theodore w. dwight - harrington

7/30/2019 Theodore W. Dwight - Harrington

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HarringtonAuthor(s): Theodore W. DwightReviewed work(s):Source: Political Science Quarterly, Vol. 2, No. 1 (Mar., 1887), pp. 1-44Published by: The Academy of Political ScienceStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2139315 .

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Volume I.] March,1887. [Number .

POLITICAL SCIENCEQUARTERLY.HARRINGTON

AND HIS INFLUENCE UPON AMERICAY POLITICAL INSTITUTIONSAND POLITICAL THOUGHT.JAMESARRINGTON hasnotthereputations a politi-cal thinkerthat he deserves. This is partlydue to somefancifulnotions on his part respectingformsof government,

partlyto peculiarities of style,but principally o the fact thattherepublican heoriesforwhich he contendedwere discardedin his own country. He had no followers. He founded noschool. Still, thoughoverlooked nd unrecognizedn England,he led and inspired heviews of early American statesmen. Itis not too much to say that he has lefta marked impressionuponourpolitical institutions. It is well to recall to viewhismerits n this centennialyear of thebirthof the United StatesConstitution.'Before sketching the writingsof Harrington, ome generalremarksmay fitly e made concerninghis age and his place in

I Reference s made in this paper not only o his principalwork,The Oceana,but also to tractswritten n support f it and setting orth is viewsupon otherpolitical uestions. These are:ThePrerogativefPo.pularGovernment.TheArtof Law-giving.Valeriusand Publicola.PoliticalAphorisms.The Ways and Means of introducing Commonwealthythe Consent fthePeople.The Humble Petitionof divers well-affectedersons,with the Parliament'sAns7werhier-eto.The edition f his works eferredo in this paper is by JohnToland, printed tDublin n I737.


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2 POLITICAL SCIENCE QUARTERLY. [VOL. II.it. He livedat a time when a most heroic effortwas makingto put political nstitutions n theirtrial,to probethemto theirfoundations, nd, where found defective, o put new ones intheirplace. English Puritanismis well described as havingbeen notmerely n efforto restorepurity o religion, ut alsoa protest against all authority s such, a destructive andremorseless riticism, paringno institution n the state whichon trial couldnotgive a good account of itself. It was some-thing more,even,thanthis. It proposed, fterdestroyingwhatwas antiquated and useless, to set up not merely new spirit-ual, but also a political kingdom,n which both the state andthe churchwere to be re-established nd brought nto officialrelations,which it was fondly hoped would be harmoniousaswell as permanent. To accomplishthis great result, verythingmustundergorevision. Nothingcould be regardedas settled.The airwas thick withthe shower of controversial amphletsfallingon every ide. Their titleswereas quaint as their stylewas strange and uncouth. There was no question of literarycultureor scholarly inish f expression. If a man had a burn-ing word to say,he took his own mode of saying t. His merit,if any, was that he was dead in earnest; and he veryprobablysucceeded,even through he dimnessofhis utterances,n trans-ferring o his readers a portionof theglowwhich he felt n hisown heart. Most of these controversialworks,once so thor-oughly alive, are now dead and forgotten. There renmain fthem only single copies in the BritishMuseum, that greatmau-soleumof literature. Their preservation s due probably o dryantiquarians,whorescuedthemfrom bsolute forgetfulness otbecause theywere intrinsically aluable, but simply becausetheywereonce new and now old. Out of all this mass,thereremain ome mostnoticeablewritings. We are speakingofthetimewhen the best thoughtsof Thomas Hobbes, James Har-rington,Oliver Cromwell, nd JohnMilton were given to theworld nd wereagitating hemindsof theircontemporaries.Apartfromthe general interest, hat we mighthave in theworks of these and kindred pirits, hey reparticularly aluablein connectionwith the rise and growth f political deas in this


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No. i.] HARRIAGTOX. 3country. These writersbelonged to a party hathad a power-fulvoice in framing he political institutions f the Americanpeople. They livedand flourished ut a littlemorethan a hun-dred years beforethe war of independence and the formationof the American constitution. The din of the great Englishrebellion nd the rejoicings at its close had scarcely ceased toring n men's ears,when ourgreater nd more successfulrebel-lion was inaugurated by men who had studied the writingsofthese great English radicals and had fully mbibedtheir spirit.Our statesmenknewthe thoughtsof Harringtonand Hobbesand Milton, s we to-dayknow those of Washington, Adams,Hamilton, and Jefferson.John Adams was perfectly amiliarwithHarrington'sOceana and muchinfluenced yitsteachings,as his writings how us.It has been supposed by manythat the framersof our earlypolitical papers struckout some quite original houghts start-ling by their novelty s well as profoundn theirwisdom. Thecontrarys believed to have been the case. Instead of beingoriginators, heywere forthemost part udicious copyists. Ourown immortal onstitution,when considered as to its specificprovisions, s largely ndebtedto a judicious use of the scissors.Are its framers defining treason? They copy verbatim thewords of an old English statute. Are they anxious to secureindividual iberty? They copyfrom he English bill of rights.Are they concerned with the regulation of impeachments?They complimenthe New York constitution f I777 by incor-porating ts provisionswith some special phrasesoftheirown.In fact,theyborrowed ight nd left, nd so made up the splen-did mosaic, called the United States constitution, mblazonedwith all the insigniaof liberty, nd ornamentedwith the time-honored inscriptionsof victorywon from absolute power onmany a hotly contested field,while all its parts are fittedtogether with an exquisite precision and with regard to itsgeneraleffect. In one point t is defective,where t couldgainlittle advantage from the lessons of an earlierpolitical philos-ophy. That philosophy, s willbe seen hereafter,ffirmedhatall political power resided with the people, but suggested no


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4 POLITICAL SCIENCE QUARTERLY. [VOL. II.adequate means of ascertaining its will in the supreme actof choosing an executive. A monarchyknows no means ofsettlinga disputed succession but war. The great problemhitherto nsoluble is, when the sovereign power rests with thepeople, and political parties are nearly balanced, to find outwhat machinery an be trusted to registercorrectly he votesforthe executivehead ofthe nation. The man who can inventand successfully ntroduce machineryof this kind,will cer-tainlywin the applause of his own generation, nd may withreasonable expectation ook forward o a political immortality.The great political thinkersof the English commonwealthhave had little or no recognition in England itself. WhenCharles II came to the throne, here was such a revulsionoffeeling that liberal political thoughtwas absolutelyarrested.Cromwell'smemorywas execrated; Harrington'sviews werederidedas those of an impracticable isionary; Milton hid him-self n obscurity rom Parliament hatwould have imprisonedhim if he had been visible. All the legislation of Cromwelland his associates ceased to have force. His namewas omittedfromthe list of English rulers. To an English lawyer,Crom-well has no legal existence, Charles II having succeeded hisfather s king at the very momentof his execution. Cromwellwas henceforward ut a political nightmare. His was a nameto conjurewith and "fright the isle from ts propriety." Allover England he was " Noll " and " old Noll " in everyvarietyof flunkeywitticismwhich the scatter-brainedourtiers f thetimecould invent. The head of thedead hero was placed on apole over thevery sanctuary of the law, Westminster Hall, inopen derision of him who, more than any other Englishmanofhis time,had upheld the majesty of the law.Americans, however, must learn to do justice to the greatmen to whom they owe so much. There is, doubtless,muchrubbish in their writings. All this can readilybe rejected,while the solid parts of theirworks richlymeritattention. Hewhocarefully tudies themwill be amply rewarcled or his labor.Without furtherpreface I shall bring forward ome notesupon the life and political philosophy of Harrington. For


