72 The LATIN AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGY REVIEW 1(2)

This book reports on the results of ethnographic and surveywork carried out in 1982-1983 in four diverse communitieslocated in the states of Jalisco and Michoacan. The authorswere interested in testing six hypotheses drawn from theliterature on international migration. They view internationalmigration as a developmental social process generated bycoordinate changes in respective national economies. Sincethe latter part of the nineteenth century there have been atleast three periods when push factors within Mexico havecorresponded to labor demand or pull factors within the UnitedStates. Each of these periods stimulated fresh cross-nationalmigration from one or more of the communities studied,among which was a "peasant"community with a high proportionof agriculturalists dedicated to dry-land agriculture, a ruralcommunity with a better quality and more concentrated landbase in which most of the inhabitants were wage laborers, afactory town, and a neighborhood of the important industrialcity of Guadelajara.

After a brief introduction and a chapter devoted to studydesign, there are chapters which profile the four communitiesand examine the macro- and micro-historical context ofmigration within them. Chapters 5-9, the heart of the work,treat "Current Migration Patterns," "The Social Organizationof Migration," "Migration and the Household Economy," "TheSocio-economic Impact of Migration in Mexico," and "Integrationin the United States," respectively. As the chapter headingsindicate, migration is examined from a multidimensionalperspective, with attention directed to experiences in both thesending and the receiving areas; consideration of inter- andintra-household, community, and national relations; andeconomic and social consequences.

With the impressive array of quantitative and qualitativeinformation— presented in the form of historical summaries ofcommunity experiences, graphs, tables, and case studies ofselected migratory experiences—the authors demonstraterather conclusively that when extended overtime, the formationof migrant networks and daughter communities in the UnitedStates becomes a stimulus to further migration, apart from theoriginal precipitating factors. They interpret this to mean thatinternal migration develops "a strong internal momentum thatreinforces Itself over time" (p.319) such that "any change inthestatusquo will be very difficultto achieve" (p.321). Migrationmay be temporary or recurrent, or it may lead to settlement inthe United States, but even "settled" migrants usually returnto Mexico. Migration, therefore, is rarely "permanent," and theprobability of return declines the longer a migrant remains inthe United States.

Since the authors set out to examine hypotheses drawnfrom the literature, few of their specific conclusions aresurprising or new. However, the care with which the data wascollected and analyzed, the large number of variablesinvestigated, and the authors' focus upon the diachronicdimension through systematic study of migration histories,establish a firm baseline for further work.

To Be a Slave in Brazil, 1500-1888. KATIA M. DEQUEIROS MATTOSO. New Brunswick, NJ: RutgersUniversity Press, 1986. xiv + 250 pp., appendices,glossary, tables, bibliography. $40.00 (cloth), $12.00

(paper). ISBN 0-8135-1154-2, ISBN 0-8135-1155-0

RICHARD GRAHAMUniversity of Texas, Austin

Twenty years ago historians set to work revising the earlierview that black slavery in Brazil had been a relatively mildinstitution, characterized by paternalism and benevolence.Instead, they showed the life of slaves to have been short andbrutish. Today the focus of scholarly attention has shiftedonce again, away from seeing slaves merely as victims, andtoward exploring the space they created for themselves withinan admittedly harsh social environment. How slavesperpetuated or formed their culture, how they established tiesto other slaves and to free persons, how they acted within theinterstices of the enveloping net of controls to carve out somesocial and psychological room for themselves, these are nowthe central issues being explored. Katia de Queir6s Mattosoplaces herself among those who favor the new approach.

The initial chapters can easily mislead as to Mattoso'sposition. They deal with the slave trade (both trans-Atlanticand internal), slave auctions, slave sales from merchant toplanter, and slave prices. Here Mattoso takes the view thatthe middle passage stripped slaves of their culture, left themwithout family or other ties, separated them from those whospoke their language or shared their religious beliefs,undermined their self regard, and transformed persons intomerchandise. Yet, despite this "psychic trauma" (p.52), manyslaves—most slaves—did not lose their will to survivephysically, socially or culturally. A process of"repersonalization" (p.88) took place, partly within the master'sworld, partly outside it. The institutions the slaves then built,the meanings they began to share, and the links they forgedwith each other form the second part of her book. Affectionsled to solidarities, whether among those who shared theinferno of a slave ship on the middle passage, those whoworked together in a sugar mill, on a coffee plantation, or in agold mine, those who slept together and formed kinshipnetworks, or those who fled and joined each other in maroonsettlements. Afro-Brazilian religion, ritual co-parenthood, andCatholic lay brotherhoods offered further opportunities forestablishing community. In all these ways, Mattoso discoversexemplary will power and assertions of self. In a final sectionMattoso turns to the manumission of slaves and what it meant.The relationships between freedmen and free men andbetween freedmen and slaves is explored with particularsensitivity to their subtleties.

