Soviet Unionmdashthat he would vigorously resist Soviet aggression and deend
Western interests while he sought greater cooperation with the
Soviet Union He would aim at the core to pursue a tit-or-tat
strategy (a way to break out o the prisonerrsquos dilemma by recipro-
cating cooperation rom the other side) promising to join the
Soviet Union in arms control but also declaring repeatedly his
readiness to revert to an arms race i the Soviet Union did notkeep its promises Te tit-or-tat strategy o incremental coopera-
tion was mapped out a year afer Kennedy came to offi ce by one o
Americarsquos leading sociologists Amitai Etzioni whose remarkable
book Te Hard Way to Peace spelled out a psychological approach
to orging peace14 Etzioni believed that con1047297dence building was
crucial since in his view psychological rather than political or
military actors were the decisive drivers o the Cold War He pro-
pounded a notion o ldquopsychological gradualismrdquo to reduce ear
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the quest for peace 11
build trust and initiate a phased process o reciprocated conces-
sions Eventually suspicion and ear would be ldquoreduced to a level
where ruitul negotiations are possiblerdquo15 In many ways Kenne-
dyrsquos peace initiative in 1963 would pursue this approach
Kennedy 1047297rst signaled both aspects o his approach in hisinaugural address on January 20 196116 First came his robust ull-
throated commitment to the deense o liberty
Let every nation know whether it wishes us well or ill
that we shall pay any price bear any burden meet any
hardship support any riend oppose any oe in order
to assure the survival and the success o liberty
But equally stirring was his commitment to pursue the mutual
gains o cooperation
So let us begin anewmdashremembering on both sides that
civility is not a sign o weakness and sincerity is always
subject to proo Let us never negotiate out o ear Butlet us never ear to negotiate
Let both sides or the 1047297rst time ormulate serious
and precise proposals or the inspection and control o
armsmdashand bring the absolute power to destroy other
nations under the absolute control o all nations
Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders o science
instead o its terrors ogether let us explore the starsconquer the deserts eradicate disease tap the ocean
depths and encourage the arts and commerce
Kennedyrsquos emphasis on ldquoprecise proposalsrdquo was not incidental
Following Churchill once again Kennedy believed that miscalcu-
lation with the Soviet Union would best be avoided through clear
detailed and principled negotiating positions Yet here too the
ideal and the practical would collide Negotiations are 1047297lled with
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12 To Move the World
eints bluffs and intermediate positions and these inevitably
raise the risk o miscalculation
Kennedy was sincere in his inaugural address when he said ldquoSo
let us begin anewrdquo As a senator and as a presidential candidate he
himsel had helped to spur the arms race by opportunisticallyhammering away at Dwight D Eisenhowerrsquos administration or
allowing a ldquomissile gaprdquo to emerge claiming in 1958 that there was
every indication ldquothat by 1960 the United States will have lost
its superiority in nuclear striking powerrdquo17 In act the true missile
gap contrary to Kennedyrsquos claim stood greatly in Americarsquos avor
While the de1047297nitive knowledge o the Soviet Unionrsquos very limited
ballistic missile capacity was a closely held secret o the Eisen-hower administration based on secret U-2 spy plane 1047298ights Sena-
tor Kennedy probably knew that he was exaggerating Soviet
capabilities As the presidential candidate running against hard-
line vice president Richard Nixon Kennedy was especially keen to
project a tough-minded oreign policy stance and avoid the charge
o being sof on communism typically levied against Democrats
No matter what Kennedy may have believed as a candidate helearned early in his presidency that there was no missile gap in the
Sovietsrsquo advantage
Khrushchev would probably have understood the political
reasons or Kennedyrsquos missile-gap rhetoric and might even have
bene1047297ted in a way rom Kennedyrsquos exaggerated portrayal o Soviet
power Indeed when Kennedy chose in October 1961 to reveal
to the public the relative weakness o the Soviet nuclear orceKhrushchev was deeply aggrieved Still in the early days o the
new administration Khrushchev was intent on determining
whether Kennedy was in act a diehard Cold Warrior like Eisen-
howerrsquos in1047298uential Secretary o State John Foster Dulles or a po-
tentially cooperative counterpart in peaceul coexistence Early
steps by Kennedy could thereore help to chart the course toward
better relations
In addition to their public speeches and the interaction o their
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the quest for peace 13
diplomats the two leaders would soon learn much more about
each other in another way Beginning with Khrushchevrsquos letter o
congratulations to the newly elected Kennedy on November 9
1960 the two men engaged until Kennedyrsquos death in a back-
channel personal correspondence o more than a hundred lettersBoth pledged that the letters would be held con1047297dentially and
never leaked or propaganda purposes ldquoFor my partrdquo Kennedy
wrote ldquothe contents and even the existence o our letters will be
known only to the Secretary o State and a ew other o my closest
associates in the governmentrdquo18 Both leaders seem to have hon-
ored their pledges o con1047297dentiality Te result is a most extraor-
dinary exchange that together with other events offers criticalinsights into the thinking o both men the issues that worried
them and their strategies or peace
Kennedyrsquos Opening Provocations
Unortunately or the prospects o US-Soviet cooperation andcontrary to the approach o incremental cooperation Kennedy
came out swinging He did this in three provocative ways First
despite the act that the United States was ar ahead in nuclear
weapons Kennedy ordered a major military buildup o both nu-
clear and conventional arms Te total number o US nuclear
warheads would soar rom 20000 in 1960 to 29000 in 1963 at a
time when the Soviet Union had a small raction o that number(1600 in 1960 and 4200 in 1963)19 Conventional orces were also
greatly augmented as Kennedy adopted a new model o ldquo1047298exible
responserdquo He was highly critical o Eisenhowerrsquos nuclear policy
o ldquomassive retaliationrdquo to meet Soviet threats which purportedly
relied on US nuclear weapons to deter Soviet provocations
Kennedy wanted more non-nuclear options20
Second Kennedy approved a CIA plan or an invasion o Cuba
which would become the biggest blunder o his presidency Tird
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14 To Move the World
he went ahead with a conrontational move that had been ap-
proved by his predecessor Dwight Eisenhower In 1958 Eisen-
hower had decided to strengthen the US nuclear arsenal by
posting intermediate-range nuclear missiles under US control in
Italy and urkey Te placements o these Jupiter missiles wereimplemented in June 1960 in Italy and October 1961 (the 1047297rst year
o the Kennedy administration) in urkey21 Te Soviet Union now
aced the threat not only o Americarsquos strategic bombers but also
o nearby missiles that could reach the Soviet Union in minutes
Tis was a new and terriying prospect that tipped the psycho-
logical and strategic balance toward the United States and consti-
tuted a major motivation or Khrushchevrsquos later attempt to putsimilar missiles into Cuba
Kennedy sought to negotiate peace through strength but these
early moves were more than a mere show o strength they were
a ratcheting up o the Cold War Here the contradictory lessons
o World War I and World War II were starkly revealed Kennedy
was prooundly concerned about a war starting through mis-
calculation as had World War I but was equally i not moreconcerned with being perceived as weak i he ailed to project mil-
itary strength and 1047297rmness Yet by taking steps to build US
military strength and increase the number o US military op-
tions he inadvertently exacerbated the risks o terrible miscalcu-
lation very much a case o Jervisrsquos security dilemma in operation
At the time that Kennedy assumed the presidency the CIA was
already in high gear to topple Cubarsquos new lef-wing governmentwhich had begun to con1047297scate US assets and sidle up to the
Soviet Union America had long backed Cubarsquos corrupt dictator
Fulgencio Batista who offered privileges and protection to Amer-
ican investors in the nearby island only ninety miles rom Florida
During the 1950s the young lawyer Fidel Castro led a guerrilla
insurgency against Batista 1047297nally succeeding in prompting the
dictator to 1047298ee on January 1 195922 No sooner had Castro con-
solidated his control over Cuba than Eisenhower and the CIA di-
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the quest for peace 15
rector Allen Dulles (the brother o Secretary o State John Foster
Dulles) began to plot a coup to bring him down Castro was not
yet a hardcore Soviet ally though a partial US trade embargo
initiated by the Eisenhower administration in 1960 was pushing
Cuba in that direction US actions in 1961 would soon lead Cubaully into the Soviet camp Te CIA brieed Kennedy early in his
term about plans or a CIA-backed invasion o Cuba that would be
carried out by Cuban expatriates Te planning was ar advanced
as the CIA had prepared it in the 1047297nal year o the Eisenhower ad-
ministration
From the start Kennedy was deeply concerned not only about
the invasionrsquos chances o success but also about its implicationsor US-Soviet relations Tis would be among the 1047297rst major
moves in his new strategic game with Khrushchev and it would
be ar rom a cooperative one Kennedy eared speci1047297cally
that any action against Castro might prompt Soviet retaliation in
Berlin the hotspot o the Cold War Tis linkage was probably
exaggeratedmdashthe Soviets did not yet see Castro as vitalmdashbut it
played a role in Kennedyrsquos thinking Te planned invasion wasalso one o Kennedyrsquos 1047297rst oreign policy decisions He did not yet
have the con1047297dence to disregard the CIA and the military
Kennedy tried to have it both ways and ended up in a disas-
trous muddle He gave the green light to the CIA-based Cuban
invasion in April 1961 but he wanted ldquodeniabilityrdquo o US involve-
ment and so withheld key military backing such as air support
that was vital to any chance o military success Te hope o deni-ability was oolish the US role was obvious Kennedyrsquos prevarica-
tion guaranteed a complete ailure o the attack (a ailure that was
most likely in any event) ollowed by harsh international criticism
o the United States Te operation was too small or success but
too large or deniability Te expatriates who landed at the Bay o
Pigs were quickly killed or captured and the entire episode ended
ignominiously23
In the postmortem Kennedy met with Eisenhower to discuss
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16 To Move the World
the botched operation and Eisenhower asked Kennedy why he
had denied air cover or the invasion Te historian Michael
Beschloss described the painul interchange
Kennedy said ldquoWell my advice was that we must try tokeep our hands rom showing in the affairrdquo Eisenhower
was aghast ldquoHow could you expect the world to believe
we had nothing to do with it Where did these people
get the ships to go rom Central America to Cuba
Where did they get the weapons I believe there is
only one thing to do when you go into this kind o thing
it must be a successrdquo24
By itsel the CIA operation was oolish naiumlve and incompe-
tently designed and managed Tis was par or the course or the
CIA which had bungled one operation afer another in many
parts o the world Te Bay o Pigs 1047297asco also con1047297rmed Kenne-
dyrsquos deep mistrust o the military which had begun with his expe-
rience in World War II Kennedy told reporter and riend BenBradlee ldquoTe 1047297rst advice Irsquom going to give my successor is to
watch the generals and to avoid eeling that just because they were
military men their opinions on military matters were worth a
damnrdquo25
It also contributed to a cascading set o errors Forced to appear
tough and decisive afer the very public ailure Kennedy quickly
called or increased military spending and harsher measures todestabilize the Castro regime26 Tese included a series o hare-
brained attempts to assassinate Castro part o the larger anti-
Castro strategy the CIA dubbed ldquoOperation Mongooserdquo27 As a
result both Castro and Khrushchev came to believe that Ken-
nedyrsquos next gambit would be a ull-1047298edged invasion o Cuba Tat
expectation contributed to the Cuban Missile Crisis the ollowing
year
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the quest for peace 17
Te Kennedy-Khrushchev private letters offer a remarkable in-
terchange regarding the Bay o Pigs Te letters beore the Bay o
Pigs are highly congenial the opening moves o con1047297dence build-
ing under the tit-or-tat strategy Khrushchev writes on Novem-
ber 9 1960 that he hopes Kennedyrsquos election will mean that ldquoourcountries would again ollow the line along which they were de-
veloping in Franklin Rooseveltrsquos timerdquo when the two countries
were allies28 He holds out the prospect o important agreements
ldquowe are ready or our part to continue efforts to solve such a press-
ing problem as disarmament to settle the German issue through
the earliest conclusion o a peace treaty and to reach agreement on
other questionsrdquo29 Kennedy responds that ldquoa just and lasting peacewill remain a undamental goal o this nation and a major task o
its Presidentrdquo30 Tey begin to arrange an early summit meeting
Yet the tone cracks in Khrushchevrsquos letter o April 18 two days
afer the Cuban invasion
Mr President I send you this message in an hour o
alarm raught with danger or the peace o the wholeworld Armed aggression has begun against Cuba It is a
secret to no one that the armed bands invading this
country were trained equipped and armed in the
United States o America31
ldquoI approach you Mr Presidentrdquo Khrushchev writes ldquowith an
urgent call to put an end to aggression against the Republic oCubardquo
Kennedyrsquos answer the same day is dreadully maladroit ldquoYou
are under a serious misapprehension in regard to the events in
Cubardquo he replies ldquoI have previously stated and I repeat now that
the United States intends no military intervention in Cubardquo32 Tis
patently alse denial brings a powerul rebuke rom Khrushchev
our days later
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18 To Move the World
I have received your reply o April 18 You write that the
United States intends no military intervention in Cuba
But numerous acts known to the whole worldmdashand to
the Government o the United States o course better
than to any one elsemdashspeak differently Despite all as-surances to the contrary it has now been proved beyond
doubt that it was precisely the United States which pre-
pared the intervention 1047297nanced its arming and trans-
ported the gangs o mercenaries that invaded the
territory o Cuba33
Kennedyrsquos denial marked the second notable US presidentiallie to Khrushchev in less than a year Te previous summer the
CIA had pressed Eisenhower to permit another round o U-2 spy
1047298ights over the Soviet Union He reluctantly agreed When a U-2
plane was shot down the CIA and Eisenhower assumed that the
pilot Francis Gary Powers had been killed and the plane de-
stroyed in the crash Tey thereore publicly lied about the mis-
sion claiming that a US weather-research plane had lost its wayand crashed in Soviet airspace Khrushchev then revealed Eisen-
howerrsquos lie by producing not only the U-2 wreckage but the live
pilot as well US per1047297dy was exposed and Eisenhower was orced
to take responsibility Yet this was not a simple public relations
victory or Khrushchev It was a bitter setback or Khrushchevrsquos
concept o peaceul coexistence It also undercut his domestic
credibility as he had initially deended Eisenhower as not respon-sible or the U-2 1047298ight and the exposure o Eisenhowerrsquos lie
seemed to give credence to the Soviet hardliners who argued that
the United States could not be trusted Khrushchev soon enough
would demonstrate his capacity to lie about weighty matters as
well the Cold War was not a game played by saints Yet the back-
to-back prevarications by Eisenhower and Kennedy surely em-
Te U-2 1047298ights were seen even by the United States as serious provocations to theUSSR and violations o international law
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the quest for peace 19
boldened Khrushchev in his own uture dissembling regarding
nuclear testing and Cuba
In a ollow-up letter to Kennedy (May 16) Khrushchev ac-
knowledges that ldquoa certain open alling out has taken place in the
relations between our countriesrdquo34 Yet he set the ground or anupcoming June meeting with Kennedy in Vienna by emphasizing
the key point he sees the importance o a US-Soviet settlement
on Germany Te ate o postwar Germany had proved a constant
source o tension between the two superpowers since the dawn o
the Cold War and never more so than when Kennedy took offi ce
It is thereore crucial to revisit some o this history
At the July 1945 Potsdam conerence at the end o World War IIit was agreed that a council o the our major Allied powers (the
United States the United Kingdom France and the Soviet Union)
would administer postwar Germany but the ldquohowrdquo was lef un-
speci1047297ed35 In the short term the our powers accepted that Ger-
many would be divided into our occupation zones and that each
occupying power would manage its own zone until longer-term
arrangements or a uni1047297ed Germany could be agreed upon Tecapital city o Berlin though alling within the Soviet zone was
also divided among the our powers But the longer-term arrange-
ments or Germany were never agreed upon and relations be-
tween the West and the Soviet Union quickly deteriorated once
there was no common enemy o Hitler to unite them36 Te United
States France and the United Kingdom soon amalgamated their
occupation zones into a single entity which in 1949 became theFederal Republic o Germany (West Germany) Te Soviet zone
became the German Democratic Republic (East Germany) Te
ailure to agree on the ate o a uni1047297ed Germany sowed the seeds
or many o the Cold War con1047298icts that ollowed
Herein lay the basic dilemma Te Soviet Unionmdashwhich had
lost more than twenty million soldiers and civilians in World
War IImdasheared a German resurgence and thereby asserted harsh
control over the Soviet occupation zone o Germany Not only
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20 To Move the World
that but Joseph Stalin the brutal leader o the Soviet Union since
the mid-1920s ruthlessly created satellite states in Eastern Europe
(in Yugoslavia Czechoslovakia Poland and elsewhere) under
single-party communist rule thereby establishing a controlling
corridor rom Russia all the way to the heart o Germany o theWestern powers these actions seemed to suggest a Soviet plan to
dominate all o Europe i not the world While US leaders had
initially avored deindustrializing Germany at the end o the war
to prevent it rom again becoming an economic and military
power37 they quickly changed their minds in the ace o the per-
ceived Soviet aggression Tey instead decided to reindustrialize
the western part o Germany as rapidly as possible as a bulwarkagainst the Soviet Union and to strengthen Western Europe gen-
erally38 Te Soviet Union viewed the hardening o US positions
as a violation o agreements intended to prevent a long-term re-
surgence o German power
Itrsquos not hard to see where this led As West Germany got stron-
ger Soviet anxieties rose As the Soviet Unionrsquos anxieties rose it
became more belligerent in response and the West then becameeven more determined to rebuild West Germany to resist Soviet
domination Tis explosive dynamic continued afer Kennedyrsquos
assumption o offi ce
Making things even more diffi cult or Kennedy was the act that
Eisenhower had proved neither very attentive nor interested in
the Soviet concerns vis-agrave-vis Germany Eisenhower stood strongly
in avor o Germanyrsquos economic and military recovery in part be-cause he wanted Western Europe to deend itsel so that US
troops could return home39 Eisenhower liked neither the cost o
stationing US troops in Europe nor the long-term political com-
mitment Eisenhower believed that US commitments should be
tapered down as soon as Europe could take up the burdens o its
own deense40 And i that even meant a Western Europe with nu-
clear weapons he was generally or it
In the 1047297nal years o the Eisenhower administration in response
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the quest for peace 21
to the European desire or nuclear weapons the United States and
NAOmdashthe military alliance o Western powers ormed in 1955mdash
began 1047298oating the idea o ldquonuclear sharingrdquo among the NAO
countries perhaps through a nuclear Multilateral Force (MLF)
Te United States saw the MLF as a way to share nuclear weaponswith allies and give Europe its own deterrent without having to
give any one nation ull control and the power to launch a nuclear
weapon unilaterally41 Tis prospect particularly o West German
nuclear access was a crucial actor in the dramatic heating up o
US-Soviet tensions in the lead-up to Kennedyrsquos presidency Tis
point is made orceully by the historian Marc rachtenberg in A
Constructed Peace (1999) one o the most incisive and importanthistorical analyses o this phase o the Cold War
Kennedy did not yet have a strategy or Germany and indeed
was pressed hard by the West German leader Konrad Adenauer
not to have one From Adenauerrsquos point o view any thaw in rela-
tions between the United States and the Soviet Union would likely
come at West Germanyrsquos expense But Kennedy would listen to
and learn rom Khrushchevrsquos repeated and heated concerns overGermany especially concerning Germanyrsquos acquisition o nuclear
weapons Kennedy would eventually break with Adenauer on that
question thereby paving the way to closer cooperation with the
Soviet Union But that breakthrough was still two years in the u-
ture and dire risks were strewn on the path to success
Berlin Redux
Following the Bay o Pigs debacle it was now Khrushchevrsquos turn
to misstep badly With Kennedy on his back oot Khrushchev be-
lieved that he was now in a position to pressure Kennedy into an
agreement on Germany which was Khrushchevrsquos primary oreign
policy concern Kennedyrsquos primary interest was in discussing a
nuclear test ban treaty which he elt was essential to slowing the
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22 To Move the World
arms race and nuclear prolieration one o Kennedyrsquos mostpressing concerns Te idea o a test ban treaty had been dis-
cussed or several years but the two sides were never able to get
past their disagreements on how such an agreement would be
enorced
At the Vienna Summit o June 1961 Khrushchev ensured that
Germany and Berlin rather than a test ban treaty dominated
the discussion Khrushchev told Kennedy that the Soviet Unionwould recognize the German Democratic Republic (East Ger-
many) and end Western access rights to West Berlin by the end o
1961 America and its allies viewed access to West Berlin as a vital
interest o the Western alliance and so Khrushchevrsquos threat was an
enormous provocation I war came rom this it would come said
Khrushchev He said that Berlin was a ldquorunning sorerdquo and that
disarmament was ldquoimpossible as long as the Berlin problem ex-
Soviet premier Nikita Khrushchev with President Kennedy at the start o the
Vienna Summit (June 3 1961)
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the quest for peace 23
istedrdquo42 Kennedy responded ldquoTen Mr Chairman there will be a
war It will be a cold long winterrdquo43
In act the diffi cult interchange brought the two leaders a little
closer to a solution though they certainly could not see it at the
time Tere were actually three German issues on the table allintricately intertwined Te 1047297rst was the Soviet desire or a peace
treaty with Germany that would somehow protect the Soviet
Union rom uture German aggression Te second was West Ber-
lin which Khrushchev considered to be ldquothis thorn this ulcerrdquo
within East Germany44 Khrushchev viewed West Berlin as a stag-
ing post or Western spying and aggression against the Soviet
Union ldquoa NAO beachhead and military base against us insidethe GDRrdquo45 He wanted the Western troops out Te third issue
involved the question o German rearmament and especially
German access to US nuclear weapons Te implicit progress
made in Vienna was a start in teasing apart these three issues
Kennedy would hold his ground on West Berlin but would also
recognize Khrushchevrsquos valid concerns about German rearma-
ment Kennedy made clear to Khrushchev in Vienna that he op-posed ldquoa buildup in West Germany that would constitute a threat
to the Soviet Unionrdquo46
History has judged that Kennedy ldquolostrdquo the Vienna Summit be-
cause he was browbeaten by Khrushchev particularly when the
two quarreled over ideology Indeed Kennedy himsel described
the Vienna experience as brutal telling a New York imes reporter
that it was the ldquoworst thing in my lie He savaged merdquo
47
Yet Ken-nedy in act had held 1047297rm and clear the West would not buckle
under threats on West Berlin More important and despite all
appearances Kennedy and Khrushchev were now on a path to
resolve the larger German issues a path they would pursue suc-
cessully in 1963
But the next act on Berlin would be a public relations disaster
or the Soviet Union As tensions over Berlin mounted more and
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24 To Move the World
more East Berliners voted with their eet by crossing the line to
West Berlin and rom there to the West generally During the 1047297rst
six months o 1961 over 100000 people lef East Germany with
50000 1047298eeing in June and July alone48 Te ongoing exodus o
East Berliners was a huge economic loss to a 1047298oundering econ-omy but an even starker daily embarrassment in the rontline
competition between socialism and capitalism It was one o the
main reasons why Khrushchev sought a long-term solution to
Berlin
As the 1047298ow o East Berliners accelerated so did the geopolitical
pressures Finally the East German government with the support
o its Soviet backers moved to stanch the human 1047298ood Berlinwoke up on the morning o August 13 to a barbed wire divide
soon to be a concrete and heavily armed wall patrolled by around
7000 soldiers and stretching 96 miles in Berlin and along the bor-
der between East and West Germany49
Kennedy wisely did not challenge the Berlin Wall except in a
perunctory manner recognizing that any challenge or protest
would prove empty Te West would certainly not go to war overSoviet actions on the Soviet side o the wall Indeed Kennedy im-
mediately and correctly surmised that the wall might actually
prove to be stabilizing in its perverse way by removing the embar-
rassing and costly provocation o mass outmigration rom East
Berlin As he suspected the end o the 1047298ow o migrants rom
East Berlin rather quickly eased the Berlin crisis
In act the overall Berlin situation seemed to Kennedy to be adangerous snare that was certainly not worth the risks o global
war Afer the Vienna Summit Kennedy had commented to his
close aide Kenneth OrsquoDonnell
Wersquore stuck in a ridiculous situation God knows Irsquom
not an isolationist but it seems particularly stupid to
risk killing a million Americans over an argument about
access rights on an Autobahn or because the Ger-
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the quest for peace 25
mans want Germany reuni1047297ed I Irsquom going to threaten
Russia with a nuclear war it will have to be or much
bigger and more important reasons than that Beore I
back Khrushchev against the wall and put him to a 1047297nal
test the reedom o all Western Europe will have to be atstake50
Kennedy would continue successully to deend West Berlin
but he would also recognize the need to move to a sounder long-
term position with the Soviet Union vis-agrave-vis Germany Tat in-
sight was crucial to Kennedyrsquos eventual success in 1963 and to the
calming o the East-West conrontation thereafer It was a basicstrategic insight that Eisenhower never recognized or acted upon
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Excerpted from To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs Copyright copy 2013 by Jeffrey D Sachs Excerpted
by permission of Random House a division of Random House Inc All rights reserved No part of this
excerpt may be reproduced or reprinted without permission in writing from the publisher
Read more
TO MOVE THE WORLD
Order your copy now
Amazon
Barnes amp Noble
IndieBound
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Learn more about the book
Meet Jeffrey D Sachs at a book signing
7282019 To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs (an excerpt)
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4 To Move the World
war he knew as a voracious student o history especially the his-
tory as written by Winston Churchill Te second war he knew
1047297rsthand Te years between 1938 and 1945 were a deeply orma-
tive period o his adult liemdashas a student in prewar London while
his ather was US ambassador to the United Kingdom as a youngauthor grappling with the question o why England had ailed or
so long to conront Hitler as a patrol boat captain in the Paci1047297c
where his vessel P-109 was sunk by a Japanese destroyer and as
part o a grieving amily when his elder brother was lost in a dar-
ing bombing mission over Germany1
Te overwhelming question acing the world and acing
Kennedy during his presidency was how to prevent a third worldwar Te actors that had caused the two warsmdashgeopolitics arms
races blunders bluster miscalculations ears and opportunismmdash
continued to operate and to threaten a new con1047298agration Yet the
context was also undamentally new and more threatening Te
nuclear bombs dropped on Hiroshima and Nagasaki in 1945 to
conclude World War II had ushered in the nuclear age and had
made the stakes incalculably higher A thermonuclear bomb couldnow carry ar more explosive orce than all o the bombs o the
Second World War
Kennedyrsquos worldview on these issues was shaped above all by
the in1047298uence and model o Winston Churchill Englandrsquos great
author-politician-warrior-statesman whose masterly history o
the 1047297rst war Te World Crisis described a tragic era o war through
miscalculation
2
whose warnings about Hitler in the 1930s hadgone unheeded until almost too late whose leadership as prime
minister between 1940 and 1945 enabled the United Kingdom to
survive and eventually triumph over Hitler whose warnings in
1946 just afer World War II ended alerted the West to the ris-
ing threat o Soviet power and whose calls during the 1940s
and 1950s or a negotiated settlement with the Soviet Union
did much to in1047298uence Kennedyrsquos peace strategy as president3
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the quest for peace 5
Kennedyrsquos lielong ascination with learning rom and urge to
emulate Winston Churchill has been recounted by many biogra-
phers
Te greatest problem acing Kennedy (and indeed the world)
in drawing lessons rom the two world wars was that the les-sons were highly complex subtle and even seemingly contradic-
tory World War I seemed to be a lesson about sel-ul1047297lling
crises where the ear o war itsel led to an arms race while the
arms race in turn led to a world primed or war Tese lessons
seemed to call or restraint in the arms race and avoidance o
a sel-ul1047297lling rush to war and so even as Hitler rearmed Ger-
many in the 1930s in contravention o the reaty o Versaillesthat had ended World War I Britain avoided provocations that
could spiral out o control Most amously Prime Minister Neville
Chamberlain argued that it would be better to accede to Ger-
man demands on border adjustments with Czechoslovakia and
so ldquoappeasedrdquo Hitler in the name o peace at the Munich coner-
ence in 1938 a disastrous mistake that ueled Hitlerrsquos drive to
war4
I World War I seemed to argue against arms races and sel-
ul1047297lling prophecies o war the lead-up to World War II by con-
trast seemed to argue or meeting strength with strength and
avoiding the temptation o ldquoappeasementrdquo For Kennedy the de-
bate over appeasement was more than intellectual it was intensely
personal John Kennedy watched closely as his ather Joe strongly
deended appeasement indeed declaring that Chamberlain hadno choice when he acceded to Hitlerrsquos outrageous demands at the
1938 Munich conerence as Hitler would have deeated the United
Kingdom in battle When war 1047297nally broke out the proponents o
appeasement were humiliated and Joe Kennedyrsquos vast political
ambitions were destroyed5 Te younger Kennedy would soon im-
plicitly come down on Churchillrsquos side writing in his 1047297rst book
Why England Slept that Britain had dangerously delayed rearm-
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6 To Move the World
ing under the illusion that appeasing Hitler would keep it sae and
out o war6
As president Kennedy would battle with these powerul
and con1047298icting dynamics Should he restrain the arms race in
order to avoid a sel-eeding race to war with the Soviet UnionOr should he strengthen US arms in order to negotiate rom
strength Should he make concessions to the Soviet premier
Nikita Khrushchev to acknowledge Soviet interests Or should he
hold the line to avoid the appearance and reality o appeasement
Kennedy would remain a student o history and o Churchill
whom he most admired trying to apply the complex lessons o
the past to the urgent challenges o the present
Te Nuclear Arms Race
Te problems o distrust between the Soviet Union and the United
States were proound pervasive and persistent and that distrust
spurred the arms race Te two sides were o course rivals andcompetitors And each side lied to the other repeatedly and
persistently Tese were not grounds or easy trust Nor was the
historical context Just a ew years earlier Hitler had cheated re-
lentlessly thereby winning signi1047297cant concessions Chamberlainrsquos
appeasement o Hitler at Munich hung over the Cold War era
Donrsquot trust the other side Better to arm to the teeth
Even though there were enormous gains to be had by both theUnited States and the Soviet Union i they could agree on the
postwar order in Europe politicians on both sides ound it nearly
impossible to take any steps that required trust I they did they
opened themselves up to extraordinarily harsh attacks by hard-
liners on their own side who denied that the other side would
abide by any agreements A US politician who urged agreement
with the Soviet Union risked immediate subjection to the cries o
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the quest for peace 7
ldquoMunichrdquo and ldquoappeasementrdquo powerul political charges and ones
Kennedy was especially eager to avoid
Te two sides were trapped by two closely related problems the
prisonerrsquos dilemma and the security dilemma Te prisonerrsquos di-
lemma holds that in the absence o long-term trust or bindingagreements the logic o inter-state rivalry will push both sides to
arm Should the United States arm or disarm I the Soviet Union
arms the United States has no choice but to arm as well in order
to avoid being the weaker side I the Soviet Union disarms then
the United States gains military and political advantage by arming
while the Soviet Union is weak Tereore arming is a ldquodominantrdquo
strategy the best move no matter what the other side does Sincethe logic is the same or the other side both sides end up continu-
ally increasing their arms even though a binding agreement to
disarm would be mutually bene1047297cial7
Te security dilemma propounded by Robert Jervis a leading
political theorist is a corollary o the prisonerrsquos dilemma8 Te se-
curity dilemma holds that a defensive action by one side will ofen
be viewed by the other side as an offensive action Tus i theUnited States builds its nuclear arsenal to stave off a Soviet con-
ventional land invasion o Europe the Soviet Union will view the
US nuclear buildup as preparation or a nuclear 1047297rst strike against
the Soviet Union rather than as a deensive measure And i the
Soviet Union tries to catch up with the US nuclear arsenal that
will be viewed as an offensive action by the United States US
hardliners would argue that the Soviet Union is trying to neutral-ize the US nuclear deterrent so that the Soviet Union can launch
a conventional attack
As a result o the absence o trust and the harsh logic o both
the prisonerrsquos dilemma and the security dilemma both sides con-
tinued to amass nuclear weapons to the point o massive overkill
And as the arsenals continued to expand each side eared that the
other was actually building up or a surprise 1047297rst-strike attack
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8 To Move the World
Te United States indeed contemplated launching a preventive
nuclear war worried that it would be unable to deend itsel in the
uture Jervis recalled the words o the German statesman Otto
von Bismarck who called a preventive war ldquocommitting suicide
rom ear o deathrdquo9
Te nuclear arms race accelerated as the United States and the
Soviet Union expanded their arsenals and as the United Kingdom
and France became nuclear powers (in 1952 and 1960 respec-
tively) with their own independent arsenals By 1960 the United
States had nuclear warheads positioned in several countries around
the world10 Te Soviet Union elt itsel very much surrounded in-
deed and increasingly unsure o whether these US nuclear weap-ons were really under US control
O course it wasnrsquot just the international situation that prompted
the arms buildup on each side It was also domestic politics Te
military-industrial complex gained power within each govern-
ment as time went on In the United States each branch o the
military demanded its own nuclear arsenal so that competition
among the US Army Air Force and Navy also drove up militarybudgets and the numbers o nuclear warheads and delivery sys-
tems Te same was true on the Soviet side where there was ar
less constraint than in the United States on the political power o
the military-industrial complex
o the Brink
When Kennedy assumed offi ce he took to heart Churchillrsquos belie
that political leaders must work actively to solve vexing interna-
tional problems He was intent on pursuing arms control but was
also a staunch Cold Warrior partly out o conviction and partly
out o political expediency in order to protect himsel rom power-
ul hardline anti-communists Kennedy believed that he could
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the quest for peace 9
untangle the dangerous con1047298icts with the Soviet Union And as
Churchill urged Kennedy would aim to solve these problemsrom a position o US military strength and without relinquish-
ing vital Western interests
Te tough and conciliatory sides o Kennedyrsquos negotiating strat-
egy were mutually reinorcing Churchill had long emphasized
the essential role o negotiating with onersquos adversary ldquoo jaw-jawrdquo
he said ldquois always better than to war-warrdquo11 Churchill had called
negotiation through strength his ldquodouble-barreled strategyrdquo andamously declared ldquoI do not hold that we should rearm in order to
1047297ght I hold that we should rearm in order to parleyrdquo12 In 1938 it
had not been just a weakness o political will but also one o mili-
tary preparedness that had led Chamberlain to appease Hitler at
Munich
Kennedy would reer to Churchillrsquos double-barreled approach
in his campaign address in Seattle in September 1960
President Dwight D Eisenhower greets President-elect John F Kennedy (Decem-
ber 6 1960)
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10 To Move the World
It is an unortunate act that we can secure peace only
by preparing or war Winston Churchill said in 1949
ldquoWe arm to parleyrdquo We can convince Mr Khrushchev
to bargain seriously at the conerence table i he respects
our strength13
Kennedy had no doubt either o the enormous potential gains
o cooperation with the Soviet Union or o the grave risks i the
United States cooperated (or instance through arms control)
while the Soviet Union reneged on its side o the deal Cheating
by the Soviet Union would threaten not only US security but
also Kennedyrsquos hold on power domestically Kennedy would re-peatedly urge cooperation but remain alert that any move toward
cooperation however modest could trigger political charges rom
the right that he was an appeaser
Te burdens on Kennedy were greater as a Democrat since Re-
publicans regularly assailed the Democratic Party or being ldquosof
on communismrdquo Kennedy thereore aimed to assure all sidesmdash
the US public Americarsquos allies and o course the Soviet Unionmdashthat he would vigorously resist Soviet aggression and deend
Western interests while he sought greater cooperation with the
Soviet Union He would aim at the core to pursue a tit-or-tat
strategy (a way to break out o the prisonerrsquos dilemma by recipro-
cating cooperation rom the other side) promising to join the
Soviet Union in arms control but also declaring repeatedly his
readiness to revert to an arms race i the Soviet Union did notkeep its promises Te tit-or-tat strategy o incremental coopera-
tion was mapped out a year afer Kennedy came to offi ce by one o
Americarsquos leading sociologists Amitai Etzioni whose remarkable
book Te Hard Way to Peace spelled out a psychological approach
to orging peace14 Etzioni believed that con1047297dence building was
crucial since in his view psychological rather than political or
military actors were the decisive drivers o the Cold War He pro-
pounded a notion o ldquopsychological gradualismrdquo to reduce ear
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the quest for peace 11
build trust and initiate a phased process o reciprocated conces-
sions Eventually suspicion and ear would be ldquoreduced to a level
where ruitul negotiations are possiblerdquo15 In many ways Kenne-
dyrsquos peace initiative in 1963 would pursue this approach
Kennedy 1047297rst signaled both aspects o his approach in hisinaugural address on January 20 196116 First came his robust ull-
throated commitment to the deense o liberty
Let every nation know whether it wishes us well or ill
that we shall pay any price bear any burden meet any
hardship support any riend oppose any oe in order
to assure the survival and the success o liberty
But equally stirring was his commitment to pursue the mutual
gains o cooperation
So let us begin anewmdashremembering on both sides that
civility is not a sign o weakness and sincerity is always
subject to proo Let us never negotiate out o ear Butlet us never ear to negotiate
Let both sides or the 1047297rst time ormulate serious
and precise proposals or the inspection and control o
armsmdashand bring the absolute power to destroy other
nations under the absolute control o all nations
Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders o science
instead o its terrors ogether let us explore the starsconquer the deserts eradicate disease tap the ocean
depths and encourage the arts and commerce
Kennedyrsquos emphasis on ldquoprecise proposalsrdquo was not incidental
Following Churchill once again Kennedy believed that miscalcu-
lation with the Soviet Union would best be avoided through clear
detailed and principled negotiating positions Yet here too the
ideal and the practical would collide Negotiations are 1047297lled with
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12 To Move the World
eints bluffs and intermediate positions and these inevitably
raise the risk o miscalculation
Kennedy was sincere in his inaugural address when he said ldquoSo
let us begin anewrdquo As a senator and as a presidential candidate he
himsel had helped to spur the arms race by opportunisticallyhammering away at Dwight D Eisenhowerrsquos administration or
allowing a ldquomissile gaprdquo to emerge claiming in 1958 that there was
every indication ldquothat by 1960 the United States will have lost
its superiority in nuclear striking powerrdquo17 In act the true missile
gap contrary to Kennedyrsquos claim stood greatly in Americarsquos avor
While the de1047297nitive knowledge o the Soviet Unionrsquos very limited
ballistic missile capacity was a closely held secret o the Eisen-hower administration based on secret U-2 spy plane 1047298ights Sena-
tor Kennedy probably knew that he was exaggerating Soviet
capabilities As the presidential candidate running against hard-
line vice president Richard Nixon Kennedy was especially keen to
project a tough-minded oreign policy stance and avoid the charge
o being sof on communism typically levied against Democrats
No matter what Kennedy may have believed as a candidate helearned early in his presidency that there was no missile gap in the
Sovietsrsquo advantage
Khrushchev would probably have understood the political
reasons or Kennedyrsquos missile-gap rhetoric and might even have
bene1047297ted in a way rom Kennedyrsquos exaggerated portrayal o Soviet
power Indeed when Kennedy chose in October 1961 to reveal
to the public the relative weakness o the Soviet nuclear orceKhrushchev was deeply aggrieved Still in the early days o the
new administration Khrushchev was intent on determining
whether Kennedy was in act a diehard Cold Warrior like Eisen-
howerrsquos in1047298uential Secretary o State John Foster Dulles or a po-
tentially cooperative counterpart in peaceul coexistence Early
steps by Kennedy could thereore help to chart the course toward
better relations
In addition to their public speeches and the interaction o their
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the quest for peace 13
diplomats the two leaders would soon learn much more about
each other in another way Beginning with Khrushchevrsquos letter o
congratulations to the newly elected Kennedy on November 9
1960 the two men engaged until Kennedyrsquos death in a back-
channel personal correspondence o more than a hundred lettersBoth pledged that the letters would be held con1047297dentially and
never leaked or propaganda purposes ldquoFor my partrdquo Kennedy
wrote ldquothe contents and even the existence o our letters will be
known only to the Secretary o State and a ew other o my closest
associates in the governmentrdquo18 Both leaders seem to have hon-
ored their pledges o con1047297dentiality Te result is a most extraor-
dinary exchange that together with other events offers criticalinsights into the thinking o both men the issues that worried
them and their strategies or peace
Kennedyrsquos Opening Provocations
Unortunately or the prospects o US-Soviet cooperation andcontrary to the approach o incremental cooperation Kennedy
came out swinging He did this in three provocative ways First
despite the act that the United States was ar ahead in nuclear
weapons Kennedy ordered a major military buildup o both nu-
clear and conventional arms Te total number o US nuclear
warheads would soar rom 20000 in 1960 to 29000 in 1963 at a
time when the Soviet Union had a small raction o that number(1600 in 1960 and 4200 in 1963)19 Conventional orces were also
greatly augmented as Kennedy adopted a new model o ldquo1047298exible
responserdquo He was highly critical o Eisenhowerrsquos nuclear policy
o ldquomassive retaliationrdquo to meet Soviet threats which purportedly
relied on US nuclear weapons to deter Soviet provocations
Kennedy wanted more non-nuclear options20
Second Kennedy approved a CIA plan or an invasion o Cuba
which would become the biggest blunder o his presidency Tird
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14 To Move the World
he went ahead with a conrontational move that had been ap-
proved by his predecessor Dwight Eisenhower In 1958 Eisen-
hower had decided to strengthen the US nuclear arsenal by
posting intermediate-range nuclear missiles under US control in
Italy and urkey Te placements o these Jupiter missiles wereimplemented in June 1960 in Italy and October 1961 (the 1047297rst year
o the Kennedy administration) in urkey21 Te Soviet Union now
aced the threat not only o Americarsquos strategic bombers but also
o nearby missiles that could reach the Soviet Union in minutes
Tis was a new and terriying prospect that tipped the psycho-
logical and strategic balance toward the United States and consti-
tuted a major motivation or Khrushchevrsquos later attempt to putsimilar missiles into Cuba
Kennedy sought to negotiate peace through strength but these
early moves were more than a mere show o strength they were
a ratcheting up o the Cold War Here the contradictory lessons
o World War I and World War II were starkly revealed Kennedy
was prooundly concerned about a war starting through mis-
calculation as had World War I but was equally i not moreconcerned with being perceived as weak i he ailed to project mil-
itary strength and 1047297rmness Yet by taking steps to build US
military strength and increase the number o US military op-
tions he inadvertently exacerbated the risks o terrible miscalcu-
lation very much a case o Jervisrsquos security dilemma in operation
At the time that Kennedy assumed the presidency the CIA was
already in high gear to topple Cubarsquos new lef-wing governmentwhich had begun to con1047297scate US assets and sidle up to the
Soviet Union America had long backed Cubarsquos corrupt dictator
Fulgencio Batista who offered privileges and protection to Amer-
ican investors in the nearby island only ninety miles rom Florida
During the 1950s the young lawyer Fidel Castro led a guerrilla
insurgency against Batista 1047297nally succeeding in prompting the
dictator to 1047298ee on January 1 195922 No sooner had Castro con-
solidated his control over Cuba than Eisenhower and the CIA di-
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the quest for peace 15
rector Allen Dulles (the brother o Secretary o State John Foster
Dulles) began to plot a coup to bring him down Castro was not
yet a hardcore Soviet ally though a partial US trade embargo
initiated by the Eisenhower administration in 1960 was pushing
Cuba in that direction US actions in 1961 would soon lead Cubaully into the Soviet camp Te CIA brieed Kennedy early in his
term about plans or a CIA-backed invasion o Cuba that would be
carried out by Cuban expatriates Te planning was ar advanced
as the CIA had prepared it in the 1047297nal year o the Eisenhower ad-
ministration
From the start Kennedy was deeply concerned not only about
the invasionrsquos chances o success but also about its implicationsor US-Soviet relations Tis would be among the 1047297rst major
moves in his new strategic game with Khrushchev and it would
be ar rom a cooperative one Kennedy eared speci1047297cally
that any action against Castro might prompt Soviet retaliation in
Berlin the hotspot o the Cold War Tis linkage was probably
exaggeratedmdashthe Soviets did not yet see Castro as vitalmdashbut it
played a role in Kennedyrsquos thinking Te planned invasion wasalso one o Kennedyrsquos 1047297rst oreign policy decisions He did not yet
have the con1047297dence to disregard the CIA and the military
Kennedy tried to have it both ways and ended up in a disas-
trous muddle He gave the green light to the CIA-based Cuban
invasion in April 1961 but he wanted ldquodeniabilityrdquo o US involve-
ment and so withheld key military backing such as air support
that was vital to any chance o military success Te hope o deni-ability was oolish the US role was obvious Kennedyrsquos prevarica-
tion guaranteed a complete ailure o the attack (a ailure that was
most likely in any event) ollowed by harsh international criticism
o the United States Te operation was too small or success but
too large or deniability Te expatriates who landed at the Bay o
Pigs were quickly killed or captured and the entire episode ended
ignominiously23
In the postmortem Kennedy met with Eisenhower to discuss
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16 To Move the World
the botched operation and Eisenhower asked Kennedy why he
had denied air cover or the invasion Te historian Michael
Beschloss described the painul interchange
Kennedy said ldquoWell my advice was that we must try tokeep our hands rom showing in the affairrdquo Eisenhower
was aghast ldquoHow could you expect the world to believe
we had nothing to do with it Where did these people
get the ships to go rom Central America to Cuba
Where did they get the weapons I believe there is
only one thing to do when you go into this kind o thing
it must be a successrdquo24
By itsel the CIA operation was oolish naiumlve and incompe-
tently designed and managed Tis was par or the course or the
CIA which had bungled one operation afer another in many
parts o the world Te Bay o Pigs 1047297asco also con1047297rmed Kenne-
dyrsquos deep mistrust o the military which had begun with his expe-
rience in World War II Kennedy told reporter and riend BenBradlee ldquoTe 1047297rst advice Irsquom going to give my successor is to
watch the generals and to avoid eeling that just because they were
military men their opinions on military matters were worth a
damnrdquo25
It also contributed to a cascading set o errors Forced to appear
tough and decisive afer the very public ailure Kennedy quickly
called or increased military spending and harsher measures todestabilize the Castro regime26 Tese included a series o hare-
brained attempts to assassinate Castro part o the larger anti-
Castro strategy the CIA dubbed ldquoOperation Mongooserdquo27 As a
result both Castro and Khrushchev came to believe that Ken-
nedyrsquos next gambit would be a ull-1047298edged invasion o Cuba Tat
expectation contributed to the Cuban Missile Crisis the ollowing
year
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the quest for peace 17
Te Kennedy-Khrushchev private letters offer a remarkable in-
terchange regarding the Bay o Pigs Te letters beore the Bay o
Pigs are highly congenial the opening moves o con1047297dence build-
ing under the tit-or-tat strategy Khrushchev writes on Novem-
ber 9 1960 that he hopes Kennedyrsquos election will mean that ldquoourcountries would again ollow the line along which they were de-
veloping in Franklin Rooseveltrsquos timerdquo when the two countries
were allies28 He holds out the prospect o important agreements
ldquowe are ready or our part to continue efforts to solve such a press-
ing problem as disarmament to settle the German issue through
the earliest conclusion o a peace treaty and to reach agreement on
other questionsrdquo29 Kennedy responds that ldquoa just and lasting peacewill remain a undamental goal o this nation and a major task o
its Presidentrdquo30 Tey begin to arrange an early summit meeting
Yet the tone cracks in Khrushchevrsquos letter o April 18 two days
afer the Cuban invasion
Mr President I send you this message in an hour o
alarm raught with danger or the peace o the wholeworld Armed aggression has begun against Cuba It is a
secret to no one that the armed bands invading this
country were trained equipped and armed in the
United States o America31
ldquoI approach you Mr Presidentrdquo Khrushchev writes ldquowith an
urgent call to put an end to aggression against the Republic oCubardquo
Kennedyrsquos answer the same day is dreadully maladroit ldquoYou
are under a serious misapprehension in regard to the events in
Cubardquo he replies ldquoI have previously stated and I repeat now that
the United States intends no military intervention in Cubardquo32 Tis
patently alse denial brings a powerul rebuke rom Khrushchev
our days later
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18 To Move the World
I have received your reply o April 18 You write that the
United States intends no military intervention in Cuba
But numerous acts known to the whole worldmdashand to
the Government o the United States o course better
than to any one elsemdashspeak differently Despite all as-surances to the contrary it has now been proved beyond
doubt that it was precisely the United States which pre-
pared the intervention 1047297nanced its arming and trans-
ported the gangs o mercenaries that invaded the
territory o Cuba33
Kennedyrsquos denial marked the second notable US presidentiallie to Khrushchev in less than a year Te previous summer the
CIA had pressed Eisenhower to permit another round o U-2 spy
1047298ights over the Soviet Union He reluctantly agreed When a U-2
plane was shot down the CIA and Eisenhower assumed that the
pilot Francis Gary Powers had been killed and the plane de-
stroyed in the crash Tey thereore publicly lied about the mis-
sion claiming that a US weather-research plane had lost its wayand crashed in Soviet airspace Khrushchev then revealed Eisen-
howerrsquos lie by producing not only the U-2 wreckage but the live
pilot as well US per1047297dy was exposed and Eisenhower was orced
to take responsibility Yet this was not a simple public relations
victory or Khrushchev It was a bitter setback or Khrushchevrsquos
concept o peaceul coexistence It also undercut his domestic
credibility as he had initially deended Eisenhower as not respon-sible or the U-2 1047298ight and the exposure o Eisenhowerrsquos lie
seemed to give credence to the Soviet hardliners who argued that
the United States could not be trusted Khrushchev soon enough
would demonstrate his capacity to lie about weighty matters as
well the Cold War was not a game played by saints Yet the back-
to-back prevarications by Eisenhower and Kennedy surely em-
Te U-2 1047298ights were seen even by the United States as serious provocations to theUSSR and violations o international law
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the quest for peace 19
boldened Khrushchev in his own uture dissembling regarding
nuclear testing and Cuba
In a ollow-up letter to Kennedy (May 16) Khrushchev ac-
knowledges that ldquoa certain open alling out has taken place in the
relations between our countriesrdquo34 Yet he set the ground or anupcoming June meeting with Kennedy in Vienna by emphasizing
the key point he sees the importance o a US-Soviet settlement
on Germany Te ate o postwar Germany had proved a constant
source o tension between the two superpowers since the dawn o
the Cold War and never more so than when Kennedy took offi ce
It is thereore crucial to revisit some o this history
At the July 1945 Potsdam conerence at the end o World War IIit was agreed that a council o the our major Allied powers (the
United States the United Kingdom France and the Soviet Union)
would administer postwar Germany but the ldquohowrdquo was lef un-
speci1047297ed35 In the short term the our powers accepted that Ger-
many would be divided into our occupation zones and that each
occupying power would manage its own zone until longer-term
arrangements or a uni1047297ed Germany could be agreed upon Tecapital city o Berlin though alling within the Soviet zone was
also divided among the our powers But the longer-term arrange-
ments or Germany were never agreed upon and relations be-
tween the West and the Soviet Union quickly deteriorated once
there was no common enemy o Hitler to unite them36 Te United
States France and the United Kingdom soon amalgamated their
occupation zones into a single entity which in 1949 became theFederal Republic o Germany (West Germany) Te Soviet zone
became the German Democratic Republic (East Germany) Te
ailure to agree on the ate o a uni1047297ed Germany sowed the seeds
or many o the Cold War con1047298icts that ollowed
Herein lay the basic dilemma Te Soviet Unionmdashwhich had
lost more than twenty million soldiers and civilians in World
War IImdasheared a German resurgence and thereby asserted harsh
control over the Soviet occupation zone o Germany Not only
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20 To Move the World
that but Joseph Stalin the brutal leader o the Soviet Union since
the mid-1920s ruthlessly created satellite states in Eastern Europe
(in Yugoslavia Czechoslovakia Poland and elsewhere) under
single-party communist rule thereby establishing a controlling
corridor rom Russia all the way to the heart o Germany o theWestern powers these actions seemed to suggest a Soviet plan to
dominate all o Europe i not the world While US leaders had
initially avored deindustrializing Germany at the end o the war
to prevent it rom again becoming an economic and military
power37 they quickly changed their minds in the ace o the per-
ceived Soviet aggression Tey instead decided to reindustrialize
the western part o Germany as rapidly as possible as a bulwarkagainst the Soviet Union and to strengthen Western Europe gen-
erally38 Te Soviet Union viewed the hardening o US positions
as a violation o agreements intended to prevent a long-term re-
surgence o German power
Itrsquos not hard to see where this led As West Germany got stron-
ger Soviet anxieties rose As the Soviet Unionrsquos anxieties rose it
became more belligerent in response and the West then becameeven more determined to rebuild West Germany to resist Soviet
domination Tis explosive dynamic continued afer Kennedyrsquos
assumption o offi ce
Making things even more diffi cult or Kennedy was the act that
Eisenhower had proved neither very attentive nor interested in
the Soviet concerns vis-agrave-vis Germany Eisenhower stood strongly
in avor o Germanyrsquos economic and military recovery in part be-cause he wanted Western Europe to deend itsel so that US
troops could return home39 Eisenhower liked neither the cost o
stationing US troops in Europe nor the long-term political com-
mitment Eisenhower believed that US commitments should be
tapered down as soon as Europe could take up the burdens o its
own deense40 And i that even meant a Western Europe with nu-
clear weapons he was generally or it
In the 1047297nal years o the Eisenhower administration in response
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the quest for peace 21
to the European desire or nuclear weapons the United States and
NAOmdashthe military alliance o Western powers ormed in 1955mdash
began 1047298oating the idea o ldquonuclear sharingrdquo among the NAO
countries perhaps through a nuclear Multilateral Force (MLF)
Te United States saw the MLF as a way to share nuclear weaponswith allies and give Europe its own deterrent without having to
give any one nation ull control and the power to launch a nuclear
weapon unilaterally41 Tis prospect particularly o West German
nuclear access was a crucial actor in the dramatic heating up o
US-Soviet tensions in the lead-up to Kennedyrsquos presidency Tis
point is made orceully by the historian Marc rachtenberg in A
Constructed Peace (1999) one o the most incisive and importanthistorical analyses o this phase o the Cold War
Kennedy did not yet have a strategy or Germany and indeed
was pressed hard by the West German leader Konrad Adenauer
not to have one From Adenauerrsquos point o view any thaw in rela-
tions between the United States and the Soviet Union would likely
come at West Germanyrsquos expense But Kennedy would listen to