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No. I.] HARURINGTON. 5information oncerninghis life I am largely indebted to hisenthusiasticbiographer,JohnToland.James Harrington,who was born in January, 6i i, was de-scended froman ancient and noble family. His great-grand-father, ir James Harrington,was the ancestorof many noble-men, ncludingdukes, marquises,earls,and barons. Jameswasin early ifea member f OxfordUniversity,nd a pupil of thegreat Dr. Chillingworth, hose works are in logic invincibleand in style unreadable. Harringtonwas inclined to travel,and learned some of the principlesof libertyn Holland, andgained cultureby journeys n France and Italy. He veryearlyexhibited a spirit of independence. He was present on oneoccasionwhenthe pope of Rome was consecratingwax lights.Though he desired one greatly, n finding hat he must kissthe pope's toe as a preliminaryo receiving t,he declined t,saying that as he had kissed the king of England's hand,hethought t beneathhim to kiss anyotherprince'sfoot. On hisreturn romhis travels,we findhimquietlysettled in England,the comfort f his friends nd the charmofthe domesticcircle.We get some verypleasingglimpsesof his character. He waseager to improve the education of his sisters,discoursingtothemat large on the best mode of promoting heir ntellectualdevelopment s well as theirreligious sentiments nd grace inmanners. He was of a very iberal and compassionatenature,and could not endure to see a friendwant anythingthat hemight pare; and when the reliefthatwas necessaryexceededthe bounds of his estate,he persuaded his sisters not only tocontribute hemselves, ut likewise to go about to the rest oftheirrelatives to completewhat was wanting. And if at anytime they alleged that this bountyhad been thrownawayonungrateful ersons,he would answerwith a smile that he sawtheyweremercenary, ince they expectedso great a returnasgratitude.It was such a man as this, having such engaging and lovablequalities,perhapstingedwitha slightmelancholy,ond ofstudyand not seeking afterpublic employment, ho was overtakenin his library nd in the presence of his lovingsistersand com-


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6 POLITICAL SCIENCE QUARTERLY. [VOL. II.panionswith thehorrors f civil war. We firsthear of him asinvolved n the troublesof I646, when the Parliamentcommis-sioners,having the king in their custody,desired Harringtonto wait upon his Majesty as a person known to him and con-nected with no party or faction. He made himself highlyagreeable by his elegant and instructive onversation, xceptthatwhen theyhappenedto talk of a commonwealth, he king" seemed not to endure it "- as one well might suppose.Harrington never concealed his republican principles; but,republican s he was, he accompaniedtheking on the scaffold.He was evidently ne of those good and noble men,found inevery revolution,who at one and the same time are on the leftof thepartyof the Right,and on therightof the partyof theLeft,without ompromise f dignity r sacrifice f principle.Afterthe king's death, Harringtonwent to his library nd insolitude workedupon his Oceana. It was his great and cardi-nal thought,that political institutions are not accidental orarbitrary, ut rather of historic growth; and that there arenatural causes in society which produce necessary effects nmoulding nd shaping institutions. He reasoned, ccordingly,thatthe troubles of the timewere not to be wholly ttributedto wilfulnessorfaction,nor altogether to the mismanagementof theking,but rather o a silentchange which had been goingon in England forcenturies in what he termed the balance ofproperty, which was daily falling into the scale of the com-mons from that of the king, until the scale of the latterhadwell-nigh ickedthe beam." The king endeavored to govern,accordingto the methods of his predecessors,by levyingarbi-trary axes and compulsory ssessments,while the people weresure to struggleforpreserving he propertywhereoftheywerein possession, never failing in every contest to obtain moreprivileges nd to enlarge thebasis of their liberty. This greatproposition, hat empire follows the balance of property, ar-rington s said to have been the first o make out. His biog-rapher, Toland, in enthusiastic strain, pronounces it a noblediscovery, qual to that of the circulationof the blood,or ofprinting, r of the mariner'scompass. His great purpose, nd


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No. i.] HARRINGTOAT. 7theobject of his book,was to find ut a mode of restoring heequilibrium,and to establish such orders and regulations inthe state as "to make wicked men virtuousand fools to actwisely" -kind and benevolententhusiast! While the printerswereat work t his book, Cromwell's superserviceable dherents,thinkingthere might be something n it opposed to the LordProtector's nterest, ad it seized,and conveyed it to the resi-dence at Whitehall. Harringtoninvoked the good officesofLady Claypole,Cromwell's favoritedaughter, nd by her inter-positionthebook was speedilyrestored o him. In fact,Crom-well's friendshad no reason fortheir uspicion. The workwasdedicatedto him with arge-voiced raise. When he read it, hesaid, perhaps with a civil smile of contempt, hat the gentle-man would like to trepan him out of his power,but thatwhathe got by the sword he would notquit fora little paper shot;and thatwhile he disliked one-manpower himself, e was onlyactingas a highconstable to preservethe peace of the nationamongthe severalparties.After the restorationof Charles II, Harrington ived in aretiredmanner, s a personbound to no partyor faction. Heoccupied himself in setting forth his political principles inother formsof expression,and particularlyn reducing themto aphorisms. It was, however, sin at thistimeto have beena republican. He was committed o the Tower of London,December 28, i66i, as havingbeenengaged in treasonableprac-tices. He begged delayfor fewmoments, hat he might ticktogether he sheets of his Aphorisms; and then,withouttimeto take leave of his inconsolable sisters,he was hurriedto hisplace of confinement. Here he was long imprisonedwithoutapparent cause, subjected to inquisitorialexaminationswithouthis tormentors inding nything gainsthimexceptthetheoriesin his writings. His health sufferedunder his confinement.He was finallyreleased by a warrant fromthe king,but notuntil his faculties had become disordered. About the sametimehis fellow-republican iltonwas suffering xtremesorrowon accountof his blindness, nd sung the solemnwords,fittedalso to the case of Harrington:


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8 POLITICAL SCIENCE QUARTERLY. [VOL. Il.Myhopes llflat, aturewithinmeseemsIn allherfunctionseary fherself;Myrace ofglory un, ndrace of shame,And shall hortlyewith hem hat est.

Harrington died September i i, i677, having lived a littlemore than sixty-sixyears.It is nowtime to considerthe theories forwhich the Oceanastill challenges our respect and admiration. The work isdivided nto a numberof principalparts. The first s prelimi-nary, reating fthegeneralprinciples fgovernment.Anothershowsmorespecifically he trueart ofmakinga commonwealth.Descending now to particulars, he author displays what hedeems to be the true modelforthe commonwealth f England,under the name of " Oceana," and finally roups togetherthesupposed benefits o be derivedfromhis scheme.Beginningwith thetruenature of government, e declares itto be an "empire of laws and not of men." This had beenasserted, t is true,byphilosophers fantiquity, ut it had beenforgotten r disowned. He reasserted t continually, rought tinto notice,and made it the corner-stone f his system. Tothismayprobablybe traced thefamousdeclaration in the con-stitution f Massachusetts,part i, article30:

In thegovernmentfthis ommonwealth,he egislativeepartmentshallnever xercisehe xecutivend udicial owers,reither fthem;and the xecutivehallnever xercisehe egislativend udicialpowers,or either f them; . .. tQtheend itmaybe a governmentf laws andnot of men.

