Discourse on Migration and Ethnic Identity: Interviews with Professionals in Hong KongAuthor(s): F. L. N. Li, A. J. Jowett, A. M. Findlay, R. SkeldonSource: Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers, New Series, Vol. 20, No. 3 (1995),pp. 342-356Published by: Blackwell Publishing on behalf of The Royal Geographical Society (with the Institute ofBritish Geographers)Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/622655 .Accessed: 23/07/2011 14:18

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Discourse on migration and ethnic identity: interviews with professionals in Hong Kong

F L N Li*t, A J Jowettt, A M Findlay* and R Skeldon**

In order to decipher how people construct their ethnic identities and formulate their migration decisions, in-depth interviews with professionals in Hong Kong were conducted in the context of the run-up to the transfer of sovereignty in 1997. Ethnic identity emerges as a social construction based on power and status. It defines a person's access to places and opportunities. While legislation clearly regulates levels of immigration, international migration is also self-regulated by potential migrants in relation to interpretations of their ethnic identities and their perceptions of 'other' places.

key words Hong Kong ethnic identity migration qualitative methods place racialization

*tDepartment of Geography, University of Dundee, Dundee DDI 4HN; and Department of Geography and Topographic Science, University of Glasgow, Glasgow G12 8QQ; tDepartment of Geography and Topographic Science, University of Glasgow; *Department of Geography, University of Dundee; 'Department of Geography, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam Road, Hong Kong

revised manuscript received 29 September 1994

Introduction

In recent decades, increased attention has been paid by geographers to the subjective meaning of human action and how people experience and perceive their surroundings. Population geography, in con- trast with other branches of the discipline such as urban and social geography, has been slow to

engage with critical debates affecting the subject as a whole and little research has been conducted on the analysis of the meaning of migration. This is

surprising since migration remains a fundamentally geographical process through which the individual or group has the opportunity to express aspects of the meaning of the relation between self and the symbolic life of two or more social worlds. These social words include those from which potential migrants might distance themselves by emigration and the potential new social worlds and new

self-images which physical movement to other

places might imply.

Migration is a multiply determined phenomenon which can be studied from many different angles. Although structural or environmental factors such as political changes, economic variables (Borjas 1989) or social networks (Boyd 1989) are undoubt- edly important in affecting international migration, people do not respond mechanistically to external conditions and the influence of structure on migra- tion behaviour is often mediated by perceptions, intentions and goal-setting. The interrelationships between individual and structure are complex, with human actions being 'structured' but also 'structur-

ing' (Giddens 1984). The dichotomies of individual versus structure and subjective versus objective are therefore unhelpful in understanding migration acts and intentions. For the convenience of analysis, the

study reported here will focus on people's dis- courses of their migration decisions and ethnic identity. Although being examined from the per- spective of individuals, ethnic identity inevitably mirrors the wider context in which individuals live.

Trans Inst Br Geogr NS 20 342-356 1995 ISSN 0020-2754 () Royal Geographical Society (with the Institute of British Geographers) 1995

Migration and ethnic identity

Given that perceptions and intentions influence behaviour, one approach to interpreting migration intentions and decisions is to view them as essen- tially reflecting an individual's personality and world-view (Fielding 1992). Central to personality is the notion of identity. People may have multiple identities, with each identity dependent upon where they are at any particular moment and who they are with. Hence, there is a close relationship between movement and identity. A movement from one

place to another may occasion a shift in identity through the assimilation of elements of the nation or culture of the destination areas. Conversely, a movement implies that people are carrying their identity and their cultural baggage with them to their chosen destinations and in so doing may extend the boundaries of particular cultures. This

paper examines the interrelationship between 'ethnic identity' and international migration. The research draws on results from interviews with

professionals residing in Hong Kong. The original contribution of this paper lies in two

areas. First, it seeks to address one aspect of the research agenda drawn up by Findlay and Graham (1991), namely to enrich migration analysis through the application of qualitative methods in an attempt to illustrate the intentionality of the migration act. A new territory in population geography is

explored by examining the way in which the positions of individuals on the issue of migration are socially constructed in terms of their understanding of ethnic identity and of the meaning of living in other places. The second contribution of this paper lies in its empirical focus on the issue of migration in Hong Kong in the 1990s. This place and time seem particularly apposite to the aims of the paper since the return of Hong Kong to the People's Republic of China (PRC) in 1997 means that, even for those who do not emigrate, a change in the characteristics of the place in which they live may occur. Conse- quently, for the population of Hong Kong, the meaning of place and migration relative to identity is particularly relevant.

Ethnic identity

Identity refers to how 'self' is defined and categor- ized in relation to other people. This categorization can occur at different levels (Turner et al. 1987). Identity with reference to a group involves a sense of belonging to the group based on characteristics shared by its members. Fundamental to group

343

identity is the division of people into 'Us' and 'Other'. When group identity is defined in terms of ethnic origin, it is referred to as 'ethnic identity'. Closely linked to the notion of 'ethnic identity' are the concepts of culture, race and nation. The terms 'ethnic identity' and 'cultural identity' will be used interchangeably in this paper since shared ethnic identity usually implies common cultural heritage, although the reverse does not necessarily hold. Similar to the notion of 'race', ethnic identity can involve references to physical characteristics in the construction of differences between members of one ethnic group and another. In multi-ethnic societies, people's national identity may or may not coincide with their ethnic identity. The intersecting planes of

migration; ethnic and cultural identity; race, racism and racialization; nation and nationalism - wherein the current research is located - form the subject matter of a wide-ranging literature. Only the more relevant elements of that literature are reviewed below.

The nature of ethnic identity is a subject of controversy. Previous literature refers to the 'primordial' versus 'circumstantial'/'instrumental' dichotomy in the interpretations of ethnic feelings (Scott 1990). The primordial approach conceptual- izes ethnic identity as innately given, deeply rooted and basically unchangeable (van den Berghe 1978). However, this approach is inadequate in explain- ing observed geographical variations such as Jaya- wardena's (1980) findings that the expression of cultural identity by sub-groups of people from the same ethnic origin differs according to the particular socio-political milieux in which they reside. Con- trary to the primordial approach, the circumstantial/ instrumental position emphasizes the malleability of ethnic sentiment. The 'social construction' of 'race', advocated by some geographers such as Jackson and Penrose (1993) and Smith (1989), is typical of such a position. The premises of this interpretation are the rejection of the naturalness of categorization based on race and of the 'ideologies of "race" and "nation" . .. [being] monolithic, historically singular and geographically invariant' (Jackson and Penrose 1993, 13). Ethnic differentiation is not innately inherited but constructed and reproduced through fundamentally political processes. Consequently, alternative 'constructions' of group identity are possible under different circumstances. As Hall (1989, 70) argues, cultural identity is 'a "production" which is never complete [and] always in process'.