and learn rom Khrushchevrsquos repeated and heated concerns overGermany especially concerning Germanyrsquos acquisition o nuclear
weapons Kennedy would eventually break with Adenauer on that
question thereby paving the way to closer cooperation with the
Soviet Union But that breakthrough was still two years in the u-
ture and dire risks were strewn on the path to success
Berlin Redux
Following the Bay o Pigs debacle it was now Khrushchevrsquos turn
to misstep badly With Kennedy on his back oot Khrushchev be-
lieved that he was now in a position to pressure Kennedy into an
agreement on Germany which was Khrushchevrsquos primary oreign
policy concern Kennedyrsquos primary interest was in discussing a
nuclear test ban treaty which he elt was essential to slowing the
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22 To Move the World
arms race and nuclear prolieration one o Kennedyrsquos mostpressing concerns Te idea o a test ban treaty had been dis-
cussed or several years but the two sides were never able to get
past their disagreements on how such an agreement would be
enorced
At the Vienna Summit o June 1961 Khrushchev ensured that
Germany and Berlin rather than a test ban treaty dominated
the discussion Khrushchev told Kennedy that the Soviet Unionwould recognize the German Democratic Republic (East Ger-
many) and end Western access rights to West Berlin by the end o
1961 America and its allies viewed access to West Berlin as a vital
interest o the Western alliance and so Khrushchevrsquos threat was an
enormous provocation I war came rom this it would come said
Khrushchev He said that Berlin was a ldquorunning sorerdquo and that
disarmament was ldquoimpossible as long as the Berlin problem ex-
Soviet premier Nikita Khrushchev with President Kennedy at the start o the
Vienna Summit (June 3 1961)
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the quest for peace 23
istedrdquo42 Kennedy responded ldquoTen Mr Chairman there will be a
war It will be a cold long winterrdquo43
In act the diffi cult interchange brought the two leaders a little
closer to a solution though they certainly could not see it at the
time Tere were actually three German issues on the table allintricately intertwined Te 1047297rst was the Soviet desire or a peace
treaty with Germany that would somehow protect the Soviet
Union rom uture German aggression Te second was West Ber-
lin which Khrushchev considered to be ldquothis thorn this ulcerrdquo
within East Germany44 Khrushchev viewed West Berlin as a stag-
ing post or Western spying and aggression against the Soviet
Union ldquoa NAO beachhead and military base against us insidethe GDRrdquo45 He wanted the Western troops out Te third issue
involved the question o German rearmament and especially
German access to US nuclear weapons Te implicit progress
made in Vienna was a start in teasing apart these three issues
Kennedy would hold his ground on West Berlin but would also
recognize Khrushchevrsquos valid concerns about German rearma-
ment Kennedy made clear to Khrushchev in Vienna that he op-posed ldquoa buildup in West Germany that would constitute a threat
to the Soviet Unionrdquo46
History has judged that Kennedy ldquolostrdquo the Vienna Summit be-
cause he was browbeaten by Khrushchev particularly when the
two quarreled over ideology Indeed Kennedy himsel described
the Vienna experience as brutal telling a New York imes reporter
that it was the ldquoworst thing in my lie He savaged merdquo
47
Yet Ken-nedy in act had held 1047297rm and clear the West would not buckle
under threats on West Berlin More important and despite all
appearances Kennedy and Khrushchev were now on a path to
resolve the larger German issues a path they would pursue suc-
cessully in 1963
But the next act on Berlin would be a public relations disaster
or the Soviet Union As tensions over Berlin mounted more and
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24 To Move the World
more East Berliners voted with their eet by crossing the line to
West Berlin and rom there to the West generally During the 1047297rst
six months o 1961 over 100000 people lef East Germany with
50000 1047298eeing in June and July alone48 Te ongoing exodus o
East Berliners was a huge economic loss to a 1047298oundering econ-omy but an even starker daily embarrassment in the rontline
competition between socialism and capitalism It was one o the
main reasons why Khrushchev sought a long-term solution to
Berlin
As the 1047298ow o East Berliners accelerated so did the geopolitical
pressures Finally the East German government with the support
o its Soviet backers moved to stanch the human 1047298ood Berlinwoke up on the morning o August 13 to a barbed wire divide
soon to be a concrete and heavily armed wall patrolled by around
7000 soldiers and stretching 96 miles in Berlin and along the bor-
der between East and West Germany49
Kennedy wisely did not challenge the Berlin Wall except in a
perunctory manner recognizing that any challenge or protest
would prove empty Te West would certainly not go to war overSoviet actions on the Soviet side o the wall Indeed Kennedy im-
mediately and correctly surmised that the wall might actually
prove to be stabilizing in its perverse way by removing the embar-
rassing and costly provocation o mass outmigration rom East
Berlin As he suspected the end o the 1047298ow o migrants rom
East Berlin rather quickly eased the Berlin crisis
In act the overall Berlin situation seemed to Kennedy to be adangerous snare that was certainly not worth the risks o global
war Afer the Vienna Summit Kennedy had commented to his
close aide Kenneth OrsquoDonnell
Wersquore stuck in a ridiculous situation God knows Irsquom
not an isolationist but it seems particularly stupid to
risk killing a million Americans over an argument about
access rights on an Autobahn or because the Ger-
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the quest for peace 25
mans want Germany reuni1047297ed I Irsquom going to threaten
Russia with a nuclear war it will have to be or much
bigger and more important reasons than that Beore I
back Khrushchev against the wall and put him to a 1047297nal
test the reedom o all Western Europe will have to be atstake50
Kennedy would continue successully to deend West Berlin
but he would also recognize the need to move to a sounder long-
term position with the Soviet Union vis-agrave-vis Germany Tat in-
sight was crucial to Kennedyrsquos eventual success in 1963 and to the
calming o the East-West conrontation thereafer It was a basicstrategic insight that Eisenhower never recognized or acted upon
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Excerpted from To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs Copyright copy 2013 by Jeffrey D Sachs Excerpted
by permission of Random House a division of Random House Inc All rights reserved No part of this
excerpt may be reproduced or reprinted without permission in writing from the publisher
Read more
TO MOVE THE WORLD
Order your copy now
Amazon
Barnes amp Noble
IndieBound
Kindle
Nook
iBookstore
Kobo
Other Retailers
Learn more about the book
Meet Jeffrey D Sachs at a book signing
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the quest for peace 5
Kennedyrsquos lielong ascination with learning rom and urge to
emulate Winston Churchill has been recounted by many biogra-
phers
Te greatest problem acing Kennedy (and indeed the world)
in drawing lessons rom the two world wars was that the les-sons were highly complex subtle and even seemingly contradic-
tory World War I seemed to be a lesson about sel-ul1047297lling
crises where the ear o war itsel led to an arms race while the
arms race in turn led to a world primed or war Tese lessons
seemed to call or restraint in the arms race and avoidance o
a sel-ul1047297lling rush to war and so even as Hitler rearmed Ger-
many in the 1930s in contravention o the reaty o Versaillesthat had ended World War I Britain avoided provocations that
could spiral out o control Most amously Prime Minister Neville
Chamberlain argued that it would be better to accede to Ger-
man demands on border adjustments with Czechoslovakia and
so ldquoappeasedrdquo Hitler in the name o peace at the Munich coner-
ence in 1938 a disastrous mistake that ueled Hitlerrsquos drive to
war4
I World War I seemed to argue against arms races and sel-
ul1047297lling prophecies o war the lead-up to World War II by con-
trast seemed to argue or meeting strength with strength and
avoiding the temptation o ldquoappeasementrdquo For Kennedy the de-
bate over appeasement was more than intellectual it was intensely
personal John Kennedy watched closely as his ather Joe strongly
deended appeasement indeed declaring that Chamberlain hadno choice when he acceded to Hitlerrsquos outrageous demands at the
1938 Munich conerence as Hitler would have deeated the United
Kingdom in battle When war 1047297nally broke out the proponents o
appeasement were humiliated and Joe Kennedyrsquos vast political
ambitions were destroyed5 Te younger Kennedy would soon im-
plicitly come down on Churchillrsquos side writing in his 1047297rst book
Why England Slept that Britain had dangerously delayed rearm-
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6 To Move the World
ing under the illusion that appeasing Hitler would keep it sae and
out o war6
As president Kennedy would battle with these powerul
and con1047298icting dynamics Should he restrain the arms race in
order to avoid a sel-eeding race to war with the Soviet UnionOr should he strengthen US arms in order to negotiate rom
strength Should he make concessions to the Soviet premier
Nikita Khrushchev to acknowledge Soviet interests Or should he
hold the line to avoid the appearance and reality o appeasement
Kennedy would remain a student o history and o Churchill
whom he most admired trying to apply the complex lessons o
the past to the urgent challenges o the present
Te Nuclear Arms Race
Te problems o distrust between the Soviet Union and the United
States were proound pervasive and persistent and that distrust
spurred the arms race Te two sides were o course rivals andcompetitors And each side lied to the other repeatedly and
persistently Tese were not grounds or easy trust Nor was the
historical context Just a ew years earlier Hitler had cheated re-
lentlessly thereby winning signi1047297cant concessions Chamberlainrsquos
appeasement o Hitler at Munich hung over the Cold War era
Donrsquot trust the other side Better to arm to the teeth
Even though there were enormous gains to be had by both theUnited States and the Soviet Union i they could agree on the
postwar order in Europe politicians on both sides ound it nearly
impossible to take any steps that required trust I they did they
opened themselves up to extraordinarily harsh attacks by hard-
liners on their own side who denied that the other side would
abide by any agreements A US politician who urged agreement
with the Soviet Union risked immediate subjection to the cries o
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the quest for peace 7
ldquoMunichrdquo and ldquoappeasementrdquo powerul political charges and ones
Kennedy was especially eager to avoid
Te two sides were trapped by two closely related problems the
prisonerrsquos dilemma and the security dilemma Te prisonerrsquos di-
lemma holds that in the absence o long-term trust or bindingagreements the logic o inter-state rivalry will push both sides to
arm Should the United States arm or disarm I the Soviet Union
arms the United States has no choice but to arm as well in order
to avoid being the weaker side I the Soviet Union disarms then
the United States gains military and political advantage by arming
while the Soviet Union is weak Tereore arming is a ldquodominantrdquo
strategy the best move no matter what the other side does Sincethe logic is the same or the other side both sides end up continu-
ally increasing their arms even though a binding agreement to
disarm would be mutually bene1047297cial7
Te security dilemma propounded by Robert Jervis a leading
political theorist is a corollary o the prisonerrsquos dilemma8 Te se-
curity dilemma holds that a defensive action by one side will ofen
be viewed by the other side as an offensive action Tus i theUnited States builds its nuclear arsenal to stave off a Soviet con-
ventional land invasion o Europe the Soviet Union will view the
US nuclear buildup as preparation or a nuclear 1047297rst strike against
the Soviet Union rather than as a deensive measure And i the
Soviet Union tries to catch up with the US nuclear arsenal that
will be viewed as an offensive action by the United States US
hardliners would argue that the Soviet Union is trying to neutral-ize the US nuclear deterrent so that the Soviet Union can launch
a conventional attack
As a result o the absence o trust and the harsh logic o both
the prisonerrsquos dilemma and the security dilemma both sides con-
tinued to amass nuclear weapons to the point o massive overkill
And as the arsenals continued to expand each side eared that the
other was actually building up or a surprise 1047297rst-strike attack
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8 To Move the World
Te United States indeed contemplated launching a preventive
nuclear war worried that it would be unable to deend itsel in the
uture Jervis recalled the words o the German statesman Otto
von Bismarck who called a preventive war ldquocommitting suicide
rom ear o deathrdquo9
Te nuclear arms race accelerated as the United States and the
Soviet Union expanded their arsenals and as the United Kingdom
and France became nuclear powers (in 1952 and 1960 respec-
tively) with their own independent arsenals By 1960 the United
States had nuclear warheads positioned in several countries around
the world10 Te Soviet Union elt itsel very much surrounded in-
deed and increasingly unsure o whether these US nuclear weap-ons were really under US control
O course it wasnrsquot just the international situation that prompted
the arms buildup on each side It was also domestic politics Te
military-industrial complex gained power within each govern-
ment as time went on In the United States each branch o the
military demanded its own nuclear arsenal so that competition
among the US Army Air Force and Navy also drove up militarybudgets and the numbers o nuclear warheads and delivery sys-
tems Te same was true on the Soviet side where there was ar
less constraint than in the United States on the political power o
the military-industrial complex
o the Brink
When Kennedy assumed offi ce he took to heart Churchillrsquos belie
that political leaders must work actively to solve vexing interna-
tional problems He was intent on pursuing arms control but was
also a staunch Cold Warrior partly out o conviction and partly
out o political expediency in order to protect himsel rom power-
ul hardline anti-communists Kennedy believed that he could
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the quest for peace 9
untangle the dangerous con1047298icts with the Soviet Union And as
Churchill urged Kennedy would aim to solve these problemsrom a position o US military strength and without relinquish-
ing vital Western interests
Te tough and conciliatory sides o Kennedyrsquos negotiating strat-
egy were mutually reinorcing Churchill had long emphasized
the essential role o negotiating with onersquos adversary ldquoo jaw-jawrdquo
he said ldquois always better than to war-warrdquo11 Churchill had called
negotiation through strength his ldquodouble-barreled strategyrdquo andamously declared ldquoI do not hold that we should rearm in order to
1047297ght I hold that we should rearm in order to parleyrdquo12 In 1938 it
had not been just a weakness o political will but also one o mili-
tary preparedness that had led Chamberlain to appease Hitler at
Munich
Kennedy would reer to Churchillrsquos double-barreled approach
in his campaign address in Seattle in September 1960
President Dwight D Eisenhower greets President-elect John F Kennedy (Decem-
ber 6 1960)
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10 To Move the World
It is an unortunate act that we can secure peace only
by preparing or war Winston Churchill said in 1949
ldquoWe arm to parleyrdquo We can convince Mr Khrushchev
to bargain seriously at the conerence table i he respects
our strength13
Kennedy had no doubt either o the enormous potential gains
o cooperation with the Soviet Union or o the grave risks i the
United States cooperated (or instance through arms control)
while the Soviet Union reneged on its side o the deal Cheating
by the Soviet Union would threaten not only US security but
also Kennedyrsquos hold on power domestically Kennedy would re-peatedly urge cooperation but remain alert that any move toward
cooperation however modest could trigger political charges rom
the right that he was an appeaser
Te burdens on Kennedy were greater as a Democrat since Re-
publicans regularly assailed the Democratic Party or being ldquosof
on communismrdquo Kennedy thereore aimed to assure all sidesmdash
the US public Americarsquos allies and o course the Soviet Unionmdashthat he would vigorously resist Soviet aggression and deend
Western interests while he sought greater cooperation with the
Soviet Union He would aim at the core to pursue a tit-or-tat
strategy (a way to break out o the prisonerrsquos dilemma by recipro-
cating cooperation rom the other side) promising to join the
Soviet Union in arms control but also declaring repeatedly his
readiness to revert to an arms race i the Soviet Union did notkeep its promises Te tit-or-tat strategy o incremental coopera-
tion was mapped out a year afer Kennedy came to offi ce by one o
Americarsquos leading sociologists Amitai Etzioni whose remarkable
book Te Hard Way to Peace spelled out a psychological approach
to orging peace14 Etzioni believed that con1047297dence building was
crucial since in his view psychological rather than political or
military actors were the decisive drivers o the Cold War He pro-
pounded a notion o ldquopsychological gradualismrdquo to reduce ear
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the quest for peace 11
build trust and initiate a phased process o reciprocated conces-
sions Eventually suspicion and ear would be ldquoreduced to a level
where ruitul negotiations are possiblerdquo15 In many ways Kenne-
dyrsquos peace initiative in 1963 would pursue this approach
Kennedy 1047297rst signaled both aspects o his approach in hisinaugural address on January 20 196116 First came his robust ull-
throated commitment to the deense o liberty
Let every nation know whether it wishes us well or ill
that we shall pay any price bear any burden meet any
hardship support any riend oppose any oe in order
to assure the survival and the success o liberty
But equally stirring was his commitment to pursue the mutual
gains o cooperation
So let us begin anewmdashremembering on both sides that
civility is not a sign o weakness and sincerity is always
subject to proo Let us never negotiate out o ear Butlet us never ear to negotiate
Let both sides or the 1047297rst time ormulate serious
and precise proposals or the inspection and control o
armsmdashand bring the absolute power to destroy other
nations under the absolute control o all nations
Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders o science
instead o its terrors ogether let us explore the starsconquer the deserts eradicate disease tap the ocean
depths and encourage the arts and commerce
Kennedyrsquos emphasis on ldquoprecise proposalsrdquo was not incidental
Following Churchill once again Kennedy believed that miscalcu-
lation with the Soviet Union would best be avoided through clear
detailed and principled negotiating positions Yet here too the
ideal and the practical would collide Negotiations are 1047297lled with
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12 To Move the World
eints bluffs and intermediate positions and these inevitably
raise the risk o miscalculation
Kennedy was sincere in his inaugural address when he said ldquoSo
let us begin anewrdquo As a senator and as a presidential candidate he
himsel had helped to spur the arms race by opportunisticallyhammering away at Dwight D Eisenhowerrsquos administration or
allowing a ldquomissile gaprdquo to emerge claiming in 1958 that there was
every indication ldquothat by 1960 the United States will have lost
its superiority in nuclear striking powerrdquo17 In act the true missile
gap contrary to Kennedyrsquos claim stood greatly in Americarsquos avor
While the de1047297nitive knowledge o the Soviet Unionrsquos very limited
ballistic missile capacity was a closely held secret o the Eisen-hower administration based on secret U-2 spy plane 1047298ights Sena-
tor Kennedy probably knew that he was exaggerating Soviet
capabilities As the presidential candidate running against hard-
line vice president Richard Nixon Kennedy was especially keen to
project a tough-minded oreign policy stance and avoid the charge
o being sof on communism typically levied against Democrats
No matter what Kennedy may have believed as a candidate helearned early in his presidency that there was no missile gap in the
Sovietsrsquo advantage
Khrushchev would probably have understood the political
reasons or Kennedyrsquos missile-gap rhetoric and might even have
bene1047297ted in a way rom Kennedyrsquos exaggerated portrayal o Soviet
power Indeed when Kennedy chose in October 1961 to reveal
to the public the relative weakness o the Soviet nuclear orceKhrushchev was deeply aggrieved Still in the early days o the
new administration Khrushchev was intent on determining
whether Kennedy was in act a diehard Cold Warrior like Eisen-
howerrsquos in1047298uential Secretary o State John Foster Dulles or a po-
tentially cooperative counterpart in peaceul coexistence Early
steps by Kennedy could thereore help to chart the course toward
better relations
In addition to their public speeches and the interaction o their
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the quest for peace 13
diplomats the two leaders would soon learn much more about
each other in another way Beginning with Khrushchevrsquos letter o
congratulations to the newly elected Kennedy on November 9
1960 the two men engaged until Kennedyrsquos death in a back-
channel personal correspondence o more than a hundred lettersBoth pledged that the letters would be held con1047297dentially and
never leaked or propaganda purposes ldquoFor my partrdquo Kennedy
wrote ldquothe contents and even the existence o our letters will be
known only to the Secretary o State and a ew other o my closest
associates in the governmentrdquo18 Both leaders seem to have hon-
ored their pledges o con1047297dentiality Te result is a most extraor-
dinary exchange that together with other events offers criticalinsights into the thinking o both men the issues that worried
them and their strategies or peace
Kennedyrsquos Opening Provocations
Unortunately or the prospects o US-Soviet cooperation andcontrary to the approach o incremental cooperation Kennedy
came out swinging He did this in three provocative ways First
despite the act that the United States was ar ahead in nuclear
weapons Kennedy ordered a major military buildup o both nu-
clear and conventional arms Te total number o US nuclear
warheads would soar rom 20000 in 1960 to 29000 in 1963 at a
time when the Soviet Union had a small raction o that number(1600 in 1960 and 4200 in 1963)19 Conventional orces were also
greatly augmented as Kennedy adopted a new model o ldquo1047298exible
responserdquo He was highly critical o Eisenhowerrsquos nuclear policy
o ldquomassive retaliationrdquo to meet Soviet threats which purportedly
relied on US nuclear weapons to deter Soviet provocations
Kennedy wanted more non-nuclear options20
Second Kennedy approved a CIA plan or an invasion o Cuba
which would become the biggest blunder o his presidency Tird
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14 To Move the World
he went ahead with a conrontational move that had been ap-
proved by his predecessor Dwight Eisenhower In 1958 Eisen-
hower had decided to strengthen the US nuclear arsenal by
posting intermediate-range nuclear missiles under US control in
Italy and urkey Te placements o these Jupiter missiles wereimplemented in June 1960 in Italy and October 1961 (the 1047297rst year
o the Kennedy administration) in urkey21 Te Soviet Union now
aced the threat not only o Americarsquos strategic bombers but also
o nearby missiles that could reach the Soviet Union in minutes
Tis was a new and terriying prospect that tipped the psycho-
logical and strategic balance toward the United States and consti-
tuted a major motivation or Khrushchevrsquos later attempt to putsimilar missiles into Cuba
Kennedy sought to negotiate peace through strength but these
early moves were more than a mere show o strength they were
a ratcheting up o the Cold War Here the contradictory lessons
o World War I and World War II were starkly revealed Kennedy
was prooundly concerned about a war starting through mis-
calculation as had World War I but was equally i not moreconcerned with being perceived as weak i he ailed to project mil-
itary strength and 1047297rmness Yet by taking steps to build US
military strength and increase the number o US military op-
tions he inadvertently exacerbated the risks o terrible miscalcu-
lation very much a case o Jervisrsquos security dilemma in operation
At the time that Kennedy assumed the presidency the CIA was
already in high gear to topple Cubarsquos new lef-wing governmentwhich had begun to con1047297scate US assets and sidle up to the
Soviet Union America had long backed Cubarsquos corrupt dictator
Fulgencio Batista who offered privileges and protection to Amer-
ican investors in the nearby island only ninety miles rom Florida
During the 1950s the young lawyer Fidel Castro led a guerrilla
insurgency against Batista 1047297nally succeeding in prompting the
dictator to 1047298ee on January 1 195922 No sooner had Castro con-
solidated his control over Cuba than Eisenhower and the CIA di-
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the quest for peace 15
rector Allen Dulles (the brother o Secretary o State John Foster
Dulles) began to plot a coup to bring him down Castro was not
yet a hardcore Soviet ally though a partial US trade embargo
initiated by the Eisenhower administration in 1960 was pushing
Cuba in that direction US actions in 1961 would soon lead Cubaully into the Soviet camp Te CIA brieed Kennedy early in his
term about plans or a CIA-backed invasion o Cuba that would be
carried out by Cuban expatriates Te planning was ar advanced
as the CIA had prepared it in the 1047297nal year o the Eisenhower ad-
ministration
From the start Kennedy was deeply concerned not only about
the invasionrsquos chances o success but also about its implicationsor US-Soviet relations Tis would be among the 1047297rst major
moves in his new strategic game with Khrushchev and it would
be ar rom a cooperative one Kennedy eared speci1047297cally
that any action against Castro might prompt Soviet retaliation in
Berlin the hotspot o the Cold War Tis linkage was probably
exaggeratedmdashthe Soviets did not yet see Castro as vitalmdashbut it
played a role in Kennedyrsquos thinking Te planned invasion wasalso one o Kennedyrsquos 1047297rst oreign policy decisions He did not yet
have the con1047297dence to disregard the CIA and the military
Kennedy tried to have it both ways and ended up in a disas-
trous muddle He gave the green light to the CIA-based Cuban
invasion in April 1961 but he wanted ldquodeniabilityrdquo o US involve-
ment and so withheld key military backing such as air support
that was vital to any chance o military success Te hope o deni-ability was oolish the US role was obvious Kennedyrsquos prevarica-
tion guaranteed a complete ailure o the attack (a ailure that was
most likely in any event) ollowed by harsh international criticism
o the United States Te operation was too small or success but
too large or deniability Te expatriates who landed at the Bay o
Pigs were quickly killed or captured and the entire episode ended
ignominiously23
In the postmortem Kennedy met with Eisenhower to discuss
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16 To Move the World
the botched operation and Eisenhower asked Kennedy why he
had denied air cover or the invasion Te historian Michael
Beschloss described the painul interchange
Kennedy said ldquoWell my advice was that we must try tokeep our hands rom showing in the affairrdquo Eisenhower
was aghast ldquoHow could you expect the world to believe
we had nothing to do with it Where did these people
get the ships to go rom Central America to Cuba
Where did they get the weapons I believe there is
only one thing to do when you go into this kind o thing
it must be a successrdquo24
By itsel the CIA operation was oolish naiumlve and incompe-
tently designed and managed Tis was par or the course or the
CIA which had bungled one operation afer another in many
parts o the world Te Bay o Pigs 1047297asco also con1047297rmed Kenne-
dyrsquos deep mistrust o the military which had begun with his expe-
rience in World War II Kennedy told reporter and riend BenBradlee ldquoTe 1047297rst advice Irsquom going to give my successor is to
watch the generals and to avoid eeling that just because they were
military men their opinions on military matters were worth a
damnrdquo25
It also contributed to a cascading set o errors Forced to appear
tough and decisive afer the very public ailure Kennedy quickly
called or increased military spending and harsher measures todestabilize the Castro regime26 Tese included a series o hare-
brained attempts to assassinate Castro part o the larger anti-
Castro strategy the CIA dubbed ldquoOperation Mongooserdquo27 As a
result both Castro and Khrushchev came to believe that Ken-
nedyrsquos next gambit would be a ull-1047298edged invasion o Cuba Tat
expectation contributed to the Cuban Missile Crisis the ollowing
year
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the quest for peace 17
Te Kennedy-Khrushchev private letters offer a remarkable in-
terchange regarding the Bay o Pigs Te letters beore the Bay o
Pigs are highly congenial the opening moves o con1047297dence build-
ing under the tit-or-tat strategy Khrushchev writes on Novem-
ber 9 1960 that he hopes Kennedyrsquos election will mean that ldquoourcountries would again ollow the line along which they were de-
veloping in Franklin Rooseveltrsquos timerdquo when the two countries
were allies28 He holds out the prospect o important agreements
ldquowe are ready or our part to continue efforts to solve such a press-
ing problem as disarmament to settle the German issue through
the earliest conclusion o a peace treaty and to reach agreement on
other questionsrdquo29 Kennedy responds that ldquoa just and lasting peacewill remain a undamental goal o this nation and a major task o
its Presidentrdquo30 Tey begin to arrange an early summit meeting
Yet the tone cracks in Khrushchevrsquos letter o April 18 two days
afer the Cuban invasion
Mr President I send you this message in an hour o
alarm raught with danger or the peace o the wholeworld Armed aggression has begun against Cuba It is a
secret to no one that the armed bands invading this
country were trained equipped and armed in the
United States o America31
ldquoI approach you Mr Presidentrdquo Khrushchev writes ldquowith an
urgent call to put an end to aggression against the Republic oCubardquo
Kennedyrsquos answer the same day is dreadully maladroit ldquoYou
are under a serious misapprehension in regard to the events in
Cubardquo he replies ldquoI have previously stated and I repeat now that
the United States intends no military intervention in Cubardquo32 Tis
patently alse denial brings a powerul rebuke rom Khrushchev
our days later
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18 To Move the World
I have received your reply o April 18 You write that the
United States intends no military intervention in Cuba
But numerous acts known to the whole worldmdashand to
the Government o the United States o course better
than to any one elsemdashspeak differently Despite all as-surances to the contrary it has now been proved beyond
doubt that it was precisely the United States which pre-
pared the intervention 1047297nanced its arming and trans-
ported the gangs o mercenaries that invaded the
territory o Cuba33
Kennedyrsquos denial marked the second notable US presidentiallie to Khrushchev in less than a year Te previous summer the
CIA had pressed Eisenhower to permit another round o U-2 spy
1047298ights over the Soviet Union He reluctantly agreed When a U-2
plane was shot down the CIA and Eisenhower assumed that the
pilot Francis Gary Powers had been killed and the plane de-
stroyed in the crash Tey thereore publicly lied about the mis-
sion claiming that a US weather-research plane had lost its wayand crashed in Soviet airspace Khrushchev then revealed Eisen-
howerrsquos lie by producing not only the U-2 wreckage but the live
pilot as well US per1047297dy was exposed and Eisenhower was orced
to take responsibility Yet this was not a simple public relations
victory or Khrushchev It was a bitter setback or Khrushchevrsquos
concept o peaceul coexistence It also undercut his domestic
credibility as he had initially deended Eisenhower as not respon-sible or the U-2 1047298ight and the exposure o Eisenhowerrsquos lie
seemed to give credence to the Soviet hardliners who argued that
the United States could not be trusted Khrushchev soon enough
would demonstrate his capacity to lie about weighty matters as
well the Cold War was not a game played by saints Yet the back-
to-back prevarications by Eisenhower and Kennedy surely em-
Te U-2 1047298ights were seen even by the United States as serious provocations to theUSSR and violations o international law
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the quest for peace 19
boldened Khrushchev in his own uture dissembling regarding
nuclear testing and Cuba
In a ollow-up letter to Kennedy (May 16) Khrushchev ac-
knowledges that ldquoa certain open alling out has taken place in the
relations between our countriesrdquo34 Yet he set the ground or anupcoming June meeting with Kennedy in Vienna by emphasizing
the key point he sees the importance o a US-Soviet settlement
on Germany Te ate o postwar Germany had proved a constant
source o tension between the two superpowers since the dawn o
the Cold War and never more so than when Kennedy took offi ce
It is thereore crucial to revisit some o this history
At the July 1945 Potsdam conerence at the end o World War IIit was agreed that a council o the our major Allied powers (the
United States the United Kingdom France and the Soviet Union)
would administer postwar Germany but the ldquohowrdquo was lef un-
speci1047297ed35 In the short term the our powers accepted that Ger-
many would be divided into our occupation zones and that each
occupying power would manage its own zone until longer-term
arrangements or a uni1047297ed Germany could be agreed upon Tecapital city o Berlin though alling within the Soviet zone was
also divided among the our powers But the longer-term arrange-
ments or Germany were never agreed upon and relations be-
tween the West and the Soviet Union quickly deteriorated once
there was no common enemy o Hitler to unite them36 Te United
States France and the United Kingdom soon amalgamated their
occupation zones into a single entity which in 1949 became theFederal Republic o Germany (West Germany) Te Soviet zone
became the German Democratic Republic (East Germany) Te
ailure to agree on the ate o a uni1047297ed Germany sowed the seeds
or many o the Cold War con1047298icts that ollowed
Herein lay the basic dilemma Te Soviet Unionmdashwhich had
lost more than twenty million soldiers and civilians in World
War IImdasheared a German resurgence and thereby asserted harsh
control over the Soviet occupation zone o Germany Not only
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20 To Move the World
that but Joseph Stalin the brutal leader o the Soviet Union since
the mid-1920s ruthlessly created satellite states in Eastern Europe
(in Yugoslavia Czechoslovakia Poland and elsewhere) under
single-party communist rule thereby establishing a controlling
corridor rom Russia all the way to the heart o Germany o theWestern powers these actions seemed to suggest a Soviet plan to
dominate all o Europe i not the world While US leaders had
initially avored deindustrializing Germany at the end o the war
to prevent it rom again becoming an economic and military
power37 they quickly changed their minds in the ace o the per-
ceived Soviet aggression Tey instead decided to reindustrialize
the western part o Germany as rapidly as possible as a bulwarkagainst the Soviet Union and to strengthen Western Europe gen-
erally38 Te Soviet Union viewed the hardening o US positions
as a violation o agreements intended to prevent a long-term re-
surgence o German power
Itrsquos not hard to see where this led As West Germany got stron-
ger Soviet anxieties rose As the Soviet Unionrsquos anxieties rose it
became more belligerent in response and the West then becameeven more determined to rebuild West Germany to resist Soviet
domination Tis explosive dynamic continued afer Kennedyrsquos
assumption o offi ce
Making things even more diffi cult or Kennedy was the act that
Eisenhower had proved neither very attentive nor interested in
the Soviet concerns vis-agrave-vis Germany Eisenhower stood strongly
in avor o Germanyrsquos economic and military recovery in part be-cause he wanted Western Europe to deend itsel so that US
troops could return home39 Eisenhower liked neither the cost o
stationing US troops in Europe nor the long-term political com-
mitment Eisenhower believed that US commitments should be
tapered down as soon as Europe could take up the burdens o its
own deense40 And i that even meant a Western Europe with nu-
clear weapons he was generally or it
In the 1047297nal years o the Eisenhower administration in response
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the quest for peace 21
to the European desire or nuclear weapons the United States and
NAOmdashthe military alliance o Western powers ormed in 1955mdash
began 1047298oating the idea o ldquonuclear sharingrdquo among the NAO
countries perhaps through a nuclear Multilateral Force (MLF)
Te United States saw the MLF as a way to share nuclear weaponswith allies and give Europe its own deterrent without having to
give any one nation ull control and the power to launch a nuclear
weapon unilaterally41 Tis prospect particularly o West German
nuclear access was a crucial actor in the dramatic heating up o
US-Soviet tensions in the lead-up to Kennedyrsquos presidency Tis
point is made orceully by the historian Marc rachtenberg in A
Constructed Peace (1999) one o the most incisive and importanthistorical analyses o this phase o the Cold War
Kennedy did not yet have a strategy or Germany and indeed
was pressed hard by the West German leader Konrad Adenauer
not to have one From Adenauerrsquos point o view any thaw in rela-
tions between the United States and the Soviet Union would likely
come at West Germanyrsquos expense But Kennedy would listen to
and learn rom Khrushchevrsquos repeated and heated concerns overGermany especially concerning Germanyrsquos acquisition o nuclear
weapons Kennedy would eventually break with Adenauer on that
question thereby paving the way to closer cooperation with the
Soviet Union But that breakthrough was still two years in the u-
ture and dire risks were strewn on the path to success
Berlin Redux
Following the Bay o Pigs debacle it was now Khrushchevrsquos turn
to misstep badly With Kennedy on his back oot Khrushchev be-
lieved that he was now in a position to pressure Kennedy into an
agreement on Germany which was Khrushchevrsquos primary oreign
policy concern Kennedyrsquos primary interest was in discussing a
nuclear test ban treaty which he elt was essential to slowing the
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22 To Move the World
arms race and nuclear prolieration one o Kennedyrsquos mostpressing concerns Te idea o a test ban treaty had been dis-
cussed or several years but the two sides were never able to get
past their disagreements on how such an agreement would be
enorced
At the Vienna Summit o June 1961 Khrushchev ensured that
Germany and Berlin rather than a test ban treaty dominated
the discussion Khrushchev told Kennedy that the Soviet Unionwould recognize the German Democratic Republic (East Ger-
many) and end Western access rights to West Berlin by the end o
1961 America and its allies viewed access to West Berlin as a vital
interest o the Western alliance and so Khrushchevrsquos threat was an
enormous provocation I war came rom this it would come said
Khrushchev He said that Berlin was a ldquorunning sorerdquo and that
disarmament was ldquoimpossible as long as the Berlin problem ex-
Soviet premier Nikita Khrushchev with President Kennedy at the start o the
Vienna Summit (June 3 1961)
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the quest for peace 23
istedrdquo42 Kennedy responded ldquoTen Mr Chairman there will be a
war It will be a cold long winterrdquo43
In act the diffi cult interchange brought the two leaders a little
closer to a solution though they certainly could not see it at the
time Tere were actually three German issues on the table allintricately intertwined Te 1047297rst was the Soviet desire or a peace
treaty with Germany that would somehow protect the Soviet
Union rom uture German aggression Te second was West Ber-
lin which Khrushchev considered to be ldquothis thorn this ulcerrdquo
within East Germany44 Khrushchev viewed West Berlin as a stag-
ing post or Western spying and aggression against the Soviet
Union ldquoa NAO beachhead and military base against us insidethe GDRrdquo45 He wanted the Western troops out Te third issue
involved the question o German rearmament and especially
German access to US nuclear weapons Te implicit progress
made in Vienna was a start in teasing apart these three issues
Kennedy would hold his ground on West Berlin but would also
recognize Khrushchevrsquos valid concerns about German rearma-
ment Kennedy made clear to Khrushchev in Vienna that he op-posed ldquoa buildup in West Germany that would constitute a threat
to the Soviet Unionrdquo46
History has judged that Kennedy ldquolostrdquo the Vienna Summit be-
cause he was browbeaten by Khrushchev particularly when the
two quarreled over ideology Indeed Kennedy himsel described
the Vienna experience as brutal telling a New York imes reporter
that it was the ldquoworst thing in my lie He savaged merdquo
47
Yet Ken-nedy in act had held 1047297rm and clear the West would not buckle
under threats on West Berlin More important and despite all
appearances Kennedy and Khrushchev were now on a path to
resolve the larger German issues a path they would pursue suc-
cessully in 1963
But the next act on Berlin would be a public relations disaster
or the Soviet Union As tensions over Berlin mounted more and
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24 To Move the World
more East Berliners voted with their eet by crossing the line to
West Berlin and rom there to the West generally During the 1047297rst
six months o 1961 over 100000 people lef East Germany with
50000 1047298eeing in June and July alone48 Te ongoing exodus o
East Berliners was a huge economic loss to a 1047298oundering econ-omy but an even starker daily embarrassment in the rontline
competition between socialism and capitalism It was one o the
main reasons why Khrushchev sought a long-term solution to
Berlin
As the 1047298ow o East Berliners accelerated so did the geopolitical
pressures Finally the East German government with the support
o its Soviet backers moved to stanch the human 1047298ood Berlinwoke up on the morning o August 13 to a barbed wire divide
soon to be a concrete and heavily armed wall patrolled by around
7000 soldiers and stretching 96 miles in Berlin and along the bor-
der between East and West Germany49
Kennedy wisely did not challenge the Berlin Wall except in a
perunctory manner recognizing that any challenge or protest
would prove empty Te West would certainly not go to war overSoviet actions on the Soviet side o the wall Indeed Kennedy im-
mediately and correctly surmised that the wall might actually
prove to be stabilizing in its perverse way by removing the embar-
rassing and costly provocation o mass outmigration rom East
Berlin As he suspected the end o the 1047298ow o migrants rom
East Berlin rather quickly eased the Berlin crisis
In act the overall Berlin situation seemed to Kennedy to be adangerous snare that was certainly not worth the risks o global
war Afer the Vienna Summit Kennedy had commented to his
close aide Kenneth OrsquoDonnell
Wersquore stuck in a ridiculous situation God knows Irsquom
not an isolationist but it seems particularly stupid to
risk killing a million Americans over an argument about
access rights on an Autobahn or because the Ger-
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the quest for peace 25
mans want Germany reuni1047297ed I Irsquom going to threaten
Russia with a nuclear war it will have to be or much
bigger and more important reasons than that Beore I
back Khrushchev against the wall and put him to a 1047297nal
test the reedom o all Western Europe will have to be atstake50
Kennedy would continue successully to deend West Berlin
but he would also recognize the need to move to a sounder long-
term position with the Soviet Union vis-agrave-vis Germany Tat in-
sight was crucial to Kennedyrsquos eventual success in 1963 and to the
calming o the East-West conrontation thereafer It was a basicstrategic insight that Eisenhower never recognized or acted upon
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Excerpted from To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs Copyright copy 2013 by Jeffrey D Sachs Excerpted
by permission of Random House a division of Random House Inc All rights reserved No part of this
excerpt may be reproduced or reprinted without permission in writing from the publisher
Read more
TO MOVE THE WORLD
Order your copy now
Amazon
Barnes amp Noble
IndieBound
Kindle
Nook
iBookstore
Kobo
Other Retailers
Learn more about the book
Meet Jeffrey D Sachs at a book signing
7282019 To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs (an excerpt)
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6 To Move the World
ing under the illusion that appeasing Hitler would keep it sae and
out o war6
As president Kennedy would battle with these powerul
and con1047298icting dynamics Should he restrain the arms race in
order to avoid a sel-eeding race to war with the Soviet UnionOr should he strengthen US arms in order to negotiate rom
strength Should he make concessions to the Soviet premier
Nikita Khrushchev to acknowledge Soviet interests Or should he
hold the line to avoid the appearance and reality o appeasement
Kennedy would remain a student o history and o Churchill
whom he most admired trying to apply the complex lessons o
the past to the urgent challenges o the present
Te Nuclear Arms Race
Te problems o distrust between the Soviet Union and the United
States were proound pervasive and persistent and that distrust
spurred the arms race Te two sides were o course rivals andcompetitors And each side lied to the other repeatedly and
persistently Tese were not grounds or easy trust Nor was the
historical context Just a ew years earlier Hitler had cheated re-
lentlessly thereby winning signi1047297cant concessions Chamberlainrsquos
appeasement o Hitler at Munich hung over the Cold War era
Donrsquot trust the other side Better to arm to the teeth
Even though there were enormous gains to be had by both theUnited States and the Soviet Union i they could agree on the
postwar order in Europe politicians on both sides ound it nearly
impossible to take any steps that required trust I they did they
opened themselves up to extraordinarily harsh attacks by hard-
liners on their own side who denied that the other side would
abide by any agreements A US politician who urged agreement
with the Soviet Union risked immediate subjection to the cries o
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the quest for peace 7
ldquoMunichrdquo and ldquoappeasementrdquo powerul political charges and ones
Kennedy was especially eager to avoid
Te two sides were trapped by two closely related problems the
prisonerrsquos dilemma and the security dilemma Te prisonerrsquos di-
lemma holds that in the absence o long-term trust or bindingagreements the logic o inter-state rivalry will push both sides to
arm Should the United States arm or disarm I the Soviet Union
arms the United States has no choice but to arm as well in order
to avoid being the weaker side I the Soviet Union disarms then
the United States gains military and political advantage by arming
while the Soviet Union is weak Tereore arming is a ldquodominantrdquo
strategy the best move no matter what the other side does Sincethe logic is the same or the other side both sides end up continu-
ally increasing their arms even though a binding agreement to
disarm would be mutually bene1047297cial7
Te security dilemma propounded by Robert Jervis a leading
political theorist is a corollary o the prisonerrsquos dilemma8 Te se-
curity dilemma holds that a defensive action by one side will ofen
be viewed by the other side as an offensive action Tus i theUnited States builds its nuclear arsenal to stave off a Soviet con-
ventional land invasion o Europe the Soviet Union will view the
US nuclear buildup as preparation or a nuclear 1047297rst strike against
the Soviet Union rather than as a deensive measure And i the
Soviet Union tries to catch up with the US nuclear arsenal that
will be viewed as an offensive action by the United States US
hardliners would argue that the Soviet Union is trying to neutral-ize the US nuclear deterrent so that the Soviet Union can launch
a conventional attack
As a result o the absence o trust and the harsh logic o both
the prisonerrsquos dilemma and the security dilemma both sides con-
tinued to amass nuclear weapons to the point o massive overkill
And as the arsenals continued to expand each side eared that the
other was actually building up or a surprise 1047297rst-strike attack
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8 To Move the World
Te United States indeed contemplated launching a preventive
nuclear war worried that it would be unable to deend itsel in the
uture Jervis recalled the words o the German statesman Otto
von Bismarck who called a preventive war ldquocommitting suicide
rom ear o deathrdquo9
Te nuclear arms race accelerated as the United States and the
Soviet Union expanded their arsenals and as the United Kingdom
and France became nuclear powers (in 1952 and 1960 respec-
tively) with their own independent arsenals By 1960 the United
States had nuclear warheads positioned in several countries around
the world10 Te Soviet Union elt itsel very much surrounded in-
deed and increasingly unsure o whether these US nuclear weap-ons were really under US control
O course it wasnrsquot just the international situation that prompted
the arms buildup on each side It was also domestic politics Te
military-industrial complex gained power within each govern-
ment as time went on In the United States each branch o the
military demanded its own nuclear arsenal so that competition
among the US Army Air Force and Navy also drove up militarybudgets and the numbers o nuclear warheads and delivery sys-
tems Te same was true on the Soviet side where there was ar
less constraint than in the United States on the political power o
the military-industrial complex
o the Brink
When Kennedy assumed offi ce he took to heart Churchillrsquos belie
that political leaders must work actively to solve vexing interna-
tional problems He was intent on pursuing arms control but was
also a staunch Cold Warrior partly out o conviction and partly
out o political expediency in order to protect himsel rom power-
ul hardline anti-communists Kennedy believed that he could
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the quest for peace 9
untangle the dangerous con1047298icts with the Soviet Union And as
Churchill urged Kennedy would aim to solve these problemsrom a position o US military strength and without relinquish-
ing vital Western interests
Te tough and conciliatory sides o Kennedyrsquos negotiating strat-
egy were mutually reinorcing Churchill had long emphasized
the essential role o negotiating with onersquos adversary ldquoo jaw-jawrdquo
he said ldquois always better than to war-warrdquo11 Churchill had called
negotiation through strength his ldquodouble-barreled strategyrdquo andamously declared ldquoI do not hold that we should rearm in order to
1047297ght I hold that we should rearm in order to parleyrdquo12 In 1938 it
had not been just a weakness o political will but also one o mili-
tary preparedness that had led Chamberlain to appease Hitler at
Munich
Kennedy would reer to Churchillrsquos double-barreled approach
in his campaign address in Seattle in September 1960
President Dwight D Eisenhower greets President-elect John F Kennedy (Decem-
ber 6 1960)
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10 To Move the World
It is an unortunate act that we can secure peace only
by preparing or war Winston Churchill said in 1949
ldquoWe arm to parleyrdquo We can convince Mr Khrushchev
to bargain seriously at the conerence table i he respects
our strength13
Kennedy had no doubt either o the enormous potential gains
o cooperation with the Soviet Union or o the grave risks i the
United States cooperated (or instance through arms control)
while the Soviet Union reneged on its side o the deal Cheating
by the Soviet Union would threaten not only US security but
also Kennedyrsquos hold on power domestically Kennedy would re-peatedly urge cooperation but remain alert that any move toward
cooperation however modest could trigger political charges rom
the right that he was an appeaser
Te burdens on Kennedy were greater as a Democrat since Re-
publicans regularly assailed the Democratic Party or being ldquosof
on communismrdquo Kennedy thereore aimed to assure all sidesmdash
the US public Americarsquos allies and o course the Soviet Unionmdashthat he would vigorously resist Soviet aggression and deend
Western interests while he sought greater cooperation with the
Soviet Union He would aim at the core to pursue a tit-or-tat
strategy (a way to break out o the prisonerrsquos dilemma by recipro-
cating cooperation rom the other side) promising to join the
Soviet Union in arms control but also declaring repeatedly his
readiness to revert to an arms race i the Soviet Union did notkeep its promises Te tit-or-tat strategy o incremental coopera-
tion was mapped out a year afer Kennedy came to offi ce by one o
Americarsquos leading sociologists Amitai Etzioni whose remarkable
book Te Hard Way to Peace spelled out a psychological approach
to orging peace14 Etzioni believed that con1047297dence building was
crucial since in his view psychological rather than political or
military actors were the decisive drivers o the Cold War He pro-
pounded a notion o ldquopsychological gradualismrdquo to reduce ear
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the quest for peace 11
build trust and initiate a phased process o reciprocated conces-
sions Eventually suspicion and ear would be ldquoreduced to a level
where ruitul negotiations are possiblerdquo15 In many ways Kenne-
dyrsquos peace initiative in 1963 would pursue this approach
Kennedy 1047297rst signaled both aspects o his approach in hisinaugural address on January 20 196116 First came his robust ull-
throated commitment to the deense o liberty
Let every nation know whether it wishes us well or ill
that we shall pay any price bear any burden meet any
hardship support any riend oppose any oe in order
to assure the survival and the success o liberty
But equally stirring was his commitment to pursue the mutual
gains o cooperation
So let us begin anewmdashremembering on both sides that
civility is not a sign o weakness and sincerity is always
subject to proo Let us never negotiate out o ear Butlet us never ear to negotiate
Let both sides or the 1047297rst time ormulate serious
and precise proposals or the inspection and control o
armsmdashand bring the absolute power to destroy other
nations under the absolute control o all nations
Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders o science
instead o its terrors ogether let us explore the starsconquer the deserts eradicate disease tap the ocean
depths and encourage the arts and commerce
Kennedyrsquos emphasis on ldquoprecise proposalsrdquo was not incidental
Following Churchill once again Kennedy believed that miscalcu-
lation with the Soviet Union would best be avoided through clear
detailed and principled negotiating positions Yet here too the
ideal and the practical would collide Negotiations are 1047297lled with
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12 To Move the World
eints bluffs and intermediate positions and these inevitably
raise the risk o miscalculation
Kennedy was sincere in his inaugural address when he said ldquoSo
let us begin anewrdquo As a senator and as a presidential candidate he
himsel had helped to spur the arms race by opportunisticallyhammering away at Dwight D Eisenhowerrsquos administration or
allowing a ldquomissile gaprdquo to emerge claiming in 1958 that there was
every indication ldquothat by 1960 the United States will have lost
its superiority in nuclear striking powerrdquo17 In act the true missile
gap contrary to Kennedyrsquos claim stood greatly in Americarsquos avor
While the de1047297nitive knowledge o the Soviet Unionrsquos very limited
ballistic missile capacity was a closely held secret o the Eisen-hower administration based on secret U-2 spy plane 1047298ights Sena-
tor Kennedy probably knew that he was exaggerating Soviet
capabilities As the presidential candidate running against hard-
line vice president Richard Nixon Kennedy was especially keen to
project a tough-minded oreign policy stance and avoid the charge
o being sof on communism typically levied against Democrats
No matter what Kennedy may have believed as a candidate helearned early in his presidency that there was no missile gap in the
Sovietsrsquo advantage
Khrushchev would probably have understood the political
reasons or Kennedyrsquos missile-gap rhetoric and might even have
bene1047297ted in a way rom Kennedyrsquos exaggerated portrayal o Soviet
power Indeed when Kennedy chose in October 1961 to reveal
to the public the relative weakness o the Soviet nuclear orceKhrushchev was deeply aggrieved Still in the early days o the
new administration Khrushchev was intent on determining
whether Kennedy was in act a diehard Cold Warrior like Eisen-
howerrsquos in1047298uential Secretary o State John Foster Dulles or a po-
tentially cooperative counterpart in peaceul coexistence Early
steps by Kennedy could thereore help to chart the course toward
better relations
In addition to their public speeches and the interaction o their
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the quest for peace 13
diplomats the two leaders would soon learn much more about
each other in another way Beginning with Khrushchevrsquos letter o
congratulations to the newly elected Kennedy on November 9
1960 the two men engaged until Kennedyrsquos death in a back-
channel personal correspondence o more than a hundred lettersBoth pledged that the letters would be held con1047297dentially and
never leaked or propaganda purposes ldquoFor my partrdquo Kennedy
wrote ldquothe contents and even the existence o our letters will be
known only to the Secretary o State and a ew other o my closest
associates in the governmentrdquo18 Both leaders seem to have hon-
ored their pledges o con1047297dentiality Te result is a most extraor-
dinary exchange that together with other events offers criticalinsights into the thinking o both men the issues that worried
them and their strategies or peace
Kennedyrsquos Opening Provocations
Unortunately or the prospects o US-Soviet cooperation andcontrary to the approach o incremental cooperation Kennedy
came out swinging He did this in three provocative ways First
despite the act that the United States was ar ahead in nuclear
weapons Kennedy ordered a major military buildup o both nu-
clear and conventional arms Te total number o US nuclear
warheads would soar rom 20000 in 1960 to 29000 in 1963 at a
time when the Soviet Union had a small raction o that number(1600 in 1960 and 4200 in 1963)19 Conventional orces were also
greatly augmented as Kennedy adopted a new model o ldquo1047298exible
responserdquo He was highly critical o Eisenhowerrsquos nuclear policy
o ldquomassive retaliationrdquo to meet Soviet threats which purportedly
relied on US nuclear weapons to deter Soviet provocations
Kennedy wanted more non-nuclear options20
Second Kennedy approved a CIA plan or an invasion o Cuba
which would become the biggest blunder o his presidency Tird
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14 To Move the World
he went ahead with a conrontational move that had been ap-
proved by his predecessor Dwight Eisenhower In 1958 Eisen-
hower had decided to strengthen the US nuclear arsenal by
posting intermediate-range nuclear missiles under US control in
Italy and urkey Te placements o these Jupiter missiles wereimplemented in June 1960 in Italy and October 1961 (the 1047297rst year
o the Kennedy administration) in urkey21 Te Soviet Union now
aced the threat not only o Americarsquos strategic bombers but also
o nearby missiles that could reach the Soviet Union in minutes
Tis was a new and terriying prospect that tipped the psycho-
logical and strategic balance toward the United States and consti-
tuted a major motivation or Khrushchevrsquos later attempt to putsimilar missiles into Cuba
Kennedy sought to negotiate peace through strength but these
early moves were more than a mere show o strength they were
a ratcheting up o the Cold War Here the contradictory lessons
o World War I and World War II were starkly revealed Kennedy
was prooundly concerned about a war starting through mis-
calculation as had World War I but was equally i not moreconcerned with being perceived as weak i he ailed to project mil-
itary strength and 1047297rmness Yet by taking steps to build US
military strength and increase the number o US military op-
tions he inadvertently exacerbated the risks o terrible miscalcu-
lation very much a case o Jervisrsquos security dilemma in operation
At the time that Kennedy assumed the presidency the CIA was
already in high gear to topple Cubarsquos new lef-wing governmentwhich had begun to con1047297scate US assets and sidle up to the
Soviet Union America had long backed Cubarsquos corrupt dictator
Fulgencio Batista who offered privileges and protection to Amer-
ican investors in the nearby island only ninety miles rom Florida
During the 1950s the young lawyer Fidel Castro led a guerrilla
insurgency against Batista 1047297nally succeeding in prompting the
dictator to 1047298ee on January 1 195922 No sooner had Castro con-
solidated his control over Cuba than Eisenhower and the CIA di-
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the quest for peace 15
rector Allen Dulles (the brother o Secretary o State John Foster
Dulles) began to plot a coup to bring him down Castro was not
yet a hardcore Soviet ally though a partial US trade embargo
initiated by the Eisenhower administration in 1960 was pushing