Still, he continues,the fundamental aws may vary and bewise or unwise. Wherever they vest power,there is empire.Empire is either foreignor domestic. The latter,domesticempire, s foundedon property, eal orpersonal, and or money.Where the land is in the hands of one, there is a monarchy;where t is owned by thefew, here s an aristocracy; where itis controlled y many,you have a commonwealth.Accordinglythe throneof England began to shakewhen a great law1waspassed in the time of King Edward I, permitting he nobility

1 Quia Emp/ores,8 Edw. I, c. I.


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No. I.] HARR/iVGTOA. 9to sell their estates. The same force is not attributed tomoney,because of its fugitivenature. This balance in land istermedby him an " agrarian balance, and without t in someform government, e argues, has no long lease of life. In ademocracy t would seem thatthe ownershipof land should bemuch subdivided, nd a class of small freeholders ntroduced.Here he touches upon the allowance of interest upon moneyin its relation o public policy. He says that nterest or usury)may sometimes be impolitic, s where the land allotments ofthe citizens are small,and the loan may overbalance the estatein the land. This was the real ground of the Mosaic prohibi-tion. But in a countrywhere merchandise s exercised it is sofar frombeing destructive hat it is necessary, lse that whichmightbe of profit o the commonwealthwouldrest unprofitablyin private purses, there being no man that will venture hismoneybut throughhope of some gain, which, f it be so regu-lated that the borrowermay gain more by it than the lender,usury (interest) becomes a mightyprofit o the public and acharityto private men; in which sense we may not be per-suaded bythem thatdo notobserve these different auses thatit is against scripture.' These " menthat do notobserve" wereprobably uch men as Bishop Jewel,who denounced n the mostviolent manner ll interest s unscriptural nd diabolical. Histirades are approvedeven to-daybya person so noted as JohnRuskin.Following this general line of thought,Harringtondeclaresthatit is notquite safe fora country o plant colonies abroadand to give the colonistsfullownership f land; for, s he says,it gives a root to liberty broad that may spring up foreign ndsavage, and be hostileto the mother-state. Speaking of someexistingcolonies,he sayswithremarkable oresight

They re yetbabes thatcannot ivewithoutucking he breasts ftheirmother-cities;utsuch as I mistakef,whenthey omeofage,they o notweanthemselves; hich ausesme towonder t princes,that ike o be exhaustedn thatway.1 Treatise n the Prerogativef PopularGovernment,. 246.


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IO POLITICAL SCIENCE QUARTERLY. [VOL. II.It is not, however, n his view a completestatementto affirm

that empirerests upon dominion verproperty. One mustalsohave regard to the principles f authority,which are internaland foundedupon "the goods of the mind." If any legislatorcan unite these in his governmentwith those of fortune, ecomes nearestto the work of God, whose government oInsistsof heaven, thedomain of the spirit; and earth,the domain ofthebody. It is sad to observethat the principlesof powerandauthority "the goods of the mindand of fortune - do notmeet or twine n the wreathor crownof empire. He now risesto a high plane and burstsout intoan eloquentpassage:Whereforefwehave nythingf piety r prudence,etus raise our-selve5 utof themire fprivatenterestothe ontemplationf virtue,andput hand o the removal f this evil from nder he un thisevil, gainstwhichno governmenthat s not secured anbe goodthisevil, romwhich he governmenthat s securemustbe perfect.We havewanderedhe arth o find ut the balance f power;buttofind ut that f uthority,e must scendnearer eaven rtothe mageof God,which s the oulofman.He next affirms,hat true political libertyconsists in theempire of law and not in the mere fact of the existence offreedom. There must be securityfor its continuance. Here

he crosses the path of the philosopherHobbes, who had main-tained that liberty s the same,whether the commonwealthbemonarchical or popular. Hobbes had illustratedhis ideas bysaying that on the turretsof the cityof Lucca in Italy thereis inscribedin great charactersthe word libertas,yet no mancan thence nfer hata particularman has more liberty r im-munity romthe service of the commonwealththere than inConstantinople. Harrington aptly rejoined that this was butthe case of the mountain n labor bringingforth n equivoca-tion. He maintaineda fine and accurate distinctionto thiseffect:that no one obtainshis libertyfrom he law,but ratherby he law. The source ofhis libertys from he God ofnature;it is only made practically ecure by the rule thatno man canbe controlled but by law, and that law, too,framedby every


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No. i.] HARRZNGTOAT. I Iprivateman,which by that means comes to be the liberty fthe commonwealth.At this stage of his discussion,he perceivesthatan objectionwillbe raisedto his theorieshighlydifficulto answer. In fact,the core of the question s not yet reached. The objectorwillsay: How will you bring it about that men,even in a populargovernment,will be willing to abandon their own individualinterest nd follow hat coursewhich is for the general advan-tage ? Of course it would be a finethingto persuade everyman in a popular governmentnot to carve for himselfthatwhich he desires most,but to be mannerly t the public tableand to give the best fromhimselfto decencyand the commoninterest. In connectionwith this question,he hints at a greatlaw of se4f-sacriCfce.We may join with him in thinkingthatthis is more truly he lampof that frameworkwe call populargovernment,hanof the buildingswhich men framewith theirhandsforhabitation rworship. His principalreliance s uponthe establishment f such laws or orders s may give theupperhand in all cases to common ightsor interests,notwithstanding"the nearness of thatwhich sticks to everyman in private."But how can thepeople to be governedbe trustedto establishthese greatprimordialaws? At this pointhe is driven o takerefuge n thepowerof a single legislatorto establish a consti-tutionforhis people after he ancient pattern et by Solon andLycurgus. Referring o the thenexisting onditionofEngland,he would expect that Cromwellwould abdicate his one-manpower and formallystablish a commonwealth. This must berepresentativen anylarge state. The wise and the able menwill naturally nd necessarily ometo thefront,nd the others,by an equal law of necessity,will yield to them. He goes sofar as to say that if, n a hap-hazardway, you should bringtwentymen together to forma commonwealth, bout one-thirdwouldeitherbe wise or at least less foolishthan the rest,and that these upon acquaintance would be discovered andwould lead the herd. There is thus a natural aristocracyofintellectual nd moralworth, iffused yGod through hewholebodyof mankind o this end and purpose, nd thereforeuch as