Many of this book's strengths are also its weaknesses. Incovering more than 300 years, it must necessarily be superficialin places. There are no footnotes norother scholarly apparatus(except for a bibliography) and Mattoso does not construct hertheses with careful attention to proof and counter argument.On many points there is as yet no conventional wisdom, andyet the format implies that hers is a synthesis rather than apolemic. The specialist is bound to become impatient. Is ittrue, for instance, that "in town...slaves and their owners didnot generally live under the same roof" (p. 113), or that "thenuclear family...does not appear until quite late in Braziliansociety" (p.107)? In what sense can Palmares be considered

a 'typical" (p. 139) runaway community? How does she knowthat "elementary school teachers [were] recruited exclusivelyamong the 'colored'" (p.63)? In attempting to display cautionMattoso sometimes makes contradictory statements, rather

The LATIN AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGY REVIEW 1(2) 73

than carefully exploring complexity. For the general reader,however, the book fills an important gap and does so withsuccess.

Archaeology and Ethnohistory

Crisis and Decline: The Viceroyalty of Peru In theSeventeenth Century. KENNETH J. ANDRIEN.Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1985.298 pp. $27.50 (paper). ISBN 0-8263-0791-4

DEBORAH A. POOLENew School for Social Research

Crisis and Decline is a study of the relationship betweenimperial policy and political culture in Spanish colonial Peru.Its stated goal is to reevaluate th e supposed crisis or d epressionafflicting the Spanish empire during the early to mid-seventeenth century. Both the standard and "revisionist"historiographies of this period employ the relatively unrefinedconcept of crisis to smooth over the variety of economic andpolitical experiences characterizing the Spanish Empire as awhole. Andrien situates himself outside this generalizingcurrent and suggests that both the notions of crisis and fiscalpolicy are best understood through an examination of theways in which imperial policy was manipulated on the locallevel. Specifically, he proposes to examine the nature andextent of economic decline in Peru by studying how theactivities of local treasury officials led to the onset of fiscalcrisis, though not economic depression, in Viceregal Peru.Due largely to this focus on the very social actors who wereuniquely empowered to interpret, carry out and abuse fiscalpolicies, Andrien's book, though intended as a refinement inthe historiographic canon, can more interestingly be read asan ethnography of the political and legal culture of colonialSpanish Peru. As anyone familiar with the (roughly)contemporaneous observations of Felipe Guaman Poma deAyala might easily predict, this culture was honed to maturitythrough the refinement of such cultural idioms as racketeering,corruption, and influence peddling.

The seventeenth century society within which Andrien'streasury officials lived and worked provided numerousopenings for corruption. By the 1620s, silver no longerdominated the economy of the viceroyalty. and the Crownbegan to implement new taxation to supplement dwindlingmine revenue. In the meantime, however, regional economieshad begun to diversify in the areas of agriculture, trade andindustry (obrajes). As a consequence, local elites wereincreasingly unwilling to pay new taxes which might "draininvestment capital from these lucrative new enterprises" (p.4).It is this conflict between imperial revenue generating devicesand specific local interest groups in Peru which Andrien seesas conditioning both the emergent fiscal crisis and thebureaucratic authority of strategically located treasury officials.These officials were themselves from the local elite over

whom they exercised jurisdiction. Their offices were boughtand sold, usually through the intervention of local partisangroups. Their ability to profit from the office was facilitated bythe ambiguous overlapping authority spheres of a RoyalTreasury bureaucracy designed for the efficient extraction ofsixteenth century metals, yet peculiarly ill suited to the tasksof seventeenth century taxation.

Theoretically, Andrien's focus on the individual treasuryofficial emphasizes the relative autonomy of regional elitesand regional economies in the colonial system.Methodologically, his fine-grained description of administrativedecision making and bureaucratic culture suggest new waysto approach treasury documents whose content is frequentlyreduced to numbers. In this respect, Andrien's book willbenefit anthropologists aspiring to archival work for its lucidaccount of how colonial treasury administration functioned onthe ground and the types of records it generated. Similarlyuseful discussions and definitions are given of the manydifferent categories of taxes, credit institutions, land titles, andlegal proceedings discussed in such documents. Moreimportantly, however, Crisis andDec/Zneprovides aconvincingportrait of the administrative excess and personal intrigueshaping cultural and social processes in both Spanish andindigenous Peru.

Resistance, Rebellion, and Consciousness in theAndean Peasant World, 18th to 20th Centuries.STEVE J. STERN, (ed.). Madison and London:University of Wisconsin Press, 1987. xvii + 446 pp.,maps. $15.00 (paper). ISBN 0-299-11354-X.

LYNN A. MEISCHStanford University

The essays in this volume, according to Steve J. Stern'sintroduction, "plead for a rethinking of the assumptions andparadigms in four areas" in the study of peasants and agrarianunrest in general (p.8). Stern proposes a view of peasants asinitiators rather than as passive, the incorporation of longertime frames for analyzing revolts, abandonment of the notionof peasant consciousness as inherently parochial, andconsideration of the role of ethnicity in rebellions. Thecontributors are historians, ethnohistorians andanthropologists. This interdisciplinary approach is a step inthe right direction as anthropology and history are like twoeyes—both necessary for an adequate vision of Andeansocieties. Anthropology without history is chullla, a Quechuaword meaning one of something that normally comes in pairs,