timespace matters - chapter 1 problem and research strategy
TRANSCRIPT
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Chapter1Problemandresearchstrategy1.1 IntroducingtheworkThisbookreportsonanexplorationthatstartedattheendof2004. Itexploresthe
bordersbetween thedomainofsocialgeographyand thedomainofurbanand re
gionaldesignandplanning.Theworkcontainedinthisbookhasbeeninspiredbytwo
questionsthatareformeattheheartofurbanandregionaldesignandplanning
(stedebouwkunde).ThefirstofthosequestionsparaphrasesTorstenHgerstrand,the
founderof timegeography:Whataboutpeople inurbanand regionaldesign and
planning?(cf.Hgerstrand,1970)Thesecondquestionlinksthatquestiontothework
ofKevinLynch,valuedtheoristonurbandesign,whowasconcernedwiththeexperi
enceoftimeincities:Whatabouttimeinurbanandregionaldesignandplanning?(cf.
Lynch,1972)Askingthesequestionssupposesastandpointthatshowsconcernfora
lackofattentiondespiteampletheorisationtothesetwoaspectsofurbanism(cf.
Amin andGraham, 1997;Amin and Thrift,2002),within thedomainofurban and
regionaldesignandplanning.
Thisthesissstartingpointisthatitisimportanttoknowaboutpeoplestemporospatialactivitypatternswhenmakingurbanandregionaldesignsandplans.Thecen
tralproblemof the thesis is that,despitewideacknowledgmentof this idea, such
knowledgeaboutpeoplesactivitypatternsdoesnotgetfullattention indaytoday
practice of urban and regional design and planning. This is not a particularly new
problem,buthasbeenamatterof interest from the1960sonwards inbothDutch
urbanplanning,aswellasabroad.Iwillmakethecasethat,withactivitypatternsof
peoplechangingthesedays,thissubjectagaindeservesfullattentionwithinthedo
mainofurbanandregionaldesignandplanning.
Oneexplanationfortheoccurrenceofthisparticularproblemisthatthereexistsa
socalledapplicabilitygapbetweenknowledgeoftemporospatialactivitypatternsofpeople and knowledge of urban and regional design and planning. Therefore, the
explorativeworkcontainedinthisbookisaboutthewaysinwhichdesignersorplan
nerscanknowaboutpeoplespossibleandprobableactivityandmobilitybehaviour
in timeandspaceandhow theycanactupon thatknowledgewhile theirobjectof
study is something different, namely the design of the built environment. In the
1960sand1970s theanswer to thatproblem seemedwithineasy reach in thedo
mainofurbanandregionaldesignandplanning.Theoriesofpeoplesbehaviour,of
urbandevelopmentandofurbanplanningcame intoconfluence inaperiodcharac
terised bymuch optimism about the future and the ability to actively shape that
future.But
the
future
proved
stubborn,
resisting
being
shaped
fully
to
those
theories.
Bothhumanbehaviourandurbandevelopmentprovedmoredifficulttograspthan
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imagined.Theresult,nowadays,isthatweareleftwithamuchmoreintricateproblemthantheplannersofthe1960s; ifwestillwanttoputpeoplecentral inouref
fortstoshapethephysicalfabricofcitiesandurbanregions.
Thechallengeforthisstudywastofindaway todealwithsuch increasedcom
plexitywithoutbacktracking intoa relativismof wecantdoanythingabout it.At
theheartof theargument lies theconviction that theshapingof thephysicalenvi
ronmentdoesplayaroleinprovidingthenecessaryconditionsforpeoplesindividual
livestobeplayedout intimeandspace.Thescientificrelevanceofthework lies in
thefactthatitbridgesagapbetweenasocialsciencestanceandatechnicalscience
stancesothat itextendsthescientificbodyofknowledgeofurbandesignandplan
ning.Thoughthatbodyofknowledgewillultimatelyhavetobefilledwithsubstantiveknowledgeofwhattypeofdesignprinciplesmight work(seeKlaasen,2004), I
willnotprovidereadymadeprinciplesfordesign. Iwillprovidea firststeptowards
developingsuchknowledgebyproviding ideasabouthowknowledgeabouttempo
rospatialactivitypatternsofpeoplecanbeembedded inurbanandregionaldesign
andplanning.
Thework isbasedonanalysing twoparticularapproaches to incorporatingem
pirical knowledge of activity patterns of people in urban and regional design and
planning. The approaches represent two complementary views of how onemight
graspthe importanceoftemporospatialactivitypatternsofpeople inthedomainof
urbanand
regional
design
and
planning.
One
focuses
on
knowledge
about
patterns
of
activities andemphasises the roleofempirical knowledge.Theother approach fo
cuses on the constraints for those activities to unfold and emphasises the role of
knowledgeaboutdesignandplanning.
Thework iscolouredbyaDutchcontext,but itsargumentextendsbeyond the
bordersof that context.Thereareother reasons for theDutchcolourof thework
besidesbeingtheplacewheretheresearchtookplace.TheNetherlandshasagood
reputation internationally with regard to the stature of the domain of urban and
regionaldesignandplanningduetoboththeplanningsystemaswellastheculture
ofdesign.But,asthisfirstchapterwilldemonstrate,thisreputationisunderpressure
fromwithin the domain and because the societal context inwhich the domain is
placedisfundamentallychanging.Thesetwoconditionsprovideforavividdebateto
takeplaceonthedomainintheNetherlands,whichprovidesarichsourcefordiscov
eringnewopportunitiesinlightofthedesignandplanningtasksathand.Itthuspro
videsagratifyingsettingforstudy.
Inthischapter,firstly,thebackgroundofthisthesiswillbeprovided:thewayitis
positionedwithinthedomainofurbanandregionaldesignandplanningand inthe
context of societal developments regarding the organisation of time and space in
contemporarysociety.Thechapterdescribesthefocusoftheworkbyprovidingthe
problemdescription,thekeyconceptsusedinthisthesisandthemainresearchques
tion. Iconclude thechapterbyproviding the lineof reasoningbywhich thedesign
andplanningapproachesanalysedinChapters5and6havebeenchosenanddemar
cated.
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1.2 Background1.2.1 AcrisisinDutchurbanandregionaldesignandplanning?During the 1990s, it was widely held in the Netherlands that the designoriented
urbanplanningdomainofstedebouwkunde(urbanandregionaldesignandplanning),
itstheoreticalbasisanditspractices,founditselfinacrisisandwasinneedofreha
bilitation(NioandReijndorp,1997).Thiscrisiswasparticularlyintellectualinnature,
but at times extended into the practices constituting the profession of stedebou
wkunde aswell as, for example, into educational reform. Thiswas not something
particularlynew,asthis crisiswithregard to itsefficiencyandrelevancehadbeen
proclaimedsince theearly1980s, ifnotearlier (Boelens,1990).Norwas it the last
timethattheneedforrehabilitationwouldbecalledfor(OCW,VROM,LNVandV&W,
2008;BNSP,2009).Theoriginsofthisperpetualcrisisattheendofthe20thcentury
canbetracedtoanumberofdifferent,convergingproblemssuchastheshiftup in
thelevelofspatialscaleofurbandesignproblems,thechangingrelationbetweenthe
urbanandtherural,thefailureoftheplanasan instrumentforplanning,thefailed
projectofmodernism inurbanplanningwith itsfunctionalzoningapproach,there
alisationthattheknowledgesystemofpreparatoryresearchfeedingthedesignofa
planwas increasingly ineffective if iteverworkedatall; and the splinteringof the
disciplineasaresultofspecialisationandclaimingofurbanandregionaldesignand
planningissuesbyotherdomains.
Thisproclaimedcrisisstirredthedebateonthecoreofstedebouwkunde;thede
bateon this topicduring the1990s isparticularly interesting. In thisperiodanew
bodyof literatureon thehistoryof thedomainarose intheNetherlands (e.g.Valk,
1990;Bosma,1993;FaludiandValk,1994;Somer,2007). Inplanningpolicycircles
thiswas theperiodmarkedby the implementationof theVierdeNotaRuimtelijke
Ordening(FourthMemorandumonSpatialPlanning)(VROM,1990)andtheprepara
tionoftheVijfdeNotaRuimtelijkeOrdening(FifthMemorandumonSpatialPlanning)
(VROM, 2001b;Werkgroep Vijfde Nota RuimtelijkeOrdening, 2000). The planning
concept urbannetworksbecamecentral inthepreparationof theFifthMemorandumalthoughasaplanningconcept itwasratherambiguousandnotparticularly
new (cf. Cammen and Klerk, 2003) while the buzzword by then was ontwik
kelingsplanologie(spatialdevelopmentplanning)asopposedtotoelatingsplanologie
(landcontrolorientedspatialplanning)(WRR,1998).Stedebouwkundigen(urbanand
regional designers) were searching for their role in this new setting (Nio and
Reijndorp,1997).
1.2.2 Urbanandregionaldesignandplanning:definitionofitsmaterialobjectAsdifferentopinionsaboutwhatconstitutesthedomainofurbanandregionaldesignandplanningexistwithinthedomain,it isnecessaryheretoelaborateonhowIsee
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thatdomain. It isalso important toclarifytheuseofthis term inrelation toother,particularlyDutchtermsthataresimilar,equivalentoradjacent.Thisalsorelatesto
howIamusingEnglishtranslationsofDutchtermsofruimtelijkeplanning,planologie,
andstedebouwkundeasIexplainthembelow.
InthisthesisIwilluseoneumbrellatermthatencompassesbothruimtelijkeplan
ningandstedebouwkunde.Thisterm is urbanandregionaldesignandplanning. In
translationstedebouwkundesuggestsanemphasisonurbanandregionaldesignand
physicalspatial organisation, while ruimtelijke planning suggests an emphasis on
urbanand regionalplanningandsocietalspatialorganisation.However, Isee these
Dutchtermsasinseparable,concerningthesameobjectofstudyinboththeoryand
practice,despitebothtermshavingdifferentconnotations.Idoconsciouslyseparateplanologie fromurbanandregionaldesignandplanning.Whatmaybeconfusing is
thatplanologieisoftentranslatedasspatialplanning,theliteraltranslationofruim
telijkeplanning.However,planologie,inmyview,concernsafundamentallydifferent
objectofstudyinboththeoryandpracticeincomparisontothecoherentcomplexof
knowledgeandaction(kennis enhandelingscomplex;cf.Boelens,1990:8)thatIwill
describeasurbanandregionaldesignandplanning.Iregardplanologietobeaform
ofpoliticalororganisational sciencewhileurban and regionaldesign andplanning
canberegardedasatechnical,practicalscience(seeKlaasen,2004).