Cuba in that direction US actions in 1961 would soon lead Cubaully into the Soviet camp Te CIA brieed Kennedy early in his
term about plans or a CIA-backed invasion o Cuba that would be
carried out by Cuban expatriates Te planning was ar advanced
as the CIA had prepared it in the 1047297nal year o the Eisenhower ad-
ministration
From the start Kennedy was deeply concerned not only about
the invasionrsquos chances o success but also about its implicationsor US-Soviet relations Tis would be among the 1047297rst major
moves in his new strategic game with Khrushchev and it would
be ar rom a cooperative one Kennedy eared speci1047297cally
that any action against Castro might prompt Soviet retaliation in
Berlin the hotspot o the Cold War Tis linkage was probably
exaggeratedmdashthe Soviets did not yet see Castro as vitalmdashbut it
played a role in Kennedyrsquos thinking Te planned invasion wasalso one o Kennedyrsquos 1047297rst oreign policy decisions He did not yet
have the con1047297dence to disregard the CIA and the military
Kennedy tried to have it both ways and ended up in a disas-
trous muddle He gave the green light to the CIA-based Cuban
invasion in April 1961 but he wanted ldquodeniabilityrdquo o US involve-
ment and so withheld key military backing such as air support
that was vital to any chance o military success Te hope o deni-ability was oolish the US role was obvious Kennedyrsquos prevarica-
tion guaranteed a complete ailure o the attack (a ailure that was
most likely in any event) ollowed by harsh international criticism
o the United States Te operation was too small or success but
too large or deniability Te expatriates who landed at the Bay o
Pigs were quickly killed or captured and the entire episode ended
ignominiously23
In the postmortem Kennedy met with Eisenhower to discuss
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16 To Move the World
the botched operation and Eisenhower asked Kennedy why he
had denied air cover or the invasion Te historian Michael
Beschloss described the painul interchange
Kennedy said ldquoWell my advice was that we must try tokeep our hands rom showing in the affairrdquo Eisenhower
was aghast ldquoHow could you expect the world to believe
we had nothing to do with it Where did these people
get the ships to go rom Central America to Cuba
Where did they get the weapons I believe there is
only one thing to do when you go into this kind o thing
it must be a successrdquo24
By itsel the CIA operation was oolish naiumlve and incompe-
tently designed and managed Tis was par or the course or the
CIA which had bungled one operation afer another in many
parts o the world Te Bay o Pigs 1047297asco also con1047297rmed Kenne-
dyrsquos deep mistrust o the military which had begun with his expe-
rience in World War II Kennedy told reporter and riend BenBradlee ldquoTe 1047297rst advice Irsquom going to give my successor is to
watch the generals and to avoid eeling that just because they were
military men their opinions on military matters were worth a
damnrdquo25
It also contributed to a cascading set o errors Forced to appear
tough and decisive afer the very public ailure Kennedy quickly
called or increased military spending and harsher measures todestabilize the Castro regime26 Tese included a series o hare-
brained attempts to assassinate Castro part o the larger anti-
Castro strategy the CIA dubbed ldquoOperation Mongooserdquo27 As a
result both Castro and Khrushchev came to believe that Ken-
nedyrsquos next gambit would be a ull-1047298edged invasion o Cuba Tat
expectation contributed to the Cuban Missile Crisis the ollowing
year
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the quest for peace 17
Te Kennedy-Khrushchev private letters offer a remarkable in-
terchange regarding the Bay o Pigs Te letters beore the Bay o
Pigs are highly congenial the opening moves o con1047297dence build-
ing under the tit-or-tat strategy Khrushchev writes on Novem-
ber 9 1960 that he hopes Kennedyrsquos election will mean that ldquoourcountries would again ollow the line along which they were de-
veloping in Franklin Rooseveltrsquos timerdquo when the two countries
were allies28 He holds out the prospect o important agreements
ldquowe are ready or our part to continue efforts to solve such a press-
ing problem as disarmament to settle the German issue through
the earliest conclusion o a peace treaty and to reach agreement on
other questionsrdquo29 Kennedy responds that ldquoa just and lasting peacewill remain a undamental goal o this nation and a major task o
its Presidentrdquo30 Tey begin to arrange an early summit meeting
Yet the tone cracks in Khrushchevrsquos letter o April 18 two days
afer the Cuban invasion
Mr President I send you this message in an hour o
alarm raught with danger or the peace o the wholeworld Armed aggression has begun against Cuba It is a
secret to no one that the armed bands invading this
country were trained equipped and armed in the
United States o America31
ldquoI approach you Mr Presidentrdquo Khrushchev writes ldquowith an
urgent call to put an end to aggression against the Republic oCubardquo
Kennedyrsquos answer the same day is dreadully maladroit ldquoYou
are under a serious misapprehension in regard to the events in
Cubardquo he replies ldquoI have previously stated and I repeat now that
the United States intends no military intervention in Cubardquo32 Tis
patently alse denial brings a powerul rebuke rom Khrushchev
our days later
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18 To Move the World
I have received your reply o April 18 You write that the
United States intends no military intervention in Cuba
But numerous acts known to the whole worldmdashand to
the Government o the United States o course better
than to any one elsemdashspeak differently Despite all as-surances to the contrary it has now been proved beyond
doubt that it was precisely the United States which pre-
pared the intervention 1047297nanced its arming and trans-
ported the gangs o mercenaries that invaded the
territory o Cuba33
Kennedyrsquos denial marked the second notable US presidentiallie to Khrushchev in less than a year Te previous summer the
CIA had pressed Eisenhower to permit another round o U-2 spy
1047298ights over the Soviet Union He reluctantly agreed When a U-2
plane was shot down the CIA and Eisenhower assumed that the
pilot Francis Gary Powers had been killed and the plane de-
stroyed in the crash Tey thereore publicly lied about the mis-
sion claiming that a US weather-research plane had lost its wayand crashed in Soviet airspace Khrushchev then revealed Eisen-
howerrsquos lie by producing not only the U-2 wreckage but the live
pilot as well US per1047297dy was exposed and Eisenhower was orced
to take responsibility Yet this was not a simple public relations
victory or Khrushchev It was a bitter setback or Khrushchevrsquos
concept o peaceul coexistence It also undercut his domestic
credibility as he had initially deended Eisenhower as not respon-sible or the U-2 1047298ight and the exposure o Eisenhowerrsquos lie
seemed to give credence to the Soviet hardliners who argued that
the United States could not be trusted Khrushchev soon enough
would demonstrate his capacity to lie about weighty matters as
well the Cold War was not a game played by saints Yet the back-
to-back prevarications by Eisenhower and Kennedy surely em-
Te U-2 1047298ights were seen even by the United States as serious provocations to theUSSR and violations o international law
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the quest for peace 19
boldened Khrushchev in his own uture dissembling regarding
nuclear testing and Cuba
In a ollow-up letter to Kennedy (May 16) Khrushchev ac-
knowledges that ldquoa certain open alling out has taken place in the
relations between our countriesrdquo34 Yet he set the ground or anupcoming June meeting with Kennedy in Vienna by emphasizing
the key point he sees the importance o a US-Soviet settlement
on Germany Te ate o postwar Germany had proved a constant
source o tension between the two superpowers since the dawn o
the Cold War and never more so than when Kennedy took offi ce
It is thereore crucial to revisit some o this history
At the July 1945 Potsdam conerence at the end o World War IIit was agreed that a council o the our major Allied powers (the
United States the United Kingdom France and the Soviet Union)
would administer postwar Germany but the ldquohowrdquo was lef un-
speci1047297ed35 In the short term the our powers accepted that Ger-
many would be divided into our occupation zones and that each
occupying power would manage its own zone until longer-term
arrangements or a uni1047297ed Germany could be agreed upon Tecapital city o Berlin though alling within the Soviet zone was
also divided among the our powers But the longer-term arrange-
ments or Germany were never agreed upon and relations be-
tween the West and the Soviet Union quickly deteriorated once
there was no common enemy o Hitler to unite them36 Te United
States France and the United Kingdom soon amalgamated their
occupation zones into a single entity which in 1949 became theFederal Republic o Germany (West Germany) Te Soviet zone
became the German Democratic Republic (East Germany) Te
ailure to agree on the ate o a uni1047297ed Germany sowed the seeds
or many o the Cold War con1047298icts that ollowed
Herein lay the basic dilemma Te Soviet Unionmdashwhich had
lost more than twenty million soldiers and civilians in World
War IImdasheared a German resurgence and thereby asserted harsh
control over the Soviet occupation zone o Germany Not only
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20 To Move the World
that but Joseph Stalin the brutal leader o the Soviet Union since
the mid-1920s ruthlessly created satellite states in Eastern Europe
(in Yugoslavia Czechoslovakia Poland and elsewhere) under
single-party communist rule thereby establishing a controlling
corridor rom Russia all the way to the heart o Germany o theWestern powers these actions seemed to suggest a Soviet plan to
dominate all o Europe i not the world While US leaders had
initially avored deindustrializing Germany at the end o the war
to prevent it rom again becoming an economic and military
power37 they quickly changed their minds in the ace o the per-
ceived Soviet aggression Tey instead decided to reindustrialize
the western part o Germany as rapidly as possible as a bulwarkagainst the Soviet Union and to strengthen Western Europe gen-
erally38 Te Soviet Union viewed the hardening o US positions
as a violation o agreements intended to prevent a long-term re-
surgence o German power
Itrsquos not hard to see where this led As West Germany got stron-
ger Soviet anxieties rose As the Soviet Unionrsquos anxieties rose it
became more belligerent in response and the West then becameeven more determined to rebuild West Germany to resist Soviet
domination Tis explosive dynamic continued afer Kennedyrsquos
assumption o offi ce
Making things even more diffi cult or Kennedy was the act that
Eisenhower had proved neither very attentive nor interested in
the Soviet concerns vis-agrave-vis Germany Eisenhower stood strongly
in avor o Germanyrsquos economic and military recovery in part be-cause he wanted Western Europe to deend itsel so that US
troops could return home39 Eisenhower liked neither the cost o
stationing US troops in Europe nor the long-term political com-
mitment Eisenhower believed that US commitments should be
tapered down as soon as Europe could take up the burdens o its
own deense40 And i that even meant a Western Europe with nu-
clear weapons he was generally or it
In the 1047297nal years o the Eisenhower administration in response
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the quest for peace 21
to the European desire or nuclear weapons the United States and
NAOmdashthe military alliance o Western powers ormed in 1955mdash
began 1047298oating the idea o ldquonuclear sharingrdquo among the NAO
countries perhaps through a nuclear Multilateral Force (MLF)
Te United States saw the MLF as a way to share nuclear weaponswith allies and give Europe its own deterrent without having to
give any one nation ull control and the power to launch a nuclear
weapon unilaterally41 Tis prospect particularly o West German
nuclear access was a crucial actor in the dramatic heating up o
US-Soviet tensions in the lead-up to Kennedyrsquos presidency Tis
point is made orceully by the historian Marc rachtenberg in A
Constructed Peace (1999) one o the most incisive and importanthistorical analyses o this phase o the Cold War
Kennedy did not yet have a strategy or Germany and indeed
was pressed hard by the West German leader Konrad Adenauer
not to have one From Adenauerrsquos point o view any thaw in rela-
tions between the United States and the Soviet Union would likely
come at West Germanyrsquos expense But Kennedy would listen to
and learn rom Khrushchevrsquos repeated and heated concerns overGermany especially concerning Germanyrsquos acquisition o nuclear
weapons Kennedy would eventually break with Adenauer on that
question thereby paving the way to closer cooperation with the
Soviet Union But that breakthrough was still two years in the u-
ture and dire risks were strewn on the path to success
Berlin Redux
Following the Bay o Pigs debacle it was now Khrushchevrsquos turn
to misstep badly With Kennedy on his back oot Khrushchev be-
lieved that he was now in a position to pressure Kennedy into an
agreement on Germany which was Khrushchevrsquos primary oreign
policy concern Kennedyrsquos primary interest was in discussing a
nuclear test ban treaty which he elt was essential to slowing the
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22 To Move the World
arms race and nuclear prolieration one o Kennedyrsquos mostpressing concerns Te idea o a test ban treaty had been dis-
cussed or several years but the two sides were never able to get
past their disagreements on how such an agreement would be
enorced
At the Vienna Summit o June 1961 Khrushchev ensured that
Germany and Berlin rather than a test ban treaty dominated
the discussion Khrushchev told Kennedy that the Soviet Unionwould recognize the German Democratic Republic (East Ger-
many) and end Western access rights to West Berlin by the end o
1961 America and its allies viewed access to West Berlin as a vital
interest o the Western alliance and so Khrushchevrsquos threat was an
enormous provocation I war came rom this it would come said
Khrushchev He said that Berlin was a ldquorunning sorerdquo and that
disarmament was ldquoimpossible as long as the Berlin problem ex-
Soviet premier Nikita Khrushchev with President Kennedy at the start o the
Vienna Summit (June 3 1961)
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the quest for peace 23
istedrdquo42 Kennedy responded ldquoTen Mr Chairman there will be a
war It will be a cold long winterrdquo43
In act the diffi cult interchange brought the two leaders a little
closer to a solution though they certainly could not see it at the
time Tere were actually three German issues on the table allintricately intertwined Te 1047297rst was the Soviet desire or a peace
treaty with Germany that would somehow protect the Soviet
Union rom uture German aggression Te second was West Ber-
lin which Khrushchev considered to be ldquothis thorn this ulcerrdquo
within East Germany44 Khrushchev viewed West Berlin as a stag-
ing post or Western spying and aggression against the Soviet
Union ldquoa NAO beachhead and military base against us insidethe GDRrdquo45 He wanted the Western troops out Te third issue
involved the question o German rearmament and especially
German access to US nuclear weapons Te implicit progress
made in Vienna was a start in teasing apart these three issues
Kennedy would hold his ground on West Berlin but would also
recognize Khrushchevrsquos valid concerns about German rearma-
ment Kennedy made clear to Khrushchev in Vienna that he op-posed ldquoa buildup in West Germany that would constitute a threat
to the Soviet Unionrdquo46
History has judged that Kennedy ldquolostrdquo the Vienna Summit be-
cause he was browbeaten by Khrushchev particularly when the
two quarreled over ideology Indeed Kennedy himsel described
the Vienna experience as brutal telling a New York imes reporter
that it was the ldquoworst thing in my lie He savaged merdquo
47
Yet Ken-nedy in act had held 1047297rm and clear the West would not buckle
under threats on West Berlin More important and despite all
appearances Kennedy and Khrushchev were now on a path to
resolve the larger German issues a path they would pursue suc-
cessully in 1963
But the next act on Berlin would be a public relations disaster
or the Soviet Union As tensions over Berlin mounted more and
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24 To Move the World
more East Berliners voted with their eet by crossing the line to
West Berlin and rom there to the West generally During the 1047297rst
six months o 1961 over 100000 people lef East Germany with
50000 1047298eeing in June and July alone48 Te ongoing exodus o
East Berliners was a huge economic loss to a 1047298oundering econ-omy but an even starker daily embarrassment in the rontline
competition between socialism and capitalism It was one o the
main reasons why Khrushchev sought a long-term solution to
Berlin
As the 1047298ow o East Berliners accelerated so did the geopolitical
pressures Finally the East German government with the support
o its Soviet backers moved to stanch the human 1047298ood Berlinwoke up on the morning o August 13 to a barbed wire divide
soon to be a concrete and heavily armed wall patrolled by around
7000 soldiers and stretching 96 miles in Berlin and along the bor-
der between East and West Germany49
Kennedy wisely did not challenge the Berlin Wall except in a
perunctory manner recognizing that any challenge or protest
would prove empty Te West would certainly not go to war overSoviet actions on the Soviet side o the wall Indeed Kennedy im-
mediately and correctly surmised that the wall might actually
prove to be stabilizing in its perverse way by removing the embar-
rassing and costly provocation o mass outmigration rom East
Berlin As he suspected the end o the 1047298ow o migrants rom
East Berlin rather quickly eased the Berlin crisis
In act the overall Berlin situation seemed to Kennedy to be adangerous snare that was certainly not worth the risks o global
war Afer the Vienna Summit Kennedy had commented to his
close aide Kenneth OrsquoDonnell
Wersquore stuck in a ridiculous situation God knows Irsquom
not an isolationist but it seems particularly stupid to
risk killing a million Americans over an argument about
access rights on an Autobahn or because the Ger-
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the quest for peace 25
mans want Germany reuni1047297ed I Irsquom going to threaten
Russia with a nuclear war it will have to be or much
bigger and more important reasons than that Beore I
back Khrushchev against the wall and put him to a 1047297nal
test the reedom o all Western Europe will have to be atstake50
Kennedy would continue successully to deend West Berlin
but he would also recognize the need to move to a sounder long-
term position with the Soviet Union vis-agrave-vis Germany Tat in-
sight was crucial to Kennedyrsquos eventual success in 1963 and to the
calming o the East-West conrontation thereafer It was a basicstrategic insight that Eisenhower never recognized or acted upon
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Excerpted from To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs Copyright copy 2013 by Jeffrey D Sachs Excerpted
by permission of Random House a division of Random House Inc All rights reserved No part of this
excerpt may be reproduced or reprinted without permission in writing from the publisher
Read more
TO MOVE THE WORLD
Order your copy now
Amazon
Barnes amp Noble
IndieBound
Kindle
Nook
iBookstore
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Other Retailers
Learn more about the book
Meet Jeffrey D Sachs at a book signing
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the quest for peace 7
ldquoMunichrdquo and ldquoappeasementrdquo powerul political charges and ones
Kennedy was especially eager to avoid
Te two sides were trapped by two closely related problems the
prisonerrsquos dilemma and the security dilemma Te prisonerrsquos di-
lemma holds that in the absence o long-term trust or bindingagreements the logic o inter-state rivalry will push both sides to
arm Should the United States arm or disarm I the Soviet Union
arms the United States has no choice but to arm as well in order
to avoid being the weaker side I the Soviet Union disarms then
the United States gains military and political advantage by arming
while the Soviet Union is weak Tereore arming is a ldquodominantrdquo
strategy the best move no matter what the other side does Sincethe logic is the same or the other side both sides end up continu-
ally increasing their arms even though a binding agreement to
disarm would be mutually bene1047297cial7
Te security dilemma propounded by Robert Jervis a leading
political theorist is a corollary o the prisonerrsquos dilemma8 Te se-
curity dilemma holds that a defensive action by one side will ofen
be viewed by the other side as an offensive action Tus i theUnited States builds its nuclear arsenal to stave off a Soviet con-
ventional land invasion o Europe the Soviet Union will view the
US nuclear buildup as preparation or a nuclear 1047297rst strike against
the Soviet Union rather than as a deensive measure And i the
Soviet Union tries to catch up with the US nuclear arsenal that
will be viewed as an offensive action by the United States US
hardliners would argue that the Soviet Union is trying to neutral-ize the US nuclear deterrent so that the Soviet Union can launch
a conventional attack
As a result o the absence o trust and the harsh logic o both
the prisonerrsquos dilemma and the security dilemma both sides con-
tinued to amass nuclear weapons to the point o massive overkill
And as the arsenals continued to expand each side eared that the
other was actually building up or a surprise 1047297rst-strike attack
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8 To Move the World
Te United States indeed contemplated launching a preventive
nuclear war worried that it would be unable to deend itsel in the
uture Jervis recalled the words o the German statesman Otto
von Bismarck who called a preventive war ldquocommitting suicide
rom ear o deathrdquo9
Te nuclear arms race accelerated as the United States and the
Soviet Union expanded their arsenals and as the United Kingdom
and France became nuclear powers (in 1952 and 1960 respec-
tively) with their own independent arsenals By 1960 the United
States had nuclear warheads positioned in several countries around
the world10 Te Soviet Union elt itsel very much surrounded in-
deed and increasingly unsure o whether these US nuclear weap-ons were really under US control
O course it wasnrsquot just the international situation that prompted
the arms buildup on each side It was also domestic politics Te
military-industrial complex gained power within each govern-
ment as time went on In the United States each branch o the
military demanded its own nuclear arsenal so that competition
among the US Army Air Force and Navy also drove up militarybudgets and the numbers o nuclear warheads and delivery sys-
tems Te same was true on the Soviet side where there was ar
less constraint than in the United States on the political power o
the military-industrial complex
o the Brink
When Kennedy assumed offi ce he took to heart Churchillrsquos belie
that political leaders must work actively to solve vexing interna-
tional problems He was intent on pursuing arms control but was
also a staunch Cold Warrior partly out o conviction and partly
out o political expediency in order to protect himsel rom power-
ul hardline anti-communists Kennedy believed that he could
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the quest for peace 9
untangle the dangerous con1047298icts with the Soviet Union And as
Churchill urged Kennedy would aim to solve these problemsrom a position o US military strength and without relinquish-
ing vital Western interests
Te tough and conciliatory sides o Kennedyrsquos negotiating strat-
egy were mutually reinorcing Churchill had long emphasized
the essential role o negotiating with onersquos adversary ldquoo jaw-jawrdquo
he said ldquois always better than to war-warrdquo11 Churchill had called
negotiation through strength his ldquodouble-barreled strategyrdquo andamously declared ldquoI do not hold that we should rearm in order to
1047297ght I hold that we should rearm in order to parleyrdquo12 In 1938 it
had not been just a weakness o political will but also one o mili-
tary preparedness that had led Chamberlain to appease Hitler at
Munich
Kennedy would reer to Churchillrsquos double-barreled approach
in his campaign address in Seattle in September 1960
President Dwight D Eisenhower greets President-elect John F Kennedy (Decem-
ber 6 1960)
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10 To Move the World
It is an unortunate act that we can secure peace only
by preparing or war Winston Churchill said in 1949
ldquoWe arm to parleyrdquo We can convince Mr Khrushchev
to bargain seriously at the conerence table i he respects
our strength13
Kennedy had no doubt either o the enormous potential gains
o cooperation with the Soviet Union or o the grave risks i the
United States cooperated (or instance through arms control)
while the Soviet Union reneged on its side o the deal Cheating
by the Soviet Union would threaten not only US security but
also Kennedyrsquos hold on power domestically Kennedy would re-peatedly urge cooperation but remain alert that any move toward
cooperation however modest could trigger political charges rom
the right that he was an appeaser
Te burdens on Kennedy were greater as a Democrat since Re-
publicans regularly assailed the Democratic Party or being ldquosof
on communismrdquo Kennedy thereore aimed to assure all sidesmdash
the US public Americarsquos allies and o course the Soviet Unionmdashthat he would vigorously resist Soviet aggression and deend
Western interests while he sought greater cooperation with the
Soviet Union He would aim at the core to pursue a tit-or-tat
strategy (a way to break out o the prisonerrsquos dilemma by recipro-
cating cooperation rom the other side) promising to join the
Soviet Union in arms control but also declaring repeatedly his
readiness to revert to an arms race i the Soviet Union did notkeep its promises Te tit-or-tat strategy o incremental coopera-
tion was mapped out a year afer Kennedy came to offi ce by one o
Americarsquos leading sociologists Amitai Etzioni whose remarkable
book Te Hard Way to Peace spelled out a psychological approach
to orging peace14 Etzioni believed that con1047297dence building was
crucial since in his view psychological rather than political or
military actors were the decisive drivers o the Cold War He pro-
pounded a notion o ldquopsychological gradualismrdquo to reduce ear
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the quest for peace 11
build trust and initiate a phased process o reciprocated conces-
sions Eventually suspicion and ear would be ldquoreduced to a level
where ruitul negotiations are possiblerdquo15 In many ways Kenne-
dyrsquos peace initiative in 1963 would pursue this approach
Kennedy 1047297rst signaled both aspects o his approach in hisinaugural address on January 20 196116 First came his robust ull-
throated commitment to the deense o liberty
Let every nation know whether it wishes us well or ill
that we shall pay any price bear any burden meet any
hardship support any riend oppose any oe in order
to assure the survival and the success o liberty
But equally stirring was his commitment to pursue the mutual
gains o cooperation
So let us begin anewmdashremembering on both sides that
civility is not a sign o weakness and sincerity is always
subject to proo Let us never negotiate out o ear Butlet us never ear to negotiate
Let both sides or the 1047297rst time ormulate serious
and precise proposals or the inspection and control o
armsmdashand bring the absolute power to destroy other
nations under the absolute control o all nations
Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders o science
instead o its terrors ogether let us explore the starsconquer the deserts eradicate disease tap the ocean
depths and encourage the arts and commerce
Kennedyrsquos emphasis on ldquoprecise proposalsrdquo was not incidental
Following Churchill once again Kennedy believed that miscalcu-
lation with the Soviet Union would best be avoided through clear
detailed and principled negotiating positions Yet here too the
ideal and the practical would collide Negotiations are 1047297lled with
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12 To Move the World
eints bluffs and intermediate positions and these inevitably
raise the risk o miscalculation
Kennedy was sincere in his inaugural address when he said ldquoSo
let us begin anewrdquo As a senator and as a presidential candidate he
himsel had helped to spur the arms race by opportunisticallyhammering away at Dwight D Eisenhowerrsquos administration or
allowing a ldquomissile gaprdquo to emerge claiming in 1958 that there was
every indication ldquothat by 1960 the United States will have lost
its superiority in nuclear striking powerrdquo17 In act the true missile
gap contrary to Kennedyrsquos claim stood greatly in Americarsquos avor
While the de1047297nitive knowledge o the Soviet Unionrsquos very limited
ballistic missile capacity was a closely held secret o the Eisen-hower administration based on secret U-2 spy plane 1047298ights Sena-
tor Kennedy probably knew that he was exaggerating Soviet
capabilities As the presidential candidate running against hard-
line vice president Richard Nixon Kennedy was especially keen to
project a tough-minded oreign policy stance and avoid the charge
o being sof on communism typically levied against Democrats
No matter what Kennedy may have believed as a candidate helearned early in his presidency that there was no missile gap in the
Sovietsrsquo advantage
Khrushchev would probably have understood the political
reasons or Kennedyrsquos missile-gap rhetoric and might even have
bene1047297ted in a way rom Kennedyrsquos exaggerated portrayal o Soviet
power Indeed when Kennedy chose in October 1961 to reveal
to the public the relative weakness o the Soviet nuclear orceKhrushchev was deeply aggrieved Still in the early days o the
new administration Khrushchev was intent on determining
whether Kennedy was in act a diehard Cold Warrior like Eisen-
howerrsquos in1047298uential Secretary o State John Foster Dulles or a po-
tentially cooperative counterpart in peaceul coexistence Early
steps by Kennedy could thereore help to chart the course toward
better relations
In addition to their public speeches and the interaction o their
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the quest for peace 13
diplomats the two leaders would soon learn much more about
each other in another way Beginning with Khrushchevrsquos letter o
congratulations to the newly elected Kennedy on November 9
1960 the two men engaged until Kennedyrsquos death in a back-
channel personal correspondence o more than a hundred lettersBoth pledged that the letters would be held con1047297dentially and
never leaked or propaganda purposes ldquoFor my partrdquo Kennedy
wrote ldquothe contents and even the existence o our letters will be
known only to the Secretary o State and a ew other o my closest
associates in the governmentrdquo18 Both leaders seem to have hon-
ored their pledges o con1047297dentiality Te result is a most extraor-
dinary exchange that together with other events offers criticalinsights into the thinking o both men the issues that worried
them and their strategies or peace
Kennedyrsquos Opening Provocations
Unortunately or the prospects o US-Soviet cooperation andcontrary to the approach o incremental cooperation Kennedy
came out swinging He did this in three provocative ways First
despite the act that the United States was ar ahead in nuclear
weapons Kennedy ordered a major military buildup o both nu-
clear and conventional arms Te total number o US nuclear
warheads would soar rom 20000 in 1960 to 29000 in 1963 at a
time when the Soviet Union had a small raction o that number(1600 in 1960 and 4200 in 1963)19 Conventional orces were also
greatly augmented as Kennedy adopted a new model o ldquo1047298exible
responserdquo He was highly critical o Eisenhowerrsquos nuclear policy
o ldquomassive retaliationrdquo to meet Soviet threats which purportedly
relied on US nuclear weapons to deter Soviet provocations
Kennedy wanted more non-nuclear options20
Second Kennedy approved a CIA plan or an invasion o Cuba
which would become the biggest blunder o his presidency Tird
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14 To Move the World
he went ahead with a conrontational move that had been ap-
proved by his predecessor Dwight Eisenhower In 1958 Eisen-
hower had decided to strengthen the US nuclear arsenal by
posting intermediate-range nuclear missiles under US control in
Italy and urkey Te placements o these Jupiter missiles wereimplemented in June 1960 in Italy and October 1961 (the 1047297rst year
o the Kennedy administration) in urkey21 Te Soviet Union now
aced the threat not only o Americarsquos strategic bombers but also
o nearby missiles that could reach the Soviet Union in minutes
Tis was a new and terriying prospect that tipped the psycho-
logical and strategic balance toward the United States and consti-
tuted a major motivation or Khrushchevrsquos later attempt to putsimilar missiles into Cuba
Kennedy sought to negotiate peace through strength but these
early moves were more than a mere show o strength they were
a ratcheting up o the Cold War Here the contradictory lessons
o World War I and World War II were starkly revealed Kennedy
was prooundly concerned about a war starting through mis-
calculation as had World War I but was equally i not moreconcerned with being perceived as weak i he ailed to project mil-
itary strength and 1047297rmness Yet by taking steps to build US
military strength and increase the number o US military op-
tions he inadvertently exacerbated the risks o terrible miscalcu-
lation very much a case o Jervisrsquos security dilemma in operation
At the time that Kennedy assumed the presidency the CIA was
already in high gear to topple Cubarsquos new lef-wing governmentwhich had begun to con1047297scate US assets and sidle up to the
Soviet Union America had long backed Cubarsquos corrupt dictator
Fulgencio Batista who offered privileges and protection to Amer-
ican investors in the nearby island only ninety miles rom Florida
During the 1950s the young lawyer Fidel Castro led a guerrilla
insurgency against Batista 1047297nally succeeding in prompting the
dictator to 1047298ee on January 1 195922 No sooner had Castro con-
solidated his control over Cuba than Eisenhower and the CIA di-
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the quest for peace 15
rector Allen Dulles (the brother o Secretary o State John Foster
Dulles) began to plot a coup to bring him down Castro was not
yet a hardcore Soviet ally though a partial US trade embargo
initiated by the Eisenhower administration in 1960 was pushing
Cuba in that direction US actions in 1961 would soon lead Cubaully into the Soviet camp Te CIA brieed Kennedy early in his
term about plans or a CIA-backed invasion o Cuba that would be
carried out by Cuban expatriates Te planning was ar advanced
as the CIA had prepared it in the 1047297nal year o the Eisenhower ad-
ministration
From the start Kennedy was deeply concerned not only about
the invasionrsquos chances o success but also about its implicationsor US-Soviet relations Tis would be among the 1047297rst major
moves in his new strategic game with Khrushchev and it would
be ar rom a cooperative one Kennedy eared speci1047297cally
that any action against Castro might prompt Soviet retaliation in
Berlin the hotspot o the Cold War Tis linkage was probably
exaggeratedmdashthe Soviets did not yet see Castro as vitalmdashbut it
played a role in Kennedyrsquos thinking Te planned invasion wasalso one o Kennedyrsquos 1047297rst oreign policy decisions He did not yet
have the con1047297dence to disregard the CIA and the military
Kennedy tried to have it both ways and ended up in a disas-
trous muddle He gave the green light to the CIA-based Cuban
invasion in April 1961 but he wanted ldquodeniabilityrdquo o US involve-
ment and so withheld key military backing such as air support
that was vital to any chance o military success Te hope o deni-ability was oolish the US role was obvious Kennedyrsquos prevarica-
tion guaranteed a complete ailure o the attack (a ailure that was
most likely in any event) ollowed by harsh international criticism
o the United States Te operation was too small or success but
too large or deniability Te expatriates who landed at the Bay o
Pigs were quickly killed or captured and the entire episode ended
ignominiously23
In the postmortem Kennedy met with Eisenhower to discuss
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16 To Move the World
the botched operation and Eisenhower asked Kennedy why he
had denied air cover or the invasion Te historian Michael
Beschloss described the painul interchange
Kennedy said ldquoWell my advice was that we must try tokeep our hands rom showing in the affairrdquo Eisenhower
was aghast ldquoHow could you expect the world to believe
we had nothing to do with it Where did these people
get the ships to go rom Central America to Cuba
Where did they get the weapons I believe there is
only one thing to do when you go into this kind o thing
it must be a successrdquo24
By itsel the CIA operation was oolish naiumlve and incompe-
tently designed and managed Tis was par or the course or the
CIA which had bungled one operation afer another in many
parts o the world Te Bay o Pigs 1047297asco also con1047297rmed Kenne-
dyrsquos deep mistrust o the military which had begun with his expe-
rience in World War II Kennedy told reporter and riend BenBradlee ldquoTe 1047297rst advice Irsquom going to give my successor is to
watch the generals and to avoid eeling that just because they were
military men their opinions on military matters were worth a
damnrdquo25
It also contributed to a cascading set o errors Forced to appear
tough and decisive afer the very public ailure Kennedy quickly
called or increased military spending and harsher measures todestabilize the Castro regime26 Tese included a series o hare-
brained attempts to assassinate Castro part o the larger anti-
Castro strategy the CIA dubbed ldquoOperation Mongooserdquo27 As a
result both Castro and Khrushchev came to believe that Ken-
nedyrsquos next gambit would be a ull-1047298edged invasion o Cuba Tat
expectation contributed to the Cuban Missile Crisis the ollowing
year
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the quest for peace 17
Te Kennedy-Khrushchev private letters offer a remarkable in-
terchange regarding the Bay o Pigs Te letters beore the Bay o
Pigs are highly congenial the opening moves o con1047297dence build-
ing under the tit-or-tat strategy Khrushchev writes on Novem-
ber 9 1960 that he hopes Kennedyrsquos election will mean that ldquoourcountries would again ollow the line along which they were de-
veloping in Franklin Rooseveltrsquos timerdquo when the two countries
were allies28 He holds out the prospect o important agreements
ldquowe are ready or our part to continue efforts to solve such a press-
ing problem as disarmament to settle the German issue through
the earliest conclusion o a peace treaty and to reach agreement on
other questionsrdquo29 Kennedy responds that ldquoa just and lasting peacewill remain a undamental goal o this nation and a major task o
its Presidentrdquo30 Tey begin to arrange an early summit meeting
Yet the tone cracks in Khrushchevrsquos letter o April 18 two days
afer the Cuban invasion
Mr President I send you this message in an hour o
alarm raught with danger or the peace o the wholeworld Armed aggression has begun against Cuba It is a
secret to no one that the armed bands invading this
country were trained equipped and armed in the
United States o America31
ldquoI approach you Mr Presidentrdquo Khrushchev writes ldquowith an
urgent call to put an end to aggression against the Republic oCubardquo
Kennedyrsquos answer the same day is dreadully maladroit ldquoYou
are under a serious misapprehension in regard to the events in
Cubardquo he replies ldquoI have previously stated and I repeat now that
the United States intends no military intervention in Cubardquo32 Tis
patently alse denial brings a powerul rebuke rom Khrushchev
our days later
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18 To Move the World
I have received your reply o April 18 You write that the
United States intends no military intervention in Cuba
But numerous acts known to the whole worldmdashand to
the Government o the United States o course better
than to any one elsemdashspeak differently Despite all as-surances to the contrary it has now been proved beyond
doubt that it was precisely the United States which pre-
pared the intervention 1047297nanced its arming and trans-
ported the gangs o mercenaries that invaded the
territory o Cuba33
Kennedyrsquos denial marked the second notable US presidentiallie to Khrushchev in less than a year Te previous summer the
CIA had pressed Eisenhower to permit another round o U-2 spy
1047298ights over the Soviet Union He reluctantly agreed When a U-2
plane was shot down the CIA and Eisenhower assumed that the
pilot Francis Gary Powers had been killed and the plane de-
stroyed in the crash Tey thereore publicly lied about the mis-
sion claiming that a US weather-research plane had lost its wayand crashed in Soviet airspace Khrushchev then revealed Eisen-
howerrsquos lie by producing not only the U-2 wreckage but the live
pilot as well US per1047297dy was exposed and Eisenhower was orced
to take responsibility Yet this was not a simple public relations
victory or Khrushchev It was a bitter setback or Khrushchevrsquos
concept o peaceul coexistence It also undercut his domestic
credibility as he had initially deended Eisenhower as not respon-sible or the U-2 1047298ight and the exposure o Eisenhowerrsquos lie
seemed to give credence to the Soviet hardliners who argued that
the United States could not be trusted Khrushchev soon enough
would demonstrate his capacity to lie about weighty matters as
well the Cold War was not a game played by saints Yet the back-
to-back prevarications by Eisenhower and Kennedy surely em-
Te U-2 1047298ights were seen even by the United States as serious provocations to theUSSR and violations o international law
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the quest for peace 19
boldened Khrushchev in his own uture dissembling regarding
nuclear testing and Cuba
In a ollow-up letter to Kennedy (May 16) Khrushchev ac-
knowledges that ldquoa certain open alling out has taken place in the
relations between our countriesrdquo34 Yet he set the ground or anupcoming June meeting with Kennedy in Vienna by emphasizing
the key point he sees the importance o a US-Soviet settlement
on Germany Te ate o postwar Germany had proved a constant
source o tension between the two superpowers since the dawn o
the Cold War and never more so than when Kennedy took offi ce
It is thereore crucial to revisit some o this history
At the July 1945 Potsdam conerence at the end o World War IIit was agreed that a council o the our major Allied powers (the
United States the United Kingdom France and the Soviet Union)
would administer postwar Germany but the ldquohowrdquo was lef un-
speci1047297ed35 In the short term the our powers accepted that Ger-
many would be divided into our occupation zones and that each
occupying power would manage its own zone until longer-term
arrangements or a uni1047297ed Germany could be agreed upon Tecapital city o Berlin though alling within the Soviet zone was
also divided among the our powers But the longer-term arrange-
ments or Germany were never agreed upon and relations be-
tween the West and the Soviet Union quickly deteriorated once
there was no common enemy o Hitler to unite them36 Te United
States France and the United Kingdom soon amalgamated their
occupation zones into a single entity which in 1949 became theFederal Republic o Germany (West Germany) Te Soviet zone
became the German Democratic Republic (East Germany) Te
ailure to agree on the ate o a uni1047297ed Germany sowed the seeds
or many o the Cold War con1047298icts that ollowed
Herein lay the basic dilemma Te Soviet Unionmdashwhich had
lost more than twenty million soldiers and civilians in World
War IImdasheared a German resurgence and thereby asserted harsh
control over the Soviet occupation zone o Germany Not only
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20 To Move the World
that but Joseph Stalin the brutal leader o the Soviet Union since
the mid-1920s ruthlessly created satellite states in Eastern Europe
(in Yugoslavia Czechoslovakia Poland and elsewhere) under
single-party communist rule thereby establishing a controlling
corridor rom Russia all the way to the heart o Germany o theWestern powers these actions seemed to suggest a Soviet plan to
dominate all o Europe i not the world While US leaders had
initially avored deindustrializing Germany at the end o the war
to prevent it rom again becoming an economic and military
power37 they quickly changed their minds in the ace o the per-
ceived Soviet aggression Tey instead decided to reindustrialize
the western part o Germany as rapidly as possible as a bulwarkagainst the Soviet Union and to strengthen Western Europe gen-
erally38 Te Soviet Union viewed the hardening o US positions
as a violation o agreements intended to prevent a long-term re-
surgence o German power
Itrsquos not hard to see where this led As West Germany got stron-
ger Soviet anxieties rose As the Soviet Unionrsquos anxieties rose it
became more belligerent in response and the West then becameeven more determined to rebuild West Germany to resist Soviet
domination Tis explosive dynamic continued afer Kennedyrsquos
assumption o offi ce
Making things even more diffi cult or Kennedy was the act that
Eisenhower had proved neither very attentive nor interested in
the Soviet concerns vis-agrave-vis Germany Eisenhower stood strongly
in avor o Germanyrsquos economic and military recovery in part be-cause he wanted Western Europe to deend itsel so that US
troops could return home39 Eisenhower liked neither the cost o
stationing US troops in Europe nor the long-term political com-
mitment Eisenhower believed that US commitments should be
tapered down as soon as Europe could take up the burdens o its
own deense40 And i that even meant a Western Europe with nu-
clear weapons he was generally or it
In the 1047297nal years o the Eisenhower administration in response
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the quest for peace 21
to the European desire or nuclear weapons the United States and
NAOmdashthe military alliance o Western powers ormed in 1955mdash
began 1047298oating the idea o ldquonuclear sharingrdquo among the NAO
countries perhaps through a nuclear Multilateral Force (MLF)
Te United States saw the MLF as a way to share nuclear weaponswith allies and give Europe its own deterrent without having to
give any one nation ull control and the power to launch a nuclear
weapon unilaterally41 Tis prospect particularly o West German
nuclear access was a crucial actor in the dramatic heating up o
US-Soviet tensions in the lead-up to Kennedyrsquos presidency Tis
point is made orceully by the historian Marc rachtenberg in A
Constructed Peace (1999) one o the most incisive and importanthistorical analyses o this phase o the Cold War
Kennedy did not yet have a strategy or Germany and indeed
was pressed hard by the West German leader Konrad Adenauer
not to have one From Adenauerrsquos point o view any thaw in rela-
tions between the United States and the Soviet Union would likely
come at West Germanyrsquos expense But Kennedy would listen to
and learn rom Khrushchevrsquos repeated and heated concerns overGermany especially concerning Germanyrsquos acquisition o nuclear
weapons Kennedy would eventually break with Adenauer on that
question thereby paving the way to closer cooperation with the
Soviet Union But that breakthrough was still two years in the u-
ture and dire risks were strewn on the path to success
Berlin Redux
Following the Bay o Pigs debacle it was now Khrushchevrsquos turn
to misstep badly With Kennedy on his back oot Khrushchev be-
lieved that he was now in a position to pressure Kennedy into an
agreement on Germany which was Khrushchevrsquos primary oreign
policy concern Kennedyrsquos primary interest was in discussing a
nuclear test ban treaty which he elt was essential to slowing the
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22 To Move the World
arms race and nuclear prolieration one o Kennedyrsquos mostpressing concerns Te idea o a test ban treaty had been dis-
cussed or several years but the two sides were never able to get
past their disagreements on how such an agreement would be
enorced
At the Vienna Summit o June 1961 Khrushchev ensured that
Germany and Berlin rather than a test ban treaty dominated
the discussion Khrushchev told Kennedy that the Soviet Unionwould recognize the German Democratic Republic (East Ger-
many) and end Western access rights to West Berlin by the end o
1961 America and its allies viewed access to West Berlin as a vital
interest o the Western alliance and so Khrushchevrsquos threat was an
enormous provocation I war came rom this it would come said
Khrushchev He said that Berlin was a ldquorunning sorerdquo and that
disarmament was ldquoimpossible as long as the Berlin problem ex-
Soviet premier Nikita Khrushchev with President Kennedy at the start o the
Vienna Summit (June 3 1961)
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the quest for peace 23
istedrdquo42 Kennedy responded ldquoTen Mr Chairman there will be a
war It will be a cold long winterrdquo43
In act the diffi cult interchange brought the two leaders a little
closer to a solution though they certainly could not see it at the
time Tere were actually three German issues on the table allintricately intertwined Te 1047297rst was the Soviet desire or a peace
treaty with Germany that would somehow protect the Soviet
Union rom uture German aggression Te second was West Ber-
lin which Khrushchev considered to be ldquothis thorn this ulcerrdquo
within East Germany44 Khrushchev viewed West Berlin as a stag-
ing post or Western spying and aggression against the Soviet
Union ldquoa NAO beachhead and military base against us insidethe GDRrdquo45 He wanted the Western troops out Te third issue
involved the question o German rearmament and especially
German access to US nuclear weapons Te implicit progress
made in Vienna was a start in teasing apart these three issues
Kennedy would hold his ground on West Berlin but would also
recognize Khrushchevrsquos valid concerns about German rearma-
ment Kennedy made clear to Khrushchev in Vienna that he op-posed ldquoa buildup in West Germany that would constitute a threat
to the Soviet Unionrdquo46
History has judged that Kennedy ldquolostrdquo the Vienna Summit be-
cause he was browbeaten by Khrushchev particularly when the
two quarreled over ideology Indeed Kennedy himsel described
the Vienna experience as brutal telling a New York imes reporter
that it was the ldquoworst thing in my lie He savaged merdquo
47
Yet Ken-nedy in act had held 1047297rm and clear the West would not buckle
under threats on West Berlin More important and despite all
appearances Kennedy and Khrushchev were now on a path to
resolve the larger German issues a path they would pursue suc-
cessully in 1963
But the next act on Berlin would be a public relations disaster
or the Soviet Union As tensions over Berlin mounted more and
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24 To Move the World
more East Berliners voted with their eet by crossing the line to
West Berlin and rom there to the West generally During the 1047297rst
six months o 1961 over 100000 people lef East Germany with
50000 1047298eeing in June and July alone48 Te ongoing exodus o
East Berliners was a huge economic loss to a 1047298oundering econ-omy but an even starker daily embarrassment in the rontline
competition between socialism and capitalism It was one o the
main reasons why Khrushchev sought a long-term solution to
Berlin
As the 1047298ow o East Berliners accelerated so did the geopolitical
pressures Finally the East German government with the support
o its Soviet backers moved to stanch the human 1047298ood Berlinwoke up on the morning o August 13 to a barbed wire divide
soon to be a concrete and heavily armed wall patrolled by around
7000 soldiers and stretching 96 miles in Berlin and along the bor-
der between East and West Germany49
Kennedy wisely did not challenge the Berlin Wall except in a
perunctory manner recognizing that any challenge or protest
would prove empty Te West would certainly not go to war overSoviet actions on the Soviet side o the wall Indeed Kennedy im-
mediately and correctly surmised that the wall might actually
prove to be stabilizing in its perverse way by removing the embar-
rassing and costly provocation o mass outmigration rom East
Berlin As he suspected the end o the 1047298ow o migrants rom
East Berlin rather quickly eased the Berlin crisis
In act the overall Berlin situation seemed to Kennedy to be adangerous snare that was certainly not worth the risks o global
war Afer the Vienna Summit Kennedy had commented to his
close aide Kenneth OrsquoDonnell
Wersquore stuck in a ridiculous situation God knows Irsquom
not an isolationist but it seems particularly stupid to
risk killing a million Americans over an argument about
access rights on an Autobahn or because the Ger-
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the quest for peace 25
mans want Germany reuni1047297ed I Irsquom going to threaten
Russia with a nuclear war it will have to be or much
bigger and more important reasons than that Beore I
back Khrushchev against the wall and put him to a 1047297nal
test the reedom o all Western Europe will have to be atstake50
Kennedy would continue successully to deend West Berlin
but he would also recognize the need to move to a sounder long-
term position with the Soviet Union vis-agrave-vis Germany Tat in-
sight was crucial to Kennedyrsquos eventual success in 1963 and to the
calming o the East-West conrontation thereafer It was a basicstrategic insight that Eisenhower never recognized or acted upon
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Excerpted from To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs Copyright copy 2013 by Jeffrey D Sachs Excerpted
by permission of Random House a division of Random House Inc All rights reserved No part of this
excerpt may be reproduced or reprinted without permission in writing from the publisher
Read more
TO MOVE THE WORLD
Order your copy now
Amazon
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Learn more about the book
Meet Jeffrey D Sachs at a book signing
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8 To Move the World
Te United States indeed contemplated launching a preventive
nuclear war worried that it would be unable to deend itsel in the
uture Jervis recalled the words o the German statesman Otto
von Bismarck who called a preventive war ldquocommitting suicide
rom ear o deathrdquo9
Te nuclear arms race accelerated as the United States and the
Soviet Union expanded their arsenals and as the United Kingdom
and France became nuclear powers (in 1952 and 1960 respec-
tively) with their own independent arsenals By 1960 the United
States had nuclear warheads positioned in several countries around
the world10 Te Soviet Union elt itsel very much surrounded in-
deed and increasingly unsure o whether these US nuclear weap-ons were really under US control
O course it wasnrsquot just the international situation that prompted
the arms buildup on each side It was also domestic politics Te
military-industrial complex gained power within each govern-
ment as time went on In the United States each branch o the
military demanded its own nuclear arsenal so that competition
among the US Army Air Force and Navy also drove up militarybudgets and the numbers o nuclear warheads and delivery sys-
tems Te same was true on the Soviet side where there was ar
less constraint than in the United States on the political power o
the military-industrial complex
o the Brink
When Kennedy assumed offi ce he took to heart Churchillrsquos belie
that political leaders must work actively to solve vexing interna-
tional problems He was intent on pursuing arms control but was
also a staunch Cold Warrior partly out o conviction and partly
out o political expediency in order to protect himsel rom power-
ul hardline anti-communists Kennedy believed that he could
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the quest for peace 9
untangle the dangerous con1047298icts with the Soviet Union And as
Churchill urged Kennedy would aim to solve these problemsrom a position o US military strength and without relinquish-
ing vital Western interests
Te tough and conciliatory sides o Kennedyrsquos negotiating strat-
egy were mutually reinorcing Churchill had long emphasized
the essential role o negotiating with onersquos adversary ldquoo jaw-jawrdquo
he said ldquois always better than to war-warrdquo11 Churchill had called
negotiation through strength his ldquodouble-barreled strategyrdquo andamously declared ldquoI do not hold that we should rearm in order to
1047297ght I hold that we should rearm in order to parleyrdquo12 In 1938 it
had not been just a weakness o political will but also one o mili-
tary preparedness that had led Chamberlain to appease Hitler at
Munich
Kennedy would reer to Churchillrsquos double-barreled approach
in his campaign address in Seattle in September 1960
President Dwight D Eisenhower greets President-elect John F Kennedy (Decem-
ber 6 1960)
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10 To Move the World
It is an unortunate act that we can secure peace only
by preparing or war Winston Churchill said in 1949
ldquoWe arm to parleyrdquo We can convince Mr Khrushchev
to bargain seriously at the conerence table i he respects
our strength13
Kennedy had no doubt either o the enormous potential gains
o cooperation with the Soviet Union or o the grave risks i the
United States cooperated (or instance through arms control)
while the Soviet Union reneged on its side o the deal Cheating
by the Soviet Union would threaten not only US security but
also Kennedyrsquos hold on power domestically Kennedy would re-peatedly urge cooperation but remain alert that any move toward
cooperation however modest could trigger political charges rom
the right that he was an appeaser
Te burdens on Kennedy were greater as a Democrat since Re-
publicans regularly assailed the Democratic Party or being ldquosof
on communismrdquo Kennedy thereore aimed to assure all sidesmdash
the US public Americarsquos allies and o course the Soviet Unionmdashthat he would vigorously resist Soviet aggression and deend
Western interests while he sought greater cooperation with the
Soviet Union He would aim at the core to pursue a tit-or-tat
strategy (a way to break out o the prisonerrsquos dilemma by recipro-
cating cooperation rom the other side) promising to join the
Soviet Union in arms control but also declaring repeatedly his
readiness to revert to an arms race i the Soviet Union did notkeep its promises Te tit-or-tat strategy o incremental coopera-
tion was mapped out a year afer Kennedy came to offi ce by one o
Americarsquos leading sociologists Amitai Etzioni whose remarkable
book Te Hard Way to Peace spelled out a psychological approach
to orging peace14 Etzioni believed that con1047297dence building was
crucial since in his view psychological rather than political or
military actors were the decisive drivers o the Cold War He pro-
pounded a notion o ldquopsychological gradualismrdquo to reduce ear
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the quest for peace 11
build trust and initiate a phased process o reciprocated conces-
sions Eventually suspicion and ear would be ldquoreduced to a level
where ruitul negotiations are possiblerdquo15 In many ways Kenne-
dyrsquos peace initiative in 1963 would pursue this approach
Kennedy 1047297rst signaled both aspects o his approach in hisinaugural address on January 20 196116 First came his robust ull-
throated commitment to the deense o liberty
Let every nation know whether it wishes us well or ill
that we shall pay any price bear any burden meet any
hardship support any riend oppose any oe in order
to assure the survival and the success o liberty
But equally stirring was his commitment to pursue the mutual
gains o cooperation
So let us begin anewmdashremembering on both sides that
civility is not a sign o weakness and sincerity is always
subject to proo Let us never negotiate out o ear Butlet us never ear to negotiate
Let both sides or the 1047297rst time ormulate serious
and precise proposals or the inspection and control o
armsmdashand bring the absolute power to destroy other
nations under the absolute control o all nations
Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders o science
instead o its terrors ogether let us explore the starsconquer the deserts eradicate disease tap the ocean
depths and encourage the arts and commerce
Kennedyrsquos emphasis on ldquoprecise proposalsrdquo was not incidental
Following Churchill once again Kennedy believed that miscalcu-
lation with the Soviet Union would best be avoided through clear
detailed and principled negotiating positions Yet here too the
ideal and the practical would collide Negotiations are 1047297lled with
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12 To Move the World
eints bluffs and intermediate positions and these inevitably
raise the risk o miscalculation
Kennedy was sincere in his inaugural address when he said ldquoSo
let us begin anewrdquo As a senator and as a presidential candidate he
himsel had helped to spur the arms race by opportunisticallyhammering away at Dwight D Eisenhowerrsquos administration or
allowing a ldquomissile gaprdquo to emerge claiming in 1958 that there was
every indication ldquothat by 1960 the United States will have lost
its superiority in nuclear striking powerrdquo17 In act the true missile
gap contrary to Kennedyrsquos claim stood greatly in Americarsquos avor
While the de1047297nitive knowledge o the Soviet Unionrsquos very limited
ballistic missile capacity was a closely held secret o the Eisen-hower administration based on secret U-2 spy plane 1047298ights Sena-
tor Kennedy probably knew that he was exaggerating Soviet
capabilities As the presidential candidate running against hard-
line vice president Richard Nixon Kennedy was especially keen to
project a tough-minded oreign policy stance and avoid the charge
o being sof on communism typically levied against Democrats
No matter what Kennedy may have believed as a candidate helearned early in his presidency that there was no missile gap in the
Sovietsrsquo advantage
Khrushchev would probably have understood the political
reasons or Kennedyrsquos missile-gap rhetoric and might even have