344

The notion of 'racialization' (Miles 1993) is sometimes used to describe the process whereby 'race' is used in the constructions of 'Other' versus 'Us' in the legitimation of inequality. Inequality, intergroup conflicts and competition can enhance group identity (Tajfel and Turner 1979). Brass (1991) suggests that the identity of an ethnic group is amenable to being manipulated by elites who are in competition. By transforming cultural attributes into political symbols, elites seek to establish a

unique identity for their group which in turn serves the purpose of mobilizing the group against rivals. Such manipulation can be seen as a means of control by elites in order to secure their own power and interests. As Johnston et al. (1988) suggest, nation- alism is an ideological strategy through which those in control of the state apparatus seek to win consensus support for policies whose benefits are

unequally distributed. The 'politics of identity' (Keith and Pile 1993) thus described, highlights the fact that identity often has to be contested. This

interpretation implies that ethnic identity is not merely a neutral description of ethnic group mem-

bership but is often a statement of a person's social

position and power vis-a-vis members of another

group. Thus the concept of 'positionality' - the

positions of individuals in the dynamics and struc- ture of social and power relationships - is crucial to the understanding of ethnic identity.

Examples of how identities can be changed are found in previous research on immigrant communi- ties. In a study of Chinese settlers in Thailand, Thomas (1993) discussed how government policies were formulated in order to create a new Thai identity which unified the minority communities in Thailand. Ethnic Chinese were reported increasingly to identify themselves as Thai and become absorbed into the dominant culture. However, such a descrip- tion of how immigrants integrate into their destina- tion countries assigns a very passive role to the

migrants, overemphasizes conformity and assumes

integration as the final result. Integration is not inevitable and, even where it occurs, is not neces- sarily accompanied by loss of identity with cultural roots. The coexistence of multiple group identities within migrants is often noted (Pryor et al. 1992; Wang 1988). In another study of Chinese in Thailand, Chan and Tong (1993) found that the

immigrants adopted different identities in different contexts, depending on what was deemed appropri- ate. Instead of being passively assimilated into the dominant culture, the migrant is

F L N Li et al.

an active being who ... uses his [sic] ethnicity expres- sively and instrumentally; conducts himself in ways he sees more appropriate and advantageous in private and public places; knows the distinction between primary and secondary identification, and uses the distinction strategically. (Chan and Tong 1993, 165)

To the Thai citizens of Chinese descent, Chinese identity was 'primary' whereas Thai identity was 'secondary'. Similarly, Bottomley (1979) noted that Greeks residing in Australia appeared to have a

stronger Greek identity in some circumstances than in others. Her findings further illustrate that a

plurality of group identities can be constructed for instrumental purposes.

A question raised by these observations is why migrants continue to be attached to their cultural origin despite the experience of pressures to assimilate. On the one hand, economic and social discrimination by the dominant host society might encourage migrants to dissociate from their ethnic

background if group membership is perceived to carry social stigma and to create economic disad-

vantage to the individual. The finding that some descendants of immigrants reject their parents' 'foreign-ness' (Anthias 1992) can be interpreted as

corroborating this hypothesis. On the other hand, racist ideology may reinforce social segregation and ethnic identification. Reitz (1980) suggests that the visibility of a person's ethnic background may affect which type of reaction to racial discrimination is

adopted. Increased group cohesion is correlated with the perception of discrimination amongst peo- ple from visible ethnic groups, such as the Chinese in Canada, because it is more difficult for them to abandon their ethnic ties and 'pass' as members of the dominant white society.

Reitz (1980) points out that both economic and cultural factors are important in creating and sus-

taining ethnic cohesion and identity. Economic

segregation and inequality have been found to contribute to group cohesion. When productive activities are structured along ethnic lines, individ- uals who are excluded from the dominant labour market can seek employment from their ethnic communities. Ethnic enclaves within business fur- ther reinforce intragroup contact and solidarity (Pyong Gap Min 1991). However, economic expla- nations per se are unable to accommodate findings which show that Chinese migrants who have advanced successfully in the dominant labour market have as strong a sense of being Chinese as those who live and work in Chinatowns (Li 1993).

Migration and ethnic identity

Reitz (1980) suggests that even after the economic forces which originally gave rise to ethnic group division have dissipated, group identity can still be sustained by cultural factors.

Explanation of individuals' attachment to their cultural origins must also take into account the emotional aspects of ethnic identity (De Vos and Romanucci-Ross 1982). While economic and politi- cal conflicts provide the structural conditions for

group formation, conditions of oppression may be

experienced by individuals in the form of rejection, isolation or rootlessness. Chan (1994) found that

Hong Kong immigrants in Singapore often retained the socio-emotional ties they had established before

migration and also derived much support from

participating in associations of Hong Kong Chinese. Such support is particularly important in facilitating the immigrants' initial integration after resettlement, although paradoxically exclusive contact with

people from the same ethnic origin may further

separate the immigrants from the majority culture. The need for social support also underlies such

phenomena as 'cultural regression' observed by Hsien Rin (1982). This expression describes the situation in which individuals reject their cultural

origins but, having encountered difficulty in estab-

lishing friendships with people from different cul- tural backgrounds, revert to seeking support from fellow members of their own ethnic group.

Much of the work mentioned above involves the study of settlers and their offspring after inter- national migration. Such research is useful in under-

standing the relationship between place and the construction of ethnic identity. It suggests that while migrants' primary ethnic identities are partly influenced by their origin cultures, the socio-

political and economic environment they move into can further affect their cultural identification. The notion of 'positionality' is particularly useful in

understanding changes in ethnic identity after migration. Little work, however, has been done on how ethnic identity can influence migration. The study reported here is an attempt to fill this gap. By examining how people construe their migration acts and intentions in relation to their cultural identity, the paper will demonstrate that consideration of 'positionality' is equally important in influencing migration decisions.