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12 POLITICAL SCIENCE QUARTERLY. [VOL. I.the people have not onlya natural but a positiveobligationtomake use of as theirguides. These menform naturalsenate,on whichthe legislator n establishing-is government ould layhands. Their functionwould be to discuss, debate,give advice,and enlighten the people. The rest of the communitywouldbe representedbya popular bodyor assembly,whose office twould be to adoptor reject the advice given. Debating by thenaturalaristocracy,nd selectionbythepeople of the truthdis-closed by theirdebates,is thus the great aw of populargovern-ment. He says: "There is a party a refined arty a nationin a nation, hat must andwillgovern." As a matter fdetail,the senators were to be worth ioo per year, and to be electedbythepeople in theirprecincts.2 Here we have the germof aproperty ualification or eg-islators.Harrington here struck out a great and novel truth, houghwe should now give it a wider applicationthan he made ofit.We would deem it impracticableto have two representativeassemblies organized in such diverse ways. We would, how-ever, gree thata large partofthe dutyofrepresentative ssem-blies is not merely o pass laws but to discuss greatand funda-mental principles,while the discussions are to be submitted othepeople forthe purposeof moulding nd guiding theirgeneralopinion. The value of this function f a popularassemblycanscarcelybe overestimated. Harringtonfailedto regard t fromthismodernpointof view,as the immensecapacitiesof the pressindisseminating uchinformation ere thenwholly nrecognizedand unknown nd in factdiscountenanced nd proscribed.Three great practical measures are now recommendedwitha view to the preservation f an equilibriumn a populargovern-ment.

i. There mustbe a law limitingthe amount of land whichanyman can own. In his ownwords, here must be a perpetuallaw, establishingand preserving the balance of dominionbysuch a distribution,that no one man or numberof menwithinthe compassofthe feworthearistocracy an come to overpowerthe whole people by their possessionsin land." This is but a

1 Valerius nd Publicola, . 485. 2 Ibid.,p. 483.


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No. I.] HARRINGTON. 13deductionfrom a principlebeforereferred o. As dominion rempire depends on the ownershipof land,care must be takenthat ownershipshall be widely distributed. If land is to beleased,he is much opposed to rack-rents.' "Racking of rentsis a vile thing in the richersort, n uncharitableone to thepoorer, perfectmark of slavery, nd nips yourcommonwealthin the fairestblossom."2. Care mustbe takento prevent he magistracy rom cquir-ing dangerouspower. His expedient n this direction s suchequal rotation rsuccessiontomagistracy,onferredor uch con-venientterms, s to take in the wholebodyby parts succeedingothersthrough he free lectionor suffragef thepeople. Hereis the first sound of the doctrine destined hereafter o echoaround the democraticworld "rotation n office - not,how-ever, n Harrington'sview,for the sake of theofficeholder,utfor he sake of thepeople.

3. The suffrages fthepeoplefortheirrepresentativesmustbegiven bysecretballot. " The electionorsuffragefthepeopleis most freewhereit is made orgivenin such a manner hatitcan neither blige nordisoblige another,northroughfearof anenemyorbashfulness owards friendmpair man's liberty."Here are certainly hree great principles,new,as applied togovernment n England: limitation n the ownershipof land,rotation n office,nd the secret ballot. While we in Americahave seen thus far no occasion,owing to our unlimitedterri-tory, o adopt the first,ll the world knows what use we havemade ofthetwo last. We must pause to considerHarrington'sviewsupon some ofthese theoriesmnoret large.In insisting upon rotation n office, is leading thoughtwasto fixspecified ermsof office or heprincipalofficeholders,othat theirofficial onduct mightat stated intervalsbe broughtbeforethe people of the commonwealth or pproval. If theirconduct n officeweredisapproved,t should be therightof thepeople to relegatethem to privatelife. To Harrington's sug-gestions may fairlybe traced a clause in the constitution fMassachusetts:

I Oceana, p. 178.


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14 POLITICAL SCIENCE QUARTERLY. [VOL. II.In order o preventhosewho re vestedwith uthorityrom ecom-ing oppressors,he people havea right, t suchperiods nd in such

manners they hallestablish y their rame f government,o causetheir ublic fficersoreturno privateife, nd to fillup vacantplacesbycertainndregularlections nd appointments.'But thiswas not all. He would organize the office,n mostcases, so that it should never be vacant. In his scheme theoffice-holdingody was to have a continuous existence. Histhoughtwas that on which the United States Senate is or-

ganized. One-thirdof the members holding every importantofficewere to go out of office veryyear. The membersofparliamentand of the state council and even the city boards ofaldermenwere to be classified in this manner. By such anarrangement e thoughthe could reconcilethemovementoftheage withpermanency f service. He resortsto an illustration:The House, having t once blossoms, ruit alfripe,and others

droppingff t fullmaturity,esemblesn Orange ree, uch s it s atthe ametime pringnd a Harvest oo. Thevicissitudefyour ena-tors s notperceivablen the teadinessnd perpetuityfyour enate.2It was not with any desire to gratifyhe clamorof men outof office nd desiringto get in thathe accepted the doctrineof"'rotation n office." It was,however, partofhis scheme thatthe officeholderhouldnotbe at once eligribleo fillthe vacancy

occasioned by the expirationof his termof service,but shouldbe ineligible for a specified period. His scheme somewhatresembles the rule applied to the election of sheriffsn NewYork. The immediaterotation would not be a fatal defect,though t wouldmakethegovernment ery mperfect.3 Thoughthephrase " rotation n office is perfectly amiliar o us, itwasnew in English politics, for in England office s in generaldeemed to be a matterof property. Harringtonwas eager tobring into prominencethe fact that an office s in its nature atrustfor the people,and urged that it should be surroundedwith such safeguards as to keep constantlybefore the office-holderand the citizen ts essentialcharacter.

1 Mass. Const., art , art.viii. 2 Oceana, p. I40.3 The Prerogativef PopularGovernment,. 314.


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No. i.] HARRINAGTOX. 15His theory s plainlyshown by the objections made to it by

John Milton, who had a plan of his own competingwith it.Milton's scheme was to have senatorschosenfor ife. In argu-ingfn its favor,he remarks:If it be feared hat ongcontinuance f powermay corruptin-cerestmen, heknown xpedients, and by ome[meaningHarring-ton and his supporters]ately ropounded,hat nnuallyor if thespace be longer, o muchperhaps he better) he third artof thesenatorsmay o outaccordingo the precedence f their lection,ndthe ikenumber e chosen n their laces, o preventheir ettlingftooabsolute power,f t should e perpetualfor ife]; and this heycall" partial otation."But couldwish hat hiswheel r partial heelinstate,f itbe possible,might e avoided, s having oomuch ffinitywithhewheel f fortune.'Milton henproceedstoarguethatHarrington's lanwillresultin puttingout a greatnumberof the best and ablest members,

and bringing n raw and inexperienced men,to the injuryofpublic transactions, nd thus nothingfirm r steadfast can beexpectedfrom uch a floating oundation.The controversy etweenMiltonand Harringtonwas greatlyrelishedby the royalistwits of the time. A burlesque pamphletwas published by thempurporting o be an answer by Harring-tonand his friends. Harrington s made to say to Milton:As torotation, shall nly dd this: that commonwealths likeagreat op, hatmust e kept up by beingwhipped ound nd held nperpetualirculation; or, fyoudiscontinueherotation,nd sufferhesenate osettle nd standstill, own t falls mmediately. ndif youhadstudied hispoint s carefullys I have done,you could not butknow heres no suchwayunderHeavenofdisposinghevicissitudesfcommand nd obedience, nd of distributingqual right nd libertyamong llmen, s this fwheeling.2But in spite of Milton's argumentsand royalist eers, Har-rington's heorieshad come to stay,and we have learned by theexperienceof a hundredyears that his plan of rotation s con-I The Ready and Easy Wayto establish FreeCommonwealth.2 Harleian Miscellany,V, 179-I86. This pamphlet urportedo be printed yPaul Giddy, at the Windmill n Turn-again-Lane,66o, and certifiedy TrundleWheeler, lerk o the Rota.