bene1047297ted in a way rom Kennedyrsquos exaggerated portrayal o Soviet
power Indeed when Kennedy chose in October 1961 to reveal
to the public the relative weakness o the Soviet nuclear orceKhrushchev was deeply aggrieved Still in the early days o the
new administration Khrushchev was intent on determining
whether Kennedy was in act a diehard Cold Warrior like Eisen-
howerrsquos in1047298uential Secretary o State John Foster Dulles or a po-
tentially cooperative counterpart in peaceul coexistence Early
steps by Kennedy could thereore help to chart the course toward
better relations
In addition to their public speeches and the interaction o their
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the quest for peace 13
diplomats the two leaders would soon learn much more about
each other in another way Beginning with Khrushchevrsquos letter o
congratulations to the newly elected Kennedy on November 9
1960 the two men engaged until Kennedyrsquos death in a back-
channel personal correspondence o more than a hundred lettersBoth pledged that the letters would be held con1047297dentially and
never leaked or propaganda purposes ldquoFor my partrdquo Kennedy
wrote ldquothe contents and even the existence o our letters will be
known only to the Secretary o State and a ew other o my closest
associates in the governmentrdquo18 Both leaders seem to have hon-
ored their pledges o con1047297dentiality Te result is a most extraor-
dinary exchange that together with other events offers criticalinsights into the thinking o both men the issues that worried
them and their strategies or peace
Kennedyrsquos Opening Provocations
Unortunately or the prospects o US-Soviet cooperation andcontrary to the approach o incremental cooperation Kennedy
came out swinging He did this in three provocative ways First
despite the act that the United States was ar ahead in nuclear
weapons Kennedy ordered a major military buildup o both nu-
clear and conventional arms Te total number o US nuclear
warheads would soar rom 20000 in 1960 to 29000 in 1963 at a
time when the Soviet Union had a small raction o that number(1600 in 1960 and 4200 in 1963)19 Conventional orces were also
greatly augmented as Kennedy adopted a new model o ldquo1047298exible
responserdquo He was highly critical o Eisenhowerrsquos nuclear policy
o ldquomassive retaliationrdquo to meet Soviet threats which purportedly
relied on US nuclear weapons to deter Soviet provocations
Kennedy wanted more non-nuclear options20
Second Kennedy approved a CIA plan or an invasion o Cuba
which would become the biggest blunder o his presidency Tird
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14 To Move the World
he went ahead with a conrontational move that had been ap-
proved by his predecessor Dwight Eisenhower In 1958 Eisen-
hower had decided to strengthen the US nuclear arsenal by
posting intermediate-range nuclear missiles under US control in
Italy and urkey Te placements o these Jupiter missiles wereimplemented in June 1960 in Italy and October 1961 (the 1047297rst year
o the Kennedy administration) in urkey21 Te Soviet Union now
aced the threat not only o Americarsquos strategic bombers but also
o nearby missiles that could reach the Soviet Union in minutes
Tis was a new and terriying prospect that tipped the psycho-
logical and strategic balance toward the United States and consti-
tuted a major motivation or Khrushchevrsquos later attempt to putsimilar missiles into Cuba
Kennedy sought to negotiate peace through strength but these
early moves were more than a mere show o strength they were
a ratcheting up o the Cold War Here the contradictory lessons
o World War I and World War II were starkly revealed Kennedy
was prooundly concerned about a war starting through mis-
calculation as had World War I but was equally i not moreconcerned with being perceived as weak i he ailed to project mil-
itary strength and 1047297rmness Yet by taking steps to build US
military strength and increase the number o US military op-
tions he inadvertently exacerbated the risks o terrible miscalcu-
lation very much a case o Jervisrsquos security dilemma in operation
At the time that Kennedy assumed the presidency the CIA was
already in high gear to topple Cubarsquos new lef-wing governmentwhich had begun to con1047297scate US assets and sidle up to the
Soviet Union America had long backed Cubarsquos corrupt dictator
Fulgencio Batista who offered privileges and protection to Amer-
ican investors in the nearby island only ninety miles rom Florida
During the 1950s the young lawyer Fidel Castro led a guerrilla
insurgency against Batista 1047297nally succeeding in prompting the
dictator to 1047298ee on January 1 195922 No sooner had Castro con-
solidated his control over Cuba than Eisenhower and the CIA di-
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the quest for peace 15
rector Allen Dulles (the brother o Secretary o State John Foster
Dulles) began to plot a coup to bring him down Castro was not
yet a hardcore Soviet ally though a partial US trade embargo
initiated by the Eisenhower administration in 1960 was pushing
Cuba in that direction US actions in 1961 would soon lead Cubaully into the Soviet camp Te CIA brieed Kennedy early in his
term about plans or a CIA-backed invasion o Cuba that would be
carried out by Cuban expatriates Te planning was ar advanced
as the CIA had prepared it in the 1047297nal year o the Eisenhower ad-
ministration
From the start Kennedy was deeply concerned not only about
the invasionrsquos chances o success but also about its implicationsor US-Soviet relations Tis would be among the 1047297rst major
moves in his new strategic game with Khrushchev and it would
be ar rom a cooperative one Kennedy eared speci1047297cally
that any action against Castro might prompt Soviet retaliation in
Berlin the hotspot o the Cold War Tis linkage was probably
exaggeratedmdashthe Soviets did not yet see Castro as vitalmdashbut it
played a role in Kennedyrsquos thinking Te planned invasion wasalso one o Kennedyrsquos 1047297rst oreign policy decisions He did not yet
have the con1047297dence to disregard the CIA and the military
Kennedy tried to have it both ways and ended up in a disas-
trous muddle He gave the green light to the CIA-based Cuban
invasion in April 1961 but he wanted ldquodeniabilityrdquo o US involve-
ment and so withheld key military backing such as air support
that was vital to any chance o military success Te hope o deni-ability was oolish the US role was obvious Kennedyrsquos prevarica-
tion guaranteed a complete ailure o the attack (a ailure that was
most likely in any event) ollowed by harsh international criticism
o the United States Te operation was too small or success but
too large or deniability Te expatriates who landed at the Bay o
Pigs were quickly killed or captured and the entire episode ended
ignominiously23
In the postmortem Kennedy met with Eisenhower to discuss
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16 To Move the World
the botched operation and Eisenhower asked Kennedy why he
had denied air cover or the invasion Te historian Michael
Beschloss described the painul interchange
Kennedy said ldquoWell my advice was that we must try tokeep our hands rom showing in the affairrdquo Eisenhower
was aghast ldquoHow could you expect the world to believe
we had nothing to do with it Where did these people
get the ships to go rom Central America to Cuba
Where did they get the weapons I believe there is
only one thing to do when you go into this kind o thing
it must be a successrdquo24
By itsel the CIA operation was oolish naiumlve and incompe-
tently designed and managed Tis was par or the course or the
CIA which had bungled one operation afer another in many
parts o the world Te Bay o Pigs 1047297asco also con1047297rmed Kenne-
dyrsquos deep mistrust o the military which had begun with his expe-
rience in World War II Kennedy told reporter and riend BenBradlee ldquoTe 1047297rst advice Irsquom going to give my successor is to
watch the generals and to avoid eeling that just because they were
military men their opinions on military matters were worth a
damnrdquo25
It also contributed to a cascading set o errors Forced to appear
tough and decisive afer the very public ailure Kennedy quickly
called or increased military spending and harsher measures todestabilize the Castro regime26 Tese included a series o hare-
brained attempts to assassinate Castro part o the larger anti-
Castro strategy the CIA dubbed ldquoOperation Mongooserdquo27 As a
result both Castro and Khrushchev came to believe that Ken-
nedyrsquos next gambit would be a ull-1047298edged invasion o Cuba Tat
expectation contributed to the Cuban Missile Crisis the ollowing
year
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the quest for peace 17
Te Kennedy-Khrushchev private letters offer a remarkable in-
terchange regarding the Bay o Pigs Te letters beore the Bay o
Pigs are highly congenial the opening moves o con1047297dence build-
ing under the tit-or-tat strategy Khrushchev writes on Novem-
ber 9 1960 that he hopes Kennedyrsquos election will mean that ldquoourcountries would again ollow the line along which they were de-
veloping in Franklin Rooseveltrsquos timerdquo when the two countries
were allies28 He holds out the prospect o important agreements
ldquowe are ready or our part to continue efforts to solve such a press-
ing problem as disarmament to settle the German issue through
the earliest conclusion o a peace treaty and to reach agreement on
other questionsrdquo29 Kennedy responds that ldquoa just and lasting peacewill remain a undamental goal o this nation and a major task o
its Presidentrdquo30 Tey begin to arrange an early summit meeting
Yet the tone cracks in Khrushchevrsquos letter o April 18 two days
afer the Cuban invasion
Mr President I send you this message in an hour o
alarm raught with danger or the peace o the wholeworld Armed aggression has begun against Cuba It is a
secret to no one that the armed bands invading this
country were trained equipped and armed in the
United States o America31
ldquoI approach you Mr Presidentrdquo Khrushchev writes ldquowith an
urgent call to put an end to aggression against the Republic oCubardquo
Kennedyrsquos answer the same day is dreadully maladroit ldquoYou
are under a serious misapprehension in regard to the events in
Cubardquo he replies ldquoI have previously stated and I repeat now that
the United States intends no military intervention in Cubardquo32 Tis
patently alse denial brings a powerul rebuke rom Khrushchev
our days later
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18 To Move the World
I have received your reply o April 18 You write that the
United States intends no military intervention in Cuba
But numerous acts known to the whole worldmdashand to
the Government o the United States o course better
than to any one elsemdashspeak differently Despite all as-surances to the contrary it has now been proved beyond
doubt that it was precisely the United States which pre-
pared the intervention 1047297nanced its arming and trans-
ported the gangs o mercenaries that invaded the
territory o Cuba33
Kennedyrsquos denial marked the second notable US presidentiallie to Khrushchev in less than a year Te previous summer the
CIA had pressed Eisenhower to permit another round o U-2 spy
1047298ights over the Soviet Union He reluctantly agreed When a U-2
plane was shot down the CIA and Eisenhower assumed that the
pilot Francis Gary Powers had been killed and the plane de-
stroyed in the crash Tey thereore publicly lied about the mis-
sion claiming that a US weather-research plane had lost its wayand crashed in Soviet airspace Khrushchev then revealed Eisen-
howerrsquos lie by producing not only the U-2 wreckage but the live
pilot as well US per1047297dy was exposed and Eisenhower was orced
to take responsibility Yet this was not a simple public relations
victory or Khrushchev It was a bitter setback or Khrushchevrsquos
concept o peaceul coexistence It also undercut his domestic
credibility as he had initially deended Eisenhower as not respon-sible or the U-2 1047298ight and the exposure o Eisenhowerrsquos lie
seemed to give credence to the Soviet hardliners who argued that
the United States could not be trusted Khrushchev soon enough
would demonstrate his capacity to lie about weighty matters as
well the Cold War was not a game played by saints Yet the back-
to-back prevarications by Eisenhower and Kennedy surely em-
Te U-2 1047298ights were seen even by the United States as serious provocations to theUSSR and violations o international law
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the quest for peace 19
boldened Khrushchev in his own uture dissembling regarding
nuclear testing and Cuba
In a ollow-up letter to Kennedy (May 16) Khrushchev ac-
knowledges that ldquoa certain open alling out has taken place in the
relations between our countriesrdquo34 Yet he set the ground or anupcoming June meeting with Kennedy in Vienna by emphasizing
the key point he sees the importance o a US-Soviet settlement
on Germany Te ate o postwar Germany had proved a constant
source o tension between the two superpowers since the dawn o
the Cold War and never more so than when Kennedy took offi ce
It is thereore crucial to revisit some o this history
At the July 1945 Potsdam conerence at the end o World War IIit was agreed that a council o the our major Allied powers (the
United States the United Kingdom France and the Soviet Union)
would administer postwar Germany but the ldquohowrdquo was lef un-
speci1047297ed35 In the short term the our powers accepted that Ger-
many would be divided into our occupation zones and that each
occupying power would manage its own zone until longer-term
arrangements or a uni1047297ed Germany could be agreed upon Tecapital city o Berlin though alling within the Soviet zone was
also divided among the our powers But the longer-term arrange-
ments or Germany were never agreed upon and relations be-
tween the West and the Soviet Union quickly deteriorated once
there was no common enemy o Hitler to unite them36 Te United
States France and the United Kingdom soon amalgamated their
occupation zones into a single entity which in 1949 became theFederal Republic o Germany (West Germany) Te Soviet zone
became the German Democratic Republic (East Germany) Te
ailure to agree on the ate o a uni1047297ed Germany sowed the seeds
or many o the Cold War con1047298icts that ollowed
Herein lay the basic dilemma Te Soviet Unionmdashwhich had
lost more than twenty million soldiers and civilians in World
War IImdasheared a German resurgence and thereby asserted harsh
control over the Soviet occupation zone o Germany Not only
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20 To Move the World
that but Joseph Stalin the brutal leader o the Soviet Union since
the mid-1920s ruthlessly created satellite states in Eastern Europe
(in Yugoslavia Czechoslovakia Poland and elsewhere) under
single-party communist rule thereby establishing a controlling
corridor rom Russia all the way to the heart o Germany o theWestern powers these actions seemed to suggest a Soviet plan to
dominate all o Europe i not the world While US leaders had
initially avored deindustrializing Germany at the end o the war
to prevent it rom again becoming an economic and military
power37 they quickly changed their minds in the ace o the per-
ceived Soviet aggression Tey instead decided to reindustrialize
the western part o Germany as rapidly as possible as a bulwarkagainst the Soviet Union and to strengthen Western Europe gen-
erally38 Te Soviet Union viewed the hardening o US positions
as a violation o agreements intended to prevent a long-term re-
surgence o German power
Itrsquos not hard to see where this led As West Germany got stron-
ger Soviet anxieties rose As the Soviet Unionrsquos anxieties rose it
became more belligerent in response and the West then becameeven more determined to rebuild West Germany to resist Soviet
domination Tis explosive dynamic continued afer Kennedyrsquos
assumption o offi ce
Making things even more diffi cult or Kennedy was the act that
Eisenhower had proved neither very attentive nor interested in
the Soviet concerns vis-agrave-vis Germany Eisenhower stood strongly
in avor o Germanyrsquos economic and military recovery in part be-cause he wanted Western Europe to deend itsel so that US
troops could return home39 Eisenhower liked neither the cost o
stationing US troops in Europe nor the long-term political com-
mitment Eisenhower believed that US commitments should be
tapered down as soon as Europe could take up the burdens o its
own deense40 And i that even meant a Western Europe with nu-
clear weapons he was generally or it
In the 1047297nal years o the Eisenhower administration in response
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the quest for peace 21
to the European desire or nuclear weapons the United States and
NAOmdashthe military alliance o Western powers ormed in 1955mdash
began 1047298oating the idea o ldquonuclear sharingrdquo among the NAO
countries perhaps through a nuclear Multilateral Force (MLF)
Te United States saw the MLF as a way to share nuclear weaponswith allies and give Europe its own deterrent without having to
give any one nation ull control and the power to launch a nuclear
weapon unilaterally41 Tis prospect particularly o West German
nuclear access was a crucial actor in the dramatic heating up o
US-Soviet tensions in the lead-up to Kennedyrsquos presidency Tis
point is made orceully by the historian Marc rachtenberg in A
Constructed Peace (1999) one o the most incisive and importanthistorical analyses o this phase o the Cold War
Kennedy did not yet have a strategy or Germany and indeed
was pressed hard by the West German leader Konrad Adenauer
not to have one From Adenauerrsquos point o view any thaw in rela-
tions between the United States and the Soviet Union would likely
come at West Germanyrsquos expense But Kennedy would listen to
and learn rom Khrushchevrsquos repeated and heated concerns overGermany especially concerning Germanyrsquos acquisition o nuclear
weapons Kennedy would eventually break with Adenauer on that
question thereby paving the way to closer cooperation with the
Soviet Union But that breakthrough was still two years in the u-
ture and dire risks were strewn on the path to success
Berlin Redux
Following the Bay o Pigs debacle it was now Khrushchevrsquos turn
to misstep badly With Kennedy on his back oot Khrushchev be-
lieved that he was now in a position to pressure Kennedy into an
agreement on Germany which was Khrushchevrsquos primary oreign
policy concern Kennedyrsquos primary interest was in discussing a
nuclear test ban treaty which he elt was essential to slowing the
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22 To Move the World
arms race and nuclear prolieration one o Kennedyrsquos mostpressing concerns Te idea o a test ban treaty had been dis-
cussed or several years but the two sides were never able to get
past their disagreements on how such an agreement would be
enorced
At the Vienna Summit o June 1961 Khrushchev ensured that
Germany and Berlin rather than a test ban treaty dominated
the discussion Khrushchev told Kennedy that the Soviet Unionwould recognize the German Democratic Republic (East Ger-
many) and end Western access rights to West Berlin by the end o
1961 America and its allies viewed access to West Berlin as a vital
interest o the Western alliance and so Khrushchevrsquos threat was an
enormous provocation I war came rom this it would come said
Khrushchev He said that Berlin was a ldquorunning sorerdquo and that
disarmament was ldquoimpossible as long as the Berlin problem ex-
Soviet premier Nikita Khrushchev with President Kennedy at the start o the
Vienna Summit (June 3 1961)
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the quest for peace 23
istedrdquo42 Kennedy responded ldquoTen Mr Chairman there will be a
war It will be a cold long winterrdquo43
In act the diffi cult interchange brought the two leaders a little
closer to a solution though they certainly could not see it at the
time Tere were actually three German issues on the table allintricately intertwined Te 1047297rst was the Soviet desire or a peace
treaty with Germany that would somehow protect the Soviet
Union rom uture German aggression Te second was West Ber-
lin which Khrushchev considered to be ldquothis thorn this ulcerrdquo
within East Germany44 Khrushchev viewed West Berlin as a stag-
ing post or Western spying and aggression against the Soviet
Union ldquoa NAO beachhead and military base against us insidethe GDRrdquo45 He wanted the Western troops out Te third issue
involved the question o German rearmament and especially
German access to US nuclear weapons Te implicit progress
made in Vienna was a start in teasing apart these three issues
Kennedy would hold his ground on West Berlin but would also
recognize Khrushchevrsquos valid concerns about German rearma-
ment Kennedy made clear to Khrushchev in Vienna that he op-posed ldquoa buildup in West Germany that would constitute a threat
to the Soviet Unionrdquo46
History has judged that Kennedy ldquolostrdquo the Vienna Summit be-
cause he was browbeaten by Khrushchev particularly when the
two quarreled over ideology Indeed Kennedy himsel described
the Vienna experience as brutal telling a New York imes reporter
that it was the ldquoworst thing in my lie He savaged merdquo
47
Yet Ken-nedy in act had held 1047297rm and clear the West would not buckle
under threats on West Berlin More important and despite all
appearances Kennedy and Khrushchev were now on a path to
resolve the larger German issues a path they would pursue suc-
cessully in 1963
But the next act on Berlin would be a public relations disaster
or the Soviet Union As tensions over Berlin mounted more and
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24 To Move the World
more East Berliners voted with their eet by crossing the line to
West Berlin and rom there to the West generally During the 1047297rst
six months o 1961 over 100000 people lef East Germany with
50000 1047298eeing in June and July alone48 Te ongoing exodus o
East Berliners was a huge economic loss to a 1047298oundering econ-omy but an even starker daily embarrassment in the rontline
competition between socialism and capitalism It was one o the
main reasons why Khrushchev sought a long-term solution to
Berlin
As the 1047298ow o East Berliners accelerated so did the geopolitical
pressures Finally the East German government with the support
o its Soviet backers moved to stanch the human 1047298ood Berlinwoke up on the morning o August 13 to a barbed wire divide
soon to be a concrete and heavily armed wall patrolled by around
7000 soldiers and stretching 96 miles in Berlin and along the bor-
der between East and West Germany49
Kennedy wisely did not challenge the Berlin Wall except in a
perunctory manner recognizing that any challenge or protest
would prove empty Te West would certainly not go to war overSoviet actions on the Soviet side o the wall Indeed Kennedy im-
mediately and correctly surmised that the wall might actually
prove to be stabilizing in its perverse way by removing the embar-
rassing and costly provocation o mass outmigration rom East
Berlin As he suspected the end o the 1047298ow o migrants rom
East Berlin rather quickly eased the Berlin crisis
In act the overall Berlin situation seemed to Kennedy to be adangerous snare that was certainly not worth the risks o global
war Afer the Vienna Summit Kennedy had commented to his
close aide Kenneth OrsquoDonnell
Wersquore stuck in a ridiculous situation God knows Irsquom
not an isolationist but it seems particularly stupid to
risk killing a million Americans over an argument about
access rights on an Autobahn or because the Ger-
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the quest for peace 25
mans want Germany reuni1047297ed I Irsquom going to threaten
Russia with a nuclear war it will have to be or much
bigger and more important reasons than that Beore I
back Khrushchev against the wall and put him to a 1047297nal
test the reedom o all Western Europe will have to be atstake50
Kennedy would continue successully to deend West Berlin
but he would also recognize the need to move to a sounder long-
term position with the Soviet Union vis-agrave-vis Germany Tat in-
sight was crucial to Kennedyrsquos eventual success in 1963 and to the
calming o the East-West conrontation thereafer It was a basicstrategic insight that Eisenhower never recognized or acted upon
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Excerpted from To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs Copyright copy 2013 by Jeffrey D Sachs Excerpted
by permission of Random House a division of Random House Inc All rights reserved No part of this
excerpt may be reproduced or reprinted without permission in writing from the publisher
Read more
TO MOVE THE WORLD
Order your copy now
Amazon
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Learn more about the book
Meet Jeffrey D Sachs at a book signing
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the quest for peace 9
untangle the dangerous con1047298icts with the Soviet Union And as
Churchill urged Kennedy would aim to solve these problemsrom a position o US military strength and without relinquish-
ing vital Western interests
Te tough and conciliatory sides o Kennedyrsquos negotiating strat-
egy were mutually reinorcing Churchill had long emphasized
the essential role o negotiating with onersquos adversary ldquoo jaw-jawrdquo
he said ldquois always better than to war-warrdquo11 Churchill had called
negotiation through strength his ldquodouble-barreled strategyrdquo andamously declared ldquoI do not hold that we should rearm in order to
1047297ght I hold that we should rearm in order to parleyrdquo12 In 1938 it
had not been just a weakness o political will but also one o mili-
tary preparedness that had led Chamberlain to appease Hitler at
Munich
Kennedy would reer to Churchillrsquos double-barreled approach
in his campaign address in Seattle in September 1960
President Dwight D Eisenhower greets President-elect John F Kennedy (Decem-
ber 6 1960)
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10 To Move the World
It is an unortunate act that we can secure peace only
by preparing or war Winston Churchill said in 1949
ldquoWe arm to parleyrdquo We can convince Mr Khrushchev
to bargain seriously at the conerence table i he respects
our strength13
Kennedy had no doubt either o the enormous potential gains
o cooperation with the Soviet Union or o the grave risks i the
United States cooperated (or instance through arms control)
while the Soviet Union reneged on its side o the deal Cheating
by the Soviet Union would threaten not only US security but
also Kennedyrsquos hold on power domestically Kennedy would re-peatedly urge cooperation but remain alert that any move toward
cooperation however modest could trigger political charges rom
the right that he was an appeaser
Te burdens on Kennedy were greater as a Democrat since Re-
publicans regularly assailed the Democratic Party or being ldquosof
on communismrdquo Kennedy thereore aimed to assure all sidesmdash
the US public Americarsquos allies and o course the Soviet Unionmdashthat he would vigorously resist Soviet aggression and deend
Western interests while he sought greater cooperation with the
Soviet Union He would aim at the core to pursue a tit-or-tat
strategy (a way to break out o the prisonerrsquos dilemma by recipro-
cating cooperation rom the other side) promising to join the
Soviet Union in arms control but also declaring repeatedly his
readiness to revert to an arms race i the Soviet Union did notkeep its promises Te tit-or-tat strategy o incremental coopera-
tion was mapped out a year afer Kennedy came to offi ce by one o
Americarsquos leading sociologists Amitai Etzioni whose remarkable
book Te Hard Way to Peace spelled out a psychological approach
to orging peace14 Etzioni believed that con1047297dence building was
crucial since in his view psychological rather than political or
military actors were the decisive drivers o the Cold War He pro-
pounded a notion o ldquopsychological gradualismrdquo to reduce ear
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the quest for peace 11
build trust and initiate a phased process o reciprocated conces-
sions Eventually suspicion and ear would be ldquoreduced to a level
where ruitul negotiations are possiblerdquo15 In many ways Kenne-
dyrsquos peace initiative in 1963 would pursue this approach
Kennedy 1047297rst signaled both aspects o his approach in hisinaugural address on January 20 196116 First came his robust ull-
throated commitment to the deense o liberty
Let every nation know whether it wishes us well or ill
that we shall pay any price bear any burden meet any
hardship support any riend oppose any oe in order
to assure the survival and the success o liberty
But equally stirring was his commitment to pursue the mutual
gains o cooperation
So let us begin anewmdashremembering on both sides that
civility is not a sign o weakness and sincerity is always
subject to proo Let us never negotiate out o ear Butlet us never ear to negotiate
Let both sides or the 1047297rst time ormulate serious
and precise proposals or the inspection and control o
armsmdashand bring the absolute power to destroy other
nations under the absolute control o all nations
Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders o science
instead o its terrors ogether let us explore the starsconquer the deserts eradicate disease tap the ocean
depths and encourage the arts and commerce
Kennedyrsquos emphasis on ldquoprecise proposalsrdquo was not incidental
Following Churchill once again Kennedy believed that miscalcu-
lation with the Soviet Union would best be avoided through clear
detailed and principled negotiating positions Yet here too the
ideal and the practical would collide Negotiations are 1047297lled with
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12 To Move the World
eints bluffs and intermediate positions and these inevitably
raise the risk o miscalculation
Kennedy was sincere in his inaugural address when he said ldquoSo
let us begin anewrdquo As a senator and as a presidential candidate he
himsel had helped to spur the arms race by opportunisticallyhammering away at Dwight D Eisenhowerrsquos administration or
allowing a ldquomissile gaprdquo to emerge claiming in 1958 that there was
every indication ldquothat by 1960 the United States will have lost
its superiority in nuclear striking powerrdquo17 In act the true missile
gap contrary to Kennedyrsquos claim stood greatly in Americarsquos avor
While the de1047297nitive knowledge o the Soviet Unionrsquos very limited
ballistic missile capacity was a closely held secret o the Eisen-hower administration based on secret U-2 spy plane 1047298ights Sena-
tor Kennedy probably knew that he was exaggerating Soviet
capabilities As the presidential candidate running against hard-
line vice president Richard Nixon Kennedy was especially keen to
project a tough-minded oreign policy stance and avoid the charge
o being sof on communism typically levied against Democrats
No matter what Kennedy may have believed as a candidate helearned early in his presidency that there was no missile gap in the
Sovietsrsquo advantage
Khrushchev would probably have understood the political
reasons or Kennedyrsquos missile-gap rhetoric and might even have
bene1047297ted in a way rom Kennedyrsquos exaggerated portrayal o Soviet
power Indeed when Kennedy chose in October 1961 to reveal
to the public the relative weakness o the Soviet nuclear orceKhrushchev was deeply aggrieved Still in the early days o the
new administration Khrushchev was intent on determining
whether Kennedy was in act a diehard Cold Warrior like Eisen-
howerrsquos in1047298uential Secretary o State John Foster Dulles or a po-
tentially cooperative counterpart in peaceul coexistence Early
steps by Kennedy could thereore help to chart the course toward
better relations
In addition to their public speeches and the interaction o their
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the quest for peace 13
diplomats the two leaders would soon learn much more about
each other in another way Beginning with Khrushchevrsquos letter o
congratulations to the newly elected Kennedy on November 9
1960 the two men engaged until Kennedyrsquos death in a back-
channel personal correspondence o more than a hundred lettersBoth pledged that the letters would be held con1047297dentially and
never leaked or propaganda purposes ldquoFor my partrdquo Kennedy
wrote ldquothe contents and even the existence o our letters will be
known only to the Secretary o State and a ew other o my closest
associates in the governmentrdquo18 Both leaders seem to have hon-
ored their pledges o con1047297dentiality Te result is a most extraor-
dinary exchange that together with other events offers criticalinsights into the thinking o both men the issues that worried
them and their strategies or peace
Kennedyrsquos Opening Provocations
Unortunately or the prospects o US-Soviet cooperation andcontrary to the approach o incremental cooperation Kennedy
came out swinging He did this in three provocative ways First
despite the act that the United States was ar ahead in nuclear
weapons Kennedy ordered a major military buildup o both nu-
clear and conventional arms Te total number o US nuclear
warheads would soar rom 20000 in 1960 to 29000 in 1963 at a
time when the Soviet Union had a small raction o that number(1600 in 1960 and 4200 in 1963)19 Conventional orces were also
greatly augmented as Kennedy adopted a new model o ldquo1047298exible
responserdquo He was highly critical o Eisenhowerrsquos nuclear policy
o ldquomassive retaliationrdquo to meet Soviet threats which purportedly
relied on US nuclear weapons to deter Soviet provocations
Kennedy wanted more non-nuclear options20
Second Kennedy approved a CIA plan or an invasion o Cuba
which would become the biggest blunder o his presidency Tird
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14 To Move the World
he went ahead with a conrontational move that had been ap-
proved by his predecessor Dwight Eisenhower In 1958 Eisen-
hower had decided to strengthen the US nuclear arsenal by
posting intermediate-range nuclear missiles under US control in
Italy and urkey Te placements o these Jupiter missiles wereimplemented in June 1960 in Italy and October 1961 (the 1047297rst year
o the Kennedy administration) in urkey21 Te Soviet Union now
aced the threat not only o Americarsquos strategic bombers but also
o nearby missiles that could reach the Soviet Union in minutes
Tis was a new and terriying prospect that tipped the psycho-
logical and strategic balance toward the United States and consti-
tuted a major motivation or Khrushchevrsquos later attempt to putsimilar missiles into Cuba
Kennedy sought to negotiate peace through strength but these
early moves were more than a mere show o strength they were
a ratcheting up o the Cold War Here the contradictory lessons
o World War I and World War II were starkly revealed Kennedy
was prooundly concerned about a war starting through mis-
calculation as had World War I but was equally i not moreconcerned with being perceived as weak i he ailed to project mil-
itary strength and 1047297rmness Yet by taking steps to build US
military strength and increase the number o US military op-
tions he inadvertently exacerbated the risks o terrible miscalcu-
lation very much a case o Jervisrsquos security dilemma in operation
At the time that Kennedy assumed the presidency the CIA was
already in high gear to topple Cubarsquos new lef-wing governmentwhich had begun to con1047297scate US assets and sidle up to the
Soviet Union America had long backed Cubarsquos corrupt dictator
Fulgencio Batista who offered privileges and protection to Amer-
ican investors in the nearby island only ninety miles rom Florida
During the 1950s the young lawyer Fidel Castro led a guerrilla
insurgency against Batista 1047297nally succeeding in prompting the
dictator to 1047298ee on January 1 195922 No sooner had Castro con-
solidated his control over Cuba than Eisenhower and the CIA di-
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the quest for peace 15
rector Allen Dulles (the brother o Secretary o State John Foster
Dulles) began to plot a coup to bring him down Castro was not
yet a hardcore Soviet ally though a partial US trade embargo
initiated by the Eisenhower administration in 1960 was pushing
Cuba in that direction US actions in 1961 would soon lead Cubaully into the Soviet camp Te CIA brieed Kennedy early in his
term about plans or a CIA-backed invasion o Cuba that would be
carried out by Cuban expatriates Te planning was ar advanced
as the CIA had prepared it in the 1047297nal year o the Eisenhower ad-
ministration
From the start Kennedy was deeply concerned not only about
the invasionrsquos chances o success but also about its implicationsor US-Soviet relations Tis would be among the 1047297rst major
moves in his new strategic game with Khrushchev and it would
be ar rom a cooperative one Kennedy eared speci1047297cally
that any action against Castro might prompt Soviet retaliation in
Berlin the hotspot o the Cold War Tis linkage was probably
exaggeratedmdashthe Soviets did not yet see Castro as vitalmdashbut it
played a role in Kennedyrsquos thinking Te planned invasion wasalso one o Kennedyrsquos 1047297rst oreign policy decisions He did not yet
have the con1047297dence to disregard the CIA and the military
Kennedy tried to have it both ways and ended up in a disas-
trous muddle He gave the green light to the CIA-based Cuban
invasion in April 1961 but he wanted ldquodeniabilityrdquo o US involve-
ment and so withheld key military backing such as air support
that was vital to any chance o military success Te hope o deni-ability was oolish the US role was obvious Kennedyrsquos prevarica-
tion guaranteed a complete ailure o the attack (a ailure that was
most likely in any event) ollowed by harsh international criticism
o the United States Te operation was too small or success but
too large or deniability Te expatriates who landed at the Bay o
Pigs were quickly killed or captured and the entire episode ended
ignominiously23
In the postmortem Kennedy met with Eisenhower to discuss
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16 To Move the World
the botched operation and Eisenhower asked Kennedy why he
had denied air cover or the invasion Te historian Michael
Beschloss described the painul interchange
Kennedy said ldquoWell my advice was that we must try tokeep our hands rom showing in the affairrdquo Eisenhower
was aghast ldquoHow could you expect the world to believe
we had nothing to do with it Where did these people
get the ships to go rom Central America to Cuba
Where did they get the weapons I believe there is
only one thing to do when you go into this kind o thing
it must be a successrdquo24
By itsel the CIA operation was oolish naiumlve and incompe-
tently designed and managed Tis was par or the course or the
CIA which had bungled one operation afer another in many
parts o the world Te Bay o Pigs 1047297asco also con1047297rmed Kenne-
dyrsquos deep mistrust o the military which had begun with his expe-
rience in World War II Kennedy told reporter and riend BenBradlee ldquoTe 1047297rst advice Irsquom going to give my successor is to
watch the generals and to avoid eeling that just because they were
military men their opinions on military matters were worth a
damnrdquo25
It also contributed to a cascading set o errors Forced to appear
tough and decisive afer the very public ailure Kennedy quickly
called or increased military spending and harsher measures todestabilize the Castro regime26 Tese included a series o hare-
brained attempts to assassinate Castro part o the larger anti-
Castro strategy the CIA dubbed ldquoOperation Mongooserdquo27 As a
result both Castro and Khrushchev came to believe that Ken-
nedyrsquos next gambit would be a ull-1047298edged invasion o Cuba Tat
expectation contributed to the Cuban Missile Crisis the ollowing
year
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the quest for peace 17
Te Kennedy-Khrushchev private letters offer a remarkable in-
terchange regarding the Bay o Pigs Te letters beore the Bay o
Pigs are highly congenial the opening moves o con1047297dence build-
ing under the tit-or-tat strategy Khrushchev writes on Novem-
ber 9 1960 that he hopes Kennedyrsquos election will mean that ldquoourcountries would again ollow the line along which they were de-
veloping in Franklin Rooseveltrsquos timerdquo when the two countries
were allies28 He holds out the prospect o important agreements
ldquowe are ready or our part to continue efforts to solve such a press-
ing problem as disarmament to settle the German issue through
the earliest conclusion o a peace treaty and to reach agreement on
other questionsrdquo29 Kennedy responds that ldquoa just and lasting peacewill remain a undamental goal o this nation and a major task o
its Presidentrdquo30 Tey begin to arrange an early summit meeting
Yet the tone cracks in Khrushchevrsquos letter o April 18 two days
afer the Cuban invasion
Mr President I send you this message in an hour o
alarm raught with danger or the peace o the wholeworld Armed aggression has begun against Cuba It is a
secret to no one that the armed bands invading this
country were trained equipped and armed in the
United States o America31
ldquoI approach you Mr Presidentrdquo Khrushchev writes ldquowith an
urgent call to put an end to aggression against the Republic oCubardquo
Kennedyrsquos answer the same day is dreadully maladroit ldquoYou
are under a serious misapprehension in regard to the events in
Cubardquo he replies ldquoI have previously stated and I repeat now that
the United States intends no military intervention in Cubardquo32 Tis
patently alse denial brings a powerul rebuke rom Khrushchev
our days later
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18 To Move the World
I have received your reply o April 18 You write that the
United States intends no military intervention in Cuba
But numerous acts known to the whole worldmdashand to
the Government o the United States o course better
than to any one elsemdashspeak differently Despite all as-surances to the contrary it has now been proved beyond
doubt that it was precisely the United States which pre-
pared the intervention 1047297nanced its arming and trans-
ported the gangs o mercenaries that invaded the
territory o Cuba33
Kennedyrsquos denial marked the second notable US presidentiallie to Khrushchev in less than a year Te previous summer the
CIA had pressed Eisenhower to permit another round o U-2 spy
1047298ights over the Soviet Union He reluctantly agreed When a U-2
plane was shot down the CIA and Eisenhower assumed that the
pilot Francis Gary Powers had been killed and the plane de-
stroyed in the crash Tey thereore publicly lied about the mis-
sion claiming that a US weather-research plane had lost its wayand crashed in Soviet airspace Khrushchev then revealed Eisen-
howerrsquos lie by producing not only the U-2 wreckage but the live
pilot as well US per1047297dy was exposed and Eisenhower was orced
to take responsibility Yet this was not a simple public relations
victory or Khrushchev It was a bitter setback or Khrushchevrsquos
concept o peaceul coexistence It also undercut his domestic
credibility as he had initially deended Eisenhower as not respon-sible or the U-2 1047298ight and the exposure o Eisenhowerrsquos lie
seemed to give credence to the Soviet hardliners who argued that
the United States could not be trusted Khrushchev soon enough
would demonstrate his capacity to lie about weighty matters as
well the Cold War was not a game played by saints Yet the back-
to-back prevarications by Eisenhower and Kennedy surely em-
Te U-2 1047298ights were seen even by the United States as serious provocations to theUSSR and violations o international law
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the quest for peace 19
boldened Khrushchev in his own uture dissembling regarding
nuclear testing and Cuba
In a ollow-up letter to Kennedy (May 16) Khrushchev ac-
knowledges that ldquoa certain open alling out has taken place in the
relations between our countriesrdquo34 Yet he set the ground or anupcoming June meeting with Kennedy in Vienna by emphasizing
the key point he sees the importance o a US-Soviet settlement
on Germany Te ate o postwar Germany had proved a constant
source o tension between the two superpowers since the dawn o
the Cold War and never more so than when Kennedy took offi ce
It is thereore crucial to revisit some o this history
At the July 1945 Potsdam conerence at the end o World War IIit was agreed that a council o the our major Allied powers (the
United States the United Kingdom France and the Soviet Union)
would administer postwar Germany but the ldquohowrdquo was lef un-
speci1047297ed35 In the short term the our powers accepted that Ger-
many would be divided into our occupation zones and that each
occupying power would manage its own zone until longer-term
arrangements or a uni1047297ed Germany could be agreed upon Tecapital city o Berlin though alling within the Soviet zone was
also divided among the our powers But the longer-term arrange-
ments or Germany were never agreed upon and relations be-
tween the West and the Soviet Union quickly deteriorated once
there was no common enemy o Hitler to unite them36 Te United
States France and the United Kingdom soon amalgamated their
occupation zones into a single entity which in 1949 became theFederal Republic o Germany (West Germany) Te Soviet zone
became the German Democratic Republic (East Germany) Te
ailure to agree on the ate o a uni1047297ed Germany sowed the seeds
or many o the Cold War con1047298icts that ollowed
Herein lay the basic dilemma Te Soviet Unionmdashwhich had
lost more than twenty million soldiers and civilians in World
War IImdasheared a German resurgence and thereby asserted harsh
control over the Soviet occupation zone o Germany Not only
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20 To Move the World
that but Joseph Stalin the brutal leader o the Soviet Union since
the mid-1920s ruthlessly created satellite states in Eastern Europe
(in Yugoslavia Czechoslovakia Poland and elsewhere) under
single-party communist rule thereby establishing a controlling
corridor rom Russia all the way to the heart o Germany o theWestern powers these actions seemed to suggest a Soviet plan to
dominate all o Europe i not the world While US leaders had
initially avored deindustrializing Germany at the end o the war
to prevent it rom again becoming an economic and military
power37 they quickly changed their minds in the ace o the per-
ceived Soviet aggression Tey instead decided to reindustrialize
the western part o Germany as rapidly as possible as a bulwarkagainst the Soviet Union and to strengthen Western Europe gen-
erally38 Te Soviet Union viewed the hardening o US positions
as a violation o agreements intended to prevent a long-term re-
surgence o German power
Itrsquos not hard to see where this led As West Germany got stron-
ger Soviet anxieties rose As the Soviet Unionrsquos anxieties rose it
became more belligerent in response and the West then becameeven more determined to rebuild West Germany to resist Soviet
domination Tis explosive dynamic continued afer Kennedyrsquos
assumption o offi ce
Making things even more diffi cult or Kennedy was the act that
Eisenhower had proved neither very attentive nor interested in
the Soviet concerns vis-agrave-vis Germany Eisenhower stood strongly
in avor o Germanyrsquos economic and military recovery in part be-cause he wanted Western Europe to deend itsel so that US
troops could return home39 Eisenhower liked neither the cost o
stationing US troops in Europe nor the long-term political com-
mitment Eisenhower believed that US commitments should be
tapered down as soon as Europe could take up the burdens o its
own deense40 And i that even meant a Western Europe with nu-
clear weapons he was generally or it
In the 1047297nal years o the Eisenhower administration in response
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the quest for peace 21
to the European desire or nuclear weapons the United States and
NAOmdashthe military alliance o Western powers ormed in 1955mdash
began 1047298oating the idea o ldquonuclear sharingrdquo among the NAO
countries perhaps through a nuclear Multilateral Force (MLF)
Te United States saw the MLF as a way to share nuclear weaponswith allies and give Europe its own deterrent without having to
give any one nation ull control and the power to launch a nuclear
weapon unilaterally41 Tis prospect particularly o West German
nuclear access was a crucial actor in the dramatic heating up o
US-Soviet tensions in the lead-up to Kennedyrsquos presidency Tis
point is made orceully by the historian Marc rachtenberg in A
Constructed Peace (1999) one o the most incisive and importanthistorical analyses o this phase o the Cold War
Kennedy did not yet have a strategy or Germany and indeed
was pressed hard by the West German leader Konrad Adenauer
not to have one From Adenauerrsquos point o view any thaw in rela-
tions between the United States and the Soviet Union would likely
come at West Germanyrsquos expense But Kennedy would listen to
and learn rom Khrushchevrsquos repeated and heated concerns overGermany especially concerning Germanyrsquos acquisition o nuclear
weapons Kennedy would eventually break with Adenauer on that
question thereby paving the way to closer cooperation with the
Soviet Union But that breakthrough was still two years in the u-
ture and dire risks were strewn on the path to success
Berlin Redux
Following the Bay o Pigs debacle it was now Khrushchevrsquos turn
to misstep badly With Kennedy on his back oot Khrushchev be-
lieved that he was now in a position to pressure Kennedy into an
agreement on Germany which was Khrushchevrsquos primary oreign
policy concern Kennedyrsquos primary interest was in discussing a
nuclear test ban treaty which he elt was essential to slowing the
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22 To Move the World
arms race and nuclear prolieration one o Kennedyrsquos mostpressing concerns Te idea o a test ban treaty had been dis-
cussed or several years but the two sides were never able to get
past their disagreements on how such an agreement would be
enorced
At the Vienna Summit o June 1961 Khrushchev ensured that
Germany and Berlin rather than a test ban treaty dominated
the discussion Khrushchev told Kennedy that the Soviet Unionwould recognize the German Democratic Republic (East Ger-
many) and end Western access rights to West Berlin by the end o
1961 America and its allies viewed access to West Berlin as a vital
interest o the Western alliance and so Khrushchevrsquos threat was an
enormous provocation I war came rom this it would come said
Khrushchev He said that Berlin was a ldquorunning sorerdquo and that
disarmament was ldquoimpossible as long as the Berlin problem ex-
Soviet premier Nikita Khrushchev with President Kennedy at the start o the
Vienna Summit (June 3 1961)
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the quest for peace 23
istedrdquo42 Kennedy responded ldquoTen Mr Chairman there will be a
war It will be a cold long winterrdquo43
In act the diffi cult interchange brought the two leaders a little
closer to a solution though they certainly could not see it at the
time Tere were actually three German issues on the table allintricately intertwined Te 1047297rst was the Soviet desire or a peace
treaty with Germany that would somehow protect the Soviet
Union rom uture German aggression Te second was West Ber-
lin which Khrushchev considered to be ldquothis thorn this ulcerrdquo
within East Germany44 Khrushchev viewed West Berlin as a stag-
ing post or Western spying and aggression against the Soviet
Union ldquoa NAO beachhead and military base against us insidethe GDRrdquo45 He wanted the Western troops out Te third issue
involved the question o German rearmament and especially
German access to US nuclear weapons Te implicit progress
made in Vienna was a start in teasing apart these three issues
Kennedy would hold his ground on West Berlin but would also
recognize Khrushchevrsquos valid concerns about German rearma-
ment Kennedy made clear to Khrushchev in Vienna that he op-posed ldquoa buildup in West Germany that would constitute a threat
to the Soviet Unionrdquo46
History has judged that Kennedy ldquolostrdquo the Vienna Summit be-
cause he was browbeaten by Khrushchev particularly when the
two quarreled over ideology Indeed Kennedy himsel described
the Vienna experience as brutal telling a New York imes reporter
that it was the ldquoworst thing in my lie He savaged merdquo
47
Yet Ken-nedy in act had held 1047297rm and clear the West would not buckle
under threats on West Berlin More important and despite all
appearances Kennedy and Khrushchev were now on a path to
resolve the larger German issues a path they would pursue suc-
cessully in 1963
But the next act on Berlin would be a public relations disaster
or the Soviet Union As tensions over Berlin mounted more and
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24 To Move the World
more East Berliners voted with their eet by crossing the line to
West Berlin and rom there to the West generally During the 1047297rst
six months o 1961 over 100000 people lef East Germany with
50000 1047298eeing in June and July alone48 Te ongoing exodus o
East Berliners was a huge economic loss to a 1047298oundering econ-omy but an even starker daily embarrassment in the rontline
competition between socialism and capitalism It was one o the
main reasons why Khrushchev sought a long-term solution to
Berlin
As the 1047298ow o East Berliners accelerated so did the geopolitical
pressures Finally the East German government with the support
o its Soviet backers moved to stanch the human 1047298ood Berlinwoke up on the morning o August 13 to a barbed wire divide
soon to be a concrete and heavily armed wall patrolled by around
7000 soldiers and stretching 96 miles in Berlin and along the bor-
der between East and West Germany49
Kennedy wisely did not challenge the Berlin Wall except in a
perunctory manner recognizing that any challenge or protest
would prove empty Te West would certainly not go to war overSoviet actions on the Soviet side o the wall Indeed Kennedy im-
mediately and correctly surmised that the wall might actually
prove to be stabilizing in its perverse way by removing the embar-
rassing and costly provocation o mass outmigration rom East
Berlin As he suspected the end o the 1047298ow o migrants rom
East Berlin rather quickly eased the Berlin crisis
In act the overall Berlin situation seemed to Kennedy to be adangerous snare that was certainly not worth the risks o global
war Afer the Vienna Summit Kennedy had commented to his
close aide Kenneth OrsquoDonnell
Wersquore stuck in a ridiculous situation God knows Irsquom
not an isolationist but it seems particularly stupid to
risk killing a million Americans over an argument about
access rights on an Autobahn or because the Ger-
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the quest for peace 25
mans want Germany reuni1047297ed I Irsquom going to threaten
Russia with a nuclear war it will have to be or much
bigger and more important reasons than that Beore I
back Khrushchev against the wall and put him to a 1047297nal
test the reedom o all Western Europe will have to be atstake50
Kennedy would continue successully to deend West Berlin
but he would also recognize the need to move to a sounder long-
term position with the Soviet Union vis-agrave-vis Germany Tat in-
sight was crucial to Kennedyrsquos eventual success in 1963 and to the
calming o the East-West conrontation thereafer It was a basicstrategic insight that Eisenhower never recognized or acted upon
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Excerpted from To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs Copyright copy 2013 by Jeffrey D Sachs Excerpted
by permission of Random House a division of Random House Inc All rights reserved No part of this
excerpt may be reproduced or reprinted without permission in writing from the publisher
Read more
TO MOVE THE WORLD
Order your copy now
Amazon
Barnes amp Noble
IndieBound
Kindle
Nook
iBookstore
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Learn more about the book
Meet Jeffrey D Sachs at a book signing
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10 To Move the World
It is an unortunate act that we can secure peace only
by preparing or war Winston Churchill said in 1949
ldquoWe arm to parleyrdquo We can convince Mr Khrushchev
to bargain seriously at the conerence table i he respects
our strength13
Kennedy had no doubt either o the enormous potential gains
o cooperation with the Soviet Union or o the grave risks i the
United States cooperated (or instance through arms control)
while the Soviet Union reneged on its side o the deal Cheating
by the Soviet Union would threaten not only US security but
also Kennedyrsquos hold on power domestically Kennedy would re-peatedly urge cooperation but remain alert that any move toward
cooperation however modest could trigger political charges rom
the right that he was an appeaser
Te burdens on Kennedy were greater as a Democrat since Re-
publicans regularly assailed the Democratic Party or being ldquosof
on communismrdquo Kennedy thereore aimed to assure all sidesmdash
the US public Americarsquos allies and o course the Soviet Unionmdashthat he would vigorously resist Soviet aggression and deend
Western interests while he sought greater cooperation with the
Soviet Union He would aim at the core to pursue a tit-or-tat
strategy (a way to break out o the prisonerrsquos dilemma by recipro-
cating cooperation rom the other side) promising to join the
Soviet Union in arms control but also declaring repeatedly his
readiness to revert to an arms race i the Soviet Union did notkeep its promises Te tit-or-tat strategy o incremental coopera-
tion was mapped out a year afer Kennedy came to offi ce by one o
Americarsquos leading sociologists Amitai Etzioni whose remarkable
book Te Hard Way to Peace spelled out a psychological approach
to orging peace14 Etzioni believed that con1047297dence building was
crucial since in his view psychological rather than political or
military actors were the decisive drivers o the Cold War He pro-
pounded a notion o ldquopsychological gradualismrdquo to reduce ear
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the quest for peace 11
build trust and initiate a phased process o reciprocated conces-
sions Eventually suspicion and ear would be ldquoreduced to a level
where ruitul negotiations are possiblerdquo15 In many ways Kenne-
dyrsquos peace initiative in 1963 would pursue this approach
Kennedy 1047297rst signaled both aspects o his approach in hisinaugural address on January 20 196116 First came his robust ull-
throated commitment to the deense o liberty
Let every nation know whether it wishes us well or ill
that we shall pay any price bear any burden meet any
hardship support any riend oppose any oe in order
to assure the survival and the success o liberty
But equally stirring was his commitment to pursue the mutual
gains o cooperation
So let us begin anewmdashremembering on both sides that
civility is not a sign o weakness and sincerity is always
subject to proo Let us never negotiate out o ear Butlet us never ear to negotiate
Let both sides or the 1047297rst time ormulate serious
and precise proposals or the inspection and control o
armsmdashand bring the absolute power to destroy other
nations under the absolute control o all nations
Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders o science
instead o its terrors ogether let us explore the starsconquer the deserts eradicate disease tap the ocean
depths and encourage the arts and commerce
Kennedyrsquos emphasis on ldquoprecise proposalsrdquo was not incidental
Following Churchill once again Kennedy believed that miscalcu-
lation with the Soviet Union would best be avoided through clear
detailed and principled negotiating positions Yet here too the
ideal and the practical would collide Negotiations are 1047297lled with
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12 To Move the World
eints bluffs and intermediate positions and these inevitably
raise the risk o miscalculation
Kennedy was sincere in his inaugural address when he said ldquoSo
let us begin anewrdquo As a senator and as a presidential candidate he
himsel had helped to spur the arms race by opportunisticallyhammering away at Dwight D Eisenhowerrsquos administration or
allowing a ldquomissile gaprdquo to emerge claiming in 1958 that there was
every indication ldquothat by 1960 the United States will have lost
its superiority in nuclear striking powerrdquo17 In act the true missile
gap contrary to Kennedyrsquos claim stood greatly in Americarsquos avor
While the de1047297nitive knowledge o the Soviet Unionrsquos very limited
ballistic missile capacity was a closely held secret o the Eisen-hower administration based on secret U-2 spy plane 1047298ights Sena-
tor Kennedy probably knew that he was exaggerating Soviet
capabilities As the presidential candidate running against hard-
line vice president Richard Nixon Kennedy was especially keen to
project a tough-minded oreign policy stance and avoid the charge
o being sof on communism typically levied against Democrats
No matter what Kennedy may have believed as a candidate helearned early in his presidency that there was no missile gap in the
Sovietsrsquo advantage
Khrushchev would probably have understood the political
reasons or Kennedyrsquos missile-gap rhetoric and might even have
bene1047297ted in a way rom Kennedyrsquos exaggerated portrayal o Soviet
power Indeed when Kennedy chose in October 1961 to reveal
to the public the relative weakness o the Soviet nuclear orceKhrushchev was deeply aggrieved Still in the early days o the
new administration Khrushchev was intent on determining
whether Kennedy was in act a diehard Cold Warrior like Eisen-
howerrsquos in1047298uential Secretary o State John Foster Dulles or a po-
tentially cooperative counterpart in peaceul coexistence Early
steps by Kennedy could thereore help to chart the course toward
better relations
In addition to their public speeches and the interaction o their
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the quest for peace 13
diplomats the two leaders would soon learn much more about
each other in another way Beginning with Khrushchevrsquos letter o
congratulations to the newly elected Kennedy on November 9
1960 the two men engaged until Kennedyrsquos death in a back-
channel personal correspondence o more than a hundred lettersBoth pledged that the letters would be held con1047297dentially and
never leaked or propaganda purposes ldquoFor my partrdquo Kennedy
wrote ldquothe contents and even the existence o our letters will be
known only to the Secretary o State and a ew other o my closest
associates in the governmentrdquo18 Both leaders seem to have hon-
ored their pledges o con1047297dentiality Te result is a most extraor-
dinary exchange that together with other events offers criticalinsights into the thinking o both men the issues that worried
them and their strategies or peace
Kennedyrsquos Opening Provocations
Unortunately or the prospects o US-Soviet cooperation andcontrary to the approach o incremental cooperation Kennedy