Methodology and context

The context in which the study took place is the

run-up to the transfer of sovereignty of the British

345

Crown Colony of Hong Kong to the People's Republic of China on 1 July 1997. Given China's turbulent history under the rule of the Communist Party, and bearing in mind that a substantial pro- portion of the Hong Kong population came to the

colony in the flight from communism in 1949, it is not surprising that 1997 is said to give rise to a crisis of confidence. A sign which is taken to reflect such a crisis is the rate of emigration which increased from 19 000 people in 1986 to 66 000 in 1992, although factors other than the issue of 1997 have also contributed to the increase (Skeldon 1990/1). There is as yet no direct and accurate way to estimate the incidence of return migration. How- ever, the number of returnees has been reported to be rising in the early 1990s (Tang 1992). Return

migration is often attributed to economic depres- sion in other countries, coupled with the booming economy in Hong Kong. Many of the professionals who have emigrated in recent years have apparently done so mainly for political insurance and they often reside in the destination country only for the minimal length of time needed to acquire a foreign passport (Li et al. 1994).

The issue of ethnic identity is particularly salient in the context of Hong Kong. The territory is an

integral part of China and most of its residents are either descendants of migrants from China or were themselves born in China. Many Chinese traditions and practices are maintained in the territory, with Cantonese being the common daily language and traditional Chinese festivals being widely cel- ebrated. Yet, the different paths which Hong Kong and China have taken since the colonization of the former have resulted in differences in lifestyle and in other cultural characteristics between the two

places. In Hong Kong, English is taught in all schools and is one of the official languages of government. Among the more educated, many people have received secondary or post-secondary education in other English-speaking countries. As Lau and Kuan (1988, 33) argue,

unlike traditional and even contemporary China, Hong Kong is an industrialising, modernising and predomi- nantly urban society exposed to Western acculturation and immersed in cosmopolitanism.

While the combined influences of Chinese tradition and exposure to western values have helped to shape a distinctive 'ethos' among Hong Kong people (Lau and Kuan 1988), their identity can be a subject of contention (Choi 1993).

346

The study reported here forms part of an ESRC- funded project on skilled migration to and from Hong Kong. Included in the research project were a series of questionnaire surveys of over 3000 indi- viduals and companies in Hong Kong (Findlay et al. 1994a and b). The 36 in-depth interviews on which this paper is based were embedded in this wider exercise. The interviewees were Hong Kong-born who had either responded to our previous question- naire surveys and agreed to be interviewed, or were identified through personal contacts. Interviews were open-ended and informal, such that the specific questions asked and the flow and depth of the conversations were dependent on the interviewees'

responses. A checklist of topics, covering the pro- fessionals' past experience of migration and future

plans and actions, served as the overall framework for the interviews. The issue of Chinese identity was one of the topics discussed. It was raised spontane- ously by some interviewees; others were prompted to talk about it through a direct question about whether their Chinese identity had been important to them in their migration decision-making. Partici-

pants were interviewed separately from their

spouses. The interviews were conducted in Canton- ese by one of the researchers, who originated from

Hong Kong. All the interviews were taped and

subsequently transcribed. It is not the purpose of this paper to engage in

further detailed discussion of the use of qualitative research in social sciences (see, for example, Denzin and Lincoln 1994). Suffice it to say that the research method we have chosen was based on the premise that reality is not given but is 'reconstructed' (Eyles 1988), largely through the medium of language. Interviews are most appropriate to the study of how people construct their identity and migration decisions. The flexibility allowed by informal inter- views enables a complex issue, such as identity, to be approached from different angles and provides interviewees with the opportunity to clarify and elaborate their accounts.

In another paper, Li et al. (1994) reported on the various concerns (political, economic and cultural) expressed by the interviewees and the strategies they adopted in relation to international migration. The current paper reports only those results pertain- ing to the issue of Chinese identity. All those interviewed (sixteen engineers, fourteen doctors and six spouses) were living in Hong Kong at the time of the study. The majority were male (seven women, 29 men), aged between 30 and 50 (86 per

F L N Li et al.

cent). Among the 30 professionals, 25 were married with 22 having at least one child under eighteen. Twenty-one of the interviewees obtained their post- secondary qualifications in Hong Kong and fifteen outside Hong Kong. Twenty of the sample have worked abroad. For the return migrants, the countries of last residence included Australia, Canada, Taiwan, the UK and the USA. All except two of the interviewees have obtained, or were

applying for, overseas right of abode or residence status. The majority have overseas citizenship (seven Canada, five Australia and ten UK).

As a number of researchers (Dey 1993; Potter and Wetherell 1987) have demonstrated, the analy- sis of qualitative data can be methodical and sys- tematic. The transcripts were read many times, indexed according first to topics which the study had been initiated to investigate and, secondly, to those issues which were frequently mentioned by the interviewees. For the present focus on Chinese identity, the transcripts were re-read and further

indexing was carried out to locate the specific issues related to this topic. These issues constitute the structure of the analysis and of the results presented in the following section. Not all the interviewees

expressed their views on every issue; nor were

people's views consistent. Diversity of views was

important to the understanding of how the meaning of ethnic group membership was constructed in relation to decisions concerning international

migration. The results discussed below are there- fore concerned with the range of constructions rather than how frequently certain views were voiced.

While the process of analysis was discourse- driven, the decisions and interpretations we made were inevitably influenced by other information about the interviewees and also by our own back-

ground and knowledge. Although in the following discussion, the amount of contextual information

provided for each individual quotation will be limited due to lack of space, such information has nonetheless been drawn upon in our attempt to

interpret the utterances. Translated excerpts from the interviewees' accounts are presented as far as

possible so that the readers can assess the validity of our claims. The problem of translation is an acute one - some excerpts are only close approximations to the originals because of the subtlety of certain Cantonese colloquial expressions or particular inflexions of phrases which could not be rendered

precisely in English translation.

Migration and ethnic identity

Interpretation of the interviewees' accounts can be conducted at different levels. While the expli- cation of the rhetorical devices people adopt in conversations may be helpful in revealing their ideologies, such linguistic analysis will not be the focus of our interpretation. Instead of examining how narratives were presented, we shall concentrate on the substantive content of what was being said.