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T6 POLITICAL SCIENCE QUARTERLY. [VOL. II.sistentwithpermanence nd the moulding nfluence fprogres-sive publicopinion. He wouldbe a bold man who would nowpropose to abandonit.More than all else, Harrington aid stress upon the secretballot. In his travels in Italy, he had studiedwith care andgreatly admired the political constitutionof Venice and theballot as he foundit there. He wished to introduce t intoEnglandwith omemodifications,ll leadingto extrementricacyof detail. In his collectedworks there s a very curious plate,showingthe balloting by his senate for the leading offices fstate. The greatfeatures re a combination f the " lot and thesuffrage- thelot narrowing he list of the competitors,ndthe suffrage electingfrom the list thus narrowed. The lotprovides number f electors or nominators rom the body ofthe senate. From the nominations, he senators make theselection. The lot fornomination s only an ingenious devicefor avoiding multiplicity f candidates and the scatteringofvotes. There is an elaborateapparatusof gold balls,and silverballs,and urns. When thevotes are to be taken,the senatorsare represented n the plate as seated in rows upon bencheswiththegreatofficers fstate in front f them,while pages goup and down among thememberswiththeirballotboxes, shout-ingout thename of the officend the candidates,whereuponEverymagistratendsenator oldsup a little ellet f inen, s theboxpasses, etween isfingernd histhumb,hatmen may ee he has butone,and thenputs t intothesame. The ballotbox consistingnthe inner artoftwoboxes,beingpainted n theoutsidewhite ndgreen, odistinguishhe ffirmativerom henegativeide is so madethatwhen our and s in t,no man an see to which f thesidesyouputthe uffrageorhear owhichtfalls,ecause hepellet, eing inen,makesno noise.This little pellet of white linen,noiselesslydoing its mightywork, s evidently heprecursor f the later mageofthe" snow-flakesfalling on the sod." If the personvoted forgets aboveone-halfof thevotes, he. is elected; if not,the othernomineesare votedfor n the same way. If no electiontakes place beforesunset, the whole proceedingmust be repeated the next day


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No. i.] HARRZNGTOX. 17through he mediumof the nomination fnewly hosenelectors,for"this ballot-box s no jugglingbox,but an artthat must seethe sun." This is certainly veryslowwayof voting,but ithas the essential elements of the existing ballot. He wasafraid of an objection,that his boxes would be too expensive,and enters into an elaborate calculation that they would onlycost ?25,000 for ll England.1But Harringtonwas no mere political thinker, ontentedwith the discussionof abstractprinciples f government. Hedesired to applyhis theoriesto the England of his ownday-which he somewhatfantasticallyerms"Oceana," while Scot-land figures s "Marpesia," and Ireland as "Panopcea." Hischaracters appear under equally whimsical names, James I.being called "IMorpheus,"William the Conqueror "Turbo,"and Cromwell"Olphaus Megaletor." He proceedsto sketcha particularconstitutionfor England, definingand limitingpoliticalpower. Here appears thefirstketch n Engrlish olit-ical science of a writtenconistitution imiting overeignpowers,an idea destined to become fruitful oth in the United Statesand France. He has our modernnotion of ratification y thepeople, instead of adoption merelyby Parliament. He says,"The fundamental rdersofthegovernmentmaybe consentedto or subscribedbythepeople themselves, ftheirexpress pactshall be esteemedany additionalsecurity." This was a greatstep forward, or even Magna Charta itself s to be regardedrather s ordinaryegislation, ubject to repeal and modificationby Parliament, han as fundamentalaw, bindingon Parliamentitself. Hie ustifies he provisionsof his " constitution by longspeeches put into the mouthsofhis principal haracters, nd inparticularntroducesCromwellunder n assumedtitle ofarchon,and allows him an easy triumphby causing his supposed sug-gestionsto prevail.It is not thepurpose of thisreview of Harrington'swork topay close attentionto his specific plans forthe governmentof the English of his day. In a history f politicalopinion, t

1 Oceana,P. 41.2 The HumblePetition f diverswell-affectedersons, . 545


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i8 POLITICAL SCIENCE QUARTERLY. [VOL. II.would be necessaryto sketch them. This partof thework isthe least successful,and has tended to becloud the residue.Its peculiarform s a stateromance s probablydue to the factthatHarringtonwroteundersomerestraint. He could nottellin advance howCromwellwouldreceivehis theories, nd there-foredisguised his views under the form of a political novel.A studentwill not,however, e preventedbythe special andeccentricform of the workfromdetectingthe treasurewhichis scattered hrough t. Von Mohl in hisHistory nd Literatureof Politics has done Harringtonbut scanty ustice. IHe dwellsmainlyupon the unpracticalnature of his scheme of govern-ment forEngland,withoutpaying attentionto the numerousvaluable suggestions o be foundnotonly n the Oceanca, ut inother works. The presentpurpose is to develop Harrington'spolitical principles, nd pay little attentionto the forms inwhich they are clothed. As soon as his Oceana was published(I656), he commenced n agitationforthe actual adoption of itsprovisionsby theproper uthority.By I658 he had interpretedand defended tfrom bjections n otherworks. In July, 659,a petitiondrawnup by him was presentedby his supportersto the House of Commons,urging the adoption of a definitepolitical constitution orEngland.' In this petitionare someremarkablepropositions. He asserts in so many words,"thatthe exerciseof all ust authorityvera freepeople ought underGod) to arisefromtheirown consent." Did not Jefferson,ndrafting he declaration of American independence,have thissentence in mind? He made use of its very words in main-taining that governmentsderive their ust powers fromtheconsent of the governed. In this petition Harrington main-tained"that those whogovern mustalso be sometimes in theconditionof the governed." This was a heavy thrust at thedoctrineof kingshipby divine right. "Otherwise," he says,"the governorswillnotbe ina capacity o feel theweightofthegovernment, orthe governedto enjoythe advantages of it."Goingboldly onward,he sturdilymaintained that the supreme