came out swinging He did this in three provocative ways First
despite the act that the United States was ar ahead in nuclear
weapons Kennedy ordered a major military buildup o both nu-
clear and conventional arms Te total number o US nuclear
warheads would soar rom 20000 in 1960 to 29000 in 1963 at a
time when the Soviet Union had a small raction o that number(1600 in 1960 and 4200 in 1963)19 Conventional orces were also
greatly augmented as Kennedy adopted a new model o ldquo1047298exible
responserdquo He was highly critical o Eisenhowerrsquos nuclear policy
o ldquomassive retaliationrdquo to meet Soviet threats which purportedly
relied on US nuclear weapons to deter Soviet provocations
Kennedy wanted more non-nuclear options20
Second Kennedy approved a CIA plan or an invasion o Cuba
which would become the biggest blunder o his presidency Tird
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14 To Move the World
he went ahead with a conrontational move that had been ap-
proved by his predecessor Dwight Eisenhower In 1958 Eisen-
hower had decided to strengthen the US nuclear arsenal by
posting intermediate-range nuclear missiles under US control in
Italy and urkey Te placements o these Jupiter missiles wereimplemented in June 1960 in Italy and October 1961 (the 1047297rst year
o the Kennedy administration) in urkey21 Te Soviet Union now
aced the threat not only o Americarsquos strategic bombers but also
o nearby missiles that could reach the Soviet Union in minutes
Tis was a new and terriying prospect that tipped the psycho-
logical and strategic balance toward the United States and consti-
tuted a major motivation or Khrushchevrsquos later attempt to putsimilar missiles into Cuba
Kennedy sought to negotiate peace through strength but these
early moves were more than a mere show o strength they were
a ratcheting up o the Cold War Here the contradictory lessons
o World War I and World War II were starkly revealed Kennedy
was prooundly concerned about a war starting through mis-
calculation as had World War I but was equally i not moreconcerned with being perceived as weak i he ailed to project mil-
itary strength and 1047297rmness Yet by taking steps to build US
military strength and increase the number o US military op-
tions he inadvertently exacerbated the risks o terrible miscalcu-
lation very much a case o Jervisrsquos security dilemma in operation
At the time that Kennedy assumed the presidency the CIA was
already in high gear to topple Cubarsquos new lef-wing governmentwhich had begun to con1047297scate US assets and sidle up to the
Soviet Union America had long backed Cubarsquos corrupt dictator
Fulgencio Batista who offered privileges and protection to Amer-
ican investors in the nearby island only ninety miles rom Florida
During the 1950s the young lawyer Fidel Castro led a guerrilla
insurgency against Batista 1047297nally succeeding in prompting the
dictator to 1047298ee on January 1 195922 No sooner had Castro con-
solidated his control over Cuba than Eisenhower and the CIA di-
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the quest for peace 15
rector Allen Dulles (the brother o Secretary o State John Foster
Dulles) began to plot a coup to bring him down Castro was not
yet a hardcore Soviet ally though a partial US trade embargo
initiated by the Eisenhower administration in 1960 was pushing
Cuba in that direction US actions in 1961 would soon lead Cubaully into the Soviet camp Te CIA brieed Kennedy early in his
term about plans or a CIA-backed invasion o Cuba that would be
carried out by Cuban expatriates Te planning was ar advanced
as the CIA had prepared it in the 1047297nal year o the Eisenhower ad-
ministration
From the start Kennedy was deeply concerned not only about
the invasionrsquos chances o success but also about its implicationsor US-Soviet relations Tis would be among the 1047297rst major
moves in his new strategic game with Khrushchev and it would
be ar rom a cooperative one Kennedy eared speci1047297cally
that any action against Castro might prompt Soviet retaliation in
Berlin the hotspot o the Cold War Tis linkage was probably
exaggeratedmdashthe Soviets did not yet see Castro as vitalmdashbut it
played a role in Kennedyrsquos thinking Te planned invasion wasalso one o Kennedyrsquos 1047297rst oreign policy decisions He did not yet
have the con1047297dence to disregard the CIA and the military
Kennedy tried to have it both ways and ended up in a disas-
trous muddle He gave the green light to the CIA-based Cuban
invasion in April 1961 but he wanted ldquodeniabilityrdquo o US involve-
ment and so withheld key military backing such as air support
that was vital to any chance o military success Te hope o deni-ability was oolish the US role was obvious Kennedyrsquos prevarica-
tion guaranteed a complete ailure o the attack (a ailure that was
most likely in any event) ollowed by harsh international criticism
o the United States Te operation was too small or success but
too large or deniability Te expatriates who landed at the Bay o
Pigs were quickly killed or captured and the entire episode ended
ignominiously23
In the postmortem Kennedy met with Eisenhower to discuss
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16 To Move the World
the botched operation and Eisenhower asked Kennedy why he
had denied air cover or the invasion Te historian Michael
Beschloss described the painul interchange
Kennedy said ldquoWell my advice was that we must try tokeep our hands rom showing in the affairrdquo Eisenhower
was aghast ldquoHow could you expect the world to believe
we had nothing to do with it Where did these people
get the ships to go rom Central America to Cuba
Where did they get the weapons I believe there is
only one thing to do when you go into this kind o thing
it must be a successrdquo24
By itsel the CIA operation was oolish naiumlve and incompe-
tently designed and managed Tis was par or the course or the
CIA which had bungled one operation afer another in many
parts o the world Te Bay o Pigs 1047297asco also con1047297rmed Kenne-
dyrsquos deep mistrust o the military which had begun with his expe-
rience in World War II Kennedy told reporter and riend BenBradlee ldquoTe 1047297rst advice Irsquom going to give my successor is to
watch the generals and to avoid eeling that just because they were
military men their opinions on military matters were worth a
damnrdquo25
It also contributed to a cascading set o errors Forced to appear
tough and decisive afer the very public ailure Kennedy quickly
called or increased military spending and harsher measures todestabilize the Castro regime26 Tese included a series o hare-
brained attempts to assassinate Castro part o the larger anti-
Castro strategy the CIA dubbed ldquoOperation Mongooserdquo27 As a
result both Castro and Khrushchev came to believe that Ken-
nedyrsquos next gambit would be a ull-1047298edged invasion o Cuba Tat
expectation contributed to the Cuban Missile Crisis the ollowing
year
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the quest for peace 17
Te Kennedy-Khrushchev private letters offer a remarkable in-
terchange regarding the Bay o Pigs Te letters beore the Bay o
Pigs are highly congenial the opening moves o con1047297dence build-
ing under the tit-or-tat strategy Khrushchev writes on Novem-
ber 9 1960 that he hopes Kennedyrsquos election will mean that ldquoourcountries would again ollow the line along which they were de-
veloping in Franklin Rooseveltrsquos timerdquo when the two countries
were allies28 He holds out the prospect o important agreements
ldquowe are ready or our part to continue efforts to solve such a press-
ing problem as disarmament to settle the German issue through
the earliest conclusion o a peace treaty and to reach agreement on
other questionsrdquo29 Kennedy responds that ldquoa just and lasting peacewill remain a undamental goal o this nation and a major task o
its Presidentrdquo30 Tey begin to arrange an early summit meeting
Yet the tone cracks in Khrushchevrsquos letter o April 18 two days
afer the Cuban invasion
Mr President I send you this message in an hour o
alarm raught with danger or the peace o the wholeworld Armed aggression has begun against Cuba It is a
secret to no one that the armed bands invading this
country were trained equipped and armed in the
United States o America31
ldquoI approach you Mr Presidentrdquo Khrushchev writes ldquowith an
urgent call to put an end to aggression against the Republic oCubardquo
Kennedyrsquos answer the same day is dreadully maladroit ldquoYou
are under a serious misapprehension in regard to the events in
Cubardquo he replies ldquoI have previously stated and I repeat now that
the United States intends no military intervention in Cubardquo32 Tis
patently alse denial brings a powerul rebuke rom Khrushchev
our days later
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18 To Move the World
I have received your reply o April 18 You write that the
United States intends no military intervention in Cuba
But numerous acts known to the whole worldmdashand to
the Government o the United States o course better
than to any one elsemdashspeak differently Despite all as-surances to the contrary it has now been proved beyond
doubt that it was precisely the United States which pre-
pared the intervention 1047297nanced its arming and trans-
ported the gangs o mercenaries that invaded the
territory o Cuba33
Kennedyrsquos denial marked the second notable US presidentiallie to Khrushchev in less than a year Te previous summer the
CIA had pressed Eisenhower to permit another round o U-2 spy
1047298ights over the Soviet Union He reluctantly agreed When a U-2
plane was shot down the CIA and Eisenhower assumed that the
pilot Francis Gary Powers had been killed and the plane de-
stroyed in the crash Tey thereore publicly lied about the mis-
sion claiming that a US weather-research plane had lost its wayand crashed in Soviet airspace Khrushchev then revealed Eisen-
howerrsquos lie by producing not only the U-2 wreckage but the live
pilot as well US per1047297dy was exposed and Eisenhower was orced
to take responsibility Yet this was not a simple public relations
victory or Khrushchev It was a bitter setback or Khrushchevrsquos
concept o peaceul coexistence It also undercut his domestic
credibility as he had initially deended Eisenhower as not respon-sible or the U-2 1047298ight and the exposure o Eisenhowerrsquos lie
seemed to give credence to the Soviet hardliners who argued that
the United States could not be trusted Khrushchev soon enough
would demonstrate his capacity to lie about weighty matters as
well the Cold War was not a game played by saints Yet the back-
to-back prevarications by Eisenhower and Kennedy surely em-
Te U-2 1047298ights were seen even by the United States as serious provocations to theUSSR and violations o international law
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the quest for peace 19
boldened Khrushchev in his own uture dissembling regarding
nuclear testing and Cuba
In a ollow-up letter to Kennedy (May 16) Khrushchev ac-
knowledges that ldquoa certain open alling out has taken place in the
relations between our countriesrdquo34 Yet he set the ground or anupcoming June meeting with Kennedy in Vienna by emphasizing
the key point he sees the importance o a US-Soviet settlement
on Germany Te ate o postwar Germany had proved a constant
source o tension between the two superpowers since the dawn o
the Cold War and never more so than when Kennedy took offi ce
It is thereore crucial to revisit some o this history
At the July 1945 Potsdam conerence at the end o World War IIit was agreed that a council o the our major Allied powers (the
United States the United Kingdom France and the Soviet Union)
would administer postwar Germany but the ldquohowrdquo was lef un-
speci1047297ed35 In the short term the our powers accepted that Ger-
many would be divided into our occupation zones and that each
occupying power would manage its own zone until longer-term
arrangements or a uni1047297ed Germany could be agreed upon Tecapital city o Berlin though alling within the Soviet zone was
also divided among the our powers But the longer-term arrange-
ments or Germany were never agreed upon and relations be-
tween the West and the Soviet Union quickly deteriorated once
there was no common enemy o Hitler to unite them36 Te United
States France and the United Kingdom soon amalgamated their
occupation zones into a single entity which in 1949 became theFederal Republic o Germany (West Germany) Te Soviet zone
became the German Democratic Republic (East Germany) Te
ailure to agree on the ate o a uni1047297ed Germany sowed the seeds
or many o the Cold War con1047298icts that ollowed
Herein lay the basic dilemma Te Soviet Unionmdashwhich had
lost more than twenty million soldiers and civilians in World
War IImdasheared a German resurgence and thereby asserted harsh
control over the Soviet occupation zone o Germany Not only
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20 To Move the World
that but Joseph Stalin the brutal leader o the Soviet Union since
the mid-1920s ruthlessly created satellite states in Eastern Europe
(in Yugoslavia Czechoslovakia Poland and elsewhere) under
single-party communist rule thereby establishing a controlling
corridor rom Russia all the way to the heart o Germany o theWestern powers these actions seemed to suggest a Soviet plan to
dominate all o Europe i not the world While US leaders had
initially avored deindustrializing Germany at the end o the war
to prevent it rom again becoming an economic and military
power37 they quickly changed their minds in the ace o the per-
ceived Soviet aggression Tey instead decided to reindustrialize
the western part o Germany as rapidly as possible as a bulwarkagainst the Soviet Union and to strengthen Western Europe gen-
erally38 Te Soviet Union viewed the hardening o US positions
as a violation o agreements intended to prevent a long-term re-
surgence o German power
Itrsquos not hard to see where this led As West Germany got stron-
ger Soviet anxieties rose As the Soviet Unionrsquos anxieties rose it
became more belligerent in response and the West then becameeven more determined to rebuild West Germany to resist Soviet
domination Tis explosive dynamic continued afer Kennedyrsquos
assumption o offi ce
Making things even more diffi cult or Kennedy was the act that
Eisenhower had proved neither very attentive nor interested in
the Soviet concerns vis-agrave-vis Germany Eisenhower stood strongly
in avor o Germanyrsquos economic and military recovery in part be-cause he wanted Western Europe to deend itsel so that US
troops could return home39 Eisenhower liked neither the cost o
stationing US troops in Europe nor the long-term political com-
mitment Eisenhower believed that US commitments should be
tapered down as soon as Europe could take up the burdens o its
own deense40 And i that even meant a Western Europe with nu-
clear weapons he was generally or it
In the 1047297nal years o the Eisenhower administration in response
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the quest for peace 21
to the European desire or nuclear weapons the United States and
NAOmdashthe military alliance o Western powers ormed in 1955mdash
began 1047298oating the idea o ldquonuclear sharingrdquo among the NAO
countries perhaps through a nuclear Multilateral Force (MLF)
Te United States saw the MLF as a way to share nuclear weaponswith allies and give Europe its own deterrent without having to
give any one nation ull control and the power to launch a nuclear
weapon unilaterally41 Tis prospect particularly o West German
nuclear access was a crucial actor in the dramatic heating up o
US-Soviet tensions in the lead-up to Kennedyrsquos presidency Tis
point is made orceully by the historian Marc rachtenberg in A
Constructed Peace (1999) one o the most incisive and importanthistorical analyses o this phase o the Cold War
Kennedy did not yet have a strategy or Germany and indeed
was pressed hard by the West German leader Konrad Adenauer
not to have one From Adenauerrsquos point o view any thaw in rela-
tions between the United States and the Soviet Union would likely
come at West Germanyrsquos expense But Kennedy would listen to
and learn rom Khrushchevrsquos repeated and heated concerns overGermany especially concerning Germanyrsquos acquisition o nuclear
weapons Kennedy would eventually break with Adenauer on that
question thereby paving the way to closer cooperation with the
Soviet Union But that breakthrough was still two years in the u-
ture and dire risks were strewn on the path to success
Berlin Redux
Following the Bay o Pigs debacle it was now Khrushchevrsquos turn
to misstep badly With Kennedy on his back oot Khrushchev be-
lieved that he was now in a position to pressure Kennedy into an
agreement on Germany which was Khrushchevrsquos primary oreign
policy concern Kennedyrsquos primary interest was in discussing a
nuclear test ban treaty which he elt was essential to slowing the
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22 To Move the World
arms race and nuclear prolieration one o Kennedyrsquos mostpressing concerns Te idea o a test ban treaty had been dis-
cussed or several years but the two sides were never able to get
past their disagreements on how such an agreement would be
enorced
At the Vienna Summit o June 1961 Khrushchev ensured that
Germany and Berlin rather than a test ban treaty dominated
the discussion Khrushchev told Kennedy that the Soviet Unionwould recognize the German Democratic Republic (East Ger-
many) and end Western access rights to West Berlin by the end o
1961 America and its allies viewed access to West Berlin as a vital
interest o the Western alliance and so Khrushchevrsquos threat was an
enormous provocation I war came rom this it would come said
Khrushchev He said that Berlin was a ldquorunning sorerdquo and that
disarmament was ldquoimpossible as long as the Berlin problem ex-
Soviet premier Nikita Khrushchev with President Kennedy at the start o the
Vienna Summit (June 3 1961)
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the quest for peace 23
istedrdquo42 Kennedy responded ldquoTen Mr Chairman there will be a
war It will be a cold long winterrdquo43
In act the diffi cult interchange brought the two leaders a little
closer to a solution though they certainly could not see it at the
time Tere were actually three German issues on the table allintricately intertwined Te 1047297rst was the Soviet desire or a peace
treaty with Germany that would somehow protect the Soviet
Union rom uture German aggression Te second was West Ber-
lin which Khrushchev considered to be ldquothis thorn this ulcerrdquo
within East Germany44 Khrushchev viewed West Berlin as a stag-
ing post or Western spying and aggression against the Soviet
Union ldquoa NAO beachhead and military base against us insidethe GDRrdquo45 He wanted the Western troops out Te third issue
involved the question o German rearmament and especially
German access to US nuclear weapons Te implicit progress
made in Vienna was a start in teasing apart these three issues
Kennedy would hold his ground on West Berlin but would also
recognize Khrushchevrsquos valid concerns about German rearma-
ment Kennedy made clear to Khrushchev in Vienna that he op-posed ldquoa buildup in West Germany that would constitute a threat
to the Soviet Unionrdquo46
History has judged that Kennedy ldquolostrdquo the Vienna Summit be-
cause he was browbeaten by Khrushchev particularly when the
two quarreled over ideology Indeed Kennedy himsel described
the Vienna experience as brutal telling a New York imes reporter
that it was the ldquoworst thing in my lie He savaged merdquo
47
Yet Ken-nedy in act had held 1047297rm and clear the West would not buckle
under threats on West Berlin More important and despite all
appearances Kennedy and Khrushchev were now on a path to
resolve the larger German issues a path they would pursue suc-
cessully in 1963
But the next act on Berlin would be a public relations disaster
or the Soviet Union As tensions over Berlin mounted more and
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24 To Move the World
more East Berliners voted with their eet by crossing the line to
West Berlin and rom there to the West generally During the 1047297rst
six months o 1961 over 100000 people lef East Germany with
50000 1047298eeing in June and July alone48 Te ongoing exodus o
East Berliners was a huge economic loss to a 1047298oundering econ-omy but an even starker daily embarrassment in the rontline
competition between socialism and capitalism It was one o the
main reasons why Khrushchev sought a long-term solution to
Berlin
As the 1047298ow o East Berliners accelerated so did the geopolitical
pressures Finally the East German government with the support
o its Soviet backers moved to stanch the human 1047298ood Berlinwoke up on the morning o August 13 to a barbed wire divide
soon to be a concrete and heavily armed wall patrolled by around
7000 soldiers and stretching 96 miles in Berlin and along the bor-
der between East and West Germany49
Kennedy wisely did not challenge the Berlin Wall except in a
perunctory manner recognizing that any challenge or protest
would prove empty Te West would certainly not go to war overSoviet actions on the Soviet side o the wall Indeed Kennedy im-
mediately and correctly surmised that the wall might actually
prove to be stabilizing in its perverse way by removing the embar-
rassing and costly provocation o mass outmigration rom East
Berlin As he suspected the end o the 1047298ow o migrants rom
East Berlin rather quickly eased the Berlin crisis
In act the overall Berlin situation seemed to Kennedy to be adangerous snare that was certainly not worth the risks o global
war Afer the Vienna Summit Kennedy had commented to his
close aide Kenneth OrsquoDonnell
Wersquore stuck in a ridiculous situation God knows Irsquom
not an isolationist but it seems particularly stupid to
risk killing a million Americans over an argument about
access rights on an Autobahn or because the Ger-
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the quest for peace 25
mans want Germany reuni1047297ed I Irsquom going to threaten
Russia with a nuclear war it will have to be or much
bigger and more important reasons than that Beore I
back Khrushchev against the wall and put him to a 1047297nal
test the reedom o all Western Europe will have to be atstake50
Kennedy would continue successully to deend West Berlin
but he would also recognize the need to move to a sounder long-
term position with the Soviet Union vis-agrave-vis Germany Tat in-
sight was crucial to Kennedyrsquos eventual success in 1963 and to the
calming o the East-West conrontation thereafer It was a basicstrategic insight that Eisenhower never recognized or acted upon
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Excerpted from To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs Copyright copy 2013 by Jeffrey D Sachs Excerpted
by permission of Random House a division of Random House Inc All rights reserved No part of this
excerpt may be reproduced or reprinted without permission in writing from the publisher
Read more
TO MOVE THE WORLD
Order your copy now
Amazon
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iBookstore
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Learn more about the book
Meet Jeffrey D Sachs at a book signing
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the quest for peace 11
build trust and initiate a phased process o reciprocated conces-
sions Eventually suspicion and ear would be ldquoreduced to a level
where ruitul negotiations are possiblerdquo15 In many ways Kenne-
dyrsquos peace initiative in 1963 would pursue this approach
Kennedy 1047297rst signaled both aspects o his approach in hisinaugural address on January 20 196116 First came his robust ull-
throated commitment to the deense o liberty
Let every nation know whether it wishes us well or ill
that we shall pay any price bear any burden meet any
hardship support any riend oppose any oe in order
to assure the survival and the success o liberty
But equally stirring was his commitment to pursue the mutual
gains o cooperation
So let us begin anewmdashremembering on both sides that
civility is not a sign o weakness and sincerity is always
subject to proo Let us never negotiate out o ear Butlet us never ear to negotiate
Let both sides or the 1047297rst time ormulate serious
and precise proposals or the inspection and control o
armsmdashand bring the absolute power to destroy other
nations under the absolute control o all nations
Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders o science
instead o its terrors ogether let us explore the starsconquer the deserts eradicate disease tap the ocean
depths and encourage the arts and commerce
Kennedyrsquos emphasis on ldquoprecise proposalsrdquo was not incidental
Following Churchill once again Kennedy believed that miscalcu-
lation with the Soviet Union would best be avoided through clear
detailed and principled negotiating positions Yet here too the
ideal and the practical would collide Negotiations are 1047297lled with
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12 To Move the World
eints bluffs and intermediate positions and these inevitably
raise the risk o miscalculation
Kennedy was sincere in his inaugural address when he said ldquoSo
let us begin anewrdquo As a senator and as a presidential candidate he
himsel had helped to spur the arms race by opportunisticallyhammering away at Dwight D Eisenhowerrsquos administration or
allowing a ldquomissile gaprdquo to emerge claiming in 1958 that there was
every indication ldquothat by 1960 the United States will have lost
its superiority in nuclear striking powerrdquo17 In act the true missile
gap contrary to Kennedyrsquos claim stood greatly in Americarsquos avor
While the de1047297nitive knowledge o the Soviet Unionrsquos very limited
ballistic missile capacity was a closely held secret o the Eisen-hower administration based on secret U-2 spy plane 1047298ights Sena-
tor Kennedy probably knew that he was exaggerating Soviet
capabilities As the presidential candidate running against hard-
line vice president Richard Nixon Kennedy was especially keen to
project a tough-minded oreign policy stance and avoid the charge
o being sof on communism typically levied against Democrats
No matter what Kennedy may have believed as a candidate helearned early in his presidency that there was no missile gap in the
Sovietsrsquo advantage
Khrushchev would probably have understood the political
reasons or Kennedyrsquos missile-gap rhetoric and might even have
bene1047297ted in a way rom Kennedyrsquos exaggerated portrayal o Soviet
power Indeed when Kennedy chose in October 1961 to reveal
to the public the relative weakness o the Soviet nuclear orceKhrushchev was deeply aggrieved Still in the early days o the
new administration Khrushchev was intent on determining
whether Kennedy was in act a diehard Cold Warrior like Eisen-
howerrsquos in1047298uential Secretary o State John Foster Dulles or a po-
tentially cooperative counterpart in peaceul coexistence Early
steps by Kennedy could thereore help to chart the course toward
better relations
In addition to their public speeches and the interaction o their
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the quest for peace 13
diplomats the two leaders would soon learn much more about
each other in another way Beginning with Khrushchevrsquos letter o
congratulations to the newly elected Kennedy on November 9
1960 the two men engaged until Kennedyrsquos death in a back-
channel personal correspondence o more than a hundred lettersBoth pledged that the letters would be held con1047297dentially and
never leaked or propaganda purposes ldquoFor my partrdquo Kennedy
wrote ldquothe contents and even the existence o our letters will be
known only to the Secretary o State and a ew other o my closest
associates in the governmentrdquo18 Both leaders seem to have hon-
ored their pledges o con1047297dentiality Te result is a most extraor-
dinary exchange that together with other events offers criticalinsights into the thinking o both men the issues that worried
them and their strategies or peace
Kennedyrsquos Opening Provocations
Unortunately or the prospects o US-Soviet cooperation andcontrary to the approach o incremental cooperation Kennedy
came out swinging He did this in three provocative ways First
despite the act that the United States was ar ahead in nuclear
weapons Kennedy ordered a major military buildup o both nu-
clear and conventional arms Te total number o US nuclear
warheads would soar rom 20000 in 1960 to 29000 in 1963 at a
time when the Soviet Union had a small raction o that number(1600 in 1960 and 4200 in 1963)19 Conventional orces were also
greatly augmented as Kennedy adopted a new model o ldquo1047298exible
responserdquo He was highly critical o Eisenhowerrsquos nuclear policy
o ldquomassive retaliationrdquo to meet Soviet threats which purportedly
relied on US nuclear weapons to deter Soviet provocations
Kennedy wanted more non-nuclear options20
Second Kennedy approved a CIA plan or an invasion o Cuba
which would become the biggest blunder o his presidency Tird
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14 To Move the World
he went ahead with a conrontational move that had been ap-
proved by his predecessor Dwight Eisenhower In 1958 Eisen-
hower had decided to strengthen the US nuclear arsenal by
posting intermediate-range nuclear missiles under US control in
Italy and urkey Te placements o these Jupiter missiles wereimplemented in June 1960 in Italy and October 1961 (the 1047297rst year
o the Kennedy administration) in urkey21 Te Soviet Union now
aced the threat not only o Americarsquos strategic bombers but also
o nearby missiles that could reach the Soviet Union in minutes
Tis was a new and terriying prospect that tipped the psycho-
logical and strategic balance toward the United States and consti-
tuted a major motivation or Khrushchevrsquos later attempt to putsimilar missiles into Cuba
Kennedy sought to negotiate peace through strength but these
early moves were more than a mere show o strength they were
a ratcheting up o the Cold War Here the contradictory lessons
o World War I and World War II were starkly revealed Kennedy
was prooundly concerned about a war starting through mis-
calculation as had World War I but was equally i not moreconcerned with being perceived as weak i he ailed to project mil-
itary strength and 1047297rmness Yet by taking steps to build US
military strength and increase the number o US military op-
tions he inadvertently exacerbated the risks o terrible miscalcu-
lation very much a case o Jervisrsquos security dilemma in operation
At the time that Kennedy assumed the presidency the CIA was
already in high gear to topple Cubarsquos new lef-wing governmentwhich had begun to con1047297scate US assets and sidle up to the
Soviet Union America had long backed Cubarsquos corrupt dictator
Fulgencio Batista who offered privileges and protection to Amer-
ican investors in the nearby island only ninety miles rom Florida
During the 1950s the young lawyer Fidel Castro led a guerrilla
insurgency against Batista 1047297nally succeeding in prompting the
dictator to 1047298ee on January 1 195922 No sooner had Castro con-
solidated his control over Cuba than Eisenhower and the CIA di-
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the quest for peace 15
rector Allen Dulles (the brother o Secretary o State John Foster
Dulles) began to plot a coup to bring him down Castro was not
yet a hardcore Soviet ally though a partial US trade embargo
initiated by the Eisenhower administration in 1960 was pushing
Cuba in that direction US actions in 1961 would soon lead Cubaully into the Soviet camp Te CIA brieed Kennedy early in his
term about plans or a CIA-backed invasion o Cuba that would be
carried out by Cuban expatriates Te planning was ar advanced
as the CIA had prepared it in the 1047297nal year o the Eisenhower ad-
ministration
From the start Kennedy was deeply concerned not only about
the invasionrsquos chances o success but also about its implicationsor US-Soviet relations Tis would be among the 1047297rst major
moves in his new strategic game with Khrushchev and it would
be ar rom a cooperative one Kennedy eared speci1047297cally
that any action against Castro might prompt Soviet retaliation in
Berlin the hotspot o the Cold War Tis linkage was probably
exaggeratedmdashthe Soviets did not yet see Castro as vitalmdashbut it
played a role in Kennedyrsquos thinking Te planned invasion wasalso one o Kennedyrsquos 1047297rst oreign policy decisions He did not yet
have the con1047297dence to disregard the CIA and the military
Kennedy tried to have it both ways and ended up in a disas-
trous muddle He gave the green light to the CIA-based Cuban
invasion in April 1961 but he wanted ldquodeniabilityrdquo o US involve-
ment and so withheld key military backing such as air support
that was vital to any chance o military success Te hope o deni-ability was oolish the US role was obvious Kennedyrsquos prevarica-
tion guaranteed a complete ailure o the attack (a ailure that was
most likely in any event) ollowed by harsh international criticism
o the United States Te operation was too small or success but
too large or deniability Te expatriates who landed at the Bay o
Pigs were quickly killed or captured and the entire episode ended
ignominiously23
In the postmortem Kennedy met with Eisenhower to discuss
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16 To Move the World
the botched operation and Eisenhower asked Kennedy why he
had denied air cover or the invasion Te historian Michael
Beschloss described the painul interchange
Kennedy said ldquoWell my advice was that we must try tokeep our hands rom showing in the affairrdquo Eisenhower
was aghast ldquoHow could you expect the world to believe
we had nothing to do with it Where did these people
get the ships to go rom Central America to Cuba
Where did they get the weapons I believe there is
only one thing to do when you go into this kind o thing
it must be a successrdquo24
By itsel the CIA operation was oolish naiumlve and incompe-
tently designed and managed Tis was par or the course or the
CIA which had bungled one operation afer another in many
parts o the world Te Bay o Pigs 1047297asco also con1047297rmed Kenne-
dyrsquos deep mistrust o the military which had begun with his expe-
rience in World War II Kennedy told reporter and riend BenBradlee ldquoTe 1047297rst advice Irsquom going to give my successor is to
watch the generals and to avoid eeling that just because they were
military men their opinions on military matters were worth a
damnrdquo25
It also contributed to a cascading set o errors Forced to appear
tough and decisive afer the very public ailure Kennedy quickly
called or increased military spending and harsher measures todestabilize the Castro regime26 Tese included a series o hare-
brained attempts to assassinate Castro part o the larger anti-
Castro strategy the CIA dubbed ldquoOperation Mongooserdquo27 As a
result both Castro and Khrushchev came to believe that Ken-
nedyrsquos next gambit would be a ull-1047298edged invasion o Cuba Tat
expectation contributed to the Cuban Missile Crisis the ollowing
year
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the quest for peace 17
Te Kennedy-Khrushchev private letters offer a remarkable in-
terchange regarding the Bay o Pigs Te letters beore the Bay o
Pigs are highly congenial the opening moves o con1047297dence build-
ing under the tit-or-tat strategy Khrushchev writes on Novem-
ber 9 1960 that he hopes Kennedyrsquos election will mean that ldquoourcountries would again ollow the line along which they were de-
veloping in Franklin Rooseveltrsquos timerdquo when the two countries
were allies28 He holds out the prospect o important agreements
ldquowe are ready or our part to continue efforts to solve such a press-
ing problem as disarmament to settle the German issue through
the earliest conclusion o a peace treaty and to reach agreement on
other questionsrdquo29 Kennedy responds that ldquoa just and lasting peacewill remain a undamental goal o this nation and a major task o
its Presidentrdquo30 Tey begin to arrange an early summit meeting
Yet the tone cracks in Khrushchevrsquos letter o April 18 two days
afer the Cuban invasion
Mr President I send you this message in an hour o
alarm raught with danger or the peace o the wholeworld Armed aggression has begun against Cuba It is a
secret to no one that the armed bands invading this
country were trained equipped and armed in the
United States o America31
ldquoI approach you Mr Presidentrdquo Khrushchev writes ldquowith an
urgent call to put an end to aggression against the Republic oCubardquo
Kennedyrsquos answer the same day is dreadully maladroit ldquoYou
are under a serious misapprehension in regard to the events in
Cubardquo he replies ldquoI have previously stated and I repeat now that
the United States intends no military intervention in Cubardquo32 Tis
patently alse denial brings a powerul rebuke rom Khrushchev
our days later
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18 To Move the World
I have received your reply o April 18 You write that the
United States intends no military intervention in Cuba
But numerous acts known to the whole worldmdashand to
the Government o the United States o course better
than to any one elsemdashspeak differently Despite all as-surances to the contrary it has now been proved beyond
doubt that it was precisely the United States which pre-
pared the intervention 1047297nanced its arming and trans-
ported the gangs o mercenaries that invaded the
territory o Cuba33
Kennedyrsquos denial marked the second notable US presidentiallie to Khrushchev in less than a year Te previous summer the
CIA had pressed Eisenhower to permit another round o U-2 spy
1047298ights over the Soviet Union He reluctantly agreed When a U-2
plane was shot down the CIA and Eisenhower assumed that the
pilot Francis Gary Powers had been killed and the plane de-
stroyed in the crash Tey thereore publicly lied about the mis-
sion claiming that a US weather-research plane had lost its wayand crashed in Soviet airspace Khrushchev then revealed Eisen-
howerrsquos lie by producing not only the U-2 wreckage but the live
pilot as well US per1047297dy was exposed and Eisenhower was orced
to take responsibility Yet this was not a simple public relations
victory or Khrushchev It was a bitter setback or Khrushchevrsquos
concept o peaceul coexistence It also undercut his domestic
credibility as he had initially deended Eisenhower as not respon-sible or the U-2 1047298ight and the exposure o Eisenhowerrsquos lie
seemed to give credence to the Soviet hardliners who argued that
the United States could not be trusted Khrushchev soon enough
would demonstrate his capacity to lie about weighty matters as
well the Cold War was not a game played by saints Yet the back-
to-back prevarications by Eisenhower and Kennedy surely em-
Te U-2 1047298ights were seen even by the United States as serious provocations to theUSSR and violations o international law
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the quest for peace 19
boldened Khrushchev in his own uture dissembling regarding
nuclear testing and Cuba
In a ollow-up letter to Kennedy (May 16) Khrushchev ac-
knowledges that ldquoa certain open alling out has taken place in the
relations between our countriesrdquo34 Yet he set the ground or anupcoming June meeting with Kennedy in Vienna by emphasizing
the key point he sees the importance o a US-Soviet settlement
on Germany Te ate o postwar Germany had proved a constant
source o tension between the two superpowers since the dawn o
the Cold War and never more so than when Kennedy took offi ce
It is thereore crucial to revisit some o this history
At the July 1945 Potsdam conerence at the end o World War IIit was agreed that a council o the our major Allied powers (the
United States the United Kingdom France and the Soviet Union)
would administer postwar Germany but the ldquohowrdquo was lef un-
speci1047297ed35 In the short term the our powers accepted that Ger-
many would be divided into our occupation zones and that each
occupying power would manage its own zone until longer-term
arrangements or a uni1047297ed Germany could be agreed upon Tecapital city o Berlin though alling within the Soviet zone was
also divided among the our powers But the longer-term arrange-
ments or Germany were never agreed upon and relations be-
tween the West and the Soviet Union quickly deteriorated once
there was no common enemy o Hitler to unite them36 Te United
States France and the United Kingdom soon amalgamated their
occupation zones into a single entity which in 1949 became theFederal Republic o Germany (West Germany) Te Soviet zone
became the German Democratic Republic (East Germany) Te
ailure to agree on the ate o a uni1047297ed Germany sowed the seeds
or many o the Cold War con1047298icts that ollowed
Herein lay the basic dilemma Te Soviet Unionmdashwhich had
lost more than twenty million soldiers and civilians in World
War IImdasheared a German resurgence and thereby asserted harsh
control over the Soviet occupation zone o Germany Not only
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20 To Move the World
that but Joseph Stalin the brutal leader o the Soviet Union since
the mid-1920s ruthlessly created satellite states in Eastern Europe
(in Yugoslavia Czechoslovakia Poland and elsewhere) under
single-party communist rule thereby establishing a controlling
corridor rom Russia all the way to the heart o Germany o theWestern powers these actions seemed to suggest a Soviet plan to
dominate all o Europe i not the world While US leaders had
initially avored deindustrializing Germany at the end o the war
to prevent it rom again becoming an economic and military
power37 they quickly changed their minds in the ace o the per-
ceived Soviet aggression Tey instead decided to reindustrialize
the western part o Germany as rapidly as possible as a bulwarkagainst the Soviet Union and to strengthen Western Europe gen-
erally38 Te Soviet Union viewed the hardening o US positions
as a violation o agreements intended to prevent a long-term re-
surgence o German power
Itrsquos not hard to see where this led As West Germany got stron-
ger Soviet anxieties rose As the Soviet Unionrsquos anxieties rose it
became more belligerent in response and the West then becameeven more determined to rebuild West Germany to resist Soviet
domination Tis explosive dynamic continued afer Kennedyrsquos
assumption o offi ce
Making things even more diffi cult or Kennedy was the act that
Eisenhower had proved neither very attentive nor interested in
the Soviet concerns vis-agrave-vis Germany Eisenhower stood strongly
in avor o Germanyrsquos economic and military recovery in part be-cause he wanted Western Europe to deend itsel so that US
troops could return home39 Eisenhower liked neither the cost o
stationing US troops in Europe nor the long-term political com-
mitment Eisenhower believed that US commitments should be
tapered down as soon as Europe could take up the burdens o its
own deense40 And i that even meant a Western Europe with nu-
clear weapons he was generally or it
In the 1047297nal years o the Eisenhower administration in response
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the quest for peace 21
to the European desire or nuclear weapons the United States and
NAOmdashthe military alliance o Western powers ormed in 1955mdash
began 1047298oating the idea o ldquonuclear sharingrdquo among the NAO
countries perhaps through a nuclear Multilateral Force (MLF)
Te United States saw the MLF as a way to share nuclear weaponswith allies and give Europe its own deterrent without having to
give any one nation ull control and the power to launch a nuclear
weapon unilaterally41 Tis prospect particularly o West German
nuclear access was a crucial actor in the dramatic heating up o
US-Soviet tensions in the lead-up to Kennedyrsquos presidency Tis
point is made orceully by the historian Marc rachtenberg in A
Constructed Peace (1999) one o the most incisive and importanthistorical analyses o this phase o the Cold War
Kennedy did not yet have a strategy or Germany and indeed
was pressed hard by the West German leader Konrad Adenauer
not to have one From Adenauerrsquos point o view any thaw in rela-
tions between the United States and the Soviet Union would likely
come at West Germanyrsquos expense But Kennedy would listen to
and learn rom Khrushchevrsquos repeated and heated concerns overGermany especially concerning Germanyrsquos acquisition o nuclear
weapons Kennedy would eventually break with Adenauer on that
question thereby paving the way to closer cooperation with the
Soviet Union But that breakthrough was still two years in the u-
ture and dire risks were strewn on the path to success
Berlin Redux
Following the Bay o Pigs debacle it was now Khrushchevrsquos turn
to misstep badly With Kennedy on his back oot Khrushchev be-
lieved that he was now in a position to pressure Kennedy into an
agreement on Germany which was Khrushchevrsquos primary oreign
policy concern Kennedyrsquos primary interest was in discussing a
nuclear test ban treaty which he elt was essential to slowing the
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22 To Move the World
arms race and nuclear prolieration one o Kennedyrsquos mostpressing concerns Te idea o a test ban treaty had been dis-
cussed or several years but the two sides were never able to get
past their disagreements on how such an agreement would be
enorced
At the Vienna Summit o June 1961 Khrushchev ensured that
Germany and Berlin rather than a test ban treaty dominated
the discussion Khrushchev told Kennedy that the Soviet Unionwould recognize the German Democratic Republic (East Ger-
many) and end Western access rights to West Berlin by the end o
1961 America and its allies viewed access to West Berlin as a vital
interest o the Western alliance and so Khrushchevrsquos threat was an
enormous provocation I war came rom this it would come said
Khrushchev He said that Berlin was a ldquorunning sorerdquo and that
disarmament was ldquoimpossible as long as the Berlin problem ex-
Soviet premier Nikita Khrushchev with President Kennedy at the start o the
Vienna Summit (June 3 1961)
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the quest for peace 23
istedrdquo42 Kennedy responded ldquoTen Mr Chairman there will be a
war It will be a cold long winterrdquo43
In act the diffi cult interchange brought the two leaders a little
closer to a solution though they certainly could not see it at the
time Tere were actually three German issues on the table allintricately intertwined Te 1047297rst was the Soviet desire or a peace
treaty with Germany that would somehow protect the Soviet
Union rom uture German aggression Te second was West Ber-
lin which Khrushchev considered to be ldquothis thorn this ulcerrdquo
within East Germany44 Khrushchev viewed West Berlin as a stag-
ing post or Western spying and aggression against the Soviet
Union ldquoa NAO beachhead and military base against us insidethe GDRrdquo45 He wanted the Western troops out Te third issue
involved the question o German rearmament and especially
German access to US nuclear weapons Te implicit progress
made in Vienna was a start in teasing apart these three issues
Kennedy would hold his ground on West Berlin but would also
recognize Khrushchevrsquos valid concerns about German rearma-
ment Kennedy made clear to Khrushchev in Vienna that he op-posed ldquoa buildup in West Germany that would constitute a threat
to the Soviet Unionrdquo46
History has judged that Kennedy ldquolostrdquo the Vienna Summit be-
cause he was browbeaten by Khrushchev particularly when the
two quarreled over ideology Indeed Kennedy himsel described
the Vienna experience as brutal telling a New York imes reporter
that it was the ldquoworst thing in my lie He savaged merdquo
47
Yet Ken-nedy in act had held 1047297rm and clear the West would not buckle
under threats on West Berlin More important and despite all
appearances Kennedy and Khrushchev were now on a path to
resolve the larger German issues a path they would pursue suc-
cessully in 1963
But the next act on Berlin would be a public relations disaster
or the Soviet Union As tensions over Berlin mounted more and
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24 To Move the World
more East Berliners voted with their eet by crossing the line to
West Berlin and rom there to the West generally During the 1047297rst
six months o 1961 over 100000 people lef East Germany with
50000 1047298eeing in June and July alone48 Te ongoing exodus o
East Berliners was a huge economic loss to a 1047298oundering econ-omy but an even starker daily embarrassment in the rontline
competition between socialism and capitalism It was one o the
main reasons why Khrushchev sought a long-term solution to
Berlin
As the 1047298ow o East Berliners accelerated so did the geopolitical
pressures Finally the East German government with the support
o its Soviet backers moved to stanch the human 1047298ood Berlinwoke up on the morning o August 13 to a barbed wire divide
soon to be a concrete and heavily armed wall patrolled by around
7000 soldiers and stretching 96 miles in Berlin and along the bor-
der between East and West Germany49
Kennedy wisely did not challenge the Berlin Wall except in a
perunctory manner recognizing that any challenge or protest
would prove empty Te West would certainly not go to war overSoviet actions on the Soviet side o the wall Indeed Kennedy im-
mediately and correctly surmised that the wall might actually
prove to be stabilizing in its perverse way by removing the embar-
rassing and costly provocation o mass outmigration rom East
Berlin As he suspected the end o the 1047298ow o migrants rom
East Berlin rather quickly eased the Berlin crisis
In act the overall Berlin situation seemed to Kennedy to be adangerous snare that was certainly not worth the risks o global
war Afer the Vienna Summit Kennedy had commented to his
close aide Kenneth OrsquoDonnell
Wersquore stuck in a ridiculous situation God knows Irsquom
not an isolationist but it seems particularly stupid to
risk killing a million Americans over an argument about
access rights on an Autobahn or because the Ger-
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the quest for peace 25
mans want Germany reuni1047297ed I Irsquom going to threaten
Russia with a nuclear war it will have to be or much
bigger and more important reasons than that Beore I
back Khrushchev against the wall and put him to a 1047297nal
test the reedom o all Western Europe will have to be atstake50
Kennedy would continue successully to deend West Berlin
but he would also recognize the need to move to a sounder long-
term position with the Soviet Union vis-agrave-vis Germany Tat in-
sight was crucial to Kennedyrsquos eventual success in 1963 and to the
calming o the East-West conrontation thereafer It was a basicstrategic insight that Eisenhower never recognized or acted upon
7282019 To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs (an excerpt)
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Excerpted from To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs Copyright copy 2013 by Jeffrey D Sachs Excerpted
by permission of Random House a division of Random House Inc All rights reserved No part of this
excerpt may be reproduced or reprinted without permission in writing from the publisher
Read more
TO MOVE THE WORLD
Order your copy now
Amazon
Barnes amp Noble
IndieBound
Kindle
Nook
iBookstore
Kobo
Other Retailers
Learn more about the book
Meet Jeffrey D Sachs at a book signing
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12 To Move the World
eints bluffs and intermediate positions and these inevitably
raise the risk o miscalculation
Kennedy was sincere in his inaugural address when he said ldquoSo
let us begin anewrdquo As a senator and as a presidential candidate he
himsel had helped to spur the arms race by opportunisticallyhammering away at Dwight D Eisenhowerrsquos administration or
allowing a ldquomissile gaprdquo to emerge claiming in 1958 that there was
every indication ldquothat by 1960 the United States will have lost
its superiority in nuclear striking powerrdquo17 In act the true missile
gap contrary to Kennedyrsquos claim stood greatly in Americarsquos avor
While the de1047297nitive knowledge o the Soviet Unionrsquos very limited
ballistic missile capacity was a closely held secret o the Eisen-hower administration based on secret U-2 spy plane 1047298ights Sena-
tor Kennedy probably knew that he was exaggerating Soviet
capabilities As the presidential candidate running against hard-
line vice president Richard Nixon Kennedy was especially keen to
project a tough-minded oreign policy stance and avoid the charge
o being sof on communism typically levied against Democrats
No matter what Kennedy may have believed as a candidate helearned early in his presidency that there was no missile gap in the
Sovietsrsquo advantage
Khrushchev would probably have understood the political
reasons or Kennedyrsquos missile-gap rhetoric and might even have
bene1047297ted in a way rom Kennedyrsquos exaggerated portrayal o Soviet
power Indeed when Kennedy chose in October 1961 to reveal
to the public the relative weakness o the Soviet nuclear orceKhrushchev was deeply aggrieved Still in the early days o the
new administration Khrushchev was intent on determining
whether Kennedy was in act a diehard Cold Warrior like Eisen-
howerrsquos in1047298uential Secretary o State John Foster Dulles or a po-
tentially cooperative counterpart in peaceul coexistence Early
steps by Kennedy could thereore help to chart the course toward
better relations
In addition to their public speeches and the interaction o their
7282019 To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs (an excerpt)
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the quest for peace 13
diplomats the two leaders would soon learn much more about
each other in another way Beginning with Khrushchevrsquos letter o
congratulations to the newly elected Kennedy on November 9
1960 the two men engaged until Kennedyrsquos death in a back-
channel personal correspondence o more than a hundred lettersBoth pledged that the letters would be held con1047297dentially and
never leaked or propaganda purposes ldquoFor my partrdquo Kennedy
wrote ldquothe contents and even the existence o our letters will be
known only to the Secretary o State and a ew other o my closest
associates in the governmentrdquo18 Both leaders seem to have hon-
ored their pledges o con1047297dentiality Te result is a most extraor-
dinary exchange that together with other events offers criticalinsights into the thinking o both men the issues that worried
them and their strategies or peace
Kennedyrsquos Opening Provocations
Unortunately or the prospects o US-Soviet cooperation andcontrary to the approach o incremental cooperation Kennedy
came out swinging He did this in three provocative ways First
despite the act that the United States was ar ahead in nuclear
weapons Kennedy ordered a major military buildup o both nu-
clear and conventional arms Te total number o US nuclear
warheads would soar rom 20000 in 1960 to 29000 in 1963 at a
time when the Soviet Union had a small raction o that number(1600 in 1960 and 4200 in 1963)19 Conventional orces were also
greatly augmented as Kennedy adopted a new model o ldquo1047298exible
responserdquo He was highly critical o Eisenhowerrsquos nuclear policy
o ldquomassive retaliationrdquo to meet Soviet threats which purportedly
relied on US nuclear weapons to deter Soviet provocations
Kennedy wanted more non-nuclear options20
Second Kennedy approved a CIA plan or an invasion o Cuba
which would become the biggest blunder o his presidency Tird
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14 To Move the World
he went ahead with a conrontational move that had been ap-
proved by his predecessor Dwight Eisenhower In 1958 Eisen-
hower had decided to strengthen the US nuclear arsenal by
posting intermediate-range nuclear missiles under US control in
Italy and urkey Te placements o these Jupiter missiles wereimplemented in June 1960 in Italy and October 1961 (the 1047297rst year
o the Kennedy administration) in urkey21 Te Soviet Union now
aced the threat not only o Americarsquos strategic bombers but also
o nearby missiles that could reach the Soviet Union in minutes
Tis was a new and terriying prospect that tipped the psycho-
logical and strategic balance toward the United States and consti-
tuted a major motivation or Khrushchevrsquos later attempt to putsimilar missiles into Cuba
Kennedy sought to negotiate peace through strength but these
early moves were more than a mere show o strength they were
a ratcheting up o the Cold War Here the contradictory lessons
o World War I and World War II were starkly revealed Kennedy
was prooundly concerned about a war starting through mis-
calculation as had World War I but was equally i not moreconcerned with being perceived as weak i he ailed to project mil-
itary strength and 1047297rmness Yet by taking steps to build US
military strength and increase the number o US military op-
tions he inadvertently exacerbated the risks o terrible miscalcu-
lation very much a case o Jervisrsquos security dilemma in operation
At the time that Kennedy assumed the presidency the CIA was
already in high gear to topple Cubarsquos new lef-wing governmentwhich had begun to con1047297scate US assets and sidle up to the
Soviet Union America had long backed Cubarsquos corrupt dictator
Fulgencio Batista who offered privileges and protection to Amer-
ican investors in the nearby island only ninety miles rom Florida
During the 1950s the young lawyer Fidel Castro led a guerrilla
insurgency against Batista 1047297nally succeeding in prompting the
dictator to 1047298ee on January 1 195922 No sooner had Castro con-
solidated his control over Cuba than Eisenhower and the CIA di-
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the quest for peace 15
rector Allen Dulles (the brother o Secretary o State John Foster
Dulles) began to plot a coup to bring him down Castro was not
yet a hardcore Soviet ally though a partial US trade embargo
initiated by the Eisenhower administration in 1960 was pushing
Cuba in that direction US actions in 1961 would soon lead Cubaully into the Soviet camp Te CIA brieed Kennedy early in his
term about plans or a CIA-backed invasion o Cuba that would be
carried out by Cuban expatriates Te planning was ar advanced
as the CIA had prepared it in the 1047297nal year o the Eisenhower ad-
ministration
From the start Kennedy was deeply concerned not only about
the invasionrsquos chances o success but also about its implicationsor US-Soviet relations Tis would be among the 1047297rst major
moves in his new strategic game with Khrushchev and it would
be ar rom a cooperative one Kennedy eared speci1047297cally
that any action against Castro might prompt Soviet retaliation in
Berlin the hotspot o the Cold War Tis linkage was probably
exaggeratedmdashthe Soviets did not yet see Castro as vitalmdashbut it
played a role in Kennedyrsquos thinking Te planned invasion wasalso one o Kennedyrsquos 1047297rst oreign policy decisions He did not yet
have the con1047297dence to disregard the CIA and the military
Kennedy tried to have it both ways and ended up in a disas-
trous muddle He gave the green light to the CIA-based Cuban
invasion in April 1961 but he wanted ldquodeniabilityrdquo o US involve-
ment and so withheld key military backing such as air support
that was vital to any chance o military success Te hope o deni-ability was oolish the US role was obvious Kennedyrsquos prevarica-
tion guaranteed a complete ailure o the attack (a ailure that was
most likely in any event) ollowed by harsh international criticism
o the United States Te operation was too small or success but
too large or deniability Te expatriates who landed at the Bay o
Pigs were quickly killed or captured and the entire episode ended
ignominiously23
In the postmortem Kennedy met with Eisenhower to discuss
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16 To Move the World
the botched operation and Eisenhower asked Kennedy why he
had denied air cover or the invasion Te historian Michael
Beschloss described the painul interchange
Kennedy said ldquoWell my advice was that we must try tokeep our hands rom showing in the affairrdquo Eisenhower
was aghast ldquoHow could you expect the world to believe
we had nothing to do with it Where did these people
get the ships to go rom Central America to Cuba
Where did they get the weapons I believe there is
only one thing to do when you go into this kind o thing
it must be a successrdquo24
By itsel the CIA operation was oolish naiumlve and incompe-
tently designed and managed Tis was par or the course or the
CIA which had bungled one operation afer another in many
parts o the world Te Bay o Pigs 1047297asco also con1047297rmed Kenne-
dyrsquos deep mistrust o the military which had begun with his expe-
rience in World War II Kennedy told reporter and riend BenBradlee ldquoTe 1047297rst advice Irsquom going to give my successor is to
watch the generals and to avoid eeling that just because they were
military men their opinions on military matters were worth a
damnrdquo25
It also contributed to a cascading set o errors Forced to appear
tough and decisive afer the very public ailure Kennedy quickly
called or increased military spending and harsher measures todestabilize the Castro regime26 Tese included a series o hare-
brained attempts to assassinate Castro part o the larger anti-
Castro strategy the CIA dubbed ldquoOperation Mongooserdquo27 As a
result both Castro and Khrushchev came to believe that Ken-
nedyrsquos next gambit would be a ull-1047298edged invasion o Cuba Tat
expectation contributed to the Cuban Missile Crisis the ollowing
year
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the quest for peace 17
Te Kennedy-Khrushchev private letters offer a remarkable in-
terchange regarding the Bay o Pigs Te letters beore the Bay o
Pigs are highly congenial the opening moves o con1047297dence build-
ing under the tit-or-tat strategy Khrushchev writes on Novem-
ber 9 1960 that he hopes Kennedyrsquos election will mean that ldquoourcountries would again ollow the line along which they were de-
veloping in Franklin Rooseveltrsquos timerdquo when the two countries
were allies28 He holds out the prospect o important agreements
ldquowe are ready or our part to continue efforts to solve such a press-
ing problem as disarmament to settle the German issue through
the earliest conclusion o a peace treaty and to reach agreement on
other questionsrdquo29 Kennedy responds that ldquoa just and lasting peacewill remain a undamental goal o this nation and a major task o
its Presidentrdquo30 Tey begin to arrange an early summit meeting
Yet the tone cracks in Khrushchevrsquos letter o April 18 two days
afer the Cuban invasion
Mr President I send you this message in an hour o
alarm raught with danger or the peace o the wholeworld Armed aggression has begun against Cuba It is a
secret to no one that the armed bands invading this
country were trained equipped and armed in the
United States o America31
ldquoI approach you Mr Presidentrdquo Khrushchev writes ldquowith an
urgent call to put an end to aggression against the Republic oCubardquo
Kennedyrsquos answer the same day is dreadully maladroit ldquoYou
are under a serious misapprehension in regard to the events in
Cubardquo he replies ldquoI have previously stated and I repeat now that
the United States intends no military intervention in Cubardquo32 Tis
patently alse denial brings a powerul rebuke rom Khrushchev
our days later
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18 To Move the World
I have received your reply o April 18 You write that the
United States intends no military intervention in Cuba
But numerous acts known to the whole worldmdashand to
the Government o the United States o course better
than to any one elsemdashspeak differently Despite all as-surances to the contrary it has now been proved beyond
doubt that it was precisely the United States which pre-
pared the intervention 1047297nanced its arming and trans-
ported the gangs o mercenaries that invaded the
territory o Cuba33
Kennedyrsquos denial marked the second notable US presidentiallie to Khrushchev in less than a year Te previous summer the
CIA had pressed Eisenhower to permit another round o U-2 spy
1047298ights over the Soviet Union He reluctantly agreed When a U-2
plane was shot down the CIA and Eisenhower assumed that the
pilot Francis Gary Powers had been killed and the plane de-
stroyed in the crash Tey thereore publicly lied about the mis-
sion claiming that a US weather-research plane had lost its wayand crashed in Soviet airspace Khrushchev then revealed Eisen-
howerrsquos lie by producing not only the U-2 wreckage but the live
pilot as well US per1047297dy was exposed and Eisenhower was orced
to take responsibility Yet this was not a simple public relations
victory or Khrushchev It was a bitter setback or Khrushchevrsquos
concept o peaceul coexistence It also undercut his domestic
credibility as he had initially deended Eisenhower as not respon-sible or the U-2 1047298ight and the exposure o Eisenhowerrsquos lie
seemed to give credence to the Soviet hardliners who argued that
the United States could not be trusted Khrushchev soon enough
would demonstrate his capacity to lie about weighty matters as
well the Cold War was not a game played by saints Yet the back-
to-back prevarications by Eisenhower and Kennedy surely em-
Te U-2 1047298ights were seen even by the United States as serious provocations to theUSSR and violations o international law
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the quest for peace 19
boldened Khrushchev in his own uture dissembling regarding
nuclear testing and Cuba
In a ollow-up letter to Kennedy (May 16) Khrushchev ac-
knowledges that ldquoa certain open alling out has taken place in the
relations between our countriesrdquo34 Yet he set the ground or anupcoming June meeting with Kennedy in Vienna by emphasizing
the key point he sees the importance o a US-Soviet settlement
on Germany Te ate o postwar Germany had proved a constant
source o tension between the two superpowers since the dawn o
the Cold War and never more so than when Kennedy took offi ce
It is thereore crucial to revisit some o this history
At the July 1945 Potsdam conerence at the end o World War IIit was agreed that a council o the our major Allied powers (the
United States the United Kingdom France and the Soviet Union)
would administer postwar Germany but the ldquohowrdquo was lef un-
speci1047297ed35 In the short term the our powers accepted that Ger-
many would be divided into our occupation zones and that each
occupying power would manage its own zone until longer-term
arrangements or a uni1047297ed Germany could be agreed upon Tecapital city o Berlin though alling within the Soviet zone was
also divided among the our powers But the longer-term arrange-
ments or Germany were never agreed upon and relations be-
tween the West and the Soviet Union quickly deteriorated once
there was no common enemy o Hitler to unite them36 Te United
States France and the United Kingdom soon amalgamated their
occupation zones into a single entity which in 1949 became theFederal Republic o Germany (West Germany) Te Soviet zone
became the German Democratic Republic (East Germany) Te
ailure to agree on the ate o a uni1047297ed Germany sowed the seeds
or many o the Cold War con1047298icts that ollowed
Herein lay the basic dilemma Te Soviet Unionmdashwhich had
lost more than twenty million soldiers and civilians in World
War IImdasheared a German resurgence and thereby asserted harsh
control over the Soviet occupation zone o Germany Not only
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20 To Move the World
that but Joseph Stalin the brutal leader o the Soviet Union since
the mid-1920s ruthlessly created satellite states in Eastern Europe
(in Yugoslavia Czechoslovakia Poland and elsewhere) under
single-party communist rule thereby establishing a controlling
corridor rom Russia all the way to the heart o Germany o theWestern powers these actions seemed to suggest a Soviet plan to
dominate all o Europe i not the world While US leaders had
initially avored deindustrializing Germany at the end o the war
to prevent it rom again becoming an economic and military
power37 they quickly changed their minds in the ace o the per-
ceived Soviet aggression Tey instead decided to reindustrialize
the western part o Germany as rapidly as possible as a bulwarkagainst the Soviet Union and to strengthen Western Europe gen-
erally38 Te Soviet Union viewed the hardening o US positions
as a violation o agreements intended to prevent a long-term re-
surgence o German power
Itrsquos not hard to see where this led As West Germany got stron-
ger Soviet anxieties rose As the Soviet Unionrsquos anxieties rose it
became more belligerent in response and the West then becameeven more determined to rebuild West Germany to resist Soviet
domination Tis explosive dynamic continued afer Kennedyrsquos
assumption o offi ce
Making things even more diffi cult or Kennedy was the act that
Eisenhower had proved neither very attentive nor interested in
the Soviet concerns vis-agrave-vis Germany Eisenhower stood strongly
in avor o Germanyrsquos economic and military recovery in part be-cause he wanted Western Europe to deend itsel so that US
troops could return home39 Eisenhower liked neither the cost o
stationing US troops in Europe nor the long-term political com-
mitment Eisenhower believed that US commitments should be
tapered down as soon as Europe could take up the burdens o its
own deense40 And i that even meant a Western Europe with nu-
clear weapons he was generally or it
In the 1047297nal years o the Eisenhower administration in response
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the quest for peace 21
to the European desire or nuclear weapons the United States and
NAOmdashthe military alliance o Western powers ormed in 1955mdash
began 1047298oating the idea o ldquonuclear sharingrdquo among the NAO
countries perhaps through a nuclear Multilateral Force (MLF)
Te United States saw the MLF as a way to share nuclear weaponswith allies and give Europe its own deterrent without having to
give any one nation ull control and the power to launch a nuclear
weapon unilaterally41 Tis prospect particularly o West German
nuclear access was a crucial actor in the dramatic heating up o
US-Soviet tensions in the lead-up to Kennedyrsquos presidency Tis
point is made orceully by the historian Marc rachtenberg in A
Constructed Peace (1999) one o the most incisive and importanthistorical analyses o this phase o the Cold War
Kennedy did not yet have a strategy or Germany and indeed
was pressed hard by the West German leader Konrad Adenauer
not to have one From Adenauerrsquos point o view any thaw in rela-
tions between the United States and the Soviet Union would likely
come at West Germanyrsquos expense But Kennedy would listen to
and learn rom Khrushchevrsquos repeated and heated concerns overGermany especially concerning Germanyrsquos acquisition o nuclear
weapons Kennedy would eventually break with Adenauer on that
question thereby paving the way to closer cooperation with the
Soviet Union But that breakthrough was still two years in the u-
ture and dire risks were strewn on the path to success
Berlin Redux
Following the Bay o Pigs debacle it was now Khrushchevrsquos turn
to misstep badly With Kennedy on his back oot Khrushchev be-
lieved that he was now in a position to pressure Kennedy into an
agreement on Germany which was Khrushchevrsquos primary oreign
policy concern Kennedyrsquos primary interest was in discussing a
nuclear test ban treaty which he elt was essential to slowing the
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22 To Move the World
arms race and nuclear prolieration one o Kennedyrsquos mostpressing concerns Te idea o a test ban treaty had been dis-
cussed or several years but the two sides were never able to get
past their disagreements on how such an agreement would be
enorced
At the Vienna Summit o June 1961 Khrushchev ensured that
Germany and Berlin rather than a test ban treaty dominated
the discussion Khrushchev told Kennedy that the Soviet Unionwould recognize the German Democratic Republic (East Ger-
many) and end Western access rights to West Berlin by the end o
1961 America and its allies viewed access to West Berlin as a vital
interest o the Western alliance and so Khrushchevrsquos threat was an
enormous provocation I war came rom this it would come said
Khrushchev He said that Berlin was a ldquorunning sorerdquo and that
disarmament was ldquoimpossible as long as the Berlin problem ex-
Soviet premier Nikita Khrushchev with President Kennedy at the start o the
Vienna Summit (June 3 1961)
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the quest for peace 23
istedrdquo42 Kennedy responded ldquoTen Mr Chairman there will be a
war It will be a cold long winterrdquo43
In act the diffi cult interchange brought the two leaders a little
closer to a solution though they certainly could not see it at the
time Tere were actually three German issues on the table allintricately intertwined Te 1047297rst was the Soviet desire or a peace
treaty with Germany that would somehow protect the Soviet
Union rom uture German aggression Te second was West Ber-
lin which Khrushchev considered to be ldquothis thorn this ulcerrdquo
within East Germany44 Khrushchev viewed West Berlin as a stag-
ing post or Western spying and aggression against the Soviet
Union ldquoa NAO beachhead and military base against us insidethe GDRrdquo45 He wanted the Western troops out Te third issue
involved the question o German rearmament and especially
German access to US nuclear weapons Te implicit progress
made in Vienna was a start in teasing apart these three issues
Kennedy would hold his ground on West Berlin but would also
recognize Khrushchevrsquos valid concerns about German rearma-
ment Kennedy made clear to Khrushchev in Vienna that he op-posed ldquoa buildup in West Germany that would constitute a threat
to the Soviet Unionrdquo46
History has judged that Kennedy ldquolostrdquo the Vienna Summit be-
cause he was browbeaten by Khrushchev particularly when the
two quarreled over ideology Indeed Kennedy himsel described
the Vienna experience as brutal telling a New York imes reporter
that it was the ldquoworst thing in my lie He savaged merdquo
47
Yet Ken-nedy in act had held 1047297rm and clear the West would not buckle
under threats on West Berlin More important and despite all
appearances Kennedy and Khrushchev were now on a path to
resolve the larger German issues a path they would pursue suc-
cessully in 1963
But the next act on Berlin would be a public relations disaster
or the Soviet Union As tensions over Berlin mounted more and
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24 To Move the World
more East Berliners voted with their eet by crossing the line to
West Berlin and rom there to the West generally During the 1047297rst
six months o 1961 over 100000 people lef East Germany with
50000 1047298eeing in June and July alone48 Te ongoing exodus o
East Berliners was a huge economic loss to a 1047298oundering econ-omy but an even starker daily embarrassment in the rontline
competition between socialism and capitalism It was one o the
main reasons why Khrushchev sought a long-term solution to
Berlin
As the 1047298ow o East Berliners accelerated so did the geopolitical
pressures Finally the East German government with the support
o its Soviet backers moved to stanch the human 1047298ood Berlinwoke up on the morning o August 13 to a barbed wire divide
soon to be a concrete and heavily armed wall patrolled by around
7000 soldiers and stretching 96 miles in Berlin and along the bor-
der between East and West Germany49
Kennedy wisely did not challenge the Berlin Wall except in a
perunctory manner recognizing that any challenge or protest
would prove empty Te West would certainly not go to war overSoviet actions on the Soviet side o the wall Indeed Kennedy im-
mediately and correctly surmised that the wall might actually
prove to be stabilizing in its perverse way by removing the embar-
rassing and costly provocation o mass outmigration rom East
Berlin As he suspected the end o the 1047298ow o migrants rom
East Berlin rather quickly eased the Berlin crisis
In act the overall Berlin situation seemed to Kennedy to be adangerous snare that was certainly not worth the risks o global
war Afer the Vienna Summit Kennedy had commented to his
close aide Kenneth OrsquoDonnell
Wersquore stuck in a ridiculous situation God knows Irsquom
not an isolationist but it seems particularly stupid to
risk killing a million Americans over an argument about
access rights on an Autobahn or because the Ger-
7282019 To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs (an excerpt)
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the quest for peace 25
mans want Germany reuni1047297ed I Irsquom going to threaten
Russia with a nuclear war it will have to be or much
bigger and more important reasons than that Beore I
back Khrushchev against the wall and put him to a 1047297nal
test the reedom o all Western Europe will have to be atstake50
Kennedy would continue successully to deend West Berlin
but he would also recognize the need to move to a sounder long-
term position with the Soviet Union vis-agrave-vis Germany Tat in-
sight was crucial to Kennedyrsquos eventual success in 1963 and to the
calming o the East-West conrontation thereafer It was a basicstrategic insight that Eisenhower never recognized or acted upon
7282019 To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs (an excerpt)
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Excerpted from To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs Copyright copy 2013 by Jeffrey D Sachs Excerpted
by permission of Random House a division of Random House Inc All rights reserved No part of this
excerpt may be reproduced or reprinted without permission in writing from the publisher
Read more
TO MOVE THE WORLD
Order your copy now
Amazon
Barnes amp Noble
IndieBound
Kindle
Nook
iBookstore
Kobo
Other Retailers
Learn more about the book
Meet Jeffrey D Sachs at a book signing
7282019 To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs (an excerpt)
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the quest for peace 13
diplomats the two leaders would soon learn much more about
each other in another way Beginning with Khrushchevrsquos letter o
congratulations to the newly elected Kennedy on November 9
1960 the two men engaged until Kennedyrsquos death in a back-
channel personal correspondence o more than a hundred lettersBoth pledged that the letters would be held con1047297dentially and
never leaked or propaganda purposes ldquoFor my partrdquo Kennedy
wrote ldquothe contents and even the existence o our letters will be
known only to the Secretary o State and a ew other o my closest
associates in the governmentrdquo18 Both leaders seem to have hon-
ored their pledges o con1047297dentiality Te result is a most extraor-
dinary exchange that together with other events offers criticalinsights into the thinking o both men the issues that worried
them and their strategies or peace
Kennedyrsquos Opening Provocations
Unortunately or the prospects o US-Soviet cooperation andcontrary to the approach o incremental cooperation Kennedy
came out swinging He did this in three provocative ways First
despite the act that the United States was ar ahead in nuclear
weapons Kennedy ordered a major military buildup o both nu-
clear and conventional arms Te total number o US nuclear
warheads would soar rom 20000 in 1960 to 29000 in 1963 at a
time when the Soviet Union had a small raction o that number(1600 in 1960 and 4200 in 1963)19 Conventional orces were also
greatly augmented as Kennedy adopted a new model o ldquo1047298exible
responserdquo He was highly critical o Eisenhowerrsquos nuclear policy
o ldquomassive retaliationrdquo to meet Soviet threats which purportedly
relied on US nuclear weapons to deter Soviet provocations
Kennedy wanted more non-nuclear options20
Second Kennedy approved a CIA plan or an invasion o Cuba
which would become the biggest blunder o his presidency Tird
7282019 To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs (an excerpt)
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullto-move-the-world-by-jeffrey-d-sachs-an-excerpt 1325
14 To Move the World
he went ahead with a conrontational move that had been ap-
proved by his predecessor Dwight Eisenhower In 1958 Eisen-
hower had decided to strengthen the US nuclear arsenal by
posting intermediate-range nuclear missiles under US control in
Italy and urkey Te placements o these Jupiter missiles wereimplemented in June 1960 in Italy and October 1961 (the 1047297rst year
o the Kennedy administration) in urkey21 Te Soviet Union now
aced the threat not only o Americarsquos strategic bombers but also
o nearby missiles that could reach the Soviet Union in minutes
Tis was a new and terriying prospect that tipped the psycho-
logical and strategic balance toward the United States and consti-
tuted a major motivation or Khrushchevrsquos later attempt to putsimilar missiles into Cuba
Kennedy sought to negotiate peace through strength but these
early moves were more than a mere show o strength they were
a ratcheting up o the Cold War Here the contradictory lessons
o World War I and World War II were starkly revealed Kennedy
was prooundly concerned about a war starting through mis-
calculation as had World War I but was equally i not moreconcerned with being perceived as weak i he ailed to project mil-
itary strength and 1047297rmness Yet by taking steps to build US
military strength and increase the number o US military op-
tions he inadvertently exacerbated the risks o terrible miscalcu-
lation very much a case o Jervisrsquos security dilemma in operation
At the time that Kennedy assumed the presidency the CIA was
already in high gear to topple Cubarsquos new lef-wing governmentwhich had begun to con1047297scate US assets and sidle up to the
Soviet Union America had long backed Cubarsquos corrupt dictator
Fulgencio Batista who offered privileges and protection to Amer-
ican investors in the nearby island only ninety miles rom Florida
During the 1950s the young lawyer Fidel Castro led a guerrilla
insurgency against Batista 1047297nally succeeding in prompting the
dictator to 1047298ee on January 1 195922 No sooner had Castro con-
solidated his control over Cuba than Eisenhower and the CIA di-
7282019 To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs (an excerpt)
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullto-move-the-world-by-jeffrey-d-sachs-an-excerpt 1425
the quest for peace 15
rector Allen Dulles (the brother o Secretary o State John Foster
Dulles) began to plot a coup to bring him down Castro was not
yet a hardcore Soviet ally though a partial US trade embargo
initiated by the Eisenhower administration in 1960 was pushing
Cuba in that direction US actions in 1961 would soon lead Cubaully into the Soviet camp Te CIA brieed Kennedy early in his
term about plans or a CIA-backed invasion o Cuba that would be
carried out by Cuban expatriates Te planning was ar advanced
as the CIA had prepared it in the 1047297nal year o the Eisenhower ad-
ministration
From the start Kennedy was deeply concerned not only about
the invasionrsquos chances o success but also about its implicationsor US-Soviet relations Tis would be among the 1047297rst major
moves in his new strategic game with Khrushchev and it would
be ar rom a cooperative one Kennedy eared speci1047297cally
that any action against Castro might prompt Soviet retaliation in
Berlin the hotspot o the Cold War Tis linkage was probably
exaggeratedmdashthe Soviets did not yet see Castro as vitalmdashbut it
played a role in Kennedyrsquos thinking Te planned invasion wasalso one o Kennedyrsquos 1047297rst oreign policy decisions He did not yet
have the con1047297dence to disregard the CIA and the military
Kennedy tried to have it both ways and ended up in a disas-
trous muddle He gave the green light to the CIA-based Cuban
invasion in April 1961 but he wanted ldquodeniabilityrdquo o US involve-
ment and so withheld key military backing such as air support
that was vital to any chance o military success Te hope o deni-ability was oolish the US role was obvious Kennedyrsquos prevarica-
tion guaranteed a complete ailure o the attack (a ailure that was
most likely in any event) ollowed by harsh international criticism
o the United States Te operation was too small or success but
too large or deniability Te expatriates who landed at the Bay o
Pigs were quickly killed or captured and the entire episode ended
ignominiously23
In the postmortem Kennedy met with Eisenhower to discuss
7282019 To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs (an excerpt)
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16 To Move the World
the botched operation and Eisenhower asked Kennedy why he
had denied air cover or the invasion Te historian Michael
Beschloss described the painul interchange
Kennedy said ldquoWell my advice was that we must try tokeep our hands rom showing in the affairrdquo Eisenhower
was aghast ldquoHow could you expect the world to believe
we had nothing to do with it Where did these people
get the ships to go rom Central America to Cuba
Where did they get the weapons I believe there is
only one thing to do when you go into this kind o thing
it must be a successrdquo24
By itsel the CIA operation was oolish naiumlve and incompe-
tently designed and managed Tis was par or the course or the
CIA which had bungled one operation afer another in many
parts o the world Te Bay o Pigs 1047297asco also con1047297rmed Kenne-
dyrsquos deep mistrust o the military which had begun with his expe-
rience in World War II Kennedy told reporter and riend BenBradlee ldquoTe 1047297rst advice Irsquom going to give my successor is to
watch the generals and to avoid eeling that just because they were
military men their opinions on military matters were worth a
damnrdquo25
It also contributed to a cascading set o errors Forced to appear
tough and decisive afer the very public ailure Kennedy quickly
called or increased military spending and harsher measures todestabilize the Castro regime26 Tese included a series o hare-
brained attempts to assassinate Castro part o the larger anti-
Castro strategy the CIA dubbed ldquoOperation Mongooserdquo27 As a
result both Castro and Khrushchev came to believe that Ken-
nedyrsquos next gambit would be a ull-1047298edged invasion o Cuba Tat
expectation contributed to the Cuban Missile Crisis the ollowing
year
7282019 To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs (an excerpt)
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the quest for peace 17
Te Kennedy-Khrushchev private letters offer a remarkable in-
terchange regarding the Bay o Pigs Te letters beore the Bay o
Pigs are highly congenial the opening moves o con1047297dence build-
ing under the tit-or-tat strategy Khrushchev writes on Novem-
ber 9 1960 that he hopes Kennedyrsquos election will mean that ldquoourcountries would again ollow the line along which they were de-
veloping in Franklin Rooseveltrsquos timerdquo when the two countries
were allies28 He holds out the prospect o important agreements
ldquowe are ready or our part to continue efforts to solve such a press-
ing problem as disarmament to settle the German issue through
the earliest conclusion o a peace treaty and to reach agreement on
other questionsrdquo29 Kennedy responds that ldquoa just and lasting peacewill remain a undamental goal o this nation and a major task o
its Presidentrdquo30 Tey begin to arrange an early summit meeting
Yet the tone cracks in Khrushchevrsquos letter o April 18 two days
afer the Cuban invasion
Mr President I send you this message in an hour o
alarm raught with danger or the peace o the wholeworld Armed aggression has begun against Cuba It is a
secret to no one that the armed bands invading this
country were trained equipped and armed in the
United States o America31
ldquoI approach you Mr Presidentrdquo Khrushchev writes ldquowith an
urgent call to put an end to aggression against the Republic oCubardquo
Kennedyrsquos answer the same day is dreadully maladroit ldquoYou
are under a serious misapprehension in regard to the events in
Cubardquo he replies ldquoI have previously stated and I repeat now that
the United States intends no military intervention in Cubardquo32 Tis
patently alse denial brings a powerul rebuke rom Khrushchev
our days later
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18 To Move the World
I have received your reply o April 18 You write that the
United States intends no military intervention in Cuba
But numerous acts known to the whole worldmdashand to
the Government o the United States o course better
than to any one elsemdashspeak differently Despite all as-surances to the contrary it has now been proved beyond
doubt that it was precisely the United States which pre-
pared the intervention 1047297nanced its arming and trans-
ported the gangs o mercenaries that invaded the
territory o Cuba33
Kennedyrsquos denial marked the second notable US presidentiallie to Khrushchev in less than a year Te previous summer the
CIA had pressed Eisenhower to permit another round o U-2 spy
1047298ights over the Soviet Union He reluctantly agreed When a U-2
plane was shot down the CIA and Eisenhower assumed that the
pilot Francis Gary Powers had been killed and the plane de-
stroyed in the crash Tey thereore publicly lied about the mis-
sion claiming that a US weather-research plane had lost its wayand crashed in Soviet airspace Khrushchev then revealed Eisen-
howerrsquos lie by producing not only the U-2 wreckage but the live
pilot as well US per1047297dy was exposed and Eisenhower was orced
to take responsibility Yet this was not a simple public relations
victory or Khrushchev It was a bitter setback or Khrushchevrsquos
concept o peaceul coexistence It also undercut his domestic
credibility as he had initially deended Eisenhower as not respon-sible or the U-2 1047298ight and the exposure o Eisenhowerrsquos lie
seemed to give credence to the Soviet hardliners who argued that
the United States could not be trusted Khrushchev soon enough
would demonstrate his capacity to lie about weighty matters as
well the Cold War was not a game played by saints Yet the back-
to-back prevarications by Eisenhower and Kennedy surely em-
Te U-2 1047298ights were seen even by the United States as serious provocations to theUSSR and violations o international law
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the quest for peace 19
boldened Khrushchev in his own uture dissembling regarding
nuclear testing and Cuba
In a ollow-up letter to Kennedy (May 16) Khrushchev ac-
knowledges that ldquoa certain open alling out has taken place in the
relations between our countriesrdquo34 Yet he set the ground or anupcoming June meeting with Kennedy in Vienna by emphasizing
the key point he sees the importance o a US-Soviet settlement
on Germany Te ate o postwar Germany had proved a constant
source o tension between the two superpowers since the dawn o
the Cold War and never more so than when Kennedy took offi ce
It is thereore crucial to revisit some o this history
At the July 1945 Potsdam conerence at the end o World War IIit was agreed that a council o the our major Allied powers (the
United States the United Kingdom France and the Soviet Union)
would administer postwar Germany but the ldquohowrdquo was lef un-
speci1047297ed35 In the short term the our powers accepted that Ger-
many would be divided into our occupation zones and that each
occupying power would manage its own zone until longer-term
arrangements or a uni1047297ed Germany could be agreed upon Tecapital city o Berlin though alling within the Soviet zone was
also divided among the our powers But the longer-term arrange-
ments or Germany were never agreed upon and relations be-
tween the West and the Soviet Union quickly deteriorated once
there was no common enemy o Hitler to unite them36 Te United
States France and the United Kingdom soon amalgamated their
occupation zones into a single entity which in 1949 became theFederal Republic o Germany (West Germany) Te Soviet zone
became the German Democratic Republic (East Germany) Te
ailure to agree on the ate o a uni1047297ed Germany sowed the seeds
or many o the Cold War con1047298icts that ollowed
Herein lay the basic dilemma Te Soviet Unionmdashwhich had
lost more than twenty million soldiers and civilians in World
War IImdasheared a German resurgence and thereby asserted harsh
control over the Soviet occupation zone o Germany Not only
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20 To Move the World
that but Joseph Stalin the brutal leader o the Soviet Union since
the mid-1920s ruthlessly created satellite states in Eastern Europe
(in Yugoslavia Czechoslovakia Poland and elsewhere) under
single-party communist rule thereby establishing a controlling
corridor rom Russia all the way to the heart o Germany o theWestern powers these actions seemed to suggest a Soviet plan to
dominate all o Europe i not the world While US leaders had
initially avored deindustrializing Germany at the end o the war
to prevent it rom again becoming an economic and military
power37 they quickly changed their minds in the ace o the per-
ceived Soviet aggression Tey instead decided to reindustrialize
the western part o Germany as rapidly as possible as a bulwarkagainst the Soviet Union and to strengthen Western Europe gen-
erally38 Te Soviet Union viewed the hardening o US positions
as a violation o agreements intended to prevent a long-term re-
surgence o German power
Itrsquos not hard to see where this led As West Germany got stron-
ger Soviet anxieties rose As the Soviet Unionrsquos anxieties rose it
became more belligerent in response and the West then becameeven more determined to rebuild West Germany to resist Soviet
domination Tis explosive dynamic continued afer Kennedyrsquos
assumption o offi ce
Making things even more diffi cult or Kennedy was the act that
Eisenhower had proved neither very attentive nor interested in
the Soviet concerns vis-agrave-vis Germany Eisenhower stood strongly
in avor o Germanyrsquos economic and military recovery in part be-cause he wanted Western Europe to deend itsel so that US
troops could return home39 Eisenhower liked neither the cost o
stationing US troops in Europe nor the long-term political com-
mitment Eisenhower believed that US commitments should be
tapered down as soon as Europe could take up the burdens o its
own deense40 And i that even meant a Western Europe with nu-
clear weapons he was generally or it
In the 1047297nal years o the Eisenhower administration in response
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the quest for peace 21
to the European desire or nuclear weapons the United States and
NAOmdashthe military alliance o Western powers ormed in 1955mdash
began 1047298oating the idea o ldquonuclear sharingrdquo among the NAO
countries perhaps through a nuclear Multilateral Force (MLF)
Te United States saw the MLF as a way to share nuclear weaponswith allies and give Europe its own deterrent without having to
give any one nation ull control and the power to launch a nuclear
weapon unilaterally41 Tis prospect particularly o West German
nuclear access was a crucial actor in the dramatic heating up o
US-Soviet tensions in the lead-up to Kennedyrsquos presidency Tis
point is made orceully by the historian Marc rachtenberg in A
Constructed Peace (1999) one o the most incisive and importanthistorical analyses o this phase o the Cold War
Kennedy did not yet have a strategy or Germany and indeed
was pressed hard by the West German leader Konrad Adenauer
not to have one From Adenauerrsquos point o view any thaw in rela-
tions between the United States and the Soviet Union would likely
come at West Germanyrsquos expense But Kennedy would listen to
and learn rom Khrushchevrsquos repeated and heated concerns overGermany especially concerning Germanyrsquos acquisition o nuclear
weapons Kennedy would eventually break with Adenauer on that
question thereby paving the way to closer cooperation with the
Soviet Union But that breakthrough was still two years in the u-
ture and dire risks were strewn on the path to success
Berlin Redux
Following the Bay o Pigs debacle it was now Khrushchevrsquos turn
to misstep badly With Kennedy on his back oot Khrushchev be-
lieved that he was now in a position to pressure Kennedy into an
agreement on Germany which was Khrushchevrsquos primary oreign
policy concern Kennedyrsquos primary interest was in discussing a
nuclear test ban treaty which he elt was essential to slowing the
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22 To Move the World
arms race and nuclear prolieration one o Kennedyrsquos mostpressing concerns Te idea o a test ban treaty had been dis-
cussed or several years but the two sides were never able to get
past their disagreements on how such an agreement would be
enorced
At the Vienna Summit o June 1961 Khrushchev ensured that
Germany and Berlin rather than a test ban treaty dominated
the discussion Khrushchev told Kennedy that the Soviet Unionwould recognize the German Democratic Republic (East Ger-
many) and end Western access rights to West Berlin by the end o
1961 America and its allies viewed access to West Berlin as a vital
interest o the Western alliance and so Khrushchevrsquos threat was an
enormous provocation I war came rom this it would come said
Khrushchev He said that Berlin was a ldquorunning sorerdquo and that
disarmament was ldquoimpossible as long as the Berlin problem ex-
Soviet premier Nikita Khrushchev with President Kennedy at the start o the
Vienna Summit (June 3 1961)
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the quest for peace 23
istedrdquo42 Kennedy responded ldquoTen Mr Chairman there will be a
war It will be a cold long winterrdquo43
In act the diffi cult interchange brought the two leaders a little
closer to a solution though they certainly could not see it at the
time Tere were actually three German issues on the table allintricately intertwined Te 1047297rst was the Soviet desire or a peace
treaty with Germany that would somehow protect the Soviet
Union rom uture German aggression Te second was West Ber-
lin which Khrushchev considered to be ldquothis thorn this ulcerrdquo
within East Germany44 Khrushchev viewed West Berlin as a stag-
ing post or Western spying and aggression against the Soviet
Union ldquoa NAO beachhead and military base against us insidethe GDRrdquo45 He wanted the Western troops out Te third issue
involved the question o German rearmament and especially
German access to US nuclear weapons Te implicit progress
made in Vienna was a start in teasing apart these three issues
Kennedy would hold his ground on West Berlin but would also
recognize Khrushchevrsquos valid concerns about German rearma-
ment Kennedy made clear to Khrushchev in Vienna that he op-posed ldquoa buildup in West Germany that would constitute a threat
to the Soviet Unionrdquo46
History has judged that Kennedy ldquolostrdquo the Vienna Summit be-
cause he was browbeaten by Khrushchev particularly when the
two quarreled over ideology Indeed Kennedy himsel described
the Vienna experience as brutal telling a New York imes reporter
that it was the ldquoworst thing in my lie He savaged merdquo
47
Yet Ken-nedy in act had held 1047297rm and clear the West would not buckle
under threats on West Berlin More important and despite all
appearances Kennedy and Khrushchev were now on a path to
resolve the larger German issues a path they would pursue suc-
cessully in 1963
But the next act on Berlin would be a public relations disaster
or the Soviet Union As tensions over Berlin mounted more and
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24 To Move the World
more East Berliners voted with their eet by crossing the line to
West Berlin and rom there to the West generally During the 1047297rst
six months o 1961 over 100000 people lef East Germany with
50000 1047298eeing in June and July alone48 Te ongoing exodus o
East Berliners was a huge economic loss to a 1047298oundering econ-omy but an even starker daily embarrassment in the rontline
competition between socialism and capitalism It was one o the
main reasons why Khrushchev sought a long-term solution to
Berlin
As the 1047298ow o East Berliners accelerated so did the geopolitical
pressures Finally the East German government with the support
o its Soviet backers moved to stanch the human 1047298ood Berlinwoke up on the morning o August 13 to a barbed wire divide
soon to be a concrete and heavily armed wall patrolled by around
7000 soldiers and stretching 96 miles in Berlin and along the bor-
der between East and West Germany49
Kennedy wisely did not challenge the Berlin Wall except in a
perunctory manner recognizing that any challenge or protest
would prove empty Te West would certainly not go to war overSoviet actions on the Soviet side o the wall Indeed Kennedy im-
mediately and correctly surmised that the wall might actually
prove to be stabilizing in its perverse way by removing the embar-
rassing and costly provocation o mass outmigration rom East
Berlin As he suspected the end o the 1047298ow o migrants rom
East Berlin rather quickly eased the Berlin crisis
In act the overall Berlin situation seemed to Kennedy to be adangerous snare that was certainly not worth the risks o global
war Afer the Vienna Summit Kennedy had commented to his
close aide Kenneth OrsquoDonnell
Wersquore stuck in a ridiculous situation God knows Irsquom
not an isolationist but it seems particularly stupid to
risk killing a million Americans over an argument about
access rights on an Autobahn or because the Ger-
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the quest for peace 25
mans want Germany reuni1047297ed I Irsquom going to threaten
Russia with a nuclear war it will have to be or much
bigger and more important reasons than that Beore I
back Khrushchev against the wall and put him to a 1047297nal
test the reedom o all Western Europe will have to be atstake50
Kennedy would continue successully to deend West Berlin
but he would also recognize the need to move to a sounder long-
term position with the Soviet Union vis-agrave-vis Germany Tat in-
sight was crucial to Kennedyrsquos eventual success in 1963 and to the
calming o the East-West conrontation thereafer It was a basicstrategic insight that Eisenhower never recognized or acted upon
7282019 To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs (an excerpt)
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullto-move-the-world-by-jeffrey-d-sachs-an-excerpt 2525
Excerpted from To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs Copyright copy 2013 by Jeffrey D Sachs Excerpted
by permission of Random House a division of Random House Inc All rights reserved No part of this
excerpt may be reproduced or reprinted without permission in writing from the publisher
Read more
TO MOVE THE WORLD
Order your copy now
Amazon
Barnes amp Noble
IndieBound
Kindle
Nook
iBookstore
Kobo
Other Retailers
Learn more about the book
Meet Jeffrey D Sachs at a book signing
7282019 To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs (an excerpt)
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14 To Move the World
he went ahead with a conrontational move that had been ap-
proved by his predecessor Dwight Eisenhower In 1958 Eisen-
hower had decided to strengthen the US nuclear arsenal by
posting intermediate-range nuclear missiles under US control in
Italy and urkey Te placements o these Jupiter missiles wereimplemented in June 1960 in Italy and October 1961 (the 1047297rst year
o the Kennedy administration) in urkey21 Te Soviet Union now
aced the threat not only o Americarsquos strategic bombers but also
o nearby missiles that could reach the Soviet Union in minutes
Tis was a new and terriying prospect that tipped the psycho-
logical and strategic balance toward the United States and consti-
tuted a major motivation or Khrushchevrsquos later attempt to putsimilar missiles into Cuba
Kennedy sought to negotiate peace through strength but these
early moves were more than a mere show o strength they were
a ratcheting up o the Cold War Here the contradictory lessons
o World War I and World War II were starkly revealed Kennedy
was prooundly concerned about a war starting through mis-
calculation as had World War I but was equally i not moreconcerned with being perceived as weak i he ailed to project mil-
itary strength and 1047297rmness Yet by taking steps to build US
military strength and increase the number o US military op-
tions he inadvertently exacerbated the risks o terrible miscalcu-
lation very much a case o Jervisrsquos security dilemma in operation
At the time that Kennedy assumed the presidency the CIA was
already in high gear to topple Cubarsquos new lef-wing governmentwhich had begun to con1047297scate US assets and sidle up to the
Soviet Union America had long backed Cubarsquos corrupt dictator
Fulgencio Batista who offered privileges and protection to Amer-
ican investors in the nearby island only ninety miles rom Florida
During the 1950s the young lawyer Fidel Castro led a guerrilla
insurgency against Batista 1047297nally succeeding in prompting the
dictator to 1047298ee on January 1 195922 No sooner had Castro con-
solidated his control over Cuba than Eisenhower and the CIA di-
7282019 To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs (an excerpt)
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullto-move-the-world-by-jeffrey-d-sachs-an-excerpt 1425
the quest for peace 15
rector Allen Dulles (the brother o Secretary o State John Foster
Dulles) began to plot a coup to bring him down Castro was not
yet a hardcore Soviet ally though a partial US trade embargo
initiated by the Eisenhower administration in 1960 was pushing
Cuba in that direction US actions in 1961 would soon lead Cubaully into the Soviet camp Te CIA brieed Kennedy early in his
term about plans or a CIA-backed invasion o Cuba that would be
carried out by Cuban expatriates Te planning was ar advanced
as the CIA had prepared it in the 1047297nal year o the Eisenhower ad-
ministration
From the start Kennedy was deeply concerned not only about
the invasionrsquos chances o success but also about its implicationsor US-Soviet relations Tis would be among the 1047297rst major
moves in his new strategic game with Khrushchev and it would
be ar rom a cooperative one Kennedy eared speci1047297cally
that any action against Castro might prompt Soviet retaliation in
Berlin the hotspot o the Cold War Tis linkage was probably
exaggeratedmdashthe Soviets did not yet see Castro as vitalmdashbut it
played a role in Kennedyrsquos thinking Te planned invasion wasalso one o Kennedyrsquos 1047297rst oreign policy decisions He did not yet
have the con1047297dence to disregard the CIA and the military
Kennedy tried to have it both ways and ended up in a disas-
trous muddle He gave the green light to the CIA-based Cuban
invasion in April 1961 but he wanted ldquodeniabilityrdquo o US involve-
ment and so withheld key military backing such as air support
that was vital to any chance o military success Te hope o deni-ability was oolish the US role was obvious Kennedyrsquos prevarica-
tion guaranteed a complete ailure o the attack (a ailure that was
most likely in any event) ollowed by harsh international criticism
o the United States Te operation was too small or success but
too large or deniability Te expatriates who landed at the Bay o
Pigs were quickly killed or captured and the entire episode ended
ignominiously23
In the postmortem Kennedy met with Eisenhower to discuss
7282019 To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs (an excerpt)
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullto-move-the-world-by-jeffrey-d-sachs-an-excerpt 1525
16 To Move the World
the botched operation and Eisenhower asked Kennedy why he
had denied air cover or the invasion Te historian Michael
Beschloss described the painul interchange
Kennedy said ldquoWell my advice was that we must try tokeep our hands rom showing in the affairrdquo Eisenhower
was aghast ldquoHow could you expect the world to believe
we had nothing to do with it Where did these people
get the ships to go rom Central America to Cuba
Where did they get the weapons I believe there is
only one thing to do when you go into this kind o thing
it must be a successrdquo24
By itsel the CIA operation was oolish naiumlve and incompe-
tently designed and managed Tis was par or the course or the
CIA which had bungled one operation afer another in many
parts o the world Te Bay o Pigs 1047297asco also con1047297rmed Kenne-
dyrsquos deep mistrust o the military which had begun with his expe-
rience in World War II Kennedy told reporter and riend BenBradlee ldquoTe 1047297rst advice Irsquom going to give my successor is to
watch the generals and to avoid eeling that just because they were
military men their opinions on military matters were worth a
damnrdquo25
It also contributed to a cascading set o errors Forced to appear
tough and decisive afer the very public ailure Kennedy quickly
called or increased military spending and harsher measures todestabilize the Castro regime26 Tese included a series o hare-
brained attempts to assassinate Castro part o the larger anti-
Castro strategy the CIA dubbed ldquoOperation Mongooserdquo27 As a
result both Castro and Khrushchev came to believe that Ken-
nedyrsquos next gambit would be a ull-1047298edged invasion o Cuba Tat
expectation contributed to the Cuban Missile Crisis the ollowing
year
7282019 To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs (an excerpt)
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullto-move-the-world-by-jeffrey-d-sachs-an-excerpt 1625
the quest for peace 17
Te Kennedy-Khrushchev private letters offer a remarkable in-
terchange regarding the Bay o Pigs Te letters beore the Bay o
Pigs are highly congenial the opening moves o con1047297dence build-
ing under the tit-or-tat strategy Khrushchev writes on Novem-
ber 9 1960 that he hopes Kennedyrsquos election will mean that ldquoourcountries would again ollow the line along which they were de-
veloping in Franklin Rooseveltrsquos timerdquo when the two countries
were allies28 He holds out the prospect o important agreements
ldquowe are ready or our part to continue efforts to solve such a press-
ing problem as disarmament to settle the German issue through
the earliest conclusion o a peace treaty and to reach agreement on
other questionsrdquo29 Kennedy responds that ldquoa just and lasting peacewill remain a undamental goal o this nation and a major task o
its Presidentrdquo30 Tey begin to arrange an early summit meeting
Yet the tone cracks in Khrushchevrsquos letter o April 18 two days
afer the Cuban invasion
Mr President I send you this message in an hour o
alarm raught with danger or the peace o the wholeworld Armed aggression has begun against Cuba It is a
secret to no one that the armed bands invading this
country were trained equipped and armed in the
United States o America31
ldquoI approach you Mr Presidentrdquo Khrushchev writes ldquowith an
urgent call to put an end to aggression against the Republic oCubardquo
Kennedyrsquos answer the same day is dreadully maladroit ldquoYou
are under a serious misapprehension in regard to the events in
Cubardquo he replies ldquoI have previously stated and I repeat now that
the United States intends no military intervention in Cubardquo32 Tis
patently alse denial brings a powerul rebuke rom Khrushchev
our days later
7282019 To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs (an excerpt)
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18 To Move the World
I have received your reply o April 18 You write that the
United States intends no military intervention in Cuba
But numerous acts known to the whole worldmdashand to
the Government o the United States o course better
than to any one elsemdashspeak differently Despite all as-surances to the contrary it has now been proved beyond
doubt that it was precisely the United States which pre-
pared the intervention 1047297nanced its arming and trans-
ported the gangs o mercenaries that invaded the
territory o Cuba33
Kennedyrsquos denial marked the second notable US presidentiallie to Khrushchev in less than a year Te previous summer the
CIA had pressed Eisenhower to permit another round o U-2 spy
1047298ights over the Soviet Union He reluctantly agreed When a U-2
plane was shot down the CIA and Eisenhower assumed that the
pilot Francis Gary Powers had been killed and the plane de-
stroyed in the crash Tey thereore publicly lied about the mis-
sion claiming that a US weather-research plane had lost its wayand crashed in Soviet airspace Khrushchev then revealed Eisen-
howerrsquos lie by producing not only the U-2 wreckage but the live
pilot as well US per1047297dy was exposed and Eisenhower was orced
to take responsibility Yet this was not a simple public relations
victory or Khrushchev It was a bitter setback or Khrushchevrsquos
concept o peaceul coexistence It also undercut his domestic
credibility as he had initially deended Eisenhower as not respon-sible or the U-2 1047298ight and the exposure o Eisenhowerrsquos lie
seemed to give credence to the Soviet hardliners who argued that
the United States could not be trusted Khrushchev soon enough
would demonstrate his capacity to lie about weighty matters as
well the Cold War was not a game played by saints Yet the back-
to-back prevarications by Eisenhower and Kennedy surely em-
Te U-2 1047298ights were seen even by the United States as serious provocations to theUSSR and violations o international law
7282019 To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs (an excerpt)
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullto-move-the-world-by-jeffrey-d-sachs-an-excerpt 1825
the quest for peace 19
boldened Khrushchev in his own uture dissembling regarding
nuclear testing and Cuba
In a ollow-up letter to Kennedy (May 16) Khrushchev ac-
knowledges that ldquoa certain open alling out has taken place in the
relations between our countriesrdquo34 Yet he set the ground or anupcoming June meeting with Kennedy in Vienna by emphasizing
the key point he sees the importance o a US-Soviet settlement
on Germany Te ate o postwar Germany had proved a constant
source o tension between the two superpowers since the dawn o
the Cold War and never more so than when Kennedy took offi ce
It is thereore crucial to revisit some o this history
At the July 1945 Potsdam conerence at the end o World War IIit was agreed that a council o the our major Allied powers (the
United States the United Kingdom France and the Soviet Union)
would administer postwar Germany but the ldquohowrdquo was lef un-
speci1047297ed35 In the short term the our powers accepted that Ger-
many would be divided into our occupation zones and that each
occupying power would manage its own zone until longer-term
arrangements or a uni1047297ed Germany could be agreed upon Tecapital city o Berlin though alling within the Soviet zone was
also divided among the our powers But the longer-term arrange-
ments or Germany were never agreed upon and relations be-
tween the West and the Soviet Union quickly deteriorated once
there was no common enemy o Hitler to unite them36 Te United
States France and the United Kingdom soon amalgamated their
occupation zones into a single entity which in 1949 became theFederal Republic o Germany (West Germany) Te Soviet zone
became the German Democratic Republic (East Germany) Te
ailure to agree on the ate o a uni1047297ed Germany sowed the seeds
or many o the Cold War con1047298icts that ollowed
Herein lay the basic dilemma Te Soviet Unionmdashwhich had
lost more than twenty million soldiers and civilians in World
War IImdasheared a German resurgence and thereby asserted harsh
control over the Soviet occupation zone o Germany Not only
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httpslidepdfcomreaderfullto-move-the-world-by-jeffrey-d-sachs-an-excerpt 1925
20 To Move the World
that but Joseph Stalin the brutal leader o the Soviet Union since
the mid-1920s ruthlessly created satellite states in Eastern Europe
(in Yugoslavia Czechoslovakia Poland and elsewhere) under
single-party communist rule thereby establishing a controlling
corridor rom Russia all the way to the heart o Germany o theWestern powers these actions seemed to suggest a Soviet plan to
dominate all o Europe i not the world While US leaders had
initially avored deindustrializing Germany at the end o the war
to prevent it rom again becoming an economic and military
power37 they quickly changed their minds in the ace o the per-
ceived Soviet aggression Tey instead decided to reindustrialize
the western part o Germany as rapidly as possible as a bulwarkagainst the Soviet Union and to strengthen Western Europe gen-
erally38 Te Soviet Union viewed the hardening o US positions
as a violation o agreements intended to prevent a long-term re-
surgence o German power
Itrsquos not hard to see where this led As West Germany got stron-
ger Soviet anxieties rose As the Soviet Unionrsquos anxieties rose it
became more belligerent in response and the West then becameeven more determined to rebuild West Germany to resist Soviet
domination Tis explosive dynamic continued afer Kennedyrsquos
assumption o offi ce
Making things even more diffi cult or Kennedy was the act that
Eisenhower had proved neither very attentive nor interested in
the Soviet concerns vis-agrave-vis Germany Eisenhower stood strongly
in avor o Germanyrsquos economic and military recovery in part be-cause he wanted Western Europe to deend itsel so that US
troops could return home39 Eisenhower liked neither the cost o
stationing US troops in Europe nor the long-term political com-
mitment Eisenhower believed that US commitments should be
tapered down as soon as Europe could take up the burdens o its
own deense40 And i that even meant a Western Europe with nu-
clear weapons he was generally or it
In the 1047297nal years o the Eisenhower administration in response
7282019 To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs (an excerpt)
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullto-move-the-world-by-jeffrey-d-sachs-an-excerpt 2025
the quest for peace 21
to the European desire or nuclear weapons the United States and
NAOmdashthe military alliance o Western powers ormed in 1955mdash
began 1047298oating the idea o ldquonuclear sharingrdquo among the NAO
countries perhaps through a nuclear Multilateral Force (MLF)
Te United States saw the MLF as a way to share nuclear weaponswith allies and give Europe its own deterrent without having to
give any one nation ull control and the power to launch a nuclear
weapon unilaterally41 Tis prospect particularly o West German
nuclear access was a crucial actor in the dramatic heating up o
US-Soviet tensions in the lead-up to Kennedyrsquos presidency Tis
point is made orceully by the historian Marc rachtenberg in A
Constructed Peace (1999) one o the most incisive and importanthistorical analyses o this phase o the Cold War
Kennedy did not yet have a strategy or Germany and indeed
was pressed hard by the West German leader Konrad Adenauer
not to have one From Adenauerrsquos point o view any thaw in rela-
tions between the United States and the Soviet Union would likely
come at West Germanyrsquos expense But Kennedy would listen to
and learn rom Khrushchevrsquos repeated and heated concerns overGermany especially concerning Germanyrsquos acquisition o nuclear
weapons Kennedy would eventually break with Adenauer on that
question thereby paving the way to closer cooperation with the
Soviet Union But that breakthrough was still two years in the u-
ture and dire risks were strewn on the path to success
Berlin Redux
Following the Bay o Pigs debacle it was now Khrushchevrsquos turn
to misstep badly With Kennedy on his back oot Khrushchev be-
lieved that he was now in a position to pressure Kennedy into an
agreement on Germany which was Khrushchevrsquos primary oreign
policy concern Kennedyrsquos primary interest was in discussing a
nuclear test ban treaty which he elt was essential to slowing the
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22 To Move the World
arms race and nuclear prolieration one o Kennedyrsquos mostpressing concerns Te idea o a test ban treaty had been dis-
cussed or several years but the two sides were never able to get
past their disagreements on how such an agreement would be
enorced
At the Vienna Summit o June 1961 Khrushchev ensured that
Germany and Berlin rather than a test ban treaty dominated
the discussion Khrushchev told Kennedy that the Soviet Unionwould recognize the German Democratic Republic (East Ger-
many) and end Western access rights to West Berlin by the end o
1961 America and its allies viewed access to West Berlin as a vital
interest o the Western alliance and so Khrushchevrsquos threat was an
enormous provocation I war came rom this it would come said
Khrushchev He said that Berlin was a ldquorunning sorerdquo and that
disarmament was ldquoimpossible as long as the Berlin problem ex-
Soviet premier Nikita Khrushchev with President Kennedy at the start o the
Vienna Summit (June 3 1961)
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the quest for peace 23
istedrdquo42 Kennedy responded ldquoTen Mr Chairman there will be a
war It will be a cold long winterrdquo43
In act the diffi cult interchange brought the two leaders a little
closer to a solution though they certainly could not see it at the
time Tere were actually three German issues on the table allintricately intertwined Te 1047297rst was the Soviet desire or a peace
treaty with Germany that would somehow protect the Soviet
Union rom uture German aggression Te second was West Ber-
lin which Khrushchev considered to be ldquothis thorn this ulcerrdquo
within East Germany44 Khrushchev viewed West Berlin as a stag-
ing post or Western spying and aggression against the Soviet
Union ldquoa NAO beachhead and military base against us insidethe GDRrdquo45 He wanted the Western troops out Te third issue
involved the question o German rearmament and especially
German access to US nuclear weapons Te implicit progress
made in Vienna was a start in teasing apart these three issues
Kennedy would hold his ground on West Berlin but would also
recognize Khrushchevrsquos valid concerns about German rearma-
ment Kennedy made clear to Khrushchev in Vienna that he op-posed ldquoa buildup in West Germany that would constitute a threat
to the Soviet Unionrdquo46
History has judged that Kennedy ldquolostrdquo the Vienna Summit be-
cause he was browbeaten by Khrushchev particularly when the
two quarreled over ideology Indeed Kennedy himsel described
the Vienna experience as brutal telling a New York imes reporter
that it was the ldquoworst thing in my lie He savaged merdquo
47
Yet Ken-nedy in act had held 1047297rm and clear the West would not buckle
under threats on West Berlin More important and despite all
appearances Kennedy and Khrushchev were now on a path to
resolve the larger German issues a path they would pursue suc-
cessully in 1963
But the next act on Berlin would be a public relations disaster
or the Soviet Union As tensions over Berlin mounted more and
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24 To Move the World
more East Berliners voted with their eet by crossing the line to
West Berlin and rom there to the West generally During the 1047297rst
six months o 1961 over 100000 people lef East Germany with
50000 1047298eeing in June and July alone48 Te ongoing exodus o
East Berliners was a huge economic loss to a 1047298oundering econ-omy but an even starker daily embarrassment in the rontline
competition between socialism and capitalism It was one o the
main reasons why Khrushchev sought a long-term solution to
Berlin
As the 1047298ow o East Berliners accelerated so did the geopolitical
pressures Finally the East German government with the support
o its Soviet backers moved to stanch the human 1047298ood Berlinwoke up on the morning o August 13 to a barbed wire divide
soon to be a concrete and heavily armed wall patrolled by around
7000 soldiers and stretching 96 miles in Berlin and along the bor-
der between East and West Germany49
Kennedy wisely did not challenge the Berlin Wall except in a
perunctory manner recognizing that any challenge or protest
would prove empty Te West would certainly not go to war overSoviet actions on the Soviet side o the wall Indeed Kennedy im-
mediately and correctly surmised that the wall might actually
prove to be stabilizing in its perverse way by removing the embar-
rassing and costly provocation o mass outmigration rom East
Berlin As he suspected the end o the 1047298ow o migrants rom
East Berlin rather quickly eased the Berlin crisis
In act the overall Berlin situation seemed to Kennedy to be adangerous snare that was certainly not worth the risks o global
war Afer the Vienna Summit Kennedy had commented to his
close aide Kenneth OrsquoDonnell
Wersquore stuck in a ridiculous situation God knows Irsquom
not an isolationist but it seems particularly stupid to
risk killing a million Americans over an argument about
access rights on an Autobahn or because the Ger-
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the quest for peace 25
mans want Germany reuni1047297ed I Irsquom going to threaten
Russia with a nuclear war it will have to be or much
bigger and more important reasons than that Beore I
back Khrushchev against the wall and put him to a 1047297nal
test the reedom o all Western Europe will have to be atstake50
Kennedy would continue successully to deend West Berlin
but he would also recognize the need to move to a sounder long-
term position with the Soviet Union vis-agrave-vis Germany Tat in-
sight was crucial to Kennedyrsquos eventual success in 1963 and to the
calming o the East-West conrontation thereafer It was a basicstrategic insight that Eisenhower never recognized or acted upon
7282019 To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs (an excerpt)
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Excerpted from To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs Copyright copy 2013 by Jeffrey D Sachs Excerpted
by permission of Random House a division of Random House Inc All rights reserved No part of this
excerpt may be reproduced or reprinted without permission in writing from the publisher
Read more
TO MOVE THE WORLD
Order your copy now
Amazon
Barnes amp Noble
IndieBound
Kindle
Nook
iBookstore
Kobo
Other Retailers
Learn more about the book
Meet Jeffrey D Sachs at a book signing
7282019 To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs (an excerpt)
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the quest for peace 15
rector Allen Dulles (the brother o Secretary o State John Foster
Dulles) began to plot a coup to bring him down Castro was not
yet a hardcore Soviet ally though a partial US trade embargo
initiated by the Eisenhower administration in 1960 was pushing
Cuba in that direction US actions in 1961 would soon lead Cubaully into the Soviet camp Te CIA brieed Kennedy early in his
term about plans or a CIA-backed invasion o Cuba that would be
carried out by Cuban expatriates Te planning was ar advanced
as the CIA had prepared it in the 1047297nal year o the Eisenhower ad-
ministration
From the start Kennedy was deeply concerned not only about
the invasionrsquos chances o success but also about its implicationsor US-Soviet relations Tis would be among the 1047297rst major
moves in his new strategic game with Khrushchev and it would
be ar rom a cooperative one Kennedy eared speci1047297cally
that any action against Castro might prompt Soviet retaliation in
Berlin the hotspot o the Cold War Tis linkage was probably
exaggeratedmdashthe Soviets did not yet see Castro as vitalmdashbut it
played a role in Kennedyrsquos thinking Te planned invasion wasalso one o Kennedyrsquos 1047297rst oreign policy decisions He did not yet
have the con1047297dence to disregard the CIA and the military
Kennedy tried to have it both ways and ended up in a disas-
trous muddle He gave the green light to the CIA-based Cuban
invasion in April 1961 but he wanted ldquodeniabilityrdquo o US involve-
ment and so withheld key military backing such as air support
that was vital to any chance o military success Te hope o deni-ability was oolish the US role was obvious Kennedyrsquos prevarica-
tion guaranteed a complete ailure o the attack (a ailure that was
most likely in any event) ollowed by harsh international criticism
o the United States Te operation was too small or success but
too large or deniability Te expatriates who landed at the Bay o
Pigs were quickly killed or captured and the entire episode ended
ignominiously23
In the postmortem Kennedy met with Eisenhower to discuss
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16 To Move the World
the botched operation and Eisenhower asked Kennedy why he
had denied air cover or the invasion Te historian Michael
Beschloss described the painul interchange
Kennedy said ldquoWell my advice was that we must try tokeep our hands rom showing in the affairrdquo Eisenhower
was aghast ldquoHow could you expect the world to believe
we had nothing to do with it Where did these people
get the ships to go rom Central America to Cuba
Where did they get the weapons I believe there is
only one thing to do when you go into this kind o thing
it must be a successrdquo24
By itsel the CIA operation was oolish naiumlve and incompe-
tently designed and managed Tis was par or the course or the
CIA which had bungled one operation afer another in many
parts o the world Te Bay o Pigs 1047297asco also con1047297rmed Kenne-
dyrsquos deep mistrust o the military which had begun with his expe-
rience in World War II Kennedy told reporter and riend BenBradlee ldquoTe 1047297rst advice Irsquom going to give my successor is to
watch the generals and to avoid eeling that just because they were
military men their opinions on military matters were worth a
damnrdquo25
It also contributed to a cascading set o errors Forced to appear
tough and decisive afer the very public ailure Kennedy quickly
called or increased military spending and harsher measures todestabilize the Castro regime26 Tese included a series o hare-
brained attempts to assassinate Castro part o the larger anti-
Castro strategy the CIA dubbed ldquoOperation Mongooserdquo27 As a
result both Castro and Khrushchev came to believe that Ken-
nedyrsquos next gambit would be a ull-1047298edged invasion o Cuba Tat
expectation contributed to the Cuban Missile Crisis the ollowing
year
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the quest for peace 17
Te Kennedy-Khrushchev private letters offer a remarkable in-
terchange regarding the Bay o Pigs Te letters beore the Bay o
Pigs are highly congenial the opening moves o con1047297dence build-
ing under the tit-or-tat strategy Khrushchev writes on Novem-
ber 9 1960 that he hopes Kennedyrsquos election will mean that ldquoourcountries would again ollow the line along which they were de-
veloping in Franklin Rooseveltrsquos timerdquo when the two countries
were allies28 He holds out the prospect o important agreements
ldquowe are ready or our part to continue efforts to solve such a press-
ing problem as disarmament to settle the German issue through
the earliest conclusion o a peace treaty and to reach agreement on
other questionsrdquo29 Kennedy responds that ldquoa just and lasting peacewill remain a undamental goal o this nation and a major task o
its Presidentrdquo30 Tey begin to arrange an early summit meeting
Yet the tone cracks in Khrushchevrsquos letter o April 18 two days
afer the Cuban invasion
Mr President I send you this message in an hour o
alarm raught with danger or the peace o the wholeworld Armed aggression has begun against Cuba It is a
secret to no one that the armed bands invading this
country were trained equipped and armed in the
United States o America31
ldquoI approach you Mr Presidentrdquo Khrushchev writes ldquowith an
urgent call to put an end to aggression against the Republic oCubardquo
Kennedyrsquos answer the same day is dreadully maladroit ldquoYou
are under a serious misapprehension in regard to the events in
Cubardquo he replies ldquoI have previously stated and I repeat now that
the United States intends no military intervention in Cubardquo32 Tis
patently alse denial brings a powerul rebuke rom Khrushchev
our days later
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18 To Move the World
I have received your reply o April 18 You write that the
United States intends no military intervention in Cuba
But numerous acts known to the whole worldmdashand to
the Government o the United States o course better
than to any one elsemdashspeak differently Despite all as-surances to the contrary it has now been proved beyond
doubt that it was precisely the United States which pre-
pared the intervention 1047297nanced its arming and trans-
ported the gangs o mercenaries that invaded the
territory o Cuba33
Kennedyrsquos denial marked the second notable US presidentiallie to Khrushchev in less than a year Te previous summer the
CIA had pressed Eisenhower to permit another round o U-2 spy
1047298ights over the Soviet Union He reluctantly agreed When a U-2
plane was shot down the CIA and Eisenhower assumed that the
pilot Francis Gary Powers had been killed and the plane de-
stroyed in the crash Tey thereore publicly lied about the mis-
sion claiming that a US weather-research plane had lost its wayand crashed in Soviet airspace Khrushchev then revealed Eisen-
howerrsquos lie by producing not only the U-2 wreckage but the live
pilot as well US per1047297dy was exposed and Eisenhower was orced
to take responsibility Yet this was not a simple public relations
victory or Khrushchev It was a bitter setback or Khrushchevrsquos
concept o peaceul coexistence It also undercut his domestic
credibility as he had initially deended Eisenhower as not respon-sible or the U-2 1047298ight and the exposure o Eisenhowerrsquos lie
seemed to give credence to the Soviet hardliners who argued that
the United States could not be trusted Khrushchev soon enough
would demonstrate his capacity to lie about weighty matters as
well the Cold War was not a game played by saints Yet the back-
to-back prevarications by Eisenhower and Kennedy surely em-
Te U-2 1047298ights were seen even by the United States as serious provocations to theUSSR and violations o international law
7282019 To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs (an excerpt)
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullto-move-the-world-by-jeffrey-d-sachs-an-excerpt 1825
the quest for peace 19
boldened Khrushchev in his own uture dissembling regarding
nuclear testing and Cuba
In a ollow-up letter to Kennedy (May 16) Khrushchev ac-
knowledges that ldquoa certain open alling out has taken place in the
relations between our countriesrdquo34 Yet he set the ground or anupcoming June meeting with Kennedy in Vienna by emphasizing
the key point he sees the importance o a US-Soviet settlement
on Germany Te ate o postwar Germany had proved a constant
source o tension between the two superpowers since the dawn o
the Cold War and never more so than when Kennedy took offi ce
It is thereore crucial to revisit some o this history
At the July 1945 Potsdam conerence at the end o World War IIit was agreed that a council o the our major Allied powers (the
United States the United Kingdom France and the Soviet Union)
would administer postwar Germany but the ldquohowrdquo was lef un-
speci1047297ed35 In the short term the our powers accepted that Ger-
many would be divided into our occupation zones and that each
occupying power would manage its own zone until longer-term
arrangements or a uni1047297ed Germany could be agreed upon Tecapital city o Berlin though alling within the Soviet zone was
also divided among the our powers But the longer-term arrange-
ments or Germany were never agreed upon and relations be-
tween the West and the Soviet Union quickly deteriorated once
there was no common enemy o Hitler to unite them36 Te United
States France and the United Kingdom soon amalgamated their
occupation zones into a single entity which in 1949 became theFederal Republic o Germany (West Germany) Te Soviet zone
became the German Democratic Republic (East Germany) Te
ailure to agree on the ate o a uni1047297ed Germany sowed the seeds
or many o the Cold War con1047298icts that ollowed
Herein lay the basic dilemma Te Soviet Unionmdashwhich had
lost more than twenty million soldiers and civilians in World
War IImdasheared a German resurgence and thereby asserted harsh
control over the Soviet occupation zone o Germany Not only
7282019 To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs (an excerpt)
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullto-move-the-world-by-jeffrey-d-sachs-an-excerpt 1925
20 To Move the World
that but Joseph Stalin the brutal leader o the Soviet Union since
the mid-1920s ruthlessly created satellite states in Eastern Europe
(in Yugoslavia Czechoslovakia Poland and elsewhere) under
single-party communist rule thereby establishing a controlling
corridor rom Russia all the way to the heart o Germany o theWestern powers these actions seemed to suggest a Soviet plan to
dominate all o Europe i not the world While US leaders had
initially avored deindustrializing Germany at the end o the war
to prevent it rom again becoming an economic and military
power37 they quickly changed their minds in the ace o the per-
ceived Soviet aggression Tey instead decided to reindustrialize
the western part o Germany as rapidly as possible as a bulwarkagainst the Soviet Union and to strengthen Western Europe gen-
erally38 Te Soviet Union viewed the hardening o US positions
as a violation o agreements intended to prevent a long-term re-
surgence o German power
Itrsquos not hard to see where this led As West Germany got stron-
ger Soviet anxieties rose As the Soviet Unionrsquos anxieties rose it
became more belligerent in response and the West then becameeven more determined to rebuild West Germany to resist Soviet
domination Tis explosive dynamic continued afer Kennedyrsquos
assumption o offi ce
Making things even more diffi cult or Kennedy was the act that
Eisenhower had proved neither very attentive nor interested in
the Soviet concerns vis-agrave-vis Germany Eisenhower stood strongly
in avor o Germanyrsquos economic and military recovery in part be-cause he wanted Western Europe to deend itsel so that US
troops could return home39 Eisenhower liked neither the cost o
stationing US troops in Europe nor the long-term political com-
mitment Eisenhower believed that US commitments should be
tapered down as soon as Europe could take up the burdens o its
own deense40 And i that even meant a Western Europe with nu-
clear weapons he was generally or it
In the 1047297nal years o the Eisenhower administration in response
7282019 To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs (an excerpt)
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullto-move-the-world-by-jeffrey-d-sachs-an-excerpt 2025
the quest for peace 21
to the European desire or nuclear weapons the United States and
NAOmdashthe military alliance o Western powers ormed in 1955mdash
began 1047298oating the idea o ldquonuclear sharingrdquo among the NAO
countries perhaps through a nuclear Multilateral Force (MLF)
Te United States saw the MLF as a way to share nuclear weaponswith allies and give Europe its own deterrent without having to
give any one nation ull control and the power to launch a nuclear
weapon unilaterally41 Tis prospect particularly o West German
nuclear access was a crucial actor in the dramatic heating up o
US-Soviet tensions in the lead-up to Kennedyrsquos presidency Tis
point is made orceully by the historian Marc rachtenberg in A
Constructed Peace (1999) one o the most incisive and importanthistorical analyses o this phase o the Cold War
Kennedy did not yet have a strategy or Germany and indeed
was pressed hard by the West German leader Konrad Adenauer
not to have one From Adenauerrsquos point o view any thaw in rela-
tions between the United States and the Soviet Union would likely
come at West Germanyrsquos expense But Kennedy would listen to
and learn rom Khrushchevrsquos repeated and heated concerns overGermany especially concerning Germanyrsquos acquisition o nuclear
weapons Kennedy would eventually break with Adenauer on that
question thereby paving the way to closer cooperation with the
Soviet Union But that breakthrough was still two years in the u-
ture and dire risks were strewn on the path to success
Berlin Redux
Following the Bay o Pigs debacle it was now Khrushchevrsquos turn
to misstep badly With Kennedy on his back oot Khrushchev be-
lieved that he was now in a position to pressure Kennedy into an
agreement on Germany which was Khrushchevrsquos primary oreign
policy concern Kennedyrsquos primary interest was in discussing a
nuclear test ban treaty which he elt was essential to slowing the
7282019 To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs (an excerpt)
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullto-move-the-world-by-jeffrey-d-sachs-an-excerpt 2125
22 To Move the World
arms race and nuclear prolieration one o Kennedyrsquos mostpressing concerns Te idea o a test ban treaty had been dis-
cussed or several years but the two sides were never able to get
past their disagreements on how such an agreement would be
enorced
At the Vienna Summit o June 1961 Khrushchev ensured that
Germany and Berlin rather than a test ban treaty dominated
the discussion Khrushchev told Kennedy that the Soviet Unionwould recognize the German Democratic Republic (East Ger-
many) and end Western access rights to West Berlin by the end o
1961 America and its allies viewed access to West Berlin as a vital
interest o the Western alliance and so Khrushchevrsquos threat was an
enormous provocation I war came rom this it would come said
Khrushchev He said that Berlin was a ldquorunning sorerdquo and that
disarmament was ldquoimpossible as long as the Berlin problem ex-
Soviet premier Nikita Khrushchev with President Kennedy at the start o the
Vienna Summit (June 3 1961)
7282019 To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs (an excerpt)
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullto-move-the-world-by-jeffrey-d-sachs-an-excerpt 2225
the quest for peace 23
istedrdquo42 Kennedy responded ldquoTen Mr Chairman there will be a
war It will be a cold long winterrdquo43
In act the diffi cult interchange brought the two leaders a little
closer to a solution though they certainly could not see it at the
time Tere were actually three German issues on the table allintricately intertwined Te 1047297rst was the Soviet desire or a peace
treaty with Germany that would somehow protect the Soviet
Union rom uture German aggression Te second was West Ber-
lin which Khrushchev considered to be ldquothis thorn this ulcerrdquo
within East Germany44 Khrushchev viewed West Berlin as a stag-
ing post or Western spying and aggression against the Soviet
Union ldquoa NAO beachhead and military base against us insidethe GDRrdquo45 He wanted the Western troops out Te third issue
involved the question o German rearmament and especially
German access to US nuclear weapons Te implicit progress
made in Vienna was a start in teasing apart these three issues
Kennedy would hold his ground on West Berlin but would also
recognize Khrushchevrsquos valid concerns about German rearma-
ment Kennedy made clear to Khrushchev in Vienna that he op-posed ldquoa buildup in West Germany that would constitute a threat
to the Soviet Unionrdquo46
History has judged that Kennedy ldquolostrdquo the Vienna Summit be-
cause he was browbeaten by Khrushchev particularly when the
two quarreled over ideology Indeed Kennedy himsel described
the Vienna experience as brutal telling a New York imes reporter
that it was the ldquoworst thing in my lie He savaged merdquo
47
Yet Ken-nedy in act had held 1047297rm and clear the West would not buckle
under threats on West Berlin More important and despite all
appearances Kennedy and Khrushchev were now on a path to
resolve the larger German issues a path they would pursue suc-
cessully in 1963
But the next act on Berlin would be a public relations disaster
or the Soviet Union As tensions over Berlin mounted more and
7282019 To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs (an excerpt)
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullto-move-the-world-by-jeffrey-d-sachs-an-excerpt 2325
24 To Move the World
more East Berliners voted with their eet by crossing the line to
West Berlin and rom there to the West generally During the 1047297rst
six months o 1961 over 100000 people lef East Germany with
50000 1047298eeing in June and July alone48 Te ongoing exodus o
East Berliners was a huge economic loss to a 1047298oundering econ-omy but an even starker daily embarrassment in the rontline
competition between socialism and capitalism It was one o the
main reasons why Khrushchev sought a long-term solution to
Berlin
As the 1047298ow o East Berliners accelerated so did the geopolitical
pressures Finally the East German government with the support
o its Soviet backers moved to stanch the human 1047298ood Berlinwoke up on the morning o August 13 to a barbed wire divide
soon to be a concrete and heavily armed wall patrolled by around
7000 soldiers and stretching 96 miles in Berlin and along the bor-
der between East and West Germany49
Kennedy wisely did not challenge the Berlin Wall except in a
perunctory manner recognizing that any challenge or protest
would prove empty Te West would certainly not go to war overSoviet actions on the Soviet side o the wall Indeed Kennedy im-
mediately and correctly surmised that the wall might actually
prove to be stabilizing in its perverse way by removing the embar-
rassing and costly provocation o mass outmigration rom East
Berlin As he suspected the end o the 1047298ow o migrants rom
East Berlin rather quickly eased the Berlin crisis
In act the overall Berlin situation seemed to Kennedy to be adangerous snare that was certainly not worth the risks o global
war Afer the Vienna Summit Kennedy had commented to his
close aide Kenneth OrsquoDonnell
Wersquore stuck in a ridiculous situation God knows Irsquom
not an isolationist but it seems particularly stupid to
risk killing a million Americans over an argument about
access rights on an Autobahn or because the Ger-
7282019 To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs (an excerpt)
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullto-move-the-world-by-jeffrey-d-sachs-an-excerpt 2425
the quest for peace 25
mans want Germany reuni1047297ed I Irsquom going to threaten
Russia with a nuclear war it will have to be or much
bigger and more important reasons than that Beore I
back Khrushchev against the wall and put him to a 1047297nal
test the reedom o all Western Europe will have to be atstake50
Kennedy would continue successully to deend West Berlin
but he would also recognize the need to move to a sounder long-
term position with the Soviet Union vis-agrave-vis Germany Tat in-
sight was crucial to Kennedyrsquos eventual success in 1963 and to the
calming o the East-West conrontation thereafer It was a basicstrategic insight that Eisenhower never recognized or acted upon
7282019 To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs (an excerpt)
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullto-move-the-world-by-jeffrey-d-sachs-an-excerpt 2525
Excerpted from To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs Copyright copy 2013 by Jeffrey D Sachs Excerpted
by permission of Random House a division of Random House Inc All rights reserved No part of this
excerpt may be reproduced or reprinted without permission in writing from the publisher
Read more
TO MOVE THE WORLD
Order your copy now
Amazon
Barnes amp Noble
IndieBound
Kindle
Nook
iBookstore
Kobo
Other Retailers
Learn more about the book
Meet Jeffrey D Sachs at a book signing
7282019 To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs (an excerpt)
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16 To Move the World
the botched operation and Eisenhower asked Kennedy why he
had denied air cover or the invasion Te historian Michael
Beschloss described the painul interchange
Kennedy said ldquoWell my advice was that we must try tokeep our hands rom showing in the affairrdquo Eisenhower
was aghast ldquoHow could you expect the world to believe
we had nothing to do with it Where did these people
get the ships to go rom Central America to Cuba
Where did they get the weapons I believe there is
only one thing to do when you go into this kind o thing
it must be a successrdquo24
By itsel the CIA operation was oolish naiumlve and incompe-
tently designed and managed Tis was par or the course or the
CIA which had bungled one operation afer another in many
parts o the world Te Bay o Pigs 1047297asco also con1047297rmed Kenne-
dyrsquos deep mistrust o the military which had begun with his expe-
rience in World War II Kennedy told reporter and riend BenBradlee ldquoTe 1047297rst advice Irsquom going to give my successor is to
watch the generals and to avoid eeling that just because they were
military men their opinions on military matters were worth a
damnrdquo25
It also contributed to a cascading set o errors Forced to appear
tough and decisive afer the very public ailure Kennedy quickly
called or increased military spending and harsher measures todestabilize the Castro regime26 Tese included a series o hare-
brained attempts to assassinate Castro part o the larger anti-
Castro strategy the CIA dubbed ldquoOperation Mongooserdquo27 As a
result both Castro and Khrushchev came to believe that Ken-
nedyrsquos next gambit would be a ull-1047298edged invasion o Cuba Tat
expectation contributed to the Cuban Missile Crisis the ollowing
year
7282019 To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs (an excerpt)
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullto-move-the-world-by-jeffrey-d-sachs-an-excerpt 1625
the quest for peace 17
Te Kennedy-Khrushchev private letters offer a remarkable in-
terchange regarding the Bay o Pigs Te letters beore the Bay o
Pigs are highly congenial the opening moves o con1047297dence build-
ing under the tit-or-tat strategy Khrushchev writes on Novem-
ber 9 1960 that he hopes Kennedyrsquos election will mean that ldquoourcountries would again ollow the line along which they were de-
veloping in Franklin Rooseveltrsquos timerdquo when the two countries
were allies28 He holds out the prospect o important agreements
ldquowe are ready or our part to continue efforts to solve such a press-
ing problem as disarmament to settle the German issue through
the earliest conclusion o a peace treaty and to reach agreement on
other questionsrdquo29 Kennedy responds that ldquoa just and lasting peacewill remain a undamental goal o this nation and a major task o
its Presidentrdquo30 Tey begin to arrange an early summit meeting
Yet the tone cracks in Khrushchevrsquos letter o April 18 two days
afer the Cuban invasion
Mr President I send you this message in an hour o
alarm raught with danger or the peace o the wholeworld Armed aggression has begun against Cuba It is a
secret to no one that the armed bands invading this
country were trained equipped and armed in the
United States o America31
ldquoI approach you Mr Presidentrdquo Khrushchev writes ldquowith an
urgent call to put an end to aggression against the Republic oCubardquo
Kennedyrsquos answer the same day is dreadully maladroit ldquoYou
are under a serious misapprehension in regard to the events in
Cubardquo he replies ldquoI have previously stated and I repeat now that
the United States intends no military intervention in Cubardquo32 Tis
patently alse denial brings a powerul rebuke rom Khrushchev
our days later
7282019 To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs (an excerpt)
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullto-move-the-world-by-jeffrey-d-sachs-an-excerpt 1725
18 To Move the World
I have received your reply o April 18 You write that the
United States intends no military intervention in Cuba
But numerous acts known to the whole worldmdashand to
the Government o the United States o course better
than to any one elsemdashspeak differently Despite all as-surances to the contrary it has now been proved beyond
doubt that it was precisely the United States which pre-
pared the intervention 1047297nanced its arming and trans-
ported the gangs o mercenaries that invaded the
territory o Cuba33
Kennedyrsquos denial marked the second notable US presidentiallie to Khrushchev in less than a year Te previous summer the
CIA had pressed Eisenhower to permit another round o U-2 spy
1047298ights over the Soviet Union He reluctantly agreed When a U-2
plane was shot down the CIA and Eisenhower assumed that the
pilot Francis Gary Powers had been killed and the plane de-
stroyed in the crash Tey thereore publicly lied about the mis-
sion claiming that a US weather-research plane had lost its wayand crashed in Soviet airspace Khrushchev then revealed Eisen-
howerrsquos lie by producing not only the U-2 wreckage but the live
pilot as well US per1047297dy was exposed and Eisenhower was orced
to take responsibility Yet this was not a simple public relations
victory or Khrushchev It was a bitter setback or Khrushchevrsquos
concept o peaceul coexistence It also undercut his domestic
credibility as he had initially deended Eisenhower as not respon-sible or the U-2 1047298ight and the exposure o Eisenhowerrsquos lie
seemed to give credence to the Soviet hardliners who argued that
the United States could not be trusted Khrushchev soon enough
would demonstrate his capacity to lie about weighty matters as
well the Cold War was not a game played by saints Yet the back-
to-back prevarications by Eisenhower and Kennedy surely em-
Te U-2 1047298ights were seen even by the United States as serious provocations to theUSSR and violations o international law
7282019 To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs (an excerpt)
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullto-move-the-world-by-jeffrey-d-sachs-an-excerpt 1825
the quest for peace 19
boldened Khrushchev in his own uture dissembling regarding
nuclear testing and Cuba
In a ollow-up letter to Kennedy (May 16) Khrushchev ac-
knowledges that ldquoa certain open alling out has taken place in the
relations between our countriesrdquo34 Yet he set the ground or anupcoming June meeting with Kennedy in Vienna by emphasizing
the key point he sees the importance o a US-Soviet settlement
on Germany Te ate o postwar Germany had proved a constant
source o tension between the two superpowers since the dawn o
the Cold War and never more so than when Kennedy took offi ce
It is thereore crucial to revisit some o this history
At the July 1945 Potsdam conerence at the end o World War IIit was agreed that a council o the our major Allied powers (the
United States the United Kingdom France and the Soviet Union)
would administer postwar Germany but the ldquohowrdquo was lef un-
speci1047297ed35 In the short term the our powers accepted that Ger-
many would be divided into our occupation zones and that each
occupying power would manage its own zone until longer-term
arrangements or a uni1047297ed Germany could be agreed upon Tecapital city o Berlin though alling within the Soviet zone was
also divided among the our powers But the longer-term arrange-
ments or Germany were never agreed upon and relations be-
tween the West and the Soviet Union quickly deteriorated once
there was no common enemy o Hitler to unite them36 Te United
States France and the United Kingdom soon amalgamated their
occupation zones into a single entity which in 1949 became theFederal Republic o Germany (West Germany) Te Soviet zone
became the German Democratic Republic (East Germany) Te
ailure to agree on the ate o a uni1047297ed Germany sowed the seeds
or many o the Cold War con1047298icts that ollowed
Herein lay the basic dilemma Te Soviet Unionmdashwhich had
lost more than twenty million soldiers and civilians in World
War IImdasheared a German resurgence and thereby asserted harsh
control over the Soviet occupation zone o Germany Not only
7282019 To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs (an excerpt)
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullto-move-the-world-by-jeffrey-d-sachs-an-excerpt 1925
20 To Move the World
that but Joseph Stalin the brutal leader o the Soviet Union since
the mid-1920s ruthlessly created satellite states in Eastern Europe
(in Yugoslavia Czechoslovakia Poland and elsewhere) under
single-party communist rule thereby establishing a controlling
corridor rom Russia all the way to the heart o Germany o theWestern powers these actions seemed to suggest a Soviet plan to
dominate all o Europe i not the world While US leaders had
initially avored deindustrializing Germany at the end o the war
to prevent it rom again becoming an economic and military
power37 they quickly changed their minds in the ace o the per-
ceived Soviet aggression Tey instead decided to reindustrialize
the western part o Germany as rapidly as possible as a bulwarkagainst the Soviet Union and to strengthen Western Europe gen-
erally38 Te Soviet Union viewed the hardening o US positions
as a violation o agreements intended to prevent a long-term re-
surgence o German power
Itrsquos not hard to see where this led As West Germany got stron-
ger Soviet anxieties rose As the Soviet Unionrsquos anxieties rose it
became more belligerent in response and the West then becameeven more determined to rebuild West Germany to resist Soviet
domination Tis explosive dynamic continued afer Kennedyrsquos
assumption o offi ce
Making things even more diffi cult or Kennedy was the act that
Eisenhower had proved neither very attentive nor interested in
the Soviet concerns vis-agrave-vis Germany Eisenhower stood strongly
in avor o Germanyrsquos economic and military recovery in part be-cause he wanted Western Europe to deend itsel so that US
troops could return home39 Eisenhower liked neither the cost o
stationing US troops in Europe nor the long-term political com-
mitment Eisenhower believed that US commitments should be
tapered down as soon as Europe could take up the burdens o its
own deense40 And i that even meant a Western Europe with nu-
clear weapons he was generally or it
In the 1047297nal years o the Eisenhower administration in response
7282019 To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs (an excerpt)
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullto-move-the-world-by-jeffrey-d-sachs-an-excerpt 2025
the quest for peace 21
to the European desire or nuclear weapons the United States and
NAOmdashthe military alliance o Western powers ormed in 1955mdash
began 1047298oating the idea o ldquonuclear sharingrdquo among the NAO
countries perhaps through a nuclear Multilateral Force (MLF)
Te United States saw the MLF as a way to share nuclear weaponswith allies and give Europe its own deterrent without having to
give any one nation ull control and the power to launch a nuclear
weapon unilaterally41 Tis prospect particularly o West German
nuclear access was a crucial actor in the dramatic heating up o
US-Soviet tensions in the lead-up to Kennedyrsquos presidency Tis
point is made orceully by the historian Marc rachtenberg in A
Constructed Peace (1999) one o the most incisive and importanthistorical analyses o this phase o the Cold War
Kennedy did not yet have a strategy or Germany and indeed
was pressed hard by the West German leader Konrad Adenauer
not to have one From Adenauerrsquos point o view any thaw in rela-
tions between the United States and the Soviet Union would likely
come at West Germanyrsquos expense But Kennedy would listen to
and learn rom Khrushchevrsquos repeated and heated concerns overGermany especially concerning Germanyrsquos acquisition o nuclear
weapons Kennedy would eventually break with Adenauer on that
question thereby paving the way to closer cooperation with the
Soviet Union But that breakthrough was still two years in the u-
ture and dire risks were strewn on the path to success
Berlin Redux
Following the Bay o Pigs debacle it was now Khrushchevrsquos turn
to misstep badly With Kennedy on his back oot Khrushchev be-
lieved that he was now in a position to pressure Kennedy into an
agreement on Germany which was Khrushchevrsquos primary oreign
policy concern Kennedyrsquos primary interest was in discussing a
nuclear test ban treaty which he elt was essential to slowing the
7282019 To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs (an excerpt)
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullto-move-the-world-by-jeffrey-d-sachs-an-excerpt 2125
22 To Move the World
arms race and nuclear prolieration one o Kennedyrsquos mostpressing concerns Te idea o a test ban treaty had been dis-
cussed or several years but the two sides were never able to get
past their disagreements on how such an agreement would be
enorced
At the Vienna Summit o June 1961 Khrushchev ensured that
Germany and Berlin rather than a test ban treaty dominated
the discussion Khrushchev told Kennedy that the Soviet Unionwould recognize the German Democratic Republic (East Ger-
many) and end Western access rights to West Berlin by the end o
1961 America and its allies viewed access to West Berlin as a vital
interest o the Western alliance and so Khrushchevrsquos threat was an
enormous provocation I war came rom this it would come said
Khrushchev He said that Berlin was a ldquorunning sorerdquo and that
disarmament was ldquoimpossible as long as the Berlin problem ex-
Soviet premier Nikita Khrushchev with President Kennedy at the start o the
Vienna Summit (June 3 1961)
7282019 To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs (an excerpt)
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullto-move-the-world-by-jeffrey-d-sachs-an-excerpt 2225
the quest for peace 23
istedrdquo42 Kennedy responded ldquoTen Mr Chairman there will be a
war It will be a cold long winterrdquo43
In act the diffi cult interchange brought the two leaders a little
closer to a solution though they certainly could not see it at the
time Tere were actually three German issues on the table allintricately intertwined Te 1047297rst was the Soviet desire or a peace
treaty with Germany that would somehow protect the Soviet
Union rom uture German aggression Te second was West Ber-
lin which Khrushchev considered to be ldquothis thorn this ulcerrdquo
within East Germany44 Khrushchev viewed West Berlin as a stag-
ing post or Western spying and aggression against the Soviet
Union ldquoa NAO beachhead and military base against us insidethe GDRrdquo45 He wanted the Western troops out Te third issue
involved the question o German rearmament and especially
German access to US nuclear weapons Te implicit progress
made in Vienna was a start in teasing apart these three issues
Kennedy would hold his ground on West Berlin but would also
recognize Khrushchevrsquos valid concerns about German rearma-
ment Kennedy made clear to Khrushchev in Vienna that he op-posed ldquoa buildup in West Germany that would constitute a threat
to the Soviet Unionrdquo46
History has judged that Kennedy ldquolostrdquo the Vienna Summit be-
cause he was browbeaten by Khrushchev particularly when the
two quarreled over ideology Indeed Kennedy himsel described
the Vienna experience as brutal telling a New York imes reporter
that it was the ldquoworst thing in my lie He savaged merdquo
47
Yet Ken-nedy in act had held 1047297rm and clear the West would not buckle
under threats on West Berlin More important and despite all
appearances Kennedy and Khrushchev were now on a path to
resolve the larger German issues a path they would pursue suc-
cessully in 1963
But the next act on Berlin would be a public relations disaster
or the Soviet Union As tensions over Berlin mounted more and
7282019 To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs (an excerpt)
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullto-move-the-world-by-jeffrey-d-sachs-an-excerpt 2325
24 To Move the World
more East Berliners voted with their eet by crossing the line to
West Berlin and rom there to the West generally During the 1047297rst
six months o 1961 over 100000 people lef East Germany with
50000 1047298eeing in June and July alone48 Te ongoing exodus o
East Berliners was a huge economic loss to a 1047298oundering econ-omy but an even starker daily embarrassment in the rontline
competition between socialism and capitalism It was one o the
main reasons why Khrushchev sought a long-term solution to
Berlin
As the 1047298ow o East Berliners accelerated so did the geopolitical
pressures Finally the East German government with the support
o its Soviet backers moved to stanch the human 1047298ood Berlinwoke up on the morning o August 13 to a barbed wire divide
soon to be a concrete and heavily armed wall patrolled by around
7000 soldiers and stretching 96 miles in Berlin and along the bor-
der between East and West Germany49
Kennedy wisely did not challenge the Berlin Wall except in a
perunctory manner recognizing that any challenge or protest
would prove empty Te West would certainly not go to war overSoviet actions on the Soviet side o the wall Indeed Kennedy im-
mediately and correctly surmised that the wall might actually
prove to be stabilizing in its perverse way by removing the embar-
rassing and costly provocation o mass outmigration rom East
Berlin As he suspected the end o the 1047298ow o migrants rom
East Berlin rather quickly eased the Berlin crisis
In act the overall Berlin situation seemed to Kennedy to be adangerous snare that was certainly not worth the risks o global
war Afer the Vienna Summit Kennedy had commented to his
close aide Kenneth OrsquoDonnell
Wersquore stuck in a ridiculous situation God knows Irsquom
not an isolationist but it seems particularly stupid to
risk killing a million Americans over an argument about
access rights on an Autobahn or because the Ger-
7282019 To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs (an excerpt)
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullto-move-the-world-by-jeffrey-d-sachs-an-excerpt 2425
the quest for peace 25
mans want Germany reuni1047297ed I Irsquom going to threaten
Russia with a nuclear war it will have to be or much
bigger and more important reasons than that Beore I
back Khrushchev against the wall and put him to a 1047297nal
test the reedom o all Western Europe will have to be atstake50
Kennedy would continue successully to deend West Berlin
but he would also recognize the need to move to a sounder long-
term position with the Soviet Union vis-agrave-vis Germany Tat in-
sight was crucial to Kennedyrsquos eventual success in 1963 and to the
calming o the East-West conrontation thereafer It was a basicstrategic insight that Eisenhower never recognized or acted upon
7282019 To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs (an excerpt)
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullto-move-the-world-by-jeffrey-d-sachs-an-excerpt 2525
Excerpted from To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs Copyright copy 2013 by Jeffrey D Sachs Excerpted
by permission of Random House a division of Random House Inc All rights reserved No part of this
excerpt may be reproduced or reprinted without permission in writing from the publisher
Read more
TO MOVE THE WORLD
Order your copy now
Amazon
Barnes amp Noble
IndieBound
Kindle
Nook
iBookstore
Kobo
Other Retailers
Learn more about the book
Meet Jeffrey D Sachs at a book signing
7282019 To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs (an excerpt)
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullto-move-the-world-by-jeffrey-d-sachs-an-excerpt 1625
the quest for peace 17
Te Kennedy-Khrushchev private letters offer a remarkable in-
terchange regarding the Bay o Pigs Te letters beore the Bay o
Pigs are highly congenial the opening moves o con1047297dence build-
ing under the tit-or-tat strategy Khrushchev writes on Novem-
ber 9 1960 that he hopes Kennedyrsquos election will mean that ldquoourcountries would again ollow the line along which they were de-
veloping in Franklin Rooseveltrsquos timerdquo when the two countries
were allies28 He holds out the prospect o important agreements
ldquowe are ready or our part to continue efforts to solve such a press-
ing problem as disarmament to settle the German issue through
the earliest conclusion o a peace treaty and to reach agreement on
other questionsrdquo29 Kennedy responds that ldquoa just and lasting peacewill remain a undamental goal o this nation and a major task o
its Presidentrdquo30 Tey begin to arrange an early summit meeting
Yet the tone cracks in Khrushchevrsquos letter o April 18 two days
afer the Cuban invasion
Mr President I send you this message in an hour o
alarm raught with danger or the peace o the wholeworld Armed aggression has begun against Cuba It is a
secret to no one that the armed bands invading this
country were trained equipped and armed in the
United States o America31
ldquoI approach you Mr Presidentrdquo Khrushchev writes ldquowith an
urgent call to put an end to aggression against the Republic oCubardquo
Kennedyrsquos answer the same day is dreadully maladroit ldquoYou
are under a serious misapprehension in regard to the events in
Cubardquo he replies ldquoI have previously stated and I repeat now that
the United States intends no military intervention in Cubardquo32 Tis
patently alse denial brings a powerul rebuke rom Khrushchev
our days later
7282019 To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs (an excerpt)
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullto-move-the-world-by-jeffrey-d-sachs-an-excerpt 1725
18 To Move the World
I have received your reply o April 18 You write that the
United States intends no military intervention in Cuba
But numerous acts known to the whole worldmdashand to
the Government o the United States o course better
than to any one elsemdashspeak differently Despite all as-surances to the contrary it has now been proved beyond
doubt that it was precisely the United States which pre-
pared the intervention 1047297nanced its arming and trans-
ported the gangs o mercenaries that invaded the
territory o Cuba33
Kennedyrsquos denial marked the second notable US presidentiallie to Khrushchev in less than a year Te previous summer the
CIA had pressed Eisenhower to permit another round o U-2 spy
1047298ights over the Soviet Union He reluctantly agreed When a U-2
plane was shot down the CIA and Eisenhower assumed that the
pilot Francis Gary Powers had been killed and the plane de-
stroyed in the crash Tey thereore publicly lied about the mis-
sion claiming that a US weather-research plane had lost its wayand crashed in Soviet airspace Khrushchev then revealed Eisen-
howerrsquos lie by producing not only the U-2 wreckage but the live
pilot as well US per1047297dy was exposed and Eisenhower was orced
to take responsibility Yet this was not a simple public relations
victory or Khrushchev It was a bitter setback or Khrushchevrsquos
concept o peaceul coexistence It also undercut his domestic
credibility as he had initially deended Eisenhower as not respon-sible or the U-2 1047298ight and the exposure o Eisenhowerrsquos lie
seemed to give credence to the Soviet hardliners who argued that
the United States could not be trusted Khrushchev soon enough
would demonstrate his capacity to lie about weighty matters as
well the Cold War was not a game played by saints Yet the back-
to-back prevarications by Eisenhower and Kennedy surely em-
Te U-2 1047298ights were seen even by the United States as serious provocations to theUSSR and violations o international law
7282019 To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs (an excerpt)
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullto-move-the-world-by-jeffrey-d-sachs-an-excerpt 1825
the quest for peace 19
boldened Khrushchev in his own uture dissembling regarding
nuclear testing and Cuba
In a ollow-up letter to Kennedy (May 16) Khrushchev ac-
knowledges that ldquoa certain open alling out has taken place in the
relations between our countriesrdquo34 Yet he set the ground or anupcoming June meeting with Kennedy in Vienna by emphasizing
the key point he sees the importance o a US-Soviet settlement
on Germany Te ate o postwar Germany had proved a constant
source o tension between the two superpowers since the dawn o
the Cold War and never more so than when Kennedy took offi ce
It is thereore crucial to revisit some o this history
At the July 1945 Potsdam conerence at the end o World War IIit was agreed that a council o the our major Allied powers (the
United States the United Kingdom France and the Soviet Union)
would administer postwar Germany but the ldquohowrdquo was lef un-
speci1047297ed35 In the short term the our powers accepted that Ger-
many would be divided into our occupation zones and that each
occupying power would manage its own zone until longer-term
arrangements or a uni1047297ed Germany could be agreed upon Tecapital city o Berlin though alling within the Soviet zone was
also divided among the our powers But the longer-term arrange-
ments or Germany were never agreed upon and relations be-
tween the West and the Soviet Union quickly deteriorated once
there was no common enemy o Hitler to unite them36 Te United
States France and the United Kingdom soon amalgamated their
occupation zones into a single entity which in 1949 became theFederal Republic o Germany (West Germany) Te Soviet zone
became the German Democratic Republic (East Germany) Te
ailure to agree on the ate o a uni1047297ed Germany sowed the seeds
or many o the Cold War con1047298icts that ollowed
Herein lay the basic dilemma Te Soviet Unionmdashwhich had
lost more than twenty million soldiers and civilians in World
War IImdasheared a German resurgence and thereby asserted harsh
control over the Soviet occupation zone o Germany Not only
7282019 To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs (an excerpt)
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullto-move-the-world-by-jeffrey-d-sachs-an-excerpt 1925
20 To Move the World
that but Joseph Stalin the brutal leader o the Soviet Union since
the mid-1920s ruthlessly created satellite states in Eastern Europe
(in Yugoslavia Czechoslovakia Poland and elsewhere) under
single-party communist rule thereby establishing a controlling
corridor rom Russia all the way to the heart o Germany o theWestern powers these actions seemed to suggest a Soviet plan to
dominate all o Europe i not the world While US leaders had
initially avored deindustrializing Germany at the end o the war
to prevent it rom again becoming an economic and military
power37 they quickly changed their minds in the ace o the per-
ceived Soviet aggression Tey instead decided to reindustrialize
the western part o Germany as rapidly as possible as a bulwarkagainst the Soviet Union and to strengthen Western Europe gen-
erally38 Te Soviet Union viewed the hardening o US positions
as a violation o agreements intended to prevent a long-term re-
surgence o German power
Itrsquos not hard to see where this led As West Germany got stron-
ger Soviet anxieties rose As the Soviet Unionrsquos anxieties rose it
became more belligerent in response and the West then becameeven more determined to rebuild West Germany to resist Soviet
domination Tis explosive dynamic continued afer Kennedyrsquos
assumption o offi ce
Making things even more diffi cult or Kennedy was the act that
Eisenhower had proved neither very attentive nor interested in
the Soviet concerns vis-agrave-vis Germany Eisenhower stood strongly
in avor o Germanyrsquos economic and military recovery in part be-cause he wanted Western Europe to deend itsel so that US
troops could return home39 Eisenhower liked neither the cost o
stationing US troops in Europe nor the long-term political com-
mitment Eisenhower believed that US commitments should be
tapered down as soon as Europe could take up the burdens o its
own deense40 And i that even meant a Western Europe with nu-
clear weapons he was generally or it
In the 1047297nal years o the Eisenhower administration in response
7282019 To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs (an excerpt)
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullto-move-the-world-by-jeffrey-d-sachs-an-excerpt 2025
the quest for peace 21
to the European desire or nuclear weapons the United States and
NAOmdashthe military alliance o Western powers ormed in 1955mdash
began 1047298oating the idea o ldquonuclear sharingrdquo among the NAO
countries perhaps through a nuclear Multilateral Force (MLF)
Te United States saw the MLF as a way to share nuclear weaponswith allies and give Europe its own deterrent without having to
give any one nation ull control and the power to launch a nuclear
weapon unilaterally41 Tis prospect particularly o West German
nuclear access was a crucial actor in the dramatic heating up o
US-Soviet tensions in the lead-up to Kennedyrsquos presidency Tis
point is made orceully by the historian Marc rachtenberg in A
Constructed Peace (1999) one o the most incisive and importanthistorical analyses o this phase o the Cold War
Kennedy did not yet have a strategy or Germany and indeed
was pressed hard by the West German leader Konrad Adenauer
not to have one From Adenauerrsquos point o view any thaw in rela-
tions between the United States and the Soviet Union would likely
come at West Germanyrsquos expense But Kennedy would listen to
and learn rom Khrushchevrsquos repeated and heated concerns overGermany especially concerning Germanyrsquos acquisition o nuclear
weapons Kennedy would eventually break with Adenauer on that
question thereby paving the way to closer cooperation with the
Soviet Union But that breakthrough was still two years in the u-
ture and dire risks were strewn on the path to success
Berlin Redux
Following the Bay o Pigs debacle it was now Khrushchevrsquos turn
to misstep badly With Kennedy on his back oot Khrushchev be-
lieved that he was now in a position to pressure Kennedy into an
agreement on Germany which was Khrushchevrsquos primary oreign
policy concern Kennedyrsquos primary interest was in discussing a
nuclear test ban treaty which he elt was essential to slowing the
7282019 To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs (an excerpt)
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullto-move-the-world-by-jeffrey-d-sachs-an-excerpt 2125
22 To Move the World
arms race and nuclear prolieration one o Kennedyrsquos mostpressing concerns Te idea o a test ban treaty had been dis-
cussed or several years but the two sides were never able to get
past their disagreements on how such an agreement would be
enorced
At the Vienna Summit o June 1961 Khrushchev ensured that
Germany and Berlin rather than a test ban treaty dominated
the discussion Khrushchev told Kennedy that the Soviet Unionwould recognize the German Democratic Republic (East Ger-
many) and end Western access rights to West Berlin by the end o
1961 America and its allies viewed access to West Berlin as a vital
interest o the Western alliance and so Khrushchevrsquos threat was an
enormous provocation I war came rom this it would come said
Khrushchev He said that Berlin was a ldquorunning sorerdquo and that
disarmament was ldquoimpossible as long as the Berlin problem ex-
Soviet premier Nikita Khrushchev with President Kennedy at the start o the
Vienna Summit (June 3 1961)
7282019 To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs (an excerpt)
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullto-move-the-world-by-jeffrey-d-sachs-an-excerpt 2225
the quest for peace 23
istedrdquo42 Kennedy responded ldquoTen Mr Chairman there will be a
war It will be a cold long winterrdquo43
In act the diffi cult interchange brought the two leaders a little
closer to a solution though they certainly could not see it at the
time Tere were actually three German issues on the table allintricately intertwined Te 1047297rst was the Soviet desire or a peace
treaty with Germany that would somehow protect the Soviet
Union rom uture German aggression Te second was West Ber-
lin which Khrushchev considered to be ldquothis thorn this ulcerrdquo
within East Germany44 Khrushchev viewed West Berlin as a stag-
ing post or Western spying and aggression against the Soviet
Union ldquoa NAO beachhead and military base against us insidethe GDRrdquo45 He wanted the Western troops out Te third issue
involved the question o German rearmament and especially
German access to US nuclear weapons Te implicit progress
made in Vienna was a start in teasing apart these three issues
Kennedy would hold his ground on West Berlin but would also
recognize Khrushchevrsquos valid concerns about German rearma-
ment Kennedy made clear to Khrushchev in Vienna that he op-posed ldquoa buildup in West Germany that would constitute a threat
to the Soviet Unionrdquo46
History has judged that Kennedy ldquolostrdquo the Vienna Summit be-
cause he was browbeaten by Khrushchev particularly when the
two quarreled over ideology Indeed Kennedy himsel described
the Vienna experience as brutal telling a New York imes reporter
that it was the ldquoworst thing in my lie He savaged merdquo
47
Yet Ken-nedy in act had held 1047297rm and clear the West would not buckle
under threats on West Berlin More important and despite all
appearances Kennedy and Khrushchev were now on a path to
resolve the larger German issues a path they would pursue suc-
cessully in 1963
But the next act on Berlin would be a public relations disaster
or the Soviet Union As tensions over Berlin mounted more and
7282019 To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs (an excerpt)
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullto-move-the-world-by-jeffrey-d-sachs-an-excerpt 2325
24 To Move the World
more East Berliners voted with their eet by crossing the line to
West Berlin and rom there to the West generally During the 1047297rst
six months o 1961 over 100000 people lef East Germany with
50000 1047298eeing in June and July alone48 Te ongoing exodus o
East Berliners was a huge economic loss to a 1047298oundering econ-omy but an even starker daily embarrassment in the rontline
competition between socialism and capitalism It was one o the
main reasons why Khrushchev sought a long-term solution to
Berlin
As the 1047298ow o East Berliners accelerated so did the geopolitical
pressures Finally the East German government with the support
o its Soviet backers moved to stanch the human 1047298ood Berlinwoke up on the morning o August 13 to a barbed wire divide
soon to be a concrete and heavily armed wall patrolled by around
7000 soldiers and stretching 96 miles in Berlin and along the bor-
der between East and West Germany49
Kennedy wisely did not challenge the Berlin Wall except in a
perunctory manner recognizing that any challenge or protest
would prove empty Te West would certainly not go to war overSoviet actions on the Soviet side o the wall Indeed Kennedy im-
mediately and correctly surmised that the wall might actually
prove to be stabilizing in its perverse way by removing the embar-
rassing and costly provocation o mass outmigration rom East
Berlin As he suspected the end o the 1047298ow o migrants rom
East Berlin rather quickly eased the Berlin crisis
In act the overall Berlin situation seemed to Kennedy to be adangerous snare that was certainly not worth the risks o global
war Afer the Vienna Summit Kennedy had commented to his
close aide Kenneth OrsquoDonnell
Wersquore stuck in a ridiculous situation God knows Irsquom
not an isolationist but it seems particularly stupid to
risk killing a million Americans over an argument about
access rights on an Autobahn or because the Ger-
7282019 To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs (an excerpt)
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullto-move-the-world-by-jeffrey-d-sachs-an-excerpt 2425
the quest for peace 25
mans want Germany reuni1047297ed I Irsquom going to threaten
Russia with a nuclear war it will have to be or much
bigger and more important reasons than that Beore I
back Khrushchev against the wall and put him to a 1047297nal
test the reedom o all Western Europe will have to be atstake50
Kennedy would continue successully to deend West Berlin
but he would also recognize the need to move to a sounder long-
term position with the Soviet Union vis-agrave-vis Germany Tat in-
sight was crucial to Kennedyrsquos eventual success in 1963 and to the
calming o the East-West conrontation thereafer It was a basicstrategic insight that Eisenhower never recognized or acted upon
7282019 To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs (an excerpt)
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullto-move-the-world-by-jeffrey-d-sachs-an-excerpt 2525
Excerpted from To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs Copyright copy 2013 by Jeffrey D Sachs Excerpted
by permission of Random House a division of Random House Inc All rights reserved No part of this
excerpt may be reproduced or reprinted without permission in writing from the publisher
Read more
TO MOVE THE WORLD
Order your copy now
Amazon
Barnes amp Noble
IndieBound
Kindle
Nook
iBookstore
Kobo
Other Retailers
Learn more about the book
Meet Jeffrey D Sachs at a book signing
7282019 To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs (an excerpt)
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullto-move-the-world-by-jeffrey-d-sachs-an-excerpt 1725
18 To Move the World
I have received your reply o April 18 You write that the
United States intends no military intervention in Cuba
But numerous acts known to the whole worldmdashand to
the Government o the United States o course better
than to any one elsemdashspeak differently Despite all as-surances to the contrary it has now been proved beyond
doubt that it was precisely the United States which pre-
pared the intervention 1047297nanced its arming and trans-
ported the gangs o mercenaries that invaded the
territory o Cuba33
Kennedyrsquos denial marked the second notable US presidentiallie to Khrushchev in less than a year Te previous summer the
CIA had pressed Eisenhower to permit another round o U-2 spy
1047298ights over the Soviet Union He reluctantly agreed When a U-2
plane was shot down the CIA and Eisenhower assumed that the
pilot Francis Gary Powers had been killed and the plane de-
stroyed in the crash Tey thereore publicly lied about the mis-
sion claiming that a US weather-research plane had lost its wayand crashed in Soviet airspace Khrushchev then revealed Eisen-
howerrsquos lie by producing not only the U-2 wreckage but the live
pilot as well US per1047297dy was exposed and Eisenhower was orced
to take responsibility Yet this was not a simple public relations
victory or Khrushchev It was a bitter setback or Khrushchevrsquos
concept o peaceul coexistence It also undercut his domestic
credibility as he had initially deended Eisenhower as not respon-sible or the U-2 1047298ight and the exposure o Eisenhowerrsquos lie
seemed to give credence to the Soviet hardliners who argued that
the United States could not be trusted Khrushchev soon enough
would demonstrate his capacity to lie about weighty matters as
well the Cold War was not a game played by saints Yet the back-
to-back prevarications by Eisenhower and Kennedy surely em-
Te U-2 1047298ights were seen even by the United States as serious provocations to theUSSR and violations o international law
7282019 To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs (an excerpt)
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullto-move-the-world-by-jeffrey-d-sachs-an-excerpt 1825
the quest for peace 19
boldened Khrushchev in his own uture dissembling regarding
nuclear testing and Cuba
In a ollow-up letter to Kennedy (May 16) Khrushchev ac-
knowledges that ldquoa certain open alling out has taken place in the
relations between our countriesrdquo34 Yet he set the ground or anupcoming June meeting with Kennedy in Vienna by emphasizing
the key point he sees the importance o a US-Soviet settlement
on Germany Te ate o postwar Germany had proved a constant
source o tension between the two superpowers since the dawn o
the Cold War and never more so than when Kennedy took offi ce
It is thereore crucial to revisit some o this history
At the July 1945 Potsdam conerence at the end o World War IIit was agreed that a council o the our major Allied powers (the
United States the United Kingdom France and the Soviet Union)
would administer postwar Germany but the ldquohowrdquo was lef un-
speci1047297ed35 In the short term the our powers accepted that Ger-
many would be divided into our occupation zones and that each
occupying power would manage its own zone until longer-term
arrangements or a uni1047297ed Germany could be agreed upon Tecapital city o Berlin though alling within the Soviet zone was
also divided among the our powers But the longer-term arrange-
ments or Germany were never agreed upon and relations be-
tween the West and the Soviet Union quickly deteriorated once
there was no common enemy o Hitler to unite them36 Te United
States France and the United Kingdom soon amalgamated their
occupation zones into a single entity which in 1949 became theFederal Republic o Germany (West Germany) Te Soviet zone
became the German Democratic Republic (East Germany) Te
ailure to agree on the ate o a uni1047297ed Germany sowed the seeds
or many o the Cold War con1047298icts that ollowed
Herein lay the basic dilemma Te Soviet Unionmdashwhich had
lost more than twenty million soldiers and civilians in World
War IImdasheared a German resurgence and thereby asserted harsh
control over the Soviet occupation zone o Germany Not only
7282019 To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs (an excerpt)
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullto-move-the-world-by-jeffrey-d-sachs-an-excerpt 1925
20 To Move the World
that but Joseph Stalin the brutal leader o the Soviet Union since
the mid-1920s ruthlessly created satellite states in Eastern Europe
(in Yugoslavia Czechoslovakia Poland and elsewhere) under
single-party communist rule thereby establishing a controlling
corridor rom Russia all the way to the heart o Germany o theWestern powers these actions seemed to suggest a Soviet plan to
dominate all o Europe i not the world While US leaders had
initially avored deindustrializing Germany at the end o the war
to prevent it rom again becoming an economic and military
power37 they quickly changed their minds in the ace o the per-
ceived Soviet aggression Tey instead decided to reindustrialize
the western part o Germany as rapidly as possible as a bulwarkagainst the Soviet Union and to strengthen Western Europe gen-
erally38 Te Soviet Union viewed the hardening o US positions
as a violation o agreements intended to prevent a long-term re-
surgence o German power
Itrsquos not hard to see where this led As West Germany got stron-
ger Soviet anxieties rose As the Soviet Unionrsquos anxieties rose it
became more belligerent in response and the West then becameeven more determined to rebuild West Germany to resist Soviet
domination Tis explosive dynamic continued afer Kennedyrsquos
assumption o offi ce
Making things even more diffi cult or Kennedy was the act that
Eisenhower had proved neither very attentive nor interested in
the Soviet concerns vis-agrave-vis Germany Eisenhower stood strongly
in avor o Germanyrsquos economic and military recovery in part be-cause he wanted Western Europe to deend itsel so that US
troops could return home39 Eisenhower liked neither the cost o
stationing US troops in Europe nor the long-term political com-
mitment Eisenhower believed that US commitments should be
tapered down as soon as Europe could take up the burdens o its
own deense40 And i that even meant a Western Europe with nu-
clear weapons he was generally or it
In the 1047297nal years o the Eisenhower administration in response
7282019 To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs (an excerpt)
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullto-move-the-world-by-jeffrey-d-sachs-an-excerpt 2025
the quest for peace 21
to the European desire or nuclear weapons the United States and
NAOmdashthe military alliance o Western powers ormed in 1955mdash
began 1047298oating the idea o ldquonuclear sharingrdquo among the NAO
countries perhaps through a nuclear Multilateral Force (MLF)
Te United States saw the MLF as a way to share nuclear weaponswith allies and give Europe its own deterrent without having to
give any one nation ull control and the power to launch a nuclear
weapon unilaterally41 Tis prospect particularly o West German
nuclear access was a crucial actor in the dramatic heating up o
US-Soviet tensions in the lead-up to Kennedyrsquos presidency Tis
point is made orceully by the historian Marc rachtenberg in A
Constructed Peace (1999) one o the most incisive and importanthistorical analyses o this phase o the Cold War
Kennedy did not yet have a strategy or Germany and indeed
was pressed hard by the West German leader Konrad Adenauer
not to have one From Adenauerrsquos point o view any thaw in rela-
tions between the United States and the Soviet Union would likely
come at West Germanyrsquos expense But Kennedy would listen to
and learn rom Khrushchevrsquos repeated and heated concerns overGermany especially concerning Germanyrsquos acquisition o nuclear
weapons Kennedy would eventually break with Adenauer on that
question thereby paving the way to closer cooperation with the
Soviet Union But that breakthrough was still two years in the u-
ture and dire risks were strewn on the path to success
Berlin Redux
Following the Bay o Pigs debacle it was now Khrushchevrsquos turn
to misstep badly With Kennedy on his back oot Khrushchev be-
lieved that he was now in a position to pressure Kennedy into an
agreement on Germany which was Khrushchevrsquos primary oreign
policy concern Kennedyrsquos primary interest was in discussing a
nuclear test ban treaty which he elt was essential to slowing the
7282019 To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs (an excerpt)
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullto-move-the-world-by-jeffrey-d-sachs-an-excerpt 2125
22 To Move the World
arms race and nuclear prolieration one o Kennedyrsquos mostpressing concerns Te idea o a test ban treaty had been dis-
cussed or several years but the two sides were never able to get
past their disagreements on how such an agreement would be
enorced
At the Vienna Summit o June 1961 Khrushchev ensured that
Germany and Berlin rather than a test ban treaty dominated
the discussion Khrushchev told Kennedy that the Soviet Unionwould recognize the German Democratic Republic (East Ger-
many) and end Western access rights to West Berlin by the end o
1961 America and its allies viewed access to West Berlin as a vital
interest o the Western alliance and so Khrushchevrsquos threat was an
enormous provocation I war came rom this it would come said
Khrushchev He said that Berlin was a ldquorunning sorerdquo and that
disarmament was ldquoimpossible as long as the Berlin problem ex-
Soviet premier Nikita Khrushchev with President Kennedy at the start o the
Vienna Summit (June 3 1961)
7282019 To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs (an excerpt)
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullto-move-the-world-by-jeffrey-d-sachs-an-excerpt 2225
the quest for peace 23
istedrdquo42 Kennedy responded ldquoTen Mr Chairman there will be a
war It will be a cold long winterrdquo43
In act the diffi cult interchange brought the two leaders a little
closer to a solution though they certainly could not see it at the
time Tere were actually three German issues on the table allintricately intertwined Te 1047297rst was the Soviet desire or a peace
treaty with Germany that would somehow protect the Soviet
Union rom uture German aggression Te second was West Ber-
lin which Khrushchev considered to be ldquothis thorn this ulcerrdquo
within East Germany44 Khrushchev viewed West Berlin as a stag-
ing post or Western spying and aggression against the Soviet
Union ldquoa NAO beachhead and military base against us insidethe GDRrdquo45 He wanted the Western troops out Te third issue
involved the question o German rearmament and especially
German access to US nuclear weapons Te implicit progress
made in Vienna was a start in teasing apart these three issues
Kennedy would hold his ground on West Berlin but would also
recognize Khrushchevrsquos valid concerns about German rearma-
ment Kennedy made clear to Khrushchev in Vienna that he op-posed ldquoa buildup in West Germany that would constitute a threat
to the Soviet Unionrdquo46
History has judged that Kennedy ldquolostrdquo the Vienna Summit be-
cause he was browbeaten by Khrushchev particularly when the
two quarreled over ideology Indeed Kennedy himsel described
the Vienna experience as brutal telling a New York imes reporter
that it was the ldquoworst thing in my lie He savaged merdquo
47
Yet Ken-nedy in act had held 1047297rm and clear the West would not buckle
under threats on West Berlin More important and despite all
appearances Kennedy and Khrushchev were now on a path to
resolve the larger German issues a path they would pursue suc-
cessully in 1963
But the next act on Berlin would be a public relations disaster
or the Soviet Union As tensions over Berlin mounted more and
7282019 To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs (an excerpt)
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullto-move-the-world-by-jeffrey-d-sachs-an-excerpt 2325
24 To Move the World
more East Berliners voted with their eet by crossing the line to
West Berlin and rom there to the West generally During the 1047297rst
six months o 1961 over 100000 people lef East Germany with
50000 1047298eeing in June and July alone48 Te ongoing exodus o
East Berliners was a huge economic loss to a 1047298oundering econ-omy but an even starker daily embarrassment in the rontline
competition between socialism and capitalism It was one o the
main reasons why Khrushchev sought a long-term solution to
Berlin
As the 1047298ow o East Berliners accelerated so did the geopolitical
pressures Finally the East German government with the support
o its Soviet backers moved to stanch the human 1047298ood Berlinwoke up on the morning o August 13 to a barbed wire divide
soon to be a concrete and heavily armed wall patrolled by around
7000 soldiers and stretching 96 miles in Berlin and along the bor-
der between East and West Germany49
Kennedy wisely did not challenge the Berlin Wall except in a
perunctory manner recognizing that any challenge or protest
would prove empty Te West would certainly not go to war overSoviet actions on the Soviet side o the wall Indeed Kennedy im-
mediately and correctly surmised that the wall might actually
prove to be stabilizing in its perverse way by removing the embar-
rassing and costly provocation o mass outmigration rom East
Berlin As he suspected the end o the 1047298ow o migrants rom
East Berlin rather quickly eased the Berlin crisis
In act the overall Berlin situation seemed to Kennedy to be adangerous snare that was certainly not worth the risks o global
war Afer the Vienna Summit Kennedy had commented to his
close aide Kenneth OrsquoDonnell
Wersquore stuck in a ridiculous situation God knows Irsquom
not an isolationist but it seems particularly stupid to
risk killing a million Americans over an argument about
access rights on an Autobahn or because the Ger-
7282019 To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs (an excerpt)
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullto-move-the-world-by-jeffrey-d-sachs-an-excerpt 2425
the quest for peace 25
mans want Germany reuni1047297ed I Irsquom going to threaten
Russia with a nuclear war it will have to be or much
bigger and more important reasons than that Beore I
back Khrushchev against the wall and put him to a 1047297nal
test the reedom o all Western Europe will have to be atstake50
Kennedy would continue successully to deend West Berlin
but he would also recognize the need to move to a sounder long-
term position with the Soviet Union vis-agrave-vis Germany Tat in-
sight was crucial to Kennedyrsquos eventual success in 1963 and to the
calming o the East-West conrontation thereafer It was a basicstrategic insight that Eisenhower never recognized or acted upon
7282019 To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs (an excerpt)
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullto-move-the-world-by-jeffrey-d-sachs-an-excerpt 2525
Excerpted from To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs Copyright copy 2013 by Jeffrey D Sachs Excerpted
by permission of Random House a division of Random House Inc All rights reserved No part of this
excerpt may be reproduced or reprinted without permission in writing from the publisher
Read more
TO MOVE THE WORLD
Order your copy now
Amazon
Barnes amp Noble
IndieBound
Kindle
Nook
iBookstore
Kobo
Other Retailers
Learn more about the book
Meet Jeffrey D Sachs at a book signing
7282019 To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs (an excerpt)
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullto-move-the-world-by-jeffrey-d-sachs-an-excerpt 1825
the quest for peace 19
boldened Khrushchev in his own uture dissembling regarding
nuclear testing and Cuba
In a ollow-up letter to Kennedy (May 16) Khrushchev ac-
knowledges that ldquoa certain open alling out has taken place in the
relations between our countriesrdquo34 Yet he set the ground or anupcoming June meeting with Kennedy in Vienna by emphasizing
the key point he sees the importance o a US-Soviet settlement
on Germany Te ate o postwar Germany had proved a constant
source o tension between the two superpowers since the dawn o
the Cold War and never more so than when Kennedy took offi ce
It is thereore crucial to revisit some o this history
At the July 1945 Potsdam conerence at the end o World War IIit was agreed that a council o the our major Allied powers (the
United States the United Kingdom France and the Soviet Union)
would administer postwar Germany but the ldquohowrdquo was lef un-
speci1047297ed35 In the short term the our powers accepted that Ger-
many would be divided into our occupation zones and that each
occupying power would manage its own zone until longer-term
arrangements or a uni1047297ed Germany could be agreed upon Tecapital city o Berlin though alling within the Soviet zone was
also divided among the our powers But the longer-term arrange-
ments or Germany were never agreed upon and relations be-
tween the West and the Soviet Union quickly deteriorated once
there was no common enemy o Hitler to unite them36 Te United
States France and the United Kingdom soon amalgamated their
occupation zones into a single entity which in 1949 became theFederal Republic o Germany (West Germany) Te Soviet zone
became the German Democratic Republic (East Germany) Te
ailure to agree on the ate o a uni1047297ed Germany sowed the seeds
or many o the Cold War con1047298icts that ollowed
Herein lay the basic dilemma Te Soviet Unionmdashwhich had
lost more than twenty million soldiers and civilians in World
War IImdasheared a German resurgence and thereby asserted harsh
control over the Soviet occupation zone o Germany Not only
7282019 To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs (an excerpt)
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullto-move-the-world-by-jeffrey-d-sachs-an-excerpt 1925
20 To Move the World
that but Joseph Stalin the brutal leader o the Soviet Union since
the mid-1920s ruthlessly created satellite states in Eastern Europe
(in Yugoslavia Czechoslovakia Poland and elsewhere) under
single-party communist rule thereby establishing a controlling
corridor rom Russia all the way to the heart o Germany o theWestern powers these actions seemed to suggest a Soviet plan to
dominate all o Europe i not the world While US leaders had
initially avored deindustrializing Germany at the end o the war
to prevent it rom again becoming an economic and military
power37 they quickly changed their minds in the ace o the per-
ceived Soviet aggression Tey instead decided to reindustrialize
the western part o Germany as rapidly as possible as a bulwarkagainst the Soviet Union and to strengthen Western Europe gen-
erally38 Te Soviet Union viewed the hardening o US positions
as a violation o agreements intended to prevent a long-term re-
surgence o German power
Itrsquos not hard to see where this led As West Germany got stron-
ger Soviet anxieties rose As the Soviet Unionrsquos anxieties rose it
became more belligerent in response and the West then becameeven more determined to rebuild West Germany to resist Soviet
domination Tis explosive dynamic continued afer Kennedyrsquos
assumption o offi ce
Making things even more diffi cult or Kennedy was the act that
Eisenhower had proved neither very attentive nor interested in
the Soviet concerns vis-agrave-vis Germany Eisenhower stood strongly
in avor o Germanyrsquos economic and military recovery in part be-cause he wanted Western Europe to deend itsel so that US
troops could return home39 Eisenhower liked neither the cost o
stationing US troops in Europe nor the long-term political com-
mitment Eisenhower believed that US commitments should be
tapered down as soon as Europe could take up the burdens o its
own deense40 And i that even meant a Western Europe with nu-
clear weapons he was generally or it
In the 1047297nal years o the Eisenhower administration in response
7282019 To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs (an excerpt)
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullto-move-the-world-by-jeffrey-d-sachs-an-excerpt 2025
the quest for peace 21
to the European desire or nuclear weapons the United States and
NAOmdashthe military alliance o Western powers ormed in 1955mdash
began 1047298oating the idea o ldquonuclear sharingrdquo among the NAO
countries perhaps through a nuclear Multilateral Force (MLF)
Te United States saw the MLF as a way to share nuclear weaponswith allies and give Europe its own deterrent without having to
give any one nation ull control and the power to launch a nuclear
weapon unilaterally41 Tis prospect particularly o West German
nuclear access was a crucial actor in the dramatic heating up o
US-Soviet tensions in the lead-up to Kennedyrsquos presidency Tis
point is made orceully by the historian Marc rachtenberg in A
Constructed Peace (1999) one o the most incisive and importanthistorical analyses o this phase o the Cold War
Kennedy did not yet have a strategy or Germany and indeed
was pressed hard by the West German leader Konrad Adenauer
not to have one From Adenauerrsquos point o view any thaw in rela-
tions between the United States and the Soviet Union would likely
come at West Germanyrsquos expense But Kennedy would listen to
and learn rom Khrushchevrsquos repeated and heated concerns overGermany especially concerning Germanyrsquos acquisition o nuclear
weapons Kennedy would eventually break with Adenauer on that
question thereby paving the way to closer cooperation with the
Soviet Union But that breakthrough was still two years in the u-
ture and dire risks were strewn on the path to success
Berlin Redux
Following the Bay o Pigs debacle it was now Khrushchevrsquos turn
to misstep badly With Kennedy on his back oot Khrushchev be-
lieved that he was now in a position to pressure Kennedy into an
agreement on Germany which was Khrushchevrsquos primary oreign
policy concern Kennedyrsquos primary interest was in discussing a
nuclear test ban treaty which he elt was essential to slowing the
7282019 To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs (an excerpt)
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullto-move-the-world-by-jeffrey-d-sachs-an-excerpt 2125
22 To Move the World
arms race and nuclear prolieration one o Kennedyrsquos mostpressing concerns Te idea o a test ban treaty had been dis-
cussed or several years but the two sides were never able to get
past their disagreements on how such an agreement would be
enorced
At the Vienna Summit o June 1961 Khrushchev ensured that
Germany and Berlin rather than a test ban treaty dominated
the discussion Khrushchev told Kennedy that the Soviet Unionwould recognize the German Democratic Republic (East Ger-
many) and end Western access rights to West Berlin by the end o
1961 America and its allies viewed access to West Berlin as a vital
interest o the Western alliance and so Khrushchevrsquos threat was an
enormous provocation I war came rom this it would come said
Khrushchev He said that Berlin was a ldquorunning sorerdquo and that
disarmament was ldquoimpossible as long as the Berlin problem ex-
Soviet premier Nikita Khrushchev with President Kennedy at the start o the
Vienna Summit (June 3 1961)
7282019 To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs (an excerpt)
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullto-move-the-world-by-jeffrey-d-sachs-an-excerpt 2225
the quest for peace 23
istedrdquo42 Kennedy responded ldquoTen Mr Chairman there will be a
war It will be a cold long winterrdquo43
In act the diffi cult interchange brought the two leaders a little
closer to a solution though they certainly could not see it at the
time Tere were actually three German issues on the table allintricately intertwined Te 1047297rst was the Soviet desire or a peace
treaty with Germany that would somehow protect the Soviet
Union rom uture German aggression Te second was West Ber-
lin which Khrushchev considered to be ldquothis thorn this ulcerrdquo
within East Germany44 Khrushchev viewed West Berlin as a stag-
ing post or Western spying and aggression against the Soviet
Union ldquoa NAO beachhead and military base against us insidethe GDRrdquo45 He wanted the Western troops out Te third issue
involved the question o German rearmament and especially
German access to US nuclear weapons Te implicit progress
made in Vienna was a start in teasing apart these three issues
Kennedy would hold his ground on West Berlin but would also
recognize Khrushchevrsquos valid concerns about German rearma-
ment Kennedy made clear to Khrushchev in Vienna that he op-posed ldquoa buildup in West Germany that would constitute a threat
to the Soviet Unionrdquo46
History has judged that Kennedy ldquolostrdquo the Vienna Summit be-
cause he was browbeaten by Khrushchev particularly when the
two quarreled over ideology Indeed Kennedy himsel described
the Vienna experience as brutal telling a New York imes reporter
that it was the ldquoworst thing in my lie He savaged merdquo
47
Yet Ken-nedy in act had held 1047297rm and clear the West would not buckle
under threats on West Berlin More important and despite all
appearances Kennedy and Khrushchev were now on a path to
resolve the larger German issues a path they would pursue suc-
cessully in 1963
But the next act on Berlin would be a public relations disaster
or the Soviet Union As tensions over Berlin mounted more and
7282019 To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs (an excerpt)
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullto-move-the-world-by-jeffrey-d-sachs-an-excerpt 2325
24 To Move the World
more East Berliners voted with their eet by crossing the line to
West Berlin and rom there to the West generally During the 1047297rst
six months o 1961 over 100000 people lef East Germany with
50000 1047298eeing in June and July alone48 Te ongoing exodus o
East Berliners was a huge economic loss to a 1047298oundering econ-omy but an even starker daily embarrassment in the rontline
competition between socialism and capitalism It was one o the
main reasons why Khrushchev sought a long-term solution to
Berlin
As the 1047298ow o East Berliners accelerated so did the geopolitical
pressures Finally the East German government with the support
o its Soviet backers moved to stanch the human 1047298ood Berlinwoke up on the morning o August 13 to a barbed wire divide
soon to be a concrete and heavily armed wall patrolled by around
7000 soldiers and stretching 96 miles in Berlin and along the bor-
der between East and West Germany49
Kennedy wisely did not challenge the Berlin Wall except in a
perunctory manner recognizing that any challenge or protest
would prove empty Te West would certainly not go to war overSoviet actions on the Soviet side o the wall Indeed Kennedy im-
mediately and correctly surmised that the wall might actually
prove to be stabilizing in its perverse way by removing the embar-
rassing and costly provocation o mass outmigration rom East
Berlin As he suspected the end o the 1047298ow o migrants rom
East Berlin rather quickly eased the Berlin crisis
In act the overall Berlin situation seemed to Kennedy to be adangerous snare that was certainly not worth the risks o global
war Afer the Vienna Summit Kennedy had commented to his
close aide Kenneth OrsquoDonnell
Wersquore stuck in a ridiculous situation God knows Irsquom
not an isolationist but it seems particularly stupid to
risk killing a million Americans over an argument about
access rights on an Autobahn or because the Ger-
7282019 To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs (an excerpt)
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullto-move-the-world-by-jeffrey-d-sachs-an-excerpt 2425
the quest for peace 25
mans want Germany reuni1047297ed I Irsquom going to threaten
Russia with a nuclear war it will have to be or much
bigger and more important reasons than that Beore I
back Khrushchev against the wall and put him to a 1047297nal
test the reedom o all Western Europe will have to be atstake50
Kennedy would continue successully to deend West Berlin
but he would also recognize the need to move to a sounder long-
term position with the Soviet Union vis-agrave-vis Germany Tat in-
sight was crucial to Kennedyrsquos eventual success in 1963 and to the
calming o the East-West conrontation thereafer It was a basicstrategic insight that Eisenhower never recognized or acted upon
7282019 To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs (an excerpt)
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullto-move-the-world-by-jeffrey-d-sachs-an-excerpt 2525
Excerpted from To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs Copyright copy 2013 by Jeffrey D Sachs Excerpted
by permission of Random House a division of Random House Inc All rights reserved No part of this
excerpt may be reproduced or reprinted without permission in writing from the publisher
Read more
TO MOVE THE WORLD
Order your copy now
Amazon
Barnes amp Noble
IndieBound
Kindle
Nook
iBookstore
Kobo
Other Retailers
Learn more about the book
Meet Jeffrey D Sachs at a book signing
7282019 To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs (an excerpt)
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullto-move-the-world-by-jeffrey-d-sachs-an-excerpt 1925
20 To Move the World
that but Joseph Stalin the brutal leader o the Soviet Union since
the mid-1920s ruthlessly created satellite states in Eastern Europe
(in Yugoslavia Czechoslovakia Poland and elsewhere) under
single-party communist rule thereby establishing a controlling
corridor rom Russia all the way to the heart o Germany o theWestern powers these actions seemed to suggest a Soviet plan to
dominate all o Europe i not the world While US leaders had
initially avored deindustrializing Germany at the end o the war
to prevent it rom again becoming an economic and military
power37 they quickly changed their minds in the ace o the per-
ceived Soviet aggression Tey instead decided to reindustrialize
the western part o Germany as rapidly as possible as a bulwarkagainst the Soviet Union and to strengthen Western Europe gen-
erally38 Te Soviet Union viewed the hardening o US positions
as a violation o agreements intended to prevent a long-term re-
surgence o German power
Itrsquos not hard to see where this led As West Germany got stron-
ger Soviet anxieties rose As the Soviet Unionrsquos anxieties rose it
became more belligerent in response and the West then becameeven more determined to rebuild West Germany to resist Soviet
domination Tis explosive dynamic continued afer Kennedyrsquos
assumption o offi ce
Making things even more diffi cult or Kennedy was the act that
Eisenhower had proved neither very attentive nor interested in
the Soviet concerns vis-agrave-vis Germany Eisenhower stood strongly
in avor o Germanyrsquos economic and military recovery in part be-cause he wanted Western Europe to deend itsel so that US
troops could return home39 Eisenhower liked neither the cost o
stationing US troops in Europe nor the long-term political com-
mitment Eisenhower believed that US commitments should be
tapered down as soon as Europe could take up the burdens o its
own deense40 And i that even meant a Western Europe with nu-
clear weapons he was generally or it
In the 1047297nal years o the Eisenhower administration in response
7282019 To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs (an excerpt)
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullto-move-the-world-by-jeffrey-d-sachs-an-excerpt 2025
the quest for peace 21
to the European desire or nuclear weapons the United States and
NAOmdashthe military alliance o Western powers ormed in 1955mdash
began 1047298oating the idea o ldquonuclear sharingrdquo among the NAO
countries perhaps through a nuclear Multilateral Force (MLF)
Te United States saw the MLF as a way to share nuclear weaponswith allies and give Europe its own deterrent without having to
give any one nation ull control and the power to launch a nuclear
weapon unilaterally41 Tis prospect particularly o West German
nuclear access was a crucial actor in the dramatic heating up o
US-Soviet tensions in the lead-up to Kennedyrsquos presidency Tis
point is made orceully by the historian Marc rachtenberg in A
Constructed Peace (1999) one o the most incisive and importanthistorical analyses o this phase o the Cold War
Kennedy did not yet have a strategy or Germany and indeed
was pressed hard by the West German leader Konrad Adenauer
not to have one From Adenauerrsquos point o view any thaw in rela-
tions between the United States and the Soviet Union would likely
come at West Germanyrsquos expense But Kennedy would listen to
and learn rom Khrushchevrsquos repeated and heated concerns overGermany especially concerning Germanyrsquos acquisition o nuclear
weapons Kennedy would eventually break with Adenauer on that
question thereby paving the way to closer cooperation with the
Soviet Union But that breakthrough was still two years in the u-
ture and dire risks were strewn on the path to success
Berlin Redux
Following the Bay o Pigs debacle it was now Khrushchevrsquos turn
to misstep badly With Kennedy on his back oot Khrushchev be-
lieved that he was now in a position to pressure Kennedy into an
agreement on Germany which was Khrushchevrsquos primary oreign
policy concern Kennedyrsquos primary interest was in discussing a
nuclear test ban treaty which he elt was essential to slowing the
7282019 To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs (an excerpt)
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullto-move-the-world-by-jeffrey-d-sachs-an-excerpt 2125
22 To Move the World
arms race and nuclear prolieration one o Kennedyrsquos mostpressing concerns Te idea o a test ban treaty had been dis-
cussed or several years but the two sides were never able to get
past their disagreements on how such an agreement would be
enorced
At the Vienna Summit o June 1961 Khrushchev ensured that
Germany and Berlin rather than a test ban treaty dominated
the discussion Khrushchev told Kennedy that the Soviet Unionwould recognize the German Democratic Republic (East Ger-
many) and end Western access rights to West Berlin by the end o
1961 America and its allies viewed access to West Berlin as a vital
interest o the Western alliance and so Khrushchevrsquos threat was an
enormous provocation I war came rom this it would come said
Khrushchev He said that Berlin was a ldquorunning sorerdquo and that
disarmament was ldquoimpossible as long as the Berlin problem ex-
Soviet premier Nikita Khrushchev with President Kennedy at the start o the
Vienna Summit (June 3 1961)
7282019 To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs (an excerpt)
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullto-move-the-world-by-jeffrey-d-sachs-an-excerpt 2225
the quest for peace 23
istedrdquo42 Kennedy responded ldquoTen Mr Chairman there will be a
war It will be a cold long winterrdquo43
In act the diffi cult interchange brought the two leaders a little
closer to a solution though they certainly could not see it at the
time Tere were actually three German issues on the table allintricately intertwined Te 1047297rst was the Soviet desire or a peace
treaty with Germany that would somehow protect the Soviet
Union rom uture German aggression Te second was West Ber-
lin which Khrushchev considered to be ldquothis thorn this ulcerrdquo
within East Germany44 Khrushchev viewed West Berlin as a stag-
ing post or Western spying and aggression against the Soviet
Union ldquoa NAO beachhead and military base against us insidethe GDRrdquo45 He wanted the Western troops out Te third issue
involved the question o German rearmament and especially
German access to US nuclear weapons Te implicit progress
made in Vienna was a start in teasing apart these three issues
Kennedy would hold his ground on West Berlin but would also
recognize Khrushchevrsquos valid concerns about German rearma-
ment Kennedy made clear to Khrushchev in Vienna that he op-posed ldquoa buildup in West Germany that would constitute a threat
to the Soviet Unionrdquo46
History has judged that Kennedy ldquolostrdquo the Vienna Summit be-
cause he was browbeaten by Khrushchev particularly when the
two quarreled over ideology Indeed Kennedy himsel described
the Vienna experience as brutal telling a New York imes reporter
that it was the ldquoworst thing in my lie He savaged merdquo
47
Yet Ken-nedy in act had held 1047297rm and clear the West would not buckle
under threats on West Berlin More important and despite all
appearances Kennedy and Khrushchev were now on a path to
resolve the larger German issues a path they would pursue suc-
cessully in 1963
But the next act on Berlin would be a public relations disaster
or the Soviet Union As tensions over Berlin mounted more and
7282019 To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs (an excerpt)
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullto-move-the-world-by-jeffrey-d-sachs-an-excerpt 2325
24 To Move the World
more East Berliners voted with their eet by crossing the line to
West Berlin and rom there to the West generally During the 1047297rst
six months o 1961 over 100000 people lef East Germany with
50000 1047298eeing in June and July alone48 Te ongoing exodus o
East Berliners was a huge economic loss to a 1047298oundering econ-omy but an even starker daily embarrassment in the rontline
competition between socialism and capitalism It was one o the
main reasons why Khrushchev sought a long-term solution to
Berlin
As the 1047298ow o East Berliners accelerated so did the geopolitical
pressures Finally the East German government with the support
o its Soviet backers moved to stanch the human 1047298ood Berlinwoke up on the morning o August 13 to a barbed wire divide
soon to be a concrete and heavily armed wall patrolled by around
7000 soldiers and stretching 96 miles in Berlin and along the bor-
der between East and West Germany49
Kennedy wisely did not challenge the Berlin Wall except in a
perunctory manner recognizing that any challenge or protest
would prove empty Te West would certainly not go to war overSoviet actions on the Soviet side o the wall Indeed Kennedy im-
mediately and correctly surmised that the wall might actually
prove to be stabilizing in its perverse way by removing the embar-
rassing and costly provocation o mass outmigration rom East
Berlin As he suspected the end o the 1047298ow o migrants rom
East Berlin rather quickly eased the Berlin crisis
In act the overall Berlin situation seemed to Kennedy to be adangerous snare that was certainly not worth the risks o global
war Afer the Vienna Summit Kennedy had commented to his
close aide Kenneth OrsquoDonnell
Wersquore stuck in a ridiculous situation God knows Irsquom
not an isolationist but it seems particularly stupid to
risk killing a million Americans over an argument about
access rights on an Autobahn or because the Ger-
7282019 To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs (an excerpt)
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullto-move-the-world-by-jeffrey-d-sachs-an-excerpt 2425
the quest for peace 25
mans want Germany reuni1047297ed I Irsquom going to threaten
Russia with a nuclear war it will have to be or much
bigger and more important reasons than that Beore I
back Khrushchev against the wall and put him to a 1047297nal
test the reedom o all Western Europe will have to be atstake50
Kennedy would continue successully to deend West Berlin
but he would also recognize the need to move to a sounder long-
term position with the Soviet Union vis-agrave-vis Germany Tat in-
sight was crucial to Kennedyrsquos eventual success in 1963 and to the
calming o the East-West conrontation thereafer It was a basicstrategic insight that Eisenhower never recognized or acted upon
7282019 To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs (an excerpt)
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullto-move-the-world-by-jeffrey-d-sachs-an-excerpt 2525
Excerpted from To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs Copyright copy 2013 by Jeffrey D Sachs Excerpted
by permission of Random House a division of Random House Inc All rights reserved No part of this
excerpt may be reproduced or reprinted without permission in writing from the publisher
Read more
TO MOVE THE WORLD
Order your copy now
Amazon
Barnes amp Noble
IndieBound
Kindle
Nook
iBookstore
Kobo
Other Retailers
Learn more about the book
Meet Jeffrey D Sachs at a book signing
7282019 To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs (an excerpt)
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullto-move-the-world-by-jeffrey-d-sachs-an-excerpt 2025
the quest for peace 21
to the European desire or nuclear weapons the United States and
NAOmdashthe military alliance o Western powers ormed in 1955mdash
began 1047298oating the idea o ldquonuclear sharingrdquo among the NAO
countries perhaps through a nuclear Multilateral Force (MLF)
Te United States saw the MLF as a way to share nuclear weaponswith allies and give Europe its own deterrent without having to
give any one nation ull control and the power to launch a nuclear
weapon unilaterally41 Tis prospect particularly o West German
nuclear access was a crucial actor in the dramatic heating up o
US-Soviet tensions in the lead-up to Kennedyrsquos presidency Tis
point is made orceully by the historian Marc rachtenberg in A
Constructed Peace (1999) one o the most incisive and importanthistorical analyses o this phase o the Cold War
Kennedy did not yet have a strategy or Germany and indeed
was pressed hard by the West German leader Konrad Adenauer
not to have one From Adenauerrsquos point o view any thaw in rela-
tions between the United States and the Soviet Union would likely
come at West Germanyrsquos expense But Kennedy would listen to
and learn rom Khrushchevrsquos repeated and heated concerns overGermany especially concerning Germanyrsquos acquisition o nuclear
weapons Kennedy would eventually break with Adenauer on that
question thereby paving the way to closer cooperation with the
Soviet Union But that breakthrough was still two years in the u-
ture and dire risks were strewn on the path to success
Berlin Redux
Following the Bay o Pigs debacle it was now Khrushchevrsquos turn
to misstep badly With Kennedy on his back oot Khrushchev be-
lieved that he was now in a position to pressure Kennedy into an
agreement on Germany which was Khrushchevrsquos primary oreign
policy concern Kennedyrsquos primary interest was in discussing a
nuclear test ban treaty which he elt was essential to slowing the
7282019 To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs (an excerpt)
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullto-move-the-world-by-jeffrey-d-sachs-an-excerpt 2125
22 To Move the World
arms race and nuclear prolieration one o Kennedyrsquos mostpressing concerns Te idea o a test ban treaty had been dis-
cussed or several years but the two sides were never able to get
past their disagreements on how such an agreement would be
enorced
At the Vienna Summit o June 1961 Khrushchev ensured that
Germany and Berlin rather than a test ban treaty dominated
the discussion Khrushchev told Kennedy that the Soviet Unionwould recognize the German Democratic Republic (East Ger-
many) and end Western access rights to West Berlin by the end o
1961 America and its allies viewed access to West Berlin as a vital
interest o the Western alliance and so Khrushchevrsquos threat was an
enormous provocation I war came rom this it would come said
Khrushchev He said that Berlin was a ldquorunning sorerdquo and that
disarmament was ldquoimpossible as long as the Berlin problem ex-
Soviet premier Nikita Khrushchev with President Kennedy at the start o the
Vienna Summit (June 3 1961)
7282019 To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs (an excerpt)
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullto-move-the-world-by-jeffrey-d-sachs-an-excerpt 2225
the quest for peace 23
istedrdquo42 Kennedy responded ldquoTen Mr Chairman there will be a
war It will be a cold long winterrdquo43
In act the diffi cult interchange brought the two leaders a little
closer to a solution though they certainly could not see it at the
time Tere were actually three German issues on the table allintricately intertwined Te 1047297rst was the Soviet desire or a peace
treaty with Germany that would somehow protect the Soviet
Union rom uture German aggression Te second was West Ber-
lin which Khrushchev considered to be ldquothis thorn this ulcerrdquo
within East Germany44 Khrushchev viewed West Berlin as a stag-
ing post or Western spying and aggression against the Soviet
Union ldquoa NAO beachhead and military base against us insidethe GDRrdquo45 He wanted the Western troops out Te third issue
involved the question o German rearmament and especially
German access to US nuclear weapons Te implicit progress
made in Vienna was a start in teasing apart these three issues
Kennedy would hold his ground on West Berlin but would also
recognize Khrushchevrsquos valid concerns about German rearma-
ment Kennedy made clear to Khrushchev in Vienna that he op-posed ldquoa buildup in West Germany that would constitute a threat
to the Soviet Unionrdquo46
History has judged that Kennedy ldquolostrdquo the Vienna Summit be-
cause he was browbeaten by Khrushchev particularly when the
two quarreled over ideology Indeed Kennedy himsel described
the Vienna experience as brutal telling a New York imes reporter
that it was the ldquoworst thing in my lie He savaged merdquo
47
Yet Ken-nedy in act had held 1047297rm and clear the West would not buckle
under threats on West Berlin More important and despite all
appearances Kennedy and Khrushchev were now on a path to
resolve the larger German issues a path they would pursue suc-
cessully in 1963
But the next act on Berlin would be a public relations disaster
or the Soviet Union As tensions over Berlin mounted more and
7282019 To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs (an excerpt)
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullto-move-the-world-by-jeffrey-d-sachs-an-excerpt 2325
24 To Move the World
more East Berliners voted with their eet by crossing the line to
West Berlin and rom there to the West generally During the 1047297rst
six months o 1961 over 100000 people lef East Germany with
50000 1047298eeing in June and July alone48 Te ongoing exodus o
East Berliners was a huge economic loss to a 1047298oundering econ-omy but an even starker daily embarrassment in the rontline
competition between socialism and capitalism It was one o the
main reasons why Khrushchev sought a long-term solution to
Berlin
As the 1047298ow o East Berliners accelerated so did the geopolitical
pressures Finally the East German government with the support
o its Soviet backers moved to stanch the human 1047298ood Berlinwoke up on the morning o August 13 to a barbed wire divide
soon to be a concrete and heavily armed wall patrolled by around
7000 soldiers and stretching 96 miles in Berlin and along the bor-
der between East and West Germany49
Kennedy wisely did not challenge the Berlin Wall except in a
perunctory manner recognizing that any challenge or protest
would prove empty Te West would certainly not go to war overSoviet actions on the Soviet side o the wall Indeed Kennedy im-
mediately and correctly surmised that the wall might actually
prove to be stabilizing in its perverse way by removing the embar-
rassing and costly provocation o mass outmigration rom East
Berlin As he suspected the end o the 1047298ow o migrants rom
East Berlin rather quickly eased the Berlin crisis
In act the overall Berlin situation seemed to Kennedy to be adangerous snare that was certainly not worth the risks o global
war Afer the Vienna Summit Kennedy had commented to his
close aide Kenneth OrsquoDonnell
Wersquore stuck in a ridiculous situation God knows Irsquom
not an isolationist but it seems particularly stupid to
risk killing a million Americans over an argument about
access rights on an Autobahn or because the Ger-
7282019 To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs (an excerpt)
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullto-move-the-world-by-jeffrey-d-sachs-an-excerpt 2425
the quest for peace 25
mans want Germany reuni1047297ed I Irsquom going to threaten
Russia with a nuclear war it will have to be or much
bigger and more important reasons than that Beore I
back Khrushchev against the wall and put him to a 1047297nal
test the reedom o all Western Europe will have to be atstake50
Kennedy would continue successully to deend West Berlin
but he would also recognize the need to move to a sounder long-
term position with the Soviet Union vis-agrave-vis Germany Tat in-
sight was crucial to Kennedyrsquos eventual success in 1963 and to the
calming o the East-West conrontation thereafer It was a basicstrategic insight that Eisenhower never recognized or acted upon
7282019 To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs (an excerpt)
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullto-move-the-world-by-jeffrey-d-sachs-an-excerpt 2525
Excerpted from To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs Copyright copy 2013 by Jeffrey D Sachs Excerpted
by permission of Random House a division of Random House Inc All rights reserved No part of this
excerpt may be reproduced or reprinted without permission in writing from the publisher
Read more
TO MOVE THE WORLD
Order your copy now
Amazon
Barnes amp Noble
IndieBound
Kindle
Nook
iBookstore
Kobo
Other Retailers
Learn more about the book
Meet Jeffrey D Sachs at a book signing
7282019 To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs (an excerpt)
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullto-move-the-world-by-jeffrey-d-sachs-an-excerpt 2125
22 To Move the World
arms race and nuclear prolieration one o Kennedyrsquos mostpressing concerns Te idea o a test ban treaty had been dis-
cussed or several years but the two sides were never able to get
past their disagreements on how such an agreement would be
enorced
At the Vienna Summit o June 1961 Khrushchev ensured that
Germany and Berlin rather than a test ban treaty dominated
the discussion Khrushchev told Kennedy that the Soviet Unionwould recognize the German Democratic Republic (East Ger-
many) and end Western access rights to West Berlin by the end o
1961 America and its allies viewed access to West Berlin as a vital
interest o the Western alliance and so Khrushchevrsquos threat was an
enormous provocation I war came rom this it would come said
Khrushchev He said that Berlin was a ldquorunning sorerdquo and that
disarmament was ldquoimpossible as long as the Berlin problem ex-
Soviet premier Nikita Khrushchev with President Kennedy at the start o the
Vienna Summit (June 3 1961)
7282019 To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs (an excerpt)
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullto-move-the-world-by-jeffrey-d-sachs-an-excerpt 2225
the quest for peace 23
istedrdquo42 Kennedy responded ldquoTen Mr Chairman there will be a
war It will be a cold long winterrdquo43
In act the diffi cult interchange brought the two leaders a little
closer to a solution though they certainly could not see it at the
time Tere were actually three German issues on the table allintricately intertwined Te 1047297rst was the Soviet desire or a peace
treaty with Germany that would somehow protect the Soviet
Union rom uture German aggression Te second was West Ber-
lin which Khrushchev considered to be ldquothis thorn this ulcerrdquo
within East Germany44 Khrushchev viewed West Berlin as a stag-
ing post or Western spying and aggression against the Soviet
Union ldquoa NAO beachhead and military base against us insidethe GDRrdquo45 He wanted the Western troops out Te third issue
involved the question o German rearmament and especially
German access to US nuclear weapons Te implicit progress
made in Vienna was a start in teasing apart these three issues
Kennedy would hold his ground on West Berlin but would also
recognize Khrushchevrsquos valid concerns about German rearma-
ment Kennedy made clear to Khrushchev in Vienna that he op-posed ldquoa buildup in West Germany that would constitute a threat
to the Soviet Unionrdquo46
History has judged that Kennedy ldquolostrdquo the Vienna Summit be-
cause he was browbeaten by Khrushchev particularly when the
two quarreled over ideology Indeed Kennedy himsel described
the Vienna experience as brutal telling a New York imes reporter
that it was the ldquoworst thing in my lie He savaged merdquo
47
Yet Ken-nedy in act had held 1047297rm and clear the West would not buckle
under threats on West Berlin More important and despite all
appearances Kennedy and Khrushchev were now on a path to
resolve the larger German issues a path they would pursue suc-
cessully in 1963
But the next act on Berlin would be a public relations disaster
or the Soviet Union As tensions over Berlin mounted more and
7282019 To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs (an excerpt)
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullto-move-the-world-by-jeffrey-d-sachs-an-excerpt 2325
24 To Move the World
more East Berliners voted with their eet by crossing the line to
West Berlin and rom there to the West generally During the 1047297rst
six months o 1961 over 100000 people lef East Germany with
50000 1047298eeing in June and July alone48 Te ongoing exodus o
East Berliners was a huge economic loss to a 1047298oundering econ-omy but an even starker daily embarrassment in the rontline
competition between socialism and capitalism It was one o the
main reasons why Khrushchev sought a long-term solution to
Berlin
As the 1047298ow o East Berliners accelerated so did the geopolitical
pressures Finally the East German government with the support
o its Soviet backers moved to stanch the human 1047298ood Berlinwoke up on the morning o August 13 to a barbed wire divide
soon to be a concrete and heavily armed wall patrolled by around
7000 soldiers and stretching 96 miles in Berlin and along the bor-
der between East and West Germany49
Kennedy wisely did not challenge the Berlin Wall except in a
perunctory manner recognizing that any challenge or protest
would prove empty Te West would certainly not go to war overSoviet actions on the Soviet side o the wall Indeed Kennedy im-
mediately and correctly surmised that the wall might actually
prove to be stabilizing in its perverse way by removing the embar-
rassing and costly provocation o mass outmigration rom East
Berlin As he suspected the end o the 1047298ow o migrants rom
East Berlin rather quickly eased the Berlin crisis
In act the overall Berlin situation seemed to Kennedy to be adangerous snare that was certainly not worth the risks o global
war Afer the Vienna Summit Kennedy had commented to his
close aide Kenneth OrsquoDonnell
Wersquore stuck in a ridiculous situation God knows Irsquom
not an isolationist but it seems particularly stupid to
risk killing a million Americans over an argument about
access rights on an Autobahn or because the Ger-
7282019 To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs (an excerpt)
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullto-move-the-world-by-jeffrey-d-sachs-an-excerpt 2425
the quest for peace 25
mans want Germany reuni1047297ed I Irsquom going to threaten
Russia with a nuclear war it will have to be or much
bigger and more important reasons than that Beore I
back Khrushchev against the wall and put him to a 1047297nal
test the reedom o all Western Europe will have to be atstake50
Kennedy would continue successully to deend West Berlin
but he would also recognize the need to move to a sounder long-
term position with the Soviet Union vis-agrave-vis Germany Tat in-
sight was crucial to Kennedyrsquos eventual success in 1963 and to the
calming o the East-West conrontation thereafer It was a basicstrategic insight that Eisenhower never recognized or acted upon
7282019 To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs (an excerpt)
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullto-move-the-world-by-jeffrey-d-sachs-an-excerpt 2525
Excerpted from To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs Copyright copy 2013 by Jeffrey D Sachs Excerpted
by permission of Random House a division of Random House Inc All rights reserved No part of this
excerpt may be reproduced or reprinted without permission in writing from the publisher
Read more
TO MOVE THE WORLD
Order your copy now
Amazon
Barnes amp Noble
IndieBound
Kindle
Nook
iBookstore
Kobo
Other Retailers
Learn more about the book
Meet Jeffrey D Sachs at a book signing
7282019 To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs (an excerpt)
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullto-move-the-world-by-jeffrey-d-sachs-an-excerpt 2225
the quest for peace 23
istedrdquo42 Kennedy responded ldquoTen Mr Chairman there will be a
war It will be a cold long winterrdquo43
In act the diffi cult interchange brought the two leaders a little
closer to a solution though they certainly could not see it at the
time Tere were actually three German issues on the table allintricately intertwined Te 1047297rst was the Soviet desire or a peace
treaty with Germany that would somehow protect the Soviet
Union rom uture German aggression Te second was West Ber-
lin which Khrushchev considered to be ldquothis thorn this ulcerrdquo
within East Germany44 Khrushchev viewed West Berlin as a stag-
ing post or Western spying and aggression against the Soviet
Union ldquoa NAO beachhead and military base against us insidethe GDRrdquo45 He wanted the Western troops out Te third issue
involved the question o German rearmament and especially
German access to US nuclear weapons Te implicit progress
made in Vienna was a start in teasing apart these three issues
Kennedy would hold his ground on West Berlin but would also
recognize Khrushchevrsquos valid concerns about German rearma-
ment Kennedy made clear to Khrushchev in Vienna that he op-posed ldquoa buildup in West Germany that would constitute a threat
to the Soviet Unionrdquo46
History has judged that Kennedy ldquolostrdquo the Vienna Summit be-
cause he was browbeaten by Khrushchev particularly when the
two quarreled over ideology Indeed Kennedy himsel described
the Vienna experience as brutal telling a New York imes reporter
that it was the ldquoworst thing in my lie He savaged merdquo
47
Yet Ken-nedy in act had held 1047297rm and clear the West would not buckle
under threats on West Berlin More important and despite all
appearances Kennedy and Khrushchev were now on a path to
resolve the larger German issues a path they would pursue suc-
cessully in 1963
But the next act on Berlin would be a public relations disaster
or the Soviet Union As tensions over Berlin mounted more and
7282019 To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs (an excerpt)
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullto-move-the-world-by-jeffrey-d-sachs-an-excerpt 2325
24 To Move the World
more East Berliners voted with their eet by crossing the line to
West Berlin and rom there to the West generally During the 1047297rst
six months o 1961 over 100000 people lef East Germany with
50000 1047298eeing in June and July alone48 Te ongoing exodus o
East Berliners was a huge economic loss to a 1047298oundering econ-omy but an even starker daily embarrassment in the rontline
competition between socialism and capitalism It was one o the
main reasons why Khrushchev sought a long-term solution to
Berlin
As the 1047298ow o East Berliners accelerated so did the geopolitical
pressures Finally the East German government with the support
o its Soviet backers moved to stanch the human 1047298ood Berlinwoke up on the morning o August 13 to a barbed wire divide
soon to be a concrete and heavily armed wall patrolled by around
7000 soldiers and stretching 96 miles in Berlin and along the bor-
der between East and West Germany49
Kennedy wisely did not challenge the Berlin Wall except in a
perunctory manner recognizing that any challenge or protest
would prove empty Te West would certainly not go to war overSoviet actions on the Soviet side o the wall Indeed Kennedy im-
mediately and correctly surmised that the wall might actually
prove to be stabilizing in its perverse way by removing the embar-
rassing and costly provocation o mass outmigration rom East
Berlin As he suspected the end o the 1047298ow o migrants rom
East Berlin rather quickly eased the Berlin crisis
In act the overall Berlin situation seemed to Kennedy to be adangerous snare that was certainly not worth the risks o global
war Afer the Vienna Summit Kennedy had commented to his
close aide Kenneth OrsquoDonnell
Wersquore stuck in a ridiculous situation God knows Irsquom
not an isolationist but it seems particularly stupid to
risk killing a million Americans over an argument about
access rights on an Autobahn or because the Ger-
7282019 To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs (an excerpt)
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullto-move-the-world-by-jeffrey-d-sachs-an-excerpt 2425
the quest for peace 25
mans want Germany reuni1047297ed I Irsquom going to threaten
Russia with a nuclear war it will have to be or much
bigger and more important reasons than that Beore I
back Khrushchev against the wall and put him to a 1047297nal
test the reedom o all Western Europe will have to be atstake50
Kennedy would continue successully to deend West Berlin
but he would also recognize the need to move to a sounder long-
term position with the Soviet Union vis-agrave-vis Germany Tat in-
sight was crucial to Kennedyrsquos eventual success in 1963 and to the
calming o the East-West conrontation thereafer It was a basicstrategic insight that Eisenhower never recognized or acted upon
7282019 To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs (an excerpt)
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullto-move-the-world-by-jeffrey-d-sachs-an-excerpt 2525
Excerpted from To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs Copyright copy 2013 by Jeffrey D Sachs Excerpted
by permission of Random House a division of Random House Inc All rights reserved No part of this
excerpt may be reproduced or reprinted without permission in writing from the publisher
Read more
TO MOVE THE WORLD
Order your copy now
Amazon
Barnes amp Noble
IndieBound
Kindle
Nook
iBookstore
Kobo
Other Retailers
Learn more about the book
Meet Jeffrey D Sachs at a book signing
7282019 To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs (an excerpt)
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullto-move-the-world-by-jeffrey-d-sachs-an-excerpt 2325
24 To Move the World
more East Berliners voted with their eet by crossing the line to
West Berlin and rom there to the West generally During the 1047297rst
six months o 1961 over 100000 people lef East Germany with
50000 1047298eeing in June and July alone48 Te ongoing exodus o
East Berliners was a huge economic loss to a 1047298oundering econ-omy but an even starker daily embarrassment in the rontline
competition between socialism and capitalism It was one o the
main reasons why Khrushchev sought a long-term solution to
Berlin
As the 1047298ow o East Berliners accelerated so did the geopolitical
pressures Finally the East German government with the support
o its Soviet backers moved to stanch the human 1047298ood Berlinwoke up on the morning o August 13 to a barbed wire divide
soon to be a concrete and heavily armed wall patrolled by around
7000 soldiers and stretching 96 miles in Berlin and along the bor-
der between East and West Germany49
Kennedy wisely did not challenge the Berlin Wall except in a
perunctory manner recognizing that any challenge or protest
would prove empty Te West would certainly not go to war overSoviet actions on the Soviet side o the wall Indeed Kennedy im-
mediately and correctly surmised that the wall might actually
prove to be stabilizing in its perverse way by removing the embar-
rassing and costly provocation o mass outmigration rom East
Berlin As he suspected the end o the 1047298ow o migrants rom
East Berlin rather quickly eased the Berlin crisis
In act the overall Berlin situation seemed to Kennedy to be adangerous snare that was certainly not worth the risks o global
war Afer the Vienna Summit Kennedy had commented to his
close aide Kenneth OrsquoDonnell
Wersquore stuck in a ridiculous situation God knows Irsquom
not an isolationist but it seems particularly stupid to
risk killing a million Americans over an argument about
access rights on an Autobahn or because the Ger-
7282019 To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs (an excerpt)
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullto-move-the-world-by-jeffrey-d-sachs-an-excerpt 2425
the quest for peace 25
mans want Germany reuni1047297ed I Irsquom going to threaten
Russia with a nuclear war it will have to be or much
bigger and more important reasons than that Beore I
back Khrushchev against the wall and put him to a 1047297nal
test the reedom o all Western Europe will have to be atstake50
Kennedy would continue successully to deend West Berlin
but he would also recognize the need to move to a sounder long-
term position with the Soviet Union vis-agrave-vis Germany Tat in-
sight was crucial to Kennedyrsquos eventual success in 1963 and to the
calming o the East-West conrontation thereafer It was a basicstrategic insight that Eisenhower never recognized or acted upon
7282019 To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs (an excerpt)
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullto-move-the-world-by-jeffrey-d-sachs-an-excerpt 2525
Excerpted from To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs Copyright copy 2013 by Jeffrey D Sachs Excerpted
by permission of Random House a division of Random House Inc All rights reserved No part of this
excerpt may be reproduced or reprinted without permission in writing from the publisher
Read more
TO MOVE THE WORLD
Order your copy now
Amazon
Barnes amp Noble
IndieBound
Kindle
Nook
iBookstore
Kobo
Other Retailers
Learn more about the book
Meet Jeffrey D Sachs at a book signing
7282019 To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs (an excerpt)
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullto-move-the-world-by-jeffrey-d-sachs-an-excerpt 2425
the quest for peace 25
mans want Germany reuni1047297ed I Irsquom going to threaten
Russia with a nuclear war it will have to be or much
bigger and more important reasons than that Beore I
back Khrushchev against the wall and put him to a 1047297nal
test the reedom o all Western Europe will have to be atstake50
Kennedy would continue successully to deend West Berlin
but he would also recognize the need to move to a sounder long-
term position with the Soviet Union vis-agrave-vis Germany Tat in-
sight was crucial to Kennedyrsquos eventual success in 1963 and to the
calming o the East-West conrontation thereafer It was a basicstrategic insight that Eisenhower never recognized or acted upon
7282019 To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs (an excerpt)
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullto-move-the-world-by-jeffrey-d-sachs-an-excerpt 2525
Excerpted from To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs Copyright copy 2013 by Jeffrey D Sachs Excerpted
by permission of Random House a division of Random House Inc All rights reserved No part of this
excerpt may be reproduced or reprinted without permission in writing from the publisher
Read more
TO MOVE THE WORLD
Order your copy now
Amazon
Barnes amp Noble
IndieBound
Kindle
Nook
iBookstore
Kobo
Other Retailers
Learn more about the book
Meet Jeffrey D Sachs at a book signing
7282019 To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs (an excerpt)
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullto-move-the-world-by-jeffrey-d-sachs-an-excerpt 2525
Excerpted from To Move the World by Jeffrey D Sachs Copyright copy 2013 by Jeffrey D Sachs Excerpted
by permission of Random House a division of Random House Inc All rights reserved No part of this
excerpt may be reproduced or reprinted without permission in writing from the publisher
Read more
TO MOVE THE WORLD
Order your copy now
Amazon
Barnes amp Noble
IndieBound
Kindle
Nook
iBookstore
Kobo
Other Retailers
Learn more about the book
Meet Jeffrey D Sachs at a book signing