Chinese identity: its meaning for migration

Regional differentiation of Chinese identity The majority of the participants do not seem to have a problem in defining themselves as Chinese in the context of the interviews. Some note that because of their physical appearance (skin, hair, etc.) they are inevitably treated as Chinese and also feel Chinese themselves wherever they are. However, as with Lau and Kuan's (1988) findings, many of the participants identify themselves as Hong Kong- born Chinese to distinguish themselves from those living in the PRC (also referred to as mainland China).

Chung1: I am a Hong Konger. Whether or not I am 'Chinese', I don't know, because China is a distant relative. My mother tells me that they are my uncle, cousin, etc. I don't know them. I only know that I am a Hong Konger. I don't know their way of life, I don't know what they are doing, I don't know what they are thinking ... I don't have to force myself to do something or be particularly nice to them because we are 'the decendants of the dragon' [a patriotic expres- sion to describe Chinese identity]. On the other hand, I have the 'Chinese heart' ... For example, if I see a Chinese in the street when I am travelling abroad, I would feel close to the person and would approach him.

Kan: Whether I am Chinese depends on how Chinese- ness is defined ... I treasure being a Chinese, although I do not agree that one race is better than another ... There are gradations of closeness. Hong Kong is closer [to me], mainland is close, but UK - UK can be close, but USA is not because I have never been there. So different circles. But I feel that the Chinese identity is important.

Kan refers to the gradations of closeness he feels towards different nations. These gradations also represent the different socio-cultural levels in which identity is articulated such that people identify more with the cultural groups with which they are more

347

familiar or into which they are socialized. Although the interviewees accept their Chinese heritage passed on to them by their parents (Chung), their 'Chinese-ness' acquires a regional flavour because they were born and raised in Hong Kong. The transfer of sovereignty therefore poses a problem of how the integration of these two different groups of people will be achieved. The way Hong Kong citizens construct their own identity in relation to the territory and to China affects how ready they are to accept the change in sovereignty. Apart from fear of political oppression, the concern that Hong Kong's way of life may be altered by the influx of migrants from the PRC is given by some as a reason for their intention to emigrate from Hong Kong after 1997:

Ma: I don't know if one day they would use whatever means to open Shenzhen [city on the border between PRC and Hong Kong] so that many people would come down. Certainly it would become very disor- derly ... If you went out and saw many people whom you could tell had come from up north ... I would not be able to bear this ... We have different cultures ... Their lifestyle and educational level are different from yours. What can you do - they are supposed to be part of Hong Kong and you have to share many things with them ... There are many problems. For example, they do not queue for public transport, they spit everywhere; it's very common [in China] but it's not acceptable here. But by then, nobody would be able to control them. This is what I am most afraid of ... If they had given me a civilized image, it would be different, and I would welcome them.

Lau: [I would leave] if after or even before '97, people from the mainland started to come down ... I rarely have contact with people from the mainland and I don't know why I dislike them ... Perhaps because you hear a lot about the compatriots in the mainland ... and occasionally you may have contact with them, and feel their culture - it's not right for me to criticize others based on my general knowledge - I feel that they seem to be inferior to Hong Kong people. In actual fact, I believe many of those who are better educated are not like this.

The attitudes towards mainland Chinese which both interviewees express are perhaps not unlike the rejection and stereotyping of immigrants found in other communities. Mainland Chinese may be 'compatriots' (Lau) but they are construed as essen- tially the 'Other' who differ from 'Us' in educational and social background. They are perceived to be

348

posing a threat to the way of life in Hong Kong and their presence could change the nature of the place. Before the transfer of sovereignty, the professionals interviewed are the elites in the centre of Hong Kong society, whereas recent immigrants from China usually occupy a relatively marginal social position in Hong Kong. The transfer of sovereignty could lead to a new social structure and a reverse in the balance of power. In deciding whether to emigrate, these professionals may consider the extent to which their elite status would be affected if there is an influx of mainland Chinese.

While the assumption of a Chinese identity seems natural to many, not all interviewees accept it unreservedly:

Kwok: Who are we anyway? After all, it has become more and more a joke to be Chinese. You can see what mainland China is like ... and you don't want to be part of it ... The Chinese identity doesn't bother me. Really, I don't belong to China. I was born in Hong Kong ... Whether I belong to Hong Kong I can't say because things may not go so well ... If these people, these politicians mess up the political or international identity of Hong Kong, I'll have to make a move.

Like other interviewees, Kwok draws the distinction between China and Hong Kong in his discourse. However, he further argues that although he was born in Hong Kong, his identity does not have to be linked to the territory. To the extent that group identity refers to a sense of belonging and alle- giance to a group, he feels he can choose to identify only with places which he likes and, implicitly, of which he is proud. If the international image of Hong Kong deteriorates after 1997, he will choose to emigrate.

Racial discrimination, status and power When discussing whether their migration choice is affected by their Hong Kong Chinese identity, many interviewees raise the issue of 'racial discrimination' in other countries. As noted in the following quotations, the expression 'second-class citizen' is often used to describe Chinese living overseas:

Cheung: I personally have a very strong ethnic feeling. I feel that I am a Chinese and so do not like to be discriminated against by white people. I am very firm about this. This is also one of the reasons why I do not like to live outside Hong Kong.

F L N Li et al.

Lai: After all, living in a white society means that you are a second-class citizen and never promoted to a very senior position.

Mai: Hong Kong is a Chinese society. If there is any opportunity in promotion, you will be given the chance.

Sung: If I have to live abroad, I may feel that I am a second-class citizen ... Here in Hong Kong you have a better status, everybody is equal. Actually, you are even superior to some other people here ... Compared to people from Shenzhen or places like that, you are superior to them in some ways because you live here. You feel more comfortable in this society. It's not the same abroad. Sometimes I hear people who have been abroad say how they have been trampled upon or rejected at work, even though they work very hard ... I don't like this feeling.

The above quotations are examples of discourses of 'racialization' in which 'white' people are con- structed as the racist 'Other'. On a broad level, discrimination is conceived by the potential migrants as general exclusion from the dominant society in other countries. A more specific, and often more crucial, concern to the interviewees is the disadvantaged position immigrants are per- ceived to occupy in terms of employment prospects. Most of the interviewees cite career opportunities as a reason for their preference to live in Hong Kong (Li et al. 1994). In the light of the quotations above, it is clear that when considering whether to migrate, these professionals assess their employ- ment opportunities by taking into account not only their understanding of the economic situation of various countries but also their own access to opportunities as a result of their ethnic status. Evident in the quotations is the division of people into 'Other' and 'Us' in terms of cultural back- ground, and access to employment is assumed to

privilege those who are members of the majority society. Being the 'functional core' of Hong Kong society (Kwong 1990), these highly skilled profes- sionals enjoy considerable career and economic advantages: the majority of the interviewees earn an annual salary of between ?45 000 and ?90 000. Perceived racial discrimination abroad therefore means that emigration could lead to a potentially substantial drop in status and income.

While the interviewees express a dislike for being the target of discrimination, they nonetheless seem to acquiesce to the way social relationships are structured. Privileges in career benefits which accrue

Migration and ethnic identity

from shared cultural background are regarded as an

advantage of staying in Hong Kong. Furthermore, the feelings of superiority over mainland Chinese

expressed in Sung's and other excerpts cited in the

previous section (Ma and Lau) are another form of racialization discourses which are taken for granted. The 'equality' in Hong Kong which Sung refers to is more an ideal than reality (Lau and Kuan 1988) and is a construct which really serves the interests of the

professional and the economically successful classes. The discourses discussed so far seem to suggest

two aspects of ambivalence experienced by these

professionals in relation to their ethnic identity and

migration decision. The first aspect concerns whether to emigrate and live in a 'white' society as a 'second-class citizen', and the second is whether to stay in Hong Kong and confront a possible reduc- tion in status and power resulting from the change in regime and a possible influx of mainland Chinese. Both options imply a potential change in identity and a corresponding shift in the social positions and

power of the interviewees. Although racial discrimination is perceived to be

a common phenomenon in other countries, only two participants recount specific incidents to illus- trate their perceptions. Others communicate a gen- eral impression based on indirect sources (media, friends, etc.). Some explain that they have no direct

experience of discrimination because of the way racial prejudice is manifested. For example:

Chung: There is discrimination in Britain, especially towards Chinese or Asians but there may be many other factors ... If you go out and people don't know your profession, the general public is a bit racist. But with people you know, this is not a problem ... Discrimination is related to social class. People with higher education will not 'present' themselves in this way but only keep it inside. Those who call you names in the street are usually from the lower classes. If you are not surrounded by people from these classes, you can avoid many problems ... British people are a bit shy and so perhaps many of them don't know the world very well and become quite self-protected, and can't open up like Americans or Canadians, who seem very nice but you don't know what they actually think. British people don't open up and so they will present themselves in such a way that they say what they think, especially with the younger generation.

Xiu: The Chinese community in London are subject to discrimination. This depends on what class you are talking about. As far as people in my rank are concerned, I didn't encounter discrimination.

349

Both interviewees above attempt to explain discrimination in terms of social class. People from professional classes are construed to be less overtly prejudiced, either because they are better educated and therefore more accepting or because they are more adept in hiding their attitudes. Chung's remark further suggests that the lack of

knowledge and contact with people from other countries, particularly amongst the young and 'lower classes', is the reason why there is more overt discrimination in Britain than in North America. As long as the interviewees confine themselves to the professional, educated circle, discrimination is not a problem. By explaining discrimination in terms of class and education, the interviewees distance themselves from potential conflicts and interconnected class-race-gender inequalities (Bottomley 1992). Aligning themselves with the privileged class, they also inadvertently support the status quo. Providing that they them- selves have not experienced discrimination and that their own class interests can be maintained abroad, racial discrimination is not seen as relevant to their

migration decisions. While perceived discrimination abroad may deter

emigration from Hong Kong, inequality within the territory itself is a reason some give for leaving. Three participants refer to the colonial status of Hong Kong as a reason for their previous emi- gration. Two mention the lack of democracy and educational opportunities as a result of colonialism. Another interviewee, who last emigrated to Canada, explains his emigration as follows:

Fung: In [the British firm where I worked], Chinese occupied very junior posts. Even if you ... were university graduates, ... you still would not be in senior posts, whereas foreigners . . . were employed as senior engineers. Our promotion prospect was very low because it was a British company ... It so happened that my colleagues were talking about emi- grating. As we were second-class citizens [in Hong Kong] anyway, why not be a second-class citizen in another country, so that the children did not have to suffer the British system ... Because we were born in Hong Kong, grew up in Hong Kong, we had no security ... You couldn't find a job without a pass in English O-level, even if you had a pass in Chinese. Also my parents had come from the mainland, their home was in the mainland. Hong Kong to me was not a country, I had no identity. When I had to fill in my nationality going in and out of Hong Kong, I put down British. It should be Hong Kong but I did not know whether to put Hong Kong or Chinese - no

350

identity. I was in my twenties and had to search for my identity.

Fung emigrated to Canada in 1982 and returned to

Hong Kong in 1990. One of his aims in emigrating was to search for an identity. His account clearly illustrates the argument that identity is a social construction based on status and power. Before

emigration, he, being a Hong Kong-born Chinese, held a passport for a British Dependent Territory citizen (BDTC). Officially his nationality was British but, culturally, his Chinese identity has always been very important to him. Before his emigration to Canada, the mismatch between his national and cultural identities created a sense of insecurity which was underlined by the fact that a BDTC status does not confer any right of abode in the UK. His declared nationality of being British but without any citizenship rights in Britain signified a subjugation which he rejected. The 'identity' he was looking for

through emigration was underpinned by access to

opportunities, status and power. As Penrose and Jackson (1993, 207) maintain, 'the struggle for identity is the struggle for power'.

Fung's experience provides a prime example of the instrumental position on the changing nature of identity and of the possibility of coexisting multiple identities. After his emigration to Canada, he

acquired the 'national' identity of being a Canadian.

Although his nationality still differs from his cultural

identity as a Chinese, the two identities can coexist

securely and he is proud to be a 'Canadian-Chinese'. He expresses an allegiance to Canada while empha- sizing the importance of his Chinese identity. The fact that he had a successful career as a senior official in the Canadian government is crucial in under-

standing his loyalty to Canada, where he secured the promotion and the accompanying recognition that he had been unable to get in Hong Kong. In Canada, Fung was also an active and leading mem- ber of an association of professional Chinese who are emerging as the elites within the Canadian- Chinese community. The kind of organization in which Fung participated can serve many functions such as facilitating the socio-emotional adjustment of immigrants or safeguarding the interests of the Chinese community. A significant, albeit not necess- arily consciously proclaimed purpose, of such pro- fessional associations is to demarcate the difference in social positions between these new elites and the traditional Chinese immigrants, whom Fung describes as associated mainly with restaurant and

F L N Li et al.

laundry businesses. To Fung, recent professional immigrants have changed the nature and improved the status of the Chinese community in Canada. His dual identity is rendered possible by his successful claim to status and power, both in his employment with the Canadian government and as a leader

amongst the apparently more socially respectable professional Chinese.

The preceding quotations offer an interesting discourse on the conflicting complexities of express- ing racism and racialization in both colonial and non-colonial environments. Interviewees construct hierarchies of superiority and inferiority (Sung and Lau) based on 'race' or cultural background, in which the excluded populations are subjected to the

process of subordination and domination. It is not

only that the professional Hong Kongers feel racial- ized by the British (Fung) or 'white' people in

general (Cheung) but the mainland Chinese are likewise racialized by the Hong Kong Chinese (Ma, Lau and Kwok). In the latter case, the portrayed backwardness of the Other is perceived as a threat to the established social order in Hong Kong. These discourses of marginalization are integral to the

process of domination in which the marginalized group are denied access to certain resources or

opportunities (e.g. access to certain occupations or

promotions) through a range of exclusionary prac- tices. The construction of racism as the voice of the 'lower classes' (Chung) sits uncomfortably with the racist views articulated by Hong Kong professionals with regard to the people of mainland China.

Cultural adjustment, social responsibility and individual contribution The problem of integration after emigration is couched not only in terms of discrimination. Possible difficulties of cultural and social adjustment are also noted:

Wong: Friends are the crucial problem. When you are travelling, the time is short and you don't feel the effect of leaving your friends, and can't tell the conflict between your own culture and the culture in another

country. Only when you live longer, then you will feel more and more that you can't integrate. Really your 'blood' and race determine your lifestyle ... I don't think I am very Chinese but if you want me to follow the Western style in daily life, then I would find it difficult ... For example, food and drink, and also moral values, how to view sex and family. So I often feel a dilemma. I may want to live abroad but deep down I am a very Chinese woman and I can't fit in

Migration and ethnic identity

whenever I want. A simple example is language. Perhaps I'll be able to manage speaking English but I'll not be able to understand a lot of the colloquial expressions and cannot penetrate into their culture ... Many people have returned to Hong Kong, not only because of career but also because they could not fit into the lifestyle abroad. So they were unhappy and their social relationship was poor and there was no

support. They felt empty.

In addition to practical problems of daily necessities, Wong identifies difficulties in communication and

interpersonal relationships, and value conflicts.

Although awareness of such problems does not always deter emigration, these difficulties nonethe- less can make a person 'unhappy' living abroad. The emotional functions fulfilled by ethnic group iden- tity are clearly important (De Vos and Romanucci- Ross 1982). While social isolation can be a problem even for internal migration, international migration creates extra obstacles in terms of language, values and codes of conduct which aggravate isolation.

Some interviewees convey their ethnic sentiment

through the articulation of their hopes for Hong Kong and China, and of the roles they should play in the development of these places. For example:

Wong: I think at this critical moment, we have to think clearly about what we shall do in the future, what role to play, because I can solve the passport problem today but ultimately still have to face the issue of the reversion of sovereignty, and have to accept the rule of the Chinese Communist Party. We have to be psycho- logically prepared so that not only will China change us but we can also try to change it too. I feel we Chinese in Hong Kong could do something, perhaps each person doing something small ... You are a Chinese and you have to face the reality. After all your ethnic background has determined your fate ... We want our own motherland China to excel and not fall behind others.

Au: I think it is not fair to hold a foreign passport and occupy a post in Hong Kong, especially ... if you work for the government or in a big company, occupy a post but can leave at any time. Hong Kong would collapse if many people leave like this ... I think you must contribute to society in your life. If you live in a society you are familiar with, perhaps your contribu- tion will be more useful. If you go somewhere else, you may not be able to do what you want.

Kung: I always say I am not a martyr ... in the cause of democracy but I always say the fact that Walesa is successful and being recognized is because he has stayed in his country ... Although I am not a

351

politician, I have a voice here. I am one of the bees, if

you like.

These interviewees express sentiments which can be labelled as 'patriotic'. They construe themselves as having certain responsibilities towards Hong Kong or their 'motherland' China (Wong) and

suggest that the meaning of individual actions has to take into account the impact of the actions on the wider societies. Remaining in Hong Kong is seen to be essential for the fulfilment of their social respon- sibilities. Residence abroad would deprive them of the opportunity to do so. Furthermore, mass emi-

gration is perceived to be detrimental to the terri-

tory's economy and stability. The issue of 1997

may have created ambivalence and conflicts within individuals about whether to emigrate or to stay. Politically, there may be a need to emigrate for the sake of 'democracy' but immediate economic advan-

tages can render staying in Hong Kong more desirable. The discourse of 'patriotism' can serve the

purpose of psychologically channelling the ambiva- lence and supporting the decision to remain in the

territory (e.g. Kung above). The respondents further explain that they can

exert their influence on the future of Hong Kong and China through their senior positions at work.

Employment prospects are cited by the majority of the interviewees as one of the reasons to stay in

Hong Kong (Li et al. 1994). While better career

opportunities can be conceived as a benefit which these professionals derive from their residence in the territory, an alternative construction is that by staying, they are contributing to the growth of

Hong Kong and China. Indeed, with China's

improved economy and international status, per- sonal financial gain, social contribution and national

feelings are all closely associated:

Tse: The world economy is changing. One of the major factors affecting migration is the economic force. Now the 'epicentre' of economic force is in the PRC. It's got to draw some of us back ... I hope China is big enough not only to allow mainland-born Chinese but also those who were born outside China to return and

participate in its growth ... Overseas Chinese are a significant force. They are powerful, affluent and edu- cated . . . We have been away from China for so long but we still want to be Chinese. I hope China won't turn us back because we are different or we may not speak Mandarin. Personally, I would like to do some- thing in the PRC ... to enrich my experience and to give something back.

352

Tse had lived in Australia for over twenty years before he returned to Hong Kong so that his children could learn the Chinese language and embrace the culture. He explains that his major motive is to prepare his children so that they will be able to seek employment in the future world economy which he believes will be dominated by China. Presented in this way, his Chinese identity is an instrumental response for his children's interests. Nevertheless, he also expresses a sense of pride of being Chinese at this historical conjuncture and talks about 'participation in the growth of China' and of 'giving something back'. Social contribution and

exploitation of opportunity for personal gain thus seem to be inseparable in how some individuals construct their own identity and roles in relation to the development of a place.

Second generation and early socialization Like Tse, many interviewees take into consideration the consequences for their children when choosing their place of residence. Some are concerned that their children may lose their Chinese-ness if they grow up abroad. For example:

Sung: My children will learn more of the Chinese language here. If they go abroad, I don't know if they will be able to remember, maybe they won't even speak the language ... I would like them to keep the language . . . It's up to them to decide where they will live in the future but before they start working, they need good preparation. They would have to build up their own identity. If they felt they were Chinese who also knew many different cultures, then I would say they were well prepared. If they lived abroad and hated being a Chinese, and wanted to identify them- selves as a foreign national and spent all their time struggling with this problem of identity, then I would feel sorry for them. If they knew only a little bit of the Chinese language but other people treated them as Chinese, then I would feel sad for them, and they would not be well prepared.

Sung's concern is based on the assumption that the milieu in which early socialization takes place plays a special role in shaping a person's ethnic identity (Bottomley 1979). Studies of the development of ethnic attitudes have found that the identity of

young children mirrors the racial attitudes prevalent in the locale in which they live (Milner 1984). A

person's experience during the formative years before adulthood is crucial in the formation of identity (Erikson 1963), although subsequent adult

F L N Li et al.

experiences of other places and exposure to other ideologies can modify a person's self-concept. As the medium through which cultural values and beliefs are transmitted, language is crucial in a

person's self-definition (Chambers 1994). To Sung, an implication of emigrating to an English-speaking country is that her children may lose the ability to speak the Chinese language and consequently be unwilling to identify themselves as Chinese. Although her family will probably emigrate, con- sideration of the effect on her children's identity has created some kind of dilemma for her.

While Sung prefers her children to define them- selves as Chinese, she recognizes that knowledge of other cultures will be advantageous to her children's future. Sung's aspiration for her children bears similarity to what Chan and Tong (1993) observed about Thai Chinese - that is, when necessary, knowledge of the dominant culture can be deployed in public but deep down, the children should ideally remain Chinese.

The quotations above illustrate how cultural identity can affect migration decisions. The import- ance of 'positionality' in the construction of identity is highlighted in the interviewees' discourses on racial discrimination. A perceived drop in social

position and status after emigrating as a result of discrimination may bias a migration decision towards staying. Other factors of social isolation, the fear of the second generation losing their Chinese identity and the desire to contribute to (and simultaneously benefit from) the economic develop- ment of China and Hong Kong are all potential reasons for staying in Hong Kong. While the colonial status of the territory has driven some away, a small number have decided to return because of the change in sovereignty. Fung argues that

If you emigrate because you want to search for an identity like I did, then you don't need to do so now because Hong Kong will become part of China and perhaps being Chinese is enough.

While the feeling of being Chinese may have

supported the decision of some interviewees to stay in Hong Kong, others maintain that the large and

growing Chinese community in various countries outside Hong Kong can render the decision to

emigrate easier to make. In places like the Greater Vancouver area where one-fifth of the population are made up of ethnic Chinese (Segal 1993), not

Migration and ethnic identity

only can Hong Kong immigrants retain their cul- tural practices but 'chain migration' means that many of their former social ties may be re-established in the same country. Where the Chinese community is large and consists of indi- viduals with skills and financial resources, Chinese

people are in a better position to exercise their influence and counteract any racial discrimination. The characteristics of the Chinese community in a country are partly decided by the country's immi-

gration policies. As Smith (1993) argues, immigra- tion legislation plays a symbolic role in identity promotion. In the case of Canada, its national identity is 'driven by immigration and shaped by policies which favour capital and entrepreneurial skills irrespective of cultural conformity' (Smith 1993, 71). This makes Canada a favoured desti- nation for the highly skilled migrants from Hong Kong who, like Fung, can retain their Chinese identity and simultaneously develop a sense of belonging to Canada.

Ethnic identity and other influences on

migration

Chinese identity is only one of the many concerns the interviewees express when talking about their migration experience and intention. Not all the interviewees consider the issue of ethnic identity as relevant. Even for those who recognize the

importance of ethnic identity, other reasons may outweigh its significance or even help to reshape identity to justify migration decisions. Several inter- viewees state that being a Chinese should not mean that they have to live under a regime which they dislike or which endangers their own or their family's safety. However, a dilemma may arise when a choice has to be made between staying in Hong Kong because of one's Chinese identity and leaving for political insurance. For instance,

Kwan: As for identity, it is a difficult issue. On one hand, we identify ourselves as Chinese. On the other hand, I do not like the Chinese regime and so have to find refuge in another country. This is an impossible choice.

To many, ethnic identity has to be balanced against employment and financial incentives. The decision to return to Hong Kong for economic reasons can be reinforced by affirming one's identity of being a Hong Kong Chinese. For example:

353

Pang: The Chinese identity is very important to me, especially having lived abroad for a few years. . . Since the wages [in Hong Kong] are better than abroad, why not come back? OK if the wage levels are more or less the same, I would still say that because I am Chinese, I would choose to live in a Chinese place. Even if the wages abroad are a little higher, say 20 per cent higher, there would still be a chance for me to come back to Hong Kong because I am Chinese, or I am a Hong Konger. But if the wages abroad are 50 per cent higher than Hong Kong, then sorry, I have to think of my future and the amount of money I could save for retirement. Now it's the reverse; I am a Hong Konger and my salary ... is three times higher than what I got in Canada.

Pang's argument illustrates the difficulty of priori- tizing the various possible influences on migration decisions. The situation that Pang finds himself in is one in which both his Chinese identity and the wage differential pull in the same direction. But other hypothetical situations pose contradictions which are more difficult to resolve. When both ethnic identity and economic advantage favour the same decision, they can reinforce one another in such a way that the meaning of each has to be viewed in the light of the other. Thus, while ethnic identity can be treated as a separate influence from, for example, economic factors which affect migra- tion, it can also be used to re-interpret or enrich the meaning of other variables. Another example is found in the earlier discussion of social and cultural adjustment - ethnic identity can serve the need for social support which explains the role of family and friendship networks in determining international migration (Boyd 1989).

Although the present study focuses on the iden- tity and perception of individuals, the above dis- courses may be fully understood only in the wider political and economic context in which the issue of migration to and from Hong Kong is considered. For example, the awareness of the distinction between Hong Kongers and mainland Chinese may have been intensified by the imminent change in sovereignty (Lau and Kuan 1988). Structural context such as immigration policies is highly significant in influencing and even constraining migration actions, thus accounting for some of the mis- matches between intentions and actual behaviour. Yet, despite the constraints, individuals are often active agents, manipulating the possibilities within the existing social structures in order to achieve their goals. One example is the strategies which

354

Hong Kong professionals adopt to resolve the conflict between the need for migration as a means of achieving political 'insurance' and the desire to sustain a Chinese identity through living in a mainstream Chinese society (Li et al. 1994).

Conclusion

The research reported in this paper has revealed a complex set of relationships between migration, place and ethnic identity. On the one hand, ethnic identity is shaped by the places where people have lived, particularly the places where they have spent the early years of their life; on the other, places - being the context for socialization - provide the milieux where people learn who and what they are and how to act (Marsella et al. 1985). According to Relph (1976, 3), a place is

not just the 'where' of something: it is the location plus everything that occupies that location seen as an integrated and meaningful phenomenon.

In addition to the location, a place is also character- ized by its particular history (e.g. the colonization of Hong Kong), its cultural practices (e.g. language), its social and power relationships (e.g. intergroup con- flicts and political domination) and, not least, its links with the wider world (Massey 1993). All these characteristics can be articulated in people's con- struction of their own identity. Indeed, a sense of place is seen by some authors (Eyles 1985) as essential in an individual's identity. It is clear from the distinction drawn by the interviewees between Hong Kong Chinese and mainland Chinese that cultural identity is place-specific.

Places change and so do ethnic identities. When individuals migrate from one location to another, their varied experiences in different places can alter their identities. Previous research (Chan and Tong 1993) and the discourses reported here both support the view that articulation of multiple cultural iden- tities exists amongst migrants. Equally, places may have multiple identities and these identities may change over time. Massey (1993) sees places as

processes and not as static phenomena. When the power relationships within a place change, ethnic identity can be manipulated for group survival or for the political and economic gain of elites (Brass 1991). Furthermore, the changing position of a place in the global economic and political order can affect people's identification with it. Among some overseas Chinese, the perception of a recently

F L N Li et al.

improved international image of China may have aroused their ethnic sentiment and some have even returned to Hong Kong in order to participate in the growth of China (Tse). By the same token, a person may not want to belong to Hong Kong if 'politicians mess up the political or international identity' (Kwok) of the place.

While previous literature has been useful in describing how identities can be shaped by places, the interviews reported above have contributed a novel feature to the population geography by showing how ethnic identity can affect the choice of place of residence through the decision whether or not to migrate. The relevance of cultural identity to migration decision-making covers some of the basic concerns of potential migrants - access to employ- ment, social status and power, need for social support, sense of responsibility and the future of their children. The perception of the desirability of a location as a migration destination is inevitably influenced by how the place is assessed in terms of attitudes produced in and through it towards people from different cultural backgrounds.

Our study also highlights the instrumental and evaluative nature of ethnic identity. The discourses support the contention that ethnic identity is a social construction based on status and power, and defines a person's access to a place and its oppor- tunities. As Johnston (1991) suggests, 'territoriality', as a means of state control comprising both 'exclu- sionary' and 'inclusionary' strategies, has impli- cations for both the production and reproduction of group identity. Those, such as Fung, who are allowed entry into a country because of their value in building up the 'core' of the country may feel 'secure' and 'included' in the host country. Paradoxi- cally, however, people from the privileged sectors in a country, who may find it easier in financial and

political terms to emigrate, may also be more resistant to emigrating to countries where they would experience a considerable drop in status. While international moves are regulated by immi- gration legislation, the discourses presented here show that such moves are mediated by the percep- tions of potential migrants of migration destinations in terms of their own identities and of their change in social status after migration. Relaxed immigration policies, such as the British Nationality (Hong Kong) Act 1990 (Jowett et al. 1994), do not therefore necessarily result in mass immigration, especially when a migration destination is perceived to be undesirable.

Migration and ethnic identity

By way of conclusion, we suggest that popu- lation geographers should pay more attention to the study of the relationship between migration, place and cultural identity. Given the changing nature of place and cultural identity, time is an indispensable dimension in such research. Since identity is often an evaluative statement of status, power and access to opportunities, future research will also need to focus on the social positions of individuals before and after migration. Halfacree and Boyle's (1993) suggestion of a biographical approach will be useful in charting the evolution of the place-identity- position relationship over time. Incorporating the dimension of time is not merely a study of the past and present. The future as projected, be it about the nature of a place (e.g. the perceived future of Hong Kong after 1997) or about plans and hopes for the future status of one's group or of the next gener- ation, is also important. Studying individuals' con- struction of the future is crucial in understanding why and how people (as individuals or groups) intentionally or unconsciously change the character- istics of places, either through migrating or exercising various means of influence over the socio-political systems of places. Further research of the biographies of Hong Kong-born migrants living abroad would help to provide a better understand- ing of the interaction between individuals' construc- tion of the future and how their identities may change after emigration, and the kind of strategies they may adopt when their cultural identities are confronted by the change in their social positions after migration.

Acknowledgements

The research which generated this paper forms part of an ongoing ESRC-funded project on skilled migration to and from Hong Kong (contract number R000233549). We are indebted to the many people who volunteered to be interviewed and in so doing extended our knowledge and understanding. The authors offer their thanks to Mark Boyle for his many constructive comments on earlier versions of this paper, and to the anonymous referees and the Editor of this journal for their very helpful suggestions.

Note

1. Pseudonyms are used throughout this paper when referring to the interviewees.

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