1 Masson, Life of Milton,V, 483. See petition tself n Harrington'sWorks(Dublin d., 737), p. 541.


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No. i.] HARRINGTON. I9authorityould not properly e settled in any single assemblywhatsoever,having the power of propounding,debating,andresolving aws." This was a bold stroke indeed,forthe verybody that he was petitioningwas assertingthe verypowerthathe condemned,and was as tender of its prerogative s anyfrowning ing or jealous aristocrat. But he insisted, n its veryface, that a parliamentshould only exercise legislativepower,and that a magistracy ught to be providedhavingthewholeexecutive authorityof the laws. He clearly propoundedthetheorythat governmentalpowers are either legislative, xecu-tive,or judicial, and thatbeing distinct hey ought to be vestedin distinct bodies with separate functions. Here he suppliedthe very ife blood of an American commonwealth;for ifweomit these ideas fromone of our constitutions,we mightaswell omit the constitutiontself. The parliament r legislativepowershouldhave perpetual uccessionor descent,and withoutainypossibility f a death or a failure n its being. Parliamen-tarypower oug,htneverto die or dissolve, though the personsbe annuallychanging. This is thetheory f the United StatesSenate. As Mr. Buchanan well expressed it, "The Senate isto-day, onstitutionallynd legally,the same bodythat met forthe first ime n theyear 1789."Harrington then proceeded to sketch, constructively, heelementsof the right onstitutionfor England. There shouldbe two houses of parliament,one more numerous than theother, ach organizedon his plan of periodically hiftingmem-bers,and electedbythepeople in convenientdistricts. Thereare also some importantdeclarations concerningreligiouslib-erty to be noticed hereafter.It is to the credit of the Parliamentthat it accepted withcordialitythese very advanced views. Its speaker gave thepetitionersthe thanks of the House, as they saw, that "thepetitionwas without ny privateends and only for the publicinterest." From this time forward,the Harrington partyresorted to all available agencies forthe dissemination f theirviews. They issued showers of pamphlets. They circulatedthroug,houthe cityof London an engraving f an assemblyin


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20 POLITICAL SCIENCE QUARTERLY. [VOL. II.sessionand voting,droppingthe little noiseless pelletsof lineninto the electionurns. It was at this time that they foundedtheirfamous debating club called the "Rota," holding theirmeetings in a well-known offeehouse. This was in i659.AnthonyWood describes the meetings:

Theirdiscoursesboutgovernmentere hemostngeniousndsmartthat ver wereheard, or he argumentsn theParliamentouse werebut flat o these. This ganghad a balloingbox and balloted, owthingshould e carried yway fexperimenttentamens),hich eingnotused or knownnEngland efore,pon his ccount heroomwasvery ull.'

Harringtonwas one of the primemen. CyriackSkinner, hefriend f Milton,was among them. We may picturethese andother leading men,seated along the walls of the room in thefashionof a grave senate; some of theirnumberdrawingoutgoldenand silverballs fromurns to get the nominatingcom-mittee; the coffee-housewaiters acting as senate pages andtaking n the little linen pellets, all practisingforthe greatpopularsenate of the future,muchas an impatientgroomandbride go through hemarriage eremony t home to gain self-possession when they confront he real audience at church.While they are thus engaged,a band of drunken fellowsrushesin fromthe tap-room. These "did much affront he junto"and tear in pieces their order and minutes. Then a partyofsoldiers,who were there as auditors and spectators,begin toshow their teeth and would have kicked the intrudersdownstairs. Harringtonnowstepsforwardnd with his moderationand persuasivenesshinders hem.The doctrines et forth t the Rota were very aking, xcitingapprehensionamong political leaders. "The greatest of theParliamentmen hated this design of rotationand balloting asbeingagainsttheirpower." The club rivalledthat which wasthegermofthe futureRoyal Societyas the centreof intellectualamusement n London.It was an era of political chaos. Harringtoncompared the

1A. Wood,Athenae,II, I I 25, I126, - quoted n Masson's LifeofMilton,V, 484.


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No. I.] HARRZNGTOX. 21contendingparties to a companyof puppies in a bag, where,finding hemselvesuneasyforwantof room,everyone of thembites the tail or foot ofthe next, thinking hat to be the causeof his misery. The members f the club,as one of the induce-ments to adopt the balloting plan,were constantly rying outthat therewas no possibilityof the king's return. But theyleftout of accountthegrimand silent man on horseback fromthenorth General Monk. He soon showed himself a factornot to be ignored. With the returnof the king,the reign ofchaos ended,factionforthe moment ost its voice,and one loudchorus of joy or seeming joy sounded over England,disturbedbyno word nor evennote of discord. Charles II came withhisgraceful nd easy manners,withhis courtiers nd his harem,and rotation n office,hegolden balls,the black andgreen urns,the littlenoiselesslyfallingpelletsoflinen, nd even themoder-ate and persuasiveHarringtonhimself,with his grave, thought-ful and benevolent face and long flowing ocks, straightwaypassed out of the sight and memory f thatgenerationof men.But the idea of the secret ballotwas destinedto survive nd tobecome fruitful. A little more thana hundredyears later,thefirst onstitution f New York alluded to the ballot at politicalelections n a tentative nd experimentalmanner.

Whereas n opinionhas long prevailed, mongdivers fthe goodpeopleofthis tate,hat otingtelections yballotwouldtendmoretopreservehelibertynd equal freedomf the peoplethanvotingviva voce,totheend,therefore,hat fair xperimente made whichofthose womethods fvotingsto be preferred,Be it ordained,hatas soonas maybe afterhe erminationfthepresent arbetweenheUnited tates nd GreatBritain,n act oractsbe passedbythe egislaturefthis tatefor ausing ll elections here-aftero be held nthis tate or enatorsndrepresentativesnassemblyto be byballot, nd directinghe mannern which hesameshallbeconducted; nd whereas t is possible, hat fter ll the care of thelegislaturenframinghesaid act or acts,certain nconveniencesndmischiefsnforeseent thisday,maybe foundoattend hesaid modeofelecting yballot,t s furtherrdained hat f, fter full nd fairexperimenthallbe made of voting y ballotas aforesaid,he sameshallbe foundessconducive o thesafetyr interestf the statethan


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22 POLITICAL SCIENCE QUARTERLY. [VOL. II.themethod fvoting iva voce, t shallbe lawful ndconstitutionalorthe egislatureo abolish he ame.'Though this experimentseemed so doubtfulone hundredyears ago, it is a singularevidenceof theforesight f Harring-tonas applied to the affairsof a commonwealth,hat there isno proposal in any influential uarter to abandon the ballotwith ts attendant mperfectionsnd evils and to restore vivavocevoting.

In England, ballotingdid not triumphuntil I872, when itwas applied to parliamentary nd municipal elections. Thegreatest precautions are there taken to preserve Harrington'scardinalpoint of secrecy. The voter is protectedfromall in-quiryas to his ballot,even in judicial proceedings. The exist-ing English statute provides hat " No personwhohas voted atan electionshall, in any legal proceedings o question the elec-tion or return,be required to state forwhom he has voted."After two hundred years or more, Harrington and his Rotaclub have triumphed ven in England, and the ballot box hasbecome the symbolofpopularelection.Harrington was at extraordinary ains, while he kept thevotingsecret,to providedevices to keep it pure. "The purityof the suffrage," e writes,"in a popular government s thehealth if not the life of it, seeing the soul is no otherwisebreathed ntosovereignpowerthanby the suffrageof the peo-ple."2 As we have seen, he would allow no balloting exceptby daylight. He made his senatorsand otherstake an oath tohold a pure election. But he evidently ad his misgivings boutthewholesubject, as good men have them to-day, nd felt thatthe custodyof the box could be safelyentrustedonlyto menwhowereabove fraudulentpractices and whowere sensible tothe obligationof an oath. With all our elaborate deviceswecan do but littlebetterthan he did. In the long run,the ques-tionofpurity n elections s one of honorand political honesty.We can onlyfollowHarrington's xample, nd, raisingourhandsto heaven, swear that by every effortn our power the ballot