Ontheonehand,itwillbepossibletoseethecentralproblemofthisthesis(see
section1.3)
as
asubstantive
problem
concerning
the
material
object
of
urban
and
regionaldesignandplanning.Hiddingdefinesthematerialobjectofruimtelijkeplan
ningthe term thatHiddinguses i.e.urbanandregionaldesignandplanning,as
spatialorganisationastheresultofthereciprocaladaptationofspaceandsociety
(Hidding,2006:101).Modelsofthematerialobjectofurbanandregionaldesignand
planningareatthebasisofthedefinitionofbothplanninganddesigntasks(Hidding,
2006).Suchmodelsareconceptual innatureandaimtodescribethecomplexrela
tions,mechanisms,processesandelementsofsocietalandphysicalreality.Hidding
(2006:100)describeshow this translates into two fundamental tasksof spatialor
ganisationforthedomainofurbanandregionaldesignandplanning.Notethatspa
tial organisation is identified byHidding not in terms of an endimage, but as an
intermediateresult,continuouslyadaptedinlightofongoingsocietalprocesses.The
first,butnotnecessarilypredominant,fundamentaltaskconcernsthespatialorgani
sationofthemutualrelationsbetweenpeople,organisations,etc.Thisrelatestothe
geographicallocationofsocial(societal)activitiesintheirrelativepositionsaswellas
tothepossibilitytointervene,change,andadapttheserelativepositions.Thistaskis
thatofsocietalspatialorganisation.Thesecondfundamentaltaskconcernsthespa
tialorganisationofrelationswithandwithinthephysicalenvironment.Thisrelatesto
thedesign,transformation, realisationandmaintenanceofthephysicalenvironment,
respondingtothecharacteristics,limitationsandpossibilitiesofwhatisalreadythere
naturallyandculturally.Thistaskisthatofphysicalspatialorganisation.Thedistinc
tion between the two types of spatial organisationmust be seen as an analytical
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distinction.Inrealitytheseareboundtogetherandexistonlyinareciprocalrelation(cf.Figure1.1).
Ontheotherhand,itwillbepossibletoseethecentralproblemofthisthesis(see
section1.1)asaproblemconcerning the framingofurbanandregionaldesignand
planning tasks inurbanandregionaldesignandplanningpractice.Framesare sys
temsofmeaning thatorganisewhatwe know (Healey,2007:25). Iuse the term
framingtorefertothechoiceof languageforsuchmodels,aswellastothecon
struction, (ab)useandadaptationofmodelsofthematerialobjectofurbanandre
gionaldesignandplanning inparticularapproaches.Suchframingtakesplace inde
sign and planning processes by applying knowledge in the making of designs and
plansandreciprocallybydoingresearchtoinformpeoplewhodesignandplan.Thissecond view implies that, inaddition toa substantive component, thereare social
and procedural aspects that are important for exploring the problem. Note that,
though I focuson theuseofempiricalknowledgebydesignersandplanners, there
aremanyothertypesofknowledgethatareusedinthemakingofurbanandregional
designs and plans such as ideas about the nature, purpose and appropriate tasks
associatedwithplanning,ideasabouttheroleandpowersofanindividualplanneror
groupinaparticularsituationorpractice,andideas,concepts,facts,proceduresand
theorieswhichplannersanddesignersapplytoproblemsandtasks(seee.g.Healey
andUnderwood,1978).
Figure1.1Thereciprocalrelationbetweenthephysicalurbansystemandurbansociety,accord
ingtoKlaasen(2004:22)
1.2.3 TwoviewsofthecoreofurbanandregionaldesignandplanningThisthesisisaproductofthefirstdecadeofthe21
stcentury.Itneedstobeseen,on
theonehand,against thebackgroundof thedevelopmentswithin thedisciplineofstedebouwkunde in the1990s.And,on theotherhand, itneeds tobeseenagainst
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thebackdropofanumberof societaldevelopments in the secondhalfof the20thcentury,partiallydrivenbythemassificationandinnovationofmobility,information
andcommunicationtechnologies.
Let'sfirsttakealookatthedisciplineofstedebouwkunde.Thestartingofanum
berofprojects in the1990s, rethinking the foundationsof thediscipline stedebou
wkunde,isofparticularrelevancehere.Thissearchforfoundationsdisclosedsomeof
thefundamentaldifferencesintheapproachofstedebouwkundigeproblemsandfor
whichtheUrbanismdepartmentattheFacultyofArchitectureofDelftUniversityof
Technologymaybeseenasan illustrativeexample. Inthesecondhalfofthe1990s
twoverydifferentattemptswereinitiatedattheUrbanismDepartmentofDelftUni
versityofTechnologytorethinkthefoundationsforthestedebouwkundeforthe21st
century.
Ontheonehand,therewerethoseinvolvedintheresearchprogrammeDeKern
vandeStedebouwinhetPerspectiefvandeEenentwintigsteEeuw.Forthisgroup,the
designoftheurbangroundplanasthedurablefabricofcitiesshouldberegardedas
thecoreofthedomain,tobeseeninrelationto(andmediatingbetween)thespatial
functionalorganisationoftheterritory(read:landuseplanning),thephysicaldesign
ofpublicspacesandthesetsofrulesandregulationsforbuilding(Heeling,Bekkering
andWestrik,2001;Heeling,MeyerandWestrik,2002).Suchaperspectiveonurban
designandplanningconcernsitselfprimarilywiththecompositionofspatialpatterns
withthe
aim
of
transforming
the
physical
fabric
of
cities.
The
physical
fabric
of
cities
fromthispointofviewisconstitutedbydifferentphysicalelementsthatcanbesepa
rated in layers,ofwhich the layerof theurbangroundplanplaysaprimary role in
structuringthecompositionofotherlayers(seeFigure1.2).
On theotherhand, therewere those involved in the researchprogrammeNet
workCities.Forthisgroup,thecoreofthedomainlayinthepossibilityofanurban
ismofnetworks.Thismeant, first, to revalueplanning classics that consider cities
and urban regions in terms of dynamic network structures following the work of
GabrielDupuy(1991)and,second,toconsidertheconsequencesoftheintroduction
ofnew informationandcommunicationtechnologiesattheendofthe20thcentury
(Drewe,2003a).Thisresearchprogrammehasbeenbasedontheassumptionthatso
callednetwork thinkershave longbeenmarginalised inmainstreamurban and re
gionaldesignandplanning,butthat,withtheriseofthe networksociety(Castells,
1996 (2000)) it is necessary to see urban design and planning problems from the
perspectiveofsocalledoperatorsofnetworks.Ofparticularimportanceisthestudy
oftherelationbetweenoperatorsoftechnicalnetworks,theoperatorsoffunctional
networksandhouseholdsastheyconstitutetheirownparticularnetworkofactivities
andtheirinteractionswithothersineverydaylife(Drewe,2003b;Dupuy,Schaickand
Klaasen,2008;Dupuy,1991)(seeFigure1.3).Thisviewonthedomainofurbanplan
ningconcerns itselfprimarilywiththecomplex interactionofprocesses intimeand
spaceratherthanjustwiththetransformationofspatialpatternsovertime.
The study before you has been developed in the context of the research pro
grammeNetworkCities.InthatresearchprogrammeIhavetakenupthechallengeto
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Chapter1Problemandresearchstrategy
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givemore substance tooneof theyet seeminglyunderdeveloped issues in the researchprogrammeofanurbanismofnetworks:thewayinwhichthinkingaboutthe
networksofhouseholds in themakingofurbandesignsandplansmaybe incorpo
rated.Andthisfocusonthedailylifeofpeoplebringsustotheimportanceofanum
berofsocietaldevelopmentsinthe1990sinthefollowingsection.
Figure 1.2 The composition ofphysicalpatterns in theurban groundplan,public spaceand
builtup
space
central
to
the
domain
of
urban
and
regional
design
and
planning.
Source:
Heelingetal.(2001);Heelingetal.(2002)
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Although Iwillgo intomoredetail inChapter2,explaining these conceptsandtheir implications, it is important topayattention to theseconceptshere.Whatdo
theyconcretelymean?Thefirstconcept,timespacecompression,impliesthatpeople
generallyhavebecomemorebusy, i.e.aredoingmore inthesameamountoftime;
asisthecaseintheNetherlands(Breedveldetal.,2001)(cf.Peters,2003;Galle,Dam,
Peeters,Pols,RitsemavanEck,SegerenandVerwest,2004).Italsoimpliestheideaof
an increasingly faster turnover time forgoodsand information (Harvey,1990).The
secondconcept, timespaceconvergence, implies thatnewmeansof transportation
and communication have allowed for information, goods and people to travel in
creasinglylargerdistancesinshortertimespansasisthecasesincetheintroduction
oftherailwaysystems inthe19thcenturyand isstill increasinglythecasewiththeintroductionofnewtechnologiesorwithadjustmentstoexistingtechnologies(Woud,
2006;Harvey,1990).Thecombinationof these two concepts implies the idea that
moreandmorepeoplemightexperiencetimepressure inscheduling theirdailyac
tivities. Paradoxically in the Netherlands, this also seems to apply to free time in
whichmoreandmoreactivities takeplace (Haan,Broek,HuysmansandBreedveld,
2003).
Thethirdconcept,timespaceflexibilisation, impliestwothings.Ontheonehandit
implies thatagrowth invariationof thedailypatternofactivitiesofpeoplecanbe
observed.Afterall,noteveryonecanorwillparticipate inthespeedingupofdaily
life.On
the
other
hand,
itimplies
that
people
might
be
forced
to
become
more
flexi
ble to tune in toother,moredominant temporospatialpatternselsewhere. They
maysobecomemoreflexiblebecausetechnologiesweavetogethertherhythmsof
economic and social activities in multiple places at the same time (Castells, 1996
(2000)).Thatdoublesidedconceptofflexibilisation isconnectedtothe lastconcept
thatIhaveputforwardabove,timespaceindividualisation.
Thisconceptreferstothewhoandwithwhomofactivitiesofpeople.Withregard
to the latter, the Sociaal Cultureel Planbureau (SCP; the Netherlands Institute for
SocialResearch)hasshown that there isa trend inwhichpeoplearespending less
timeonsocialcontacts(Breedveldetal.,2001).Atthesametime,withmorewomen
on the labour market, active 55plussers and the emergence of task combining
households all phenomena characteristic of increasingly individual choices with
regard to lifestyleclassicnotionsabouthouseholds seemno longer sufficient to
understandandorganisecities(Knaap,2002).However,atthesametime,relatively
littlehaschangedoverthelastdecadeswithregardtothecollectiverhythmofdaily
life,atleastintheNetherlands;thecollectiverhythmbeingaphenomenoninwhich
thewithwhomofactivitypatternsbecomesultimatelyvisible.Therhythmofdayand
night and the rhythmof life governed by labour hours are still the two dominant
Zeitgeber(thecuesthatregulatetheorderoftime)intheNetherlands;andtheMon
daytoFriday and 9to5 culture of paid work proves to be very persistent there
(Breedveldetal.,2001).
TheSociaalCultureel
Planbureau(SCP)hasclaimedthatamultiplechoicesociety
is emerging; the demanding society is theother sideof this coin (Breedveld and
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Broek,2003).Thistensionbetweenthemultiplechoicesocietyandstrongcollectivetime structures hasmeant that in particular for those households that combine a
multitudeoftasks,socalledtaskcombiners,thequalityoflifehascomeunderpres
sure.Duringthe1990s itbecamewidelyrecognised, inparticular insocialpolicycir
cles,thattherewasasetofproblemsthatneededtobetackled.TheVROMraadin
theiradviceDagindelinggeordend? (Planningdaily routinearrangements?) (VROM
raad, 2000) distinguished three types of bottlenecks that needed to be solved to
improvequalityoflifefortaskcombininghouseholds:
1. Beschikbaarheidsknelpunten (availability bottlenecks) such as openingtimeswhicharearesultoftemporalorganisationaslaiddownbyinstitutions,forexample,providingamenities;
2. Bereikbaarheidsknelpunten (accessibility bottlenecks, i.e. to be physicallywithinreach)whicharearesultofthespatialpositionofservices
and amenities, for example in how they are positioned in relation to
publictransportfacilities;
3. Toegankelijkheidsknelpunten (approachability and utility bottlenecks)whicharerelatedtotheappropriatesocialeconomicandsocialcultural
conditions for accessibilityof services and amenities; thinkof services
andgoodsbeingtooexpensivetobuyortoreach,orofamismatchbe
tweenavailable
goods
and
services
and
desired
goods
and
services.
1.3 Problemstatementandkeyconcepts1.3.1 ProblemstatementThisstudydealswithan intellectualproblem,aproblemoftheory,ratherthanwith
anempiricalproblem.Itconcernstheexplorationofhow,inthedomainofurbanand
regionaldesignandplanning,todealinabetterwaywithaparticularkindofknowl
edgeandwithaparticularwayofseeingurbantransformationprocesses.
Inanidealsituation,urbanenvironmentsaresuitedtoaccommodatethedesired
anddesirableactivitiesandmovementsofpeoplethatinhabitandvisitthemasbest
aspossibleforasmanyaspossible.Urbanandregionaldesignersandplannershave
animportantroletoplayininventingnewenvironmentsandadaptingthosethatno
longersuffice,soastobetteraccommodatethosedesiresanddesirablesthanbefore.
Torealiseurbanenvironmentsthatcanbesustainedoverlongerperiodsoftime,itis
important tounderstandhowpeoples lives areorganised in time and spaceon a
daily, weekly and monthly basis (Klaasen, 2004;Drewe, 2004; 2005b). Urban and
regional designers and planners would ideally base their decisions on a thorough
understandingofhowurbanenvironmentsand theirproposals for interventions inthoseenvironmentswouldaffectpeoplesactivitiesandmobility.Itisalsoimportant
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thattheyunderstandhowchanges inactivityandmobilitybehaviour in turncreatenewdemandsfortheurbanenvironmenttoaccommodate.Klaasen(2004),amongst
others,hasarguedthatwithoutsuchunderstandingerrorsindesignandplanningare
easilymade,resultingindifficulttouseorillusedurbanplacesandlargerurbansys
tems.
Knowledgeon thesocalled temporospatialactivitypatternsofpeople is readily
availablewithinthedomainofhumangeography (seeChapter2).Twomajorprob
lemsoccurwithusingandapplyingsuchknowledgeinurbanandregionaldesignand
planning.Onehas todowith thedissimilaritiesbetween thedomainofurbanand
regional design and planning and the domain of human geography. Fundamental
differencesexistbetweentypesofknowledge inthetwodomainsThereare fundamentaldifferencesbetween the typeofknowledgeonhow tomakeurbanand re
gionaldesignsandplans focusedonphysicalspatial interventionsandchanges in
urbanareasandregionsconstitutedby largetemporalgrains(years,decades)and
knowledgeabouthowtounderstandactivitybehaviourofpeoplefocusedonem
piricalknowledgeoftemporospatialpatternsconstitutedbysmallertemporalgrains
(days,weeks,months).Toapplythe lattertotheformerprovesdifficult:atthepiv
otalpointbetweenthesetwobodiesofknowledgeasocalledapplicability gapcan
befound(seeChapter3).
Theothermajorproblemoccurswhenlookingatthefactthatsocietyischanging:
thedomain
of
urban
and
regional
design
and
planning
seems
to
be
lagging
behind
in
understandingthosechangesandactinguponthem(Drewe,2004;2005a).Proposed
interventionsareoftenbasedonanunderstandingofpatternsofbehaviourofdays
pastratherthanpossibleandplausiblepatternsoffuturebehaviour(Klaasen,2004).
It is indeed difficult to grasp activitypatternsof people now that they are rapidly
changingduetosocietalandtechnologicaldevelopments(seeChapter2).Theques
tion is ifonecan findnewways toproposeurban interventionsbasedona funda
mental understanding of temporospatial activity patterns of people and the way
thesemaybechangingovertime.
Ifurbanandregionaldesignersandplannersarenotcapableofansweringtothe
questionofhowtoaccommodate,sustainably,activitypatternsofpeople,itislikely
that,within their domain of knowledge and action, they remain searching for the
relevance of the domain in society. In the meantime society will have already
changedagain,answering to itsowndynamics. If,however, itwouldbepossible to
applyknowledgeontemporospatialactivitypatternsofpeopleinurbanandregional
designandplanning,therelevanceof thatdomain inaworldwherethosepatterns
arechangingwould increasesignificantly.Resolving theapplicabilitygapproblem is
crucialtogettingthere.Previousattemptshavelargelyfailedwithregardtoembed
dingknowledgeonactivitypatternsofpeopleinurbanandregionaldesignandplan
ning(seesection1.4).
Thisleadstothefollowingconciseproblemstatementforthisthesis:
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Agap
occurs
between
understanding
how
temporospatial
activity
patterns
ofpeople get constituted and change, and knowing how to design and
planurbansystems.Thisgaphindersthemakingofdesignsandplansfor
urbanareasandregionsthatcanaccommodateplausibleandprobablefu
turepatternsoftemporospatialbehaviourinasustainablemanner.With
outunderstandingtheorderingoftimeinrelationtotheorderingofspace,
thisgapcannotbebridged.Norcanthisproblemberesolvedwithoutun
derstanding knowledgeapplication processes when different knowledge
domainshavetobebridged.
To elaborate this problem statement Iwill explain three key concepts as buildingblocksforthemainresearchquestionsofthisstudy.Firstly,IwillidentifywhatIthink
ofastemporospatialactivitypatternsofpeople.Secondly, Iwillprovidearudimen
tarydefinitionoftheapplicabilitygapconcept.Thirdly,Iwillbrieflyoutlinethebasic
ideaofknowledgeutilitystudies.Theseconceptswillbeelaboratedinmoredetailin
Chapters2,3and4.
1.3.2 TemporospatialactivitypatternsofpeopleThefirstkeyconceptconcernsthenotionoftemporospatialactivitypatternsofpeo
ple.Thebasicconceptof temporospatialactivitypatternsofpeoplecanbeunderstoodbylookingattheweblikeschemeoffigure1.4.Thisfiguredemonstrateshow
anindividualmaycombineaseriesofactivitiesduringalimitedamountoftime,and
howonecanmeasureanddocumenttherelation intimeandspacebetweenthose
activities.Figure1.4showshow,forexample,thenumberofactivities,thedistance,
i.e.moving,betweenactivitiesaswellasthe locationofa homebaseareof influ
enceon the totalamountofactivities thatcanbeundertakenbyan individual ina
certainamountoftime.Theideaisthatactivitypatternsareconstitutedbyboththe
patternofmultipleactivitiescarriedoutinsituaswellasbythepatternsofmobility
necessary to combineactivities indifferentplaces. In this thesis I focusonactivity
patternsofpeople,butasimilarconceptmay,forexample,applytopatternsofactivitiesofcompanies.
Iwillexplicatethatthisseeminglysimpleideahaslargetheoreticalimplications.
ThespatialreachofanactivitypatternwillshowinChapter2tobesubjecttoarange
of socalled constraints (Hgerstrand, 1970), although people are also themselves
capableofseekingwaysto increaseorreorganisethespanoftheiractivitypatterns
(Giddens,1984).Such influenceagencymustbeseen inthecontextofpowerful
mechanisms by which both societal patterns and peoples individual patterns are
continuouslybeingadapted (e.g. Janelle,1969).Temporospatialactivitypatternsof
peoplearethusnostaticgivens,butmustbeseeninrelationtosocietalprocesses.
Suchprocessesarecharacterisedbybothtemporalandspatialorder.Ipositthat
these orders cannotbe seen apart,butmustbe seen in termsof temporospatial
order.Furthermore,Ipositthattheymustbeseenasbeingdynamic,thusintermsof
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temporospatialordering.Suchordering iswhere thedomainofurbanand regionaldesignandplanningcomesintoplay.Moreover,withitsfundamentaltaskofsocietal
spatialandphysicalspatialorganisation,urbanandregionaldesignandplanninghas
asignificantroletoplayinsuchordering.IwillexplaininChapter2theworkingsof
fourmajor types ofmechanismsof temporospatial adaptation, already introduced
earlierthischapter,bywhichsuchorderingmaytakeplace:timespacecompression,
timespaceconvergence,timespaceindividualisationandtimespaceflexibilisation.
Figure1.4Awebconceptforquantificationoftheorderingcharacteristicsofactivitypatterns.
Source:Vidakovic(1988:122)asadaptedbyKlaasen(2004:70)
1.3.3 ApplicabilitygapThe applicability gap is the second key concept in this thesis.Although the termapplicability gap originates in design theory, and in particular in environment
behaviourstudies(Hillier,MusgroveandO'Sullivan,1972;Zeisel,1981),theconcept
ofagapbetweenknowledgeandactionisrecognisedthroughoutliteratureonplan
ning in general (FriedmannandHudson,1974) andurban and regionaldesign and
planning inparticular(HeideandWijnbelt,1994;Klaasen,2004).Muchofthe litera
turefocusesononeofaseriesofpossibleexplanationsoftheapplicabilitygapsoc
currence.IidentifyinChapter3threemajorcategoriesofexplanationsfortheappli
cability gap problem: structural aspects, related to the gap between professional
communitiesamongstthemselvesand/orintheirrelationtoacademiccommunities;
contentbased
aspects, related towhat is regarded relevantknowledge indifferent
domainsanddisciplines;andproceduralaspects,relatedtogapsinprocessesofplan
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ninganddesign.ThroughoutthethesisIalsolookatexplanationsfortheapplicabilitygapat a socalledmetalevel, i.e. referring tomethodological aspectsofmanaging
knowledgesuchaslaidbarebythedomainofsocalledknowledgeutilitystudies.
1.3.4 KnowledgeutilityTounderstandthethirdkeyconceptasIuseit,theconceptofknowledgeutility,it
helpstodistinguishitfromknowledgeuse.ThisisthethirdkeyconceptthatIexplain
here.Bothuseofknowledgeandutilityofknowledgeconcernprocessesofknowl
edgebeing transferredorknowledge travelling fromonecontext toanother.The
use of knowledge then is a relatively neutral termwithout a particular normativeconnotation.Anoftenuseddistinctionbetween typesofknowledgeuse is thatbe
tween instrumental useof knowledge, conceptual useof knowledge and symbolic
useof knowledge. Landry,Amara and Lamari (2001a),Amara,Ouimet and Landry
(2004)andBeyer(1997)provideindepthtreatmentsofthesecategories.Whenusing
distinctionsbetweendifferentusesofknowledgeanotheroftenmadedistinction is
the one between tacit and explicit knowledge (Nonaka and Takeuchi, 1995), each
implyingdifferentwaysofusingknowledge.
Utility of knowledge has a different connotation. Utility is a term originally
coinedineconomics,buttheuseoftheterminthecontexthereisdifferentfromits
economicmeaning, thoughassociatedwith thepossibility toquantifyandmeasureutilisation.Thus,adifferencecanbemadebetweentheuseofknowledgeandthe
usefulnessofknowledge.Thequestionofwhogetstodecidewhatisdeemeduseful
knowledgeinplanninganddesignprocessesisamatterofconcern,butisbeyondthe
scopeoftheworkathand.Itisimportanttonotethatusefulnessi.e.utilitycanbe
definedfromboththepointofviewofthesourceofknowledgeaswellaswhatcould
beconsideredareceivingendofaprocessofknowledgetransfer.
Knowledgeutilitystudiesinthecontextofplanningaremethodologicalinnature.
Othertermsusedtodescribethesetypesofstudiesareknowledgeinfluence,knowl
edgeuptake,knowledgetransfer,knowledgediffusionandknowledgemanagement
studies. One can distinguish between three major fields of study that compriseknowledgeutilitystudieswithadirectrelevance forurbanandregionaldesignand
planning.
Firstly, there are those studies, grounded in the social sciences (in particular
evaluationstudies),that focuson theuseofknowledge forpolicypurposes (Weiss,
1977;Weiss,1979;Dunn,1980;Dunn,1983;Dunn,Hicks,HegedusandvanRossum,
1990;HealeyandUnderwood,1978;Caplan,1979;Knorr,1976;Innes,1990;Landry,
Amara and Lamari, 2001b; Landry et al., 2001a; Landry, Lamari andAmara, 2003;
Amara et al., 2004). This category forms the largest bodyofworkon the subject.
Secondly,therearethosestudiesgrounded inthetechnicalordesignsciences,that
focuson
the
use
of
knowledge
for
design
purposes
(Heide
and
Wijnbelt,
1994;
Heide
andWijnbelt,1996;MeyandHeide,1997;Hamel,1990).Butinthissubdomainmost
researchdoesnotreferorapplytourbanorregionaldesign,butrathertoarchitec
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turalortoindustrialdesign.Thirdly,thereisabodyofliteraturethatworksunderthebannerofevidencebasedpolicy(Davoudi,2006)orevidencebasedplanning(Krizek,
ForsythandSlotterback,2009;Nutley,WalterandDavies,2003).
Demonstratingthepossiblewiderangeofviewpoints,Weiss(1979)outlinedase
riesofmodelsofknowledgeusethatcanbecharacterisedasways inwhichknowl
edge travels inparticular contexts.Extendingon theworkbyWeisson theMany
MeaningsofResearchUtilisation,Iwillconsideragenericmodelofknowledgeutility
tobebuiltupof threedimensions;Weisssmodelsprovidingonedimensioncon
cerninghowknowledge travels in certain contextsplus twootherdimensionsof
knowledgeutility: strategies to improveon knowledgeutility and stagesof knowl
edgeutility(seeChapter4).
1.4 Relevance1.4.1 SocietalrelevanceBetween 2000 and 2002 theWetenschappelijke Raad voor Regeringsbeleid (WRR,
ScientificCouncilforGovernmentPolicy)publishedaseriesofreportsonthechang
ing relationbetween citiesand countryside in theNetherlands (Mommaas,Heuvel
and Knulst, 2000; Knaap, 2002; Scheele, 2001; AsbeekBrusse,Dalen andWissink,
2002).Thatseriesofreportsdemonstrateshowrelevant it is in lightofthesetof
disciplinaryandsocietalproblemsassetoutabovetopaymoreattentiontoknowl
edgeofthedailypatternsofactivitiesandmobilityofhouseholdswithinthedomain
ofurbanandregionaldesignandplanning.TheWRRdemonstratesthattherelevance
ofastudyonthatsubject liesmainly in the factthatchangingactivityandmobility
patternsofpeopleprovidemultiplechallengesforcontemporaryurbanandregional
designandplanningintermsof:
Thegrowthofthe leisure industryand itsspatialconsequences(Mommaasetal.,2000)(seealsoHaanetal.,2003);
Theneedfornewspatialconceptsandsteeringmechanisms forspatialdynamics in lightofchanges inactivityandmobilitybehaviourofpeopleand
companies(Knaap,2002)(seealsoBoelens,2009;Klaasen,2004);
The need to changemunicipal spatial policies in lightof societal changes,particularlywithregard to themismatchbetween the low levelofscaleof
municipalpolicies incontrast to the relativelyhigher levelofscaleofpeo
ples and companies activity patterns (Scheele,2001) (see alsoHoog and
Vermeulen,2009);
Thechangesinthewaydifferentscientificdisciplinesregardtherelationbetweensocietaldynamicsandspatialdynamics(AsbeekBrusseetal.,2002).
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Thesechallengeshavealreadyled,inpractice,tothedefinitionofanumberofdesigntaskswithin thedomainofurbanand regionaldesignandplanning. In theNether
lands,inparticular,thisneedstobeseeninthecontextofageneralshift,aroundthe
turnofthecentury, fromafocusonurbanexpansiontowardsthedesignandplan
ningtaskbeingfocusedon intensifieduseofbuiltupareas,themixingoffunctions,
and, particularly, the focus on transformation of urban areas rather than on
greenfielddevelopment(seeCammenandKlerk,2003).
Oneexample is the taskofdesigningpublicspaceandspatialconcentrationsof
urban services from theperspectiveofmultiple,diverseand intensive landuse (cf.
BSIKprogrammes Habiforum 20002004 Meervoudig Ruimtegebruik Multifunc
tionalandIntensiveLandUse,andHabiforum20042009VernieuwendRuimtegebruik
InnovativeLanduse)(Habiforum,2009;Gouw,HillebrandandZantinge,2006;Nio
andReijndorp,1997:238;Coolen,2004;LagendijkandWisserhof,1999aand1999b;
Tummers,2002;Harts,MaatandZeijlmansvanEmmichoven,1999;Rodenburgand
Nijkamp,2004).
Anotherexampleisthetaskofdesigningplacesaroundpublictransportnodesso
astoprovidepossibilitiesforsynergybetweenfunctionsandpossibilitiesforactivity
chainingforhouseholdsorinmoregeneralterms,inanswertotheincreasingdiver
sityofmobilityandactivitypatterns,thedesignofsocalledmobilityenvironments
(e.g. Bertolini and Dijst, 2000; Cammen and Klerk, 2003: 378; Boelens, Sanders,
Schwanen,Dijst
and
Verburg,
2005;
Rooij
and
Read,
2008).
Athird
example
iscon
cernedwithdesigningregionalvisionsfornetworksofcities(e.g.VROM,2001b).For
eachofthesedesigntasksitisnecessarytoincludethinkingaboutpeoplestemporo
spatialactivityandmobilitypatternswhiledesigningthephysicalandprogrammatic
fabricofcities.
Allthiscoincideswitharevivalofattentiontothe everyday (hetalledaagse) in
thedomainofurban and regionaldesign andplanning although this cannot be
consideredamainstreamdiscourse inthedomainofurbanandregionaldesignand
planning(Karsten,2009).Exemplaryofthatrevivalisaseriesofthemeissuesbythe
Dutch professional magazine Stedebouw & Ruimtelijke Ordening (S&RO) (NIROV,
2007a;2007b;2007c);aswellasthereappreciationof JaneJacobswork,exempli
fied in the Netherlands by the first Dutch translation of Death and Life of Great
American Cities (Jacobs, 1961 (2009)). Thework byArnold Reijndorp continues to
highlight the importanceofeveryday life,whichseeminglyescapestheattentionof
urbandesignersandplanners (Reijndorp,Kompier,Metaal,NioandTruijens,1998;
HajerandReijndorp,2001;Dudok,TeeffelenandReijndorp,2004;Reijndorp,2004;
Nio,ReijndorpandVeldhuis,2008).Also theworkofMarionRobertsdrawsexplicit
attentiontoeverydaylifeandinparticularitspeculiaritiesorhiddenaspectssuchas
thenighteconomy(RobertsandEldridge,2009).Thetemporalorganisationofsociety
alsoreceivesampleattentioninpopulararchitectureandpopulardesign,exemplified
inpublicationssuchasbySepandVerheije(2004)andMaas(2006).
Andalthoughthesesearchesforbetterurbanandregionaldesignandplanning
provide some interestingopenings, they are symptomaticof theproblem rather
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thanexemplary for theemergenceofasolution tothenecessaryadaptationwithinthedomainofurbanandregionaldesignandplanningtocontemporaryprocessesof
timespace (re)organisation. LuukBoelensexplains that weplannershave failed to
translate themorebehavioural,collaborativeor relational,poststructuralplanning
theoriesintoconvincing,decisiveandsustainablepractices(Boelens,2009:185).
In light of these design tasks, the societal developments as I described them
abovecannotandshouldnotbeseenseparatefromthedebateonthecoreofstede
bouwkunde.Thisisnotonlybecausetheorganisationoftimeandspaceincontempo
rarysociety ischangingandtransformations incontemporarycitiesareunavoidable
asaresult.Inmyview,thephysicallayoutofcitiescannotbemeaningfullyseparated
inurbanplanningfromthepatternsofuseofurbanplacesinbothtimeandspace.Itis toaccommodate temporospatialactivitypatterns thaturbandesignersandplan
nersconcern themselveswith thephysical layoutof thecity.But that temporaldi
mension has been largely neglected in urban design and planning (Klaasen, 2004;
Klaasen,2005b;NioandReijndorp,1997;Bonfiglioli,2004).Tocontributetoliveable
cities,knowledgeofthedaily,weekly,monthlyandyearlytemporalandspatialpat
ternsofuseinurbanenvironmentsneedstobeembeddedinthebodyofknowledge
ofurbanandregionaldesignandplanningmorethanitisnow.
1.4.2 Fundamentalquestionsonpeople,timeandspaceAsintroducedatthestart,twofundamentalquestionsprovidetheintellectualstart
ingpointsforthisthesis.Thefirstquestionwasraisedaround1970byTorstenHger
strand,ageographer:WhataboutPeople inRegionalScience? (Hgerstrand,1970)
Thecoreofhisargumentwasthatitwasnecessarytodevelopadetailedunderstand
ingofpeoplesdaytodaybehaviour intermsof their temporospatialpatternsof
activityandmobilityasabasis forplanning rather thangeneralisedeconomicor
sociologicaltheories(cf.Pred,1977)(seeFigure1.5;seeChapter2).Thesecondques
tionwasaskedbyKevinLynch,urbandesignerandplanner, in1976:WhatTime is
thisPlace? (Lynch,1972).Thecoreofhisargumentwas that,within thedomainof
urbanandregionaldesignandplanning, it isnecessarytopayattentiontotherelationbetweentimeandspaceasperceivedbypeopleandthetemporalorganisation
ofspacesastheyareinscribedinurbanenvironments.
IarguethatthetwoquestionsputforwardbyLynchandbyHgerstrandneedto
berelatedtoeachotheraswellasbevaluedforthecomplexityoftheirimplications.
Ialsoarguethatthishassofarnotbeendonesufficientlywithinthedomainofurban
andregionaldesignandplanning.Still, Iwillnotbethefirst inthedomainofurban
andregionaldesignandplanningtograpplewiththeproblemoftimeandpeoplein
termsof temporospatialactivitypatterns. Iwillsummarise threepreviousattempts
todojustthatbelow.Firstly,Boelensworkdemonstratestheimportanceoftheoris
ingandconceptualisingabouttimeandspaceasdoneby,forexample,AnthonyGid
dens,NigelThrift,ManuelCastellsandDavidHarvey(Boelens,2009;Boelens,2010)
(cf.AsbeekBrusseetal.,2002)(seeChapter2).Butsuchtheorisationdoesnotneces
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sarilybringsonecloser to findingways toembed timemore firmly inurbandesignthinkingapartfromraisingawarenessandraisingasenseofurgencythatsomeof
thecore ideasaboutcities inthedomainofurbanandregionaldesignandplanning
thathavebeenprevalentoverthelastdecadeswillnotsufficeforthe21stcentury.
Despitedevelopingan interesting framework for innovatingpractices in thedo
mainofurbanandregionaldesignandplanning,Boelensfailstofundamentallyinte
gratetimeandspaceinhistheoryonplanning.Whileheprovidesinthissensehighly
relevant case material from practice in particular the case of the Stedenbaan
(Boelens,2009:Box5.1;Boelensetal.,2005)(cf.KlaasenandRadema,1987;Radema
andKlaasen,1986),herefrainsfromreturningtothequestionoftimeandspace in
thesubstantiveportionofhistheory.
Figure1.5Hgerstrands timespace cube conceptprovidesanannotation system tovisualise
thecomplex
relation
between
temporospatial
behaviour
of
people
and
the
physical
environ
ment.Source:Parkes,ThriftandCarlstein(1978)
Dreweincontrasthighlightsthetheoreticalimportanceoftimeinrelationtospaceas
he findsanotionof time integral to theoryonnetworkurbanism,buildingon the
workbyGabrielDupuy (Drewe,2004;Drewe,2005b;Drewe,2005a;Dupuy, 1991;
Dupuyetal.,2008).Drewearguesthattounderstandthecomplexityofcities inthe
networksociety, it is important tohighlight the temporaldimensionofurbansys
tems in termsof timeuseof individualpeopleaswellas in termsof thecollective
structuresoftimeinsociety.However,hisworkremainsonanabstractlevelandasa
result regrettably remained tooccupy an academicniche inurbanplanning in the
Netherlands.Still,hepointsthewayforfurtherresearchtotheworkofSandraBon
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figlioli(BonfiglioliandMareggi,1997),whohasvividlyarguedsincethe1980stoseecities as temporal objects. She has suggested to conceptualise cities in terms of
chronotopes,literallytimeplaces.Herworkhasbeenidentifiedbyothersaswellfor
havingpotential(NioandReijndorp,1997;GrahamandHealey,1999),butthework
hasseeminglyremainedsomewhatparochialandhasonlybeentranslated intoEng
lish toa limiteddegree.Althoughherapproachhasbeen institutionalised in Italian
timepoliciesanddispersedinaEuropeannetworkofresearchers,herapproachhas
notbeen able to really influencemainstreamurbanplanning. Still,wemightdraw
morelessonsfromherworkthansofarhasbeendone.(SeeChapter6)
IntheNetherlandsMargotMeywasthefirst,andoneoffewtodate,toattempta
concretetranslationofresearchontimeusetomakingurbandesignsforneighbourhoods inanattempttoovercometheapparent applicabilitygap(thegapbetween
researchanddesign)(Mey,1994;Mey,1996;MeyandHeide,1997).Herworkshould
beseen inthecontextofabodyofworkgrounded inthetheoryoftimegeography
(seeChapter2). Time geographical theory hashad quite some follow up inDutch
academicresearch(e.g.Vidakovic,1980;Vidakovic,1981;Vidakovic,1988;Dijstand
Vidakovi,1997;DijstandVidakovic,2000;DroogleeverFortuijn,Hietbrink,Karsten
and Rijkes, 1987; Dijst, 1995; Dijst, 1999; Arentze, Dijst, Dugundji, Joh, Kapoen,
Krygsman,MaatandTimmermans,2001;Dietvorst,1995;Dietvorst,1994).However,
timegeographywasandisseldomusedbyurbandesignersorinthecontextofurban
designtasks.
Mey
developed
and
defended
the
argument
that
itispossible
to
trans
lateempiricalstudiesontimeusetoaconcreteurbandesignbydevelopingtypical
userprofiles inherPhDthesis (Mey,1994)andaresearchreportforPRO(Athen
Dutch instituteforprogrammingpolicyresearch)(Mey,1996),butherworkhasnot
been followedup since.As far as isknown,only LuukBoelenshasattemptedone
othersuchstudy inDutchurbanplanning(Boelensetal.,2005). Inaddition,forthe
domainof tourism and recreation planning there are some examples to be found
based on the touristrecreationcomplex concept developed by Adri Dietvorst at
WageningenUniversity (Dietvorst,1989).However, theseconcernproductdevelop
mentfortourismormanagementoftouristareasratherthanphysicalspatialdesign
andplanning.
Acknowledgingboththedesirabilityaswellastheapparentdifficultyofembed
dingknowledgeoftemporospatialactivitypatternsofpeople inurbanandregional
design andplanning, InaKlaasen has argued that, todealwith thatdifficulty, it is
necessarytoliterallyputtimeinthepicture,amongstotherfactors(Klaasen,2005b).
Her argument is that the invisibility of such knowledge for urban designers and
plannersmight be located in the fact that urban designers and planners primarily
reasonfromspatialmodels;thesecanonlyindirectlydepicttime.Andthatclaimmay
indeedbevalid, though it isembedded inamuchwiderproblem,asChapter3will
demonstrate.However,Klaasenssolutionofembeddingknowledgeoftemporospa
tialactivitypatternsofpeople inspatialorganisationprinciples (seeKlaasen,2004)
remainsatthesurfaceofwhatincorporatingtimeinnotionsofspacemayimplicate
(seeChapter2).Moreover,inrecentyears,somecriticismhasalsoarisenontheuse
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ofsuchspatialorganisationprinciples inurbanand regionaldesignandplanningasgivens (seee.g.Healey,2007:228,denoting themas spatialorderingprinciples).
Althoughthatcritiqueinmyviewdoesnotdisqualifythepossibilityofdeveloping
suchprinciples,thecritiquedoesprovidegroundforexamininghowknowledgeem
bedded in thoseprinciplesgetspositionedwithin thebodyof knowledgeofurban
andregionaldesignandplanning.
1.4.3 ScientificrelevanceAlthoughMey, Boelens and Klaasen have thus developed approaches for applying
knowledgeoftemporospatialactivitypatternsofpeopleinthedomainofurbanandregionaldesignandplanning (Mey,1994;Mey,1996;Boelensetal.,2005;Boelens,
2009;Klaasen,2004;Klaasen,2005b),theseapproacheshavenotbeenappropriated
inmainstreamurbanandregionaldesignandplanning.So,althoughitisinprinciple
possible,knowledgeof temporospatialactivityandmobilitypatternsofpeoplejust
simplydoesnotgettranslatedintourbanandregionaldesignandplanningpractice.
Twoareasofparticularinterestemerge.Ontheonehand,thereisnolargebody
of literatureontemporospatialactivityandmobilitypatternsasan intricatecompo
nentofurbanandregionaldesignandplanning.Ontheotherhand,thereseemsto
beaproblemofapplicabilityofempiricalknowledgeofsuchpatterns inthemaking
ofurbandesignandplans.Iaimtocontributetoboththeseareasof interest.Todoso,IbasethetheoreticalfoundationofthisthesisontwoelementsoftheworkbyIna
Klaasenondevelopingurbanandregionaldesignandplanningasascience(Klaasen,
2004). Firstly, I adopt her idea that the adherence to a creativecraft approach to
urbanandregionaldesignandplanningcultivatesasocalledapplicabilitygapwhich
hinders the development of a scientific body of knowledge in urban and regional
designandplanning.ThetermapplicabilitygapwaslabelledbyHillier,Musgroveand
OSullivan to describe the gap between empirical research and the synthesis of
knowledge, the latterbeingcharacteristicofdesigning (Hillieretal.,1972).Klaasen
considerstheapplicabilitygapasoneaspectofherbroadertheoreticalworkonde
velopingascientificbodyofknowledgeofurbanand regionaldesignandplanning.Heruseoftheconceptoftheapplicabilitygapisbasedonhypothesesonthebehav
iourof designers as theyhave beendeveloped inparticular in researchon design
processes(e.g.Cross,2001;Hamel,1990).Secondly, Iadoptthe ideathatthestruc
turally lacking temporaldimension in the languageandcognitiveschemesofurban
designers leadstotheunderestimationoftherelevanceofthetemporospatialchar
acteristicsofactivitypatternsofpeople(Klaasen,2004:63;Klaasen,2005b).Klaasen
developstheideathatthisisforanimportantpartduetothedifferencebetweenthe
staticspatialmodels thatdesignersuseand thedynamic realitygovernedbyspace
andtimeinwhichtheyoperate.AnotheraspectthatKlaasen identifies,isthediffer
enceinthedominantgrainofobservationoftimeintransformationprocesses(years,
decades) and the dominant temporal grain of observation for activity patterns of
people(days,weeks)
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WhereKlaasenconsequentlyfocusesonthedevelopmentofsubstantivecontentforascientificbodyofknowledgeforurbanandregionaldesign(Klaasen,2004),Iwill
focusonexploringandtheorisingthesetwo interrelated,but inmyview lessdevel
opedelementsofherwork.Ontheonehand,thisisbecauseKlaasensworkinitially
refrains fromapproaching theproblemof theapplicabilitygap inall its complexity
(seeChapter3).Ontheotherhand,thisisbecauseherworkinmyviewmissesa
comprehensiveframingofthe implicationsofputtingthenotionofactivitypatterns
inacentralpositioninhernotionoftimespace(seeChapter2).Thisthesiswillaimat
extending the scientificbodyofknowledge forwhichKlaasen sketches theoutline
suchthatitwillbeinclusiveofthesenotions.
1.5 Aimandresearchquestions1.5.1 AimThegeneralaimof this thesis is toexplorenewpossibilities forembeddingknowl
edgeabouttemporospatialactivityandmobilitybehaviourofpeopleinthedomainof
urbanandregionaldesignandplanning.WiththisexplorationIwanttocontributeto
thescientificbodyofknowledgeofurbanandregionaldesignandplanningassetout
byKlaasen(2004).Iaimtodosowiththehelpoftwomajorbuildingblocks.Onthe
one hand, based on an intricate understanding of the applicability gap problem
(Chapter3), theworkoperationalises theapplicabilitygapproblem in termsof the
useandutilityofknowledge (Chapter4).On theotherhand, Ioperationalise the
substantive relation between temporospatial activitypatternsofpeople and the
temporospatialorganisationofurbanareasandregions(Chapter2).
1.5.2 ResearchquestionsFollowingfromtheproblemstatementthetwomaininterrelatedresearchquestions
are:
Inwhatwaycanthetemporospatialorderingofurbansystemsinparticular
of temporospatialactivitypatternsofpeoplebeunderstood soas toact
upon that understanding in the domain of urban and regional design and
planning?
and
Whatisthepotentialofparticularapproachestocontributetoresolvingthe
applicabilitygapproblem;approachesthataimtoprovideanunderstanding
oftemporospatial
activity
patterns
of
people
from
adesign
and
planning
per
spective?
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In the next section Iwill explain how Iwill use the analysis of two particular approachestoexplorethecentralproblem.Themainresearchquestionsareunravelled
intoaseriesofsubquestionsthatneedtobeanswered intheanalysisofparticular
approachesthatatfirstsightshowpotentialtoresolvetheapplicabilitygapproblem:
Whichapproaches,atfirst sight, showpotential to contribute to resolvingthe applicability gapproblem by bridging knowledge domains considering
theorderingoftimeandtheorderingofspacerespectively?
Whichstrategiestoembedknowledgeoftemporospatialpatternsofpeopleareputforwardbyparticularapproaches combiningactivitiesof research,
planningand
design?
Inwhatwayistheorderingoftimespaceconsideredintheframingofdesignandplanningtaskswithinparticularapproaches?
Whataspectsoftheapplicabilitygapproblemaretackledbyparticularapproaches?
Combiningtheanswerstothethreequestionsdirectlyabove,canlessonsfortackling the applicability gapproblem can be derivedfromparticular ap
proaches?Ifso,whichlessons?
Whichaspectsofthetwoapproacheshelpandwhichdonthelptotackletheapplicabilitygapproblem?
Workingfromthefindingsontheapproaches,whatfurtherresearch isnecessarytoembedknowledgeoftemporospatialactivitypatternsofpeople in
themakingofurbanandregionaldesignsandplans?
Thefirstsubquestion isansweredinthischapter;thefollowingthreesubquestions
areaddressedintheconclusionsofthedescriptiveChapters5and6.Theremaining
seriesofquestionsareaddressedinChapter7.
1.6 Researchstrategyandselectionprocess1.6.1 TheprinciplebehindselectingapproachestostudyOverthelastdecades,severalapproachesthatshowpotentialforresolvingtheappli
cabilitygapproblemhaveemerged.Twoof thoseapproaches thatemerged in the
1990sandearly2000shavebeenselectedforanalysis inthisthesis.Thedescription
ofthewayinwhichtheyhavetriedandthedegreetowhichtheyhavesucceeded
andwhy they haveor have not to embed knowledge of temporospatial activity
patternsofpeople inurbanandregionaldesignandplanningformsthecoreofthis
thesis.
Ihavechosentostudytwoapproachesthatexemplifyparticularproblemsolution
sets forembeddingknowledgeofactivitypatternsofpeople inurbanand regional
designandplanning:theapplicationoftrackingstudiesinurbanandregionaldesign
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Chapter1Problemandresearchstrategy
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(Chapter5)andthesocalledtimesofthecityapproach(Chapter6).Boththeseapproaches show, on first sight, potential to provide lessons for embedding such
knowledgeinthepracticesofthedomainofurbanandregionaldesignandplanning.
The two approaches represent two different viewpoints on knowledge of activity
patternsofpeople.Both showhow the focuson spatialpatterns inurbanand re
gionaldesignandplanningmaybeextendedsoastoincludethenotionoftime.The
one viewpoint focuses on knowledge about the particular weblike and rhythmic
patternsofactivitiesandemphasises the roleofempiricalknowledgeabout them.
The other approach focuses on the constraints within which those activities may
unfoldandemphasisestheroleofknowledgeaboutdesignandplanning.
Theseviewpointsareexpectedtoofferrivalstrategiesfortacklingtheapplicabilitygapproblem.Thesemaycomplementeachother,butmayalsodemonstrateeach
othersweaknesses.Assuch,thecompilingofthefindingsfromthetwoapproaches,
and viewing them against the theoretical framework built in Chapters 2, 3 and 4,
providesaplausiblebasetosuggestfurtherresearchonimprovingtheuseofknowl
edgeoftemporospatialactivitypatternsofpeople inurbanandregionaldesignand
planning.
1.6.2 OnthesearchprocessandthestructuringoffindingsTheresultsofthisstudyhaveemergedfromaniterative,explorativesearchprocess.Theentrypoint formysearchwasthebodyofempiricalknowledgeontherelation
betweenphysical urban structures and activity patternsof people. I found several
bodiesof literature, the largestwas thaton the relationbetweenurban form and
travelbehaviour,whichtriedexplicitlytolinkcharacteristicsofthelayoutofcitiesto
howactivitypatternsofpeoplegetconstituted.Howeverthequestionthenemerged
whysuchknowledgewashardlyusedalreadywhileitwasreadilyavailable?
Toaddressthatquestion,andsettingthebase lineforthestudy, I identifiedthe
applicabilitygapproblem(seesection1.3andChapter3). I initiallyfocusedmyre
searchon instruments thatmighthelp in bridging the gap. The socalled medium
shiftgotmyparticularattention:themomentoftranslationofnumericalorverbalinformationintovisualinformationasacrucialstepindesignprocesses.Byrevisiting
thebodyof literatureon theoryandpracticeof thedomainofurbanand regional
designandplanning Irealisedthattheapplicabilitygapproblem Ihadbeendealing
withwas fundamental tothatdisciplineandprofession.Thegapbetweenempirical
knowledge and themakingof urbandesigns andplanswas treated in aparticular
bodyof literature linkingorganisational theory,design theoryandplanning theory:
knowledgeusestudiesorknowledgeutilitystudies.
Ichosetobuildthestudyprimarilyaroundamorequalitativemethodofresearch
basedon literaturestudy.This literaturestudy Isupportedby interviewsandgroup
meetings to collect informationonparticular topics.Theoryonurbanand regional
designandplanningaswellason timespacecame toplayamuchmore important
partinthestudy.IsearchedforalevelofanalysisonwhichIcouldshowtheintrica
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ciesoftheapplicabilitygapproblem.Ifoundthislevelofanalysisintheidentificationofdifferentapproachesofwhich I selected two to study inmoredetail.Theseap
proaches,asdistinguishableentities,alsoformthecorechaptersofthethesisitself.
1.6.3 ThechoiceofapproachesTheapproachesanalysedinthisthesisarechosensothattheycovertwofundamen
talpropertiesoftheconceptoftemporospatialactivitypatternsofpeople:thetem
porospatialpatternsthemselvesandtheconstraintstowhichpeoplearesubjectedin
producing those patterns. These roughlymatchwith two fundamentally different
viewpointswithin studiesofactivitybehaviour: thechoicebasedapproachand theconstraintsbased approach (see Chapter 2).Moreover, these two viewpoints also
enlightenthetwosidesoftheapplicabilitygapproblem,eachstartingon theother
end:empiricalknowledgeaboutactivitybehaviourontheonehandanddesignand
planningontheother.Thefinalchoiceofapproacheshasbeentheresultofanitera
tive,explorativeresearchprocess(seesections1.6.2and1.7).
Thefirstapproachcentresonanonlyrecentlyinthelasttenyearsdeveloped
approach for the collection and processingof data on temporospatial activity and
mobilitybehaviour:theuseoftrackingtechnologiessuchasGPS(GlobalPositioning
System)andmobilephonepositioning.Trackingtechnologies,offeringstateoftheart
researchtechniques,isalogicalchoiceforthisstudyasresearchintotheworkingsofactivitysystemsisatthebaseofthinkingaboutpeoplestemporospatialactivityand
mobility behaviour in the context of urban and regional design and planning (see
Chapter2).Themajorconcerninthechapterontrackingtechnologiesisifthisnovel
approachenablesresearchersanddesignerstogetbeyondtheapplicabilitygapprob
lem.Theapproachcanbeconsiderednovelforitextendsbeyondbeingjustanother
researchtechniquethatreplacespaperdiariesforstudyingactivitybehaviour.Iposit
thatthe introductionoftrackingtechnologiesmayfundamentallychangesomething
intheepistemologyofactivitybehaviourresearch.Howandtowhatdegree,though,
isamatterofdebate.
Thesecondapproachpicksuponthesuggestionthatthesocalledtimesofthecity approach,which conceptualises cities as chronotopes, mayprovideways for
ward in urban and regional design and planning for embedding a concern for the
smallgrainsof timesuchasdaysandweeks.Suchgrainsarecharacteristic forpeo
ples activity and mobility behaviour. The approach, primarily developed through
French,Germanand Italianactionresearchpractices, isanalysedwith regard to its
theorisationofproblemsolutionsetsbeingconsideredasplanningendeavoursand
theanalyticalandactionorientedresearch,designandplanningstrategiesthatcon
stitutetheapproach.Theselectionofthisapproach isprimarily,althoughnotexclu
sively,basedonPaulDrewesexpectationsof theapproach: it seems todeliveran
important step forward inbringingactivitypatternsofpeople to the fore inurban
andregionaldesignandplanning(Drewe,2004):
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Chapter1Problemandresearchstrategy
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It provides starting points for the development of new spatial conceptsbasedontheunderlyingconceptofthepostindustrialcity (i.e.basedona
servicebasedandknowledgeeconomy);
Itprovidesaframeworkformultidisciplinaryscientificreflectiononcontemporaryurbandesignandplanningleadingtoaninnovativeproblemformula
tionbasedonatemporaldescriptionofspatialphenomena;and
Itprovidesconcretemethods for localpoliticalprocessessuchassocalledmultipartnertablesofcodesign,mobilitypactsandavisual languagesup
portingtheseprocessesintheformofsocalledchronotopicmaps
1.6.4 DemarcatingtheapproachesRatherthandemarcatingtheapproachesbyaconcretesituatedpractice,Ihavecho
senasa firststep todefinetheapproachesbyepisodescharacterisedbythe intro
ductionofanewwayof framingand/or tacklinganurbanand regionaldesignand
planningproblemanapproachthatillustratestheproblematicoftheapplicabil
itygap.Suchanepisodecanbeanalysedby lookingattheconstellationofpractices
andpublications thatareassociatedwith theapproach.Theperiod from1990on
wards isofparticular interestaswasdemonstratedat thestartof thischapterand
theapproachesareselectedfromthisperiod.
Thesecondsteptodemarcatetheapproachesisintermsoftheirrelationalmapofknowledge, i.e. thenetworkofknowledgeexperts involved (seeChapter4).But
involved inwhat?Theapproacheshavebeen identifiedbynetworksthatareorgan
isedaroundanidentifiableresearch,planningand/ordesignapproachthatisofrele
vance to theproblem statement.Often approaches get reduced to discourseor
stories, i.e. languagebasedendeavours largelystrippedofsubstantiveaspects.But
such a conceptualisation wouldnot allow for abroadermappingof the subjectat
hand. It ismorehelpfultodefine approaches indirectly intermsofthenetworkof
expertssupportingtheapproach,aswellasdirectlyintermsofwhatcouldbecalled
the programof theapproach. Inparticular, Iamchoosingasa startingpointnet
worksofexperts thatorganise themselvesaroundcertainknowledgestrategiesoccupyingonlypartsoftheknowledgedomainofurbanandregionaldesignandplan
ning,i.e.withintherelationalknowledgescheme(seeChapters3and4,Table3.3).
InbothapproachesofChapters5and6,agroupornetworkofprofessionalsiscom
mittedtochangingsomefundamentalpropertyoftheknowledgedomainbyrefram
ingthetypeofknowledgeand/ormannerofdealingwithknowledgeofactivityand
mobilitybehaviourofpeople.
However,notallnetworksofexpertsare thesame.PeterHaassdistinctionbe
tweendifferenttypesofnetworksofexperts ishelpfulhere(Haas,1992).Notethat
Haassaimwastodistinguishepistemiccommunitiesfromothergroups.Epistemic
communitiesare
networks
of
professionals
with
recognised
expertise
and
compe
tenceinaparticulardomain,andanauthoritativeclaimtopolicyrelevantknowledge
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withinthatdomainor issuearea(Haas,1992:3).Basedondistinguishinggroupsofexpertsaccording tothedegreetowhichtheysharesocalledcausalbeliefs,princi
pledbeliefs, interestsandconsensuson theirknowledgebase,hedistinguishesbe
tweenfivetypesofgroups:
(a) Epistemiccommunities(cf.theconceptofpolicycommunities;seeHealey,2007:177178),
(b)Interestgroupsandsocialmovements(cf.theconceptsof regimenetworks;MossbergerandStoker,2001),
(c)Disciplinesandprofessions,(d)Legislatorsandbureaucraticagencies.(e)Bureaucraticcoalitions.
Iamexcluding frommyanalysis thegroupsconsistingexclusivelyof legislatorsand
agencies.ThegroupofbureaucraticcoalitionsistheoddoneoutinHaasswork;the
conceptcommunitiesofpractice(Wenger,McDermottandSnyder,2002)concern
ing a similar type of network ismore apt here. Such communities and epistemic
communitieshelphereindemarcatingtheapproaches,while(b)and(c)willshowto
be related to particular strategies for enhancing knowledge utility within the ap
proaches.
1.6.5 WhatwouldhavebeenalternativeresearchstrategiesSeveraldirectionsforresearchhavebeenconsideredtotackletheresearchquestion
anditssubquestionsasalternativestotheresearchstrategyfinallychosen:
Usingempiricalresearchresultsontemporospatialactivitypatternsofpeople and applying this in a concrete urban design so as to updateMargot
Meysapproachtocontemporaryactivitypatterns;
Aresearchbydesignapproach(asdefinedbyKlaasen,2004)focusingonthedevelopmentof spatialorganisationprinciplesderived from knowledgeoftemporospatialactivitypatternsofpeople;
Adesignresearchapproach that focusesonstudying (measuring)thewaysinwhichindividualdesignersorateamofdesignersdealswithapredefined
designtask(cf.Hamel,1990);
Aknowledgeutilityapproach studying the typesofand theways inwhichknowledgeisbeingusedinthemakingofanurbandesignorplan.
Iwillbrieflyaddressthecentralweaknessesandstrengthsofthesealternativestrate
giesand reasonswhy theyhavenotbeenchosen.The firstdirectionhasnotbeen
chosenfor
anumber
of
reasons.
Although
the
research
strategy
has
been
tested
beforeanditisseeminglypossibletoproduceresultsintermsofurbandesigns,itis
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Chapter1Problemandresearchstrategy
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not likely that thisstrategywouldnow lead toahigherdegreeofappropriationofknowledgeof temporospatialactivityandmobilitypatternsofpeoplebyurbande
signers than after the first attempts.Moreover, the problems associatedwith the
applicabilitygaparenotfundamentallybeingsolvedbythisstrategy.Abetterunder
standingofpeoplesactivitypatternsandoftherelationbetweentheseactivitypat
terns and the structureof thebuilt environmentdonot automatically lead to the
appropriationofsuchknowledgebyurbandesigners.
Amoredesignbasedstrategy to tackle theproblemassuggestedby thesubse
quenttwooptionsresearchbydesignordesignresearchwouldpossiblyprovide
resultsthatwouldbemoreeasilyappropriatedbyurbandesigners.However,before
itwouldbepossibletotackletheproblemathandaseitheradesignresearchproblem or a researchbydesign problem, it is first necessary to answer a number of
questionsaboutwhatactuallytoappropriatethen.
Suchquestionsmightbedevelopedandpossiblyansweredusinganexplorative
strategy based on a research strategy akin to that of knowledge utility studies.
Knowledgeutilitystudiesareaneclectic fieldof studyandhaveemergedafter the
comprehensive, cybernetic approach to urban and regional design and planning
proved to collapseunder itsownweight at theendof the1970s (seeChapter3).
Knowledge utility studies concern themselves with the way in which knowledge
travels fromonedomain toanother.Thereare several reasonswhy this strategy
seemsmore
apt
here
than
the
other
strategies
described
in
this
section,
but
there
are
somecriticalremarkstobemadeaswell.
In knowledge utility studies researchers generally try to answer their research
questionsbyobserving theuseand transferofknowledge inapracticebasedcase
environment.Thisallowsforcleardemarcationofcasesintermsofcasestudymeth
odology.However,itisdifficulttoassesstheuseofaparticularbodyofknowledgein
suchasettingandmoststudiesthereforeratherfocusontheclassificationoftypesof
knowledgeused.Moreover,fewexamplesofpracticesareactuallyavailableinwhich
to study the integration of knowledgeof activity patterns of people in urban and
regionaldesignandplanning.As it isdifficultto identify ifsuch integrationwilltake
place inapractice case, itwas thereforenecessary to choose anddelimitunitsof
studyinanotherwaythaniscustominknowledgeutilitystudies.
1.7 Onresearchmethodandtechnique1.7.1 OnmethodFor thedescriptionandanalysisofparticularapproaches to research,planningand
design Ihaveusedatechniqueakin toatechniquegenerallyused incasestudyre
search;eventhoughthisstudycannotbecharacterisedassuch.Toanalysethetwo
different approaches the same protocol was used: (a) structuring the approachesalongthe linesofaspectsoftheapplicabilitygap; (b)evaluatingthemagainst time
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space theory, and (c) evaluating them against the three dimensions of knowledgeutility. Theory building and the use of theory as a framework for evaluation has
playedan importantrole insettingupthisprotocol(seesection1.7.2).Thestudy is
akintoanembedded,multiplecasestudyaseachanalysedapproachcontainsmulti
ple projects or cases embedded in the approach.However, as I also evaluate the
globalnatureof the twoapproaches theresearchdesignof thestudyhasalsoele
mentsofholisticcasestudydesign (Yin,2009:46).Thestudy isnotmeant tobea
comparativestudyofthetwoapproaches.Theyarebothevaluatedagainstthetheo
reticalframework,notagainsteachother.Still,theydocomplementeachotherand
inChapter7Iwillthereforedrawconclusionsbasedonthecompiledfindingsofboth
analyticalchapters.Themethod isbased largelyon thesystematicstudyofdocumentationoneach
particularapproachandtheevaluationoftheirprinciplesanduseinpracticeagainst
thetheoreticalframework.Theliteraturestudydeskresearchhasbeencombined
withparticipation in thesetupofempiricalresearchandeducationalpilotprojects
ledbyothers(seesection1.7.3).Ratherthantheempiricalwork,thesetupandde
velopmentofprojectssubsequentlyservedasembedded caseswithintheanalysis
of,inparticular,thetrackingbasedapproach.Thestudyisthusatypicalinthesense
thatitdoesnotcontainempiricalfieldwork.
1.7.2
On
the
use
of
theory
The theoretical frameworkof the studyhas twomajorcomponents: theoryon the
applicabilitygapproblemandtheoryontimespace,ormoreparticulartemporospa
tialordering.Thesecomponentscanbeseenasrepresenting,respectively,theoryof
urbanandregionaldesign,andplanningandtheoryinurbanandregionaldesignand
planning (cf. Faludi, 1973). I hold that these components cannot be meaningfully
separatedandneed tobeseen inrelation toeachother.Thispointofview issup
portedbyreferringtotheoryonthesocalledmaterialobjectofurbanandregional
designandplanning(Hidding,2006;seesection1.3).
Thetheoryontheapplicabilitygapproblemneedstobeseenasanexplanatorytheory. Itexplainswhyknowledgeon temporospatialactivitypatternsofpeople is
difficulttouseinurbanandregionaldesignandplanning.Myaimhereisnottotest
the theorydirectly,but toexamineapproacheswithregard to thedegree towhich
theypayattentiontodifferentexplanations.Thesuppositionhereisthatthereisnot
onesimpleexplanationtotheapplicabilitygapproblem,butthatthere isalwaysan
amalgamofexplanations.
Thetheoryon timespacethat Iuse in thisstudy leanson grand theory, inpar
ticularsocialtheorywithageographiccomponent.Forthisthesissuchtheoryhelps
to identify links between societal processes and transformations in the physical
spatialorganisationofcities;andthus,toidentifywhichrolethedomainofurbanand
regionaldesignandplanningmayplay inaccommodating(changes in)societalproc
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Chapter1Problemandresearchstrategy
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esses.Again,mymajorconcernisthedegreetowhichapproachesdealwiththeintricacyoftimespacethatthetheorydemonstratestoberelevant.
Extending on the theoretical framework on the applicability gap, theory on
knowledgeuseandknowledgeutilityplaysadifferentrole inthisthesis.Fromsuch
theory Ihavederivedaconceptualmodelofhow theuseofknowledge workson
three dimensions of knowledge utility: (a) how does knowledge travel in certain
contexts, (b)whichstrategies toenhanceknowledgeutilityareused,and (c)which
stagesofknowledgeutilitycanbedistinguished.ToevaluatetheapproachesofChap
ters5and6,Iconfrontthemwiththisthreedimensionalmodelofknowledgeutility.
Thebodiesoftheoryontheapplicabilitygapandontimespacedeliverindicators
and criteria for that evaluation. The first two dimensions of the knowledge utilitymodelare combined inaconceptualgrid.Thatgrid isused todrawconclusions in
each chapter on a particular approach. Based on these conclusions, in Chapter 7,
whichcontainsgeneralconclusions,thethirddimensionisusedtoidentifystrengths,
weaknessesandwaysforward.
1.7.3 OnthesearchforandtreatmentofsourcematerialAstheuseoftrackingtechnologiesinurbanandregionaldesignandplanning(Chap
ter5)concernsarelativelynew fieldofstudy inparticular thesearch for itsrele
vance in thedomainofurbanandregionaldesignandplanningthere isrelativelylittledocumentationavailable.Thedocumentationthat isavailableoftenshowsthe
experimental,trialanderrortypeofattemptsdevelopedoutsidedisciplinaryoraca
demicconstraintsandthusdoesnotnecessarilyalwaysanswertoacademicorhighly
professional rigor.Still, Ihaveattempted to relymostlyon thoseaccounts thatdo
displaysomerigorandsignsofexternalreview.InexampleswheretheseareabsentI
relyon lessformalaccountsandreportsofexperimentsusingtrackingtechnologies.
As the people and projectswithin the domain of information visualisation have a
largeonlinewebpresence,Ihavereliedonfindingaccountsontrackingvisualisations
foralargepartthroughonlinesearchingandnetworking.Ihaveavoideddelvinginto
thebodyofliteraturethatsolelyattemptstosolvetechnicalissuesoftrackingstudies,although Ihave includedsomeaccountsthatprimarilyfocusontechnical issuesbut
dodisplayadirectinterestforthedomainofapplicationathand.
Thesourcesthatpresentanaccountofpilotstudiesusingtrackingtechnologies,
inwhich Ihavebeendirectlyor indirectlybeen involved,consistmostlyof finalised
researchreportsorstudentreports,butduetotimeconstraintsIhavealsouseddraft
reportsandpreliminaryresearchresultstofill insomeofthegaps.Creditsformuch
ofthatmaterialshouldgotothosepeoplethathavebeeninvolvedinthisresearch,in
particular Stefan van derSpek, Frank vanderHoeven,Otto Trienekens,Remcode
Haan and Peter de Bois. When I was directly involved in the pilot studies in
particular I primarily contributed to the shaping of the research questions and
researchsetup.Lastly,oneothersourceneedstobemadeexplicit.Thequalitative
materialresultingfromroundtableandplenarydiscussionsattheUrbanismonTrack
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eventcontributedmuchtoaninitialframingoftheanalysis(SchaickandSpek,2007;Schaick,2008;SchaickandSpek,2008); it is included insection5.2on indicatorsof
structuralaspectsoftheapplicabilitygapproblem.
With regard to the timesofthecity approach (Chapter 6) I amnot the first to
studyitspotential.Severalindepthstudiesfocusingonsituationsinparticularcoun
tries have been published (Bonfiglioli and Mareggi, 1997; Mareggi, 2002; Belloni,
1998;DATAR,2001;SZW,2002;Keuzenkamp,Cloin,PortegeijsandVeldheer,2003;
OCW,2007),aswellasseveralcomparativestudiesbasedonthestateoftheart in
the1990s(BoulinandMckenberger,1999;Mckenberger,2001).Thesamegoesfor
someexplorativestudiesinmorerecentyearsofbestpracticesandtheirtransferabil
ity(Horelli,2005;IERMB,2008;OCWandDehora,2009;Mairhuber,2001;MairhuberandAtzmller,2009)andofcasestudiesinwhichparticularplanninginstrumentsare
developed (SUREconsortium, 2006). This material has been used as secondary
sourcematerial.
Thebodyof literatureontimeorientedurbanplanninganddesignonwhichthis
chapter isbasedoriginates largelyfromtheperiodbetweenthemid1990sandmid
2000s.Sometheoreticalliteratureoriginatesfromthe1980s.Idistinguishtwotypes
ofsourcesonwhichmyanalysishasbeenbased:(1)documents(co)authoredbycore
membersoftheepistemiccommunityontimeorientedurbanplanninganddesign;
thesearepartiallyplanningdocumentsandpartiallyarticlesandcompiledvolumes
onplanning
practices;
(2)
documents
in
which
the
epistemic
community
isreferred
to
byauthorsfromoutsidethecorenetwork;mostoftheseareexplorativedocuments
tosee ifthereare lessonstobe learnedfrompastpractices.Thefactthatthereare
severaldifferent languagedomains involved inany case Italian,German,French,
Dutch,andEnglishtranslationoftermsmightinsomecasesleadtolossofhidden
andculturallydependentmeanings.Forthatreason,Iwilloftengivetheoriginalterm
togetherwithanEnglishtranslation.
1.8 PlanofthebookInthischapterIhaveintroducedthecentralproblemofthisthesis.Ihaveshownhowthatproblemrequiresacombinationofamethodologicalandasubstantiveapproach,
resultinginanexplorative,largelytheoreticalstudy.IhaveexplainedthatIhavecho
sen to use a research strategy that is akin to knowledge utility studies that are a
methodological type of studies. In addition I have explained the reasons for my
choice to study two different approaches to incorporating empirical knowledge of
temporospatialactivitypatternsofpeopleinurbanandregionaldesignandplanning.
The followingChapter2will focuson thedefinitionandconceptualisationof time
spaceontheborderbetweenthedomainsoftimegeography,ofsocialtheoryandof
urbanand regionaldesignandplanning.Thesubsequent twochapterswilldevelop
theconceptsof theapplicabilitygapandofknowledgeutility to serveasa furthertheoreticalandmethodological framework for the thesis.Those threechapterswill
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Chapter1Problemandresearchstrategy
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provide thebasisonwhich todraw conclusions from theanalysisof the threeapproaches.
Figure1.6presentsanoverviewoftheoutlineofthethesis.Thecoreofthethesis
isformedbytheanalysisoftwoapproacheseachelaboratedon inadescriptiveac
countoftheapproachinasinglechapter.Eachofthetwochapterstreatingaparticu
larapproachisbuiltupalongthelinesofthethreemajoraspectsoftheapplicability
gapproblemplusmetalevelaspects.InthesechaptersfirstlyIaimtoidentifypossi
bleindicatorsoftheapplicabilitygapproblemsfortheapproaches,and,secondly,to
explorepossibleandplausiblyeffectivestrategiestoovercometheapplicabilitygap.
Thefirstofthetwocorechaptersrevolvesaroundthe introductionoftrackingtech
nologies suchasGPS (GlobalPositioningSystem)andmobilephone tracking in thedomainofurbanandregionaldesignandplanning.InthischapterIsearchforwaysin
which researchusing these technologiesmayhelp in literallyputting the time
spacecharacteristicsofpeoplesbehaviourinthepicturewithinthedomainofurban
and regional design and planning. The second of the two core chapters revolves
around the introductionof timeplanningpolicieswithaspatialcomponent, inpar
ticularsocalledterritorialtimeplans,inseveralEuropeancountrieswithanemphasis
onplanningpracticesinItaly,GermanyandFrance.Thesepracticeshavebeensaidto
provide interestingexemplars forembedding knowledgeof temporospatial activity
patternsofpeopleinpracticesofurbandesignandplanning(Drewe,2005b;Nioand
Reijndorp,1997;
Mey
and
Heide,
1997).
Isearch
in
this
chapter
for
the
degree
to
which this potential is realised. The conclusionson the findings regarding eachof
theseapproachesare forthemostpart included inthetwodescriptivechapters. In
Chapter7Iputthecompoundfindingsinthecontextofthetheoreticalframeworkas
setoutinChapters2,3and4.Iwillalsoreflectthereonthemainresearchquestions
andIwillidentifyavenuesoffutureresearch.
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Figure1.6Structureofargumentationandoutlineofthethesis