1 N.Y. Constitutionf 1777, sec. 6. 2 Oceana, p. 120.


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No. i.] HARRzNGTOA. 23box shall be preservednot onlyfrom defilement y ourselves,but also byourneighbors, nd thatwe willvisit on those whopollute t thosewho seek the lifeof the people, by deprivingthem of their sovereign power penalties fit to express ourhorror f this crimeof parricide. An enemy takes a nation'slife by force; a ballot-box tuffer akes it by fraudof the vilestkind,and the wretched raitor s not fit o live.Our authorgives one reason forhis faith in the ballot whichdeservesspecial notice. He was firmn the belief that a com-monwealth could only be carried on by gentlemen, by the"natural aristocracy," nd that itwould,as a matter f fact,beso carried on in England. " There is something," he says,"first, n the making of a commonwealth, hen, n the govern-ing of it, nd last of all, n the leading of its armieswhich seemsto be peculiarto the genius of a gentleman." And again: " Itis in the universal eries of history hat if any man has foundeda commonwealth,he was first gentleman." He then callsover the roll of egislators, ncient and modern, ownto his owntime, ncludingOliver Cromwell, howingthat theywere all ofgentleblood. He insistsuponthe same fact n the case ofciviladministrators nd of generals. He expected this state ofthingsto continue in England. He was not a socialist. Heexpectedmenof great andedwealthto continue n a common-wealth,thoughnot men of unbounded fortune. In these andothershe expectedthat the old sense of honorwould survive,and thattheywould never violatean oath. Thus the ballot boxwould be safe in theirhand. Our fathers t the timeoftherev-olution had some of Harrington's belief. Says John Adams,afterspeaking of the relation of nobles to the safetyof thestate:

Bynobles meannotpeculiarly hereditaryobilityut the naturalandactual ristocracymongmankind.The existence f thisyouwillnotdeny. You and have een four oblefamiliesiseup in BostontheCrafts, ores, awes,Austins.They re as really oble, xceptnpower, s the Howards, omersets,nd Berties f England. It is adistinctionhich ature asmadeandwe cannot bolish.'1 Letter rom ohnAdams, nhisWorks,VI, 407.


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24 POLITICAL SCIENCE QUARTERLY. [VOL. II."Natural and actual aristocracy" s an expression of Har-

rington's. His idea of nobility n a commonwealth ppearsin the following xtract:Yourmechanics,illtheyhave first eatheredheirnests, ike thefowls fthe ir,whosewhole mployments to seektheir ood, re sobusiedn their rivate oncernmentshat heyhave neithereisure ostudy hepublic nterestor are safely o be trusted ith t,becauseman s notfaithfullymbarkednthis ind fa ship fhe has no sharein the freight.But if his sharebe such as giveshim eisure yhis

privatedvantageo reflectpon hat f thepublic,whatothername sthere or hat ort fmenbutnobility?'In this review of Harrington's writingswe have gone farenough to see that he is not merelya writer of a politicalromance, namoredwith a fanciful lanofgovernment. If thatwere the true conceptionofhim,he would be entitledto littleattention. The main groundson which he can challenge the

interest f thisgeneration re thewisdomof his suggestionsonvarious subjectsof general nterest,nd the breadth f hisviews,far beyond those prevailingamong the statesmenof his time.To some ofthese referencewillbe made.He maintainsthe propriety,ven in a democracy, f estab-lishing limitations pon the people's will. To him the peopleis sovereign, he people is king. He cries out: "This freebornnation,distributingherannual magistracies nd honors, s her-self KING PEOPLE." 2 At the same time he is apprehensiveofdanger if the people be uncontrolled. His words will bearquotationXForas much s sovereignowersa necessaryut formidablereat-ure,not unlike he powder, hich s atonceyour afetyndyour an-ger, eing ubject o takefiregainstyou s well s foryou, t must eso collected s to be infull orce ndvigorndyet o distributedhat

it is impossible oushouldbe blownup by your wnmagazine. Letthemwhowillhave t that ower,f t be confined,annot e sovereign,tellus whether ur rivers o not njoy more ecure ndfruitfuleignwithin heir roper anks, han f it were awful or hem n ravagingourharvestso spillthemselves.... Whether owernotconfined otheboundsof reason nd virtue, as any otherbounds hanthose f1 Oceana,p. 135. 2 Ibid.,p. IOO.


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No. I.] HARRArGTON. 25vice and passion? Or fviceandpassion e boundlessndreason ndvirtue ave certainimits,n which fthesethrones olymen houldalnointheirovereign?

Then follows his fineutterance: "The sovereignpowerof acommonwealth s no more bounded,that is to say, straitened,than that of a monarch, ut is balanced." In other words, hechecks and restraintsupon the sovereign powerof the peopleare to be self-imposed are to be found n theprovisions ftheconstitution.' Accordingly,Harringtonwould restrict he par-ticipationof thepeople in the direct act of government. " Formy part," he says, "where the people have the election of thesenate, not bound to a distinctorder - here, of course, heglances at the House ofPeers " and the ' result,'which s thesovereignpower, hold themto have that share in the govern-ment (thesenate beingnot for ife),whereofwith the safetyofthe commonwealth heyare capable in nature, nd such a gov-ernmentfor that cause to be a democracy." And again: " Apeople reduced to miseryand despair become theirown poli-ticians, as certain beasts when sick become theirown physi-cians; but thepeopleforthemostpart are beneath the beastsin the use of them." Observe that he has no idea of a puredemocracy, ut of a representative overnment, aving powersconferred ythepeople underspecific imitations.Holding theseviews,he had the greatestfaithin a faultlessorganization fthegovernment. Practicallyhe worshippedtheconstitution. In this respect he resembled some Americanstatesmen,who seem to think hatthe countrys safe if it canonly be tiedup withsufficientightness n the bands of an un-yieldingconstitution. " No man," he argues in his quaint way,"shall show me a commonwealth, orn straight, hat ever be-came crooked; nor shall any man show me a commonwealth,born crooked, hat ever became straight."2 And again: "Acommonwealth,hat is rightly nstituted, an neverswerve,norone, that is not rightly nstituted,be secure of swerving byreductionto her firstprinciples." This organizationmustinvolve as its basis equality before he law. " Equality, which

1 Oceana, p. ioi. 2 Ibid., p. I5I. 3 Ibid., p. 193.


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26 POLITICAL SCIENCE QUARTERLY. [VOL.II.is the necessary dissolution of a monarchy, s the genera-tion, the very ife and soul of a commonwealth."' He fondlyhoped that his commonwealth hould be immortal, eeing thepeople, being the materials,never die, and the form,which ismotion,must,without pposition, e endless. So he comparesa well-framed olitical scheme to the luminaries of heaven."The bowl," he exclaims,"which is nowthrown,fthere s norub, no impediment, hall never cease, for which cause theglorious luminaries, that are the bowls of God, were oncethrownforever."2Among otherthings,he laid great stress on military owerand the correctconduct of war. The council of statewas tohave no power to engage the commonwealthn warwithouttheconsent of the senate and the people.3 War was to be a legis-lative and not an executive act, as it is under the provisionofthe United States constitution. It was to be waged, wben de-clared,with the heaviest possible forces. To make war withsmall forces s nothusbandry, ut a waste,a disease,a lingeringand painful consumptionof men and money. " The Romans,makingtheirsthick,made them short, nd had little regardtomoney, s thatwlhich heywho have men enow can commandwhere t is fittest hat t should be levied."4 The whole responsi-bilityof a battle should be cast on the general in command.He says withgreat force: " Let a council of huntsmen, ssem-bled beforehand, ell you which way the stag shall run, whereyou shall cast about at the fault, nd howyou shall ride to bein at the chase all day; but these may as well do that, s acouncilof wardirect general. The hours, hat have paintedwings and of differentolors, re his council. He must be likethe eye, which makes not the scene, but has it so soon as itchanges."5 Here he but anticipates the judgmentof our owngreatestgeneral. "The only eyes a general can trust are hisown."6 In case of extremity, he last man in the nationshould be subject to levy, "to the end that the commonwealth,

1 Oceana, p. 194. 4 Ibid., p. i88.2 Ibid.,p. 1oo. S Ibid.3 Ibid., p. 127. 6 GeneralGrant.


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No. I.] HARRINGTON. 27in her utmost pressure,may show her trust that God in hisjustice will remembermercybyhumblingherselfand yet pre-servinghercourage, disciplineand constancy o the last dropof her blood and the utmostfarthing."The commonwealth,orthis and otherreasons, must in hisview, f driven o extremity,ave a dictatorialpower. He evenwent so far as to devise a regularmeansfor ts exercise. Headmitted ts danger,but held that without t the state could notbe safefrom alling nto dissolution. His argument s substan-tially as follows. The orderlycourse of a commonwealth anonlybe determined y debate,which nvolves lownessand open-ness. Suddennessof assault requires nstant ction and secrecy.It would be well in your constitution o provideforsecret andswiftmethods, est, if you practise the violationof yourfunda-mental law to meet special emergencies,your commonwealthmay at last come to be dissolved. Here are words pregnantwithwisdom, uggestingcriseswhich we were obliged to facein the late civil war. It is fortunate hatwe have in our timea reservepower,such as he in substance indicated, n the pos-sibilityof amending our constitution. We maythereby voidthe tendency owardsa dictatorshipn criticaltimes,which heso much dreadedand yetdeemedso likelyto occur.Desiring as he did to keep a constantsupplyof the forcesnecessaryto preserve ocietyfromdecay,he was a firm elieverin generaleducation.

A man is a spirit, aisedbythemagicofnature: ifshedoes notstand afe ndso that he may eL him osomegood and useful ork,he spitsfire nd blows p castles; forwhere here s life heremust emotion rwork,nd thework fidleness s mischief,ut thework findustryshealth. To set men to this, hecommonwealthust eginbetimes ith hem r it willbe too late; and the meanswherebyhesetsthem o t s education,heplastic rt fgovernment.2One of theleadinglaws forthe government f his proposedcommonwealth as,that a sufficient umberoffree schoolswereto be erected and endowed n everydivision of the newnation,with a strict inspection of the schoolmaster'smanner of life

I Oceana, p. 176. 2 Ibid., pp. 171, 172.


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28 POLITICAL SCIENCE QUARTERLY. [VOL. II.and teaching, nd of the proficiencyf the children, after hemannerof thegreatschool at Westminster. A parent havingmoresons thanonewas to be punished if he did not send themto school,the education being "gratis" if he was not able topay for t. This rule was to continue until the age of fifteen.Afterthat the child should be made an apprentice to sometrade, or be sent to a law-school or a university. The com-monwealth still had an interest n him,forhe must not staybeyond the age of eighteen unless he was fittinghimselfforsome profession, he object being to preventone's occupyinghimselfwith aimless study. If he travelled,he should on hisreturnprepare a paper containingan account of the publicinterest,or formof government, f the states he had visited.If well done, this was to be printedand published at publicexpensewith a "line in commendation of the author.1 Thisis a remarkable nstance of an early plan, both for free andcompulsory ducation. Harringtonwas a great friendof uni-versity ducation, nd could notunderstand hemotivesof menwho opposedit. He says: "We cut downtreestobuildhouses,but I would have somebody how me bywhat reason or experi-ence the cuttingdown of an universityhould tend to the set-ting up of a commonwealth." The statesman that he fanciedmust have a wide education. He must not only have theknowledgeof the schools, but he must be a historianand atraveller. His argumenthere is somewhat curious. " Excepta man can see what mustbe or whatmay be,he is no politician.Now if he has no knowledge n history, e cannot tellwhathasbeen; and if he has notbeen a traveller,he cannottell what is;buthe that neitherknowswhathas been nor what s, can nevertellwhat must be or what may be." 3 The great fault of histime was that the people had little education. He was neverwearyof sayingthata commonwealths the estate of the peo-ple, and a man, though he be virtuous, f he does not under-stand his estate, may run out or be cheated out of it. " In

1Oceana,p. 173. 2 Ibid., p. 179.8 So JohnRushworthays: "I take tto be thegreatbusiness f everyman's ifeto learnwhat heworld s, andwhathath been done andwhat is doing in it, anduponthewholeto judgewhathe ought odo."


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No. I.] HARRINGTON. 29fact,"he said, " the grandees of his age, that aughedout openlyat a commonwealth s a most ridiculous thing,would be re-garded as mere idiots if the people only had eyes."1 Layingso greatstress upon intelligence,he considered t to be a greatpart of the dutyof the senatorsto instructthe people. Someman,selectedforhiswisdom,was from ime to time to deliveran orationor a lecture on the nature of popular nstitutions,either in the ParliamentHouse, while the memberswere intown,or in some grove or sweet place in the field,while theParliamentshall, in the heat of the year, reside in the coun-try.2 He would thus keep the system of governmentfreshin men's memories. It was of the highest importancethathis senators should be possessed of the graces of rhetoricand elocution,particularlywhen treatingwith some other na-tionthat was "good at it, est the advantagemight remainwiththemeritof the art ratherthanwith the meritof the cause."3He wouldeven have in thegovernment department f affabil-ity,wherethe membersof an academyshould assemble everyday towardsevening, n a fair room with certainwithdrawingrooms, nd where all sorts of company, hat will repairthitherfor conversationor discourse on mattersof governmentnewsor intelligence, hall be freely nd affably eceived and heardin theway of civilconversation,which is to be managedwith-out anyotherawe or ceremonythan is theretousually apper-taining, o the end thateveryman may be free, tc. Would itnot be a relief o have a " bureau ofaffabilityat ourrailroad ndotherbusiness offices,nd perhapseven in some of ourgovern-mental departments? He rhapsodizes upon the element ofbeautyin the administration f public affairs:

Uponbeauty,n which verymanhas hisfancy, e willnototherwisephilosophizehanto remember,hatthere s somethingmorethandecencyn therobeof judgethat ouldnot be wellsparedfromhebench, nd that hegravestmagistrateo whomyoucan commithesword f usticewill ind quicknessnthe purs fhonor, hich f heybe not aid tovirtue, ill aythemselveso thatwhichmay out com-monwealth.4

1 Oceana,p. I6o. 2 Ibid.,p. 157. 8 Ibid.,p. I6o. 4 Ibid.,p. 122.


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30 POLITICAL SCIENCE QUARTERLY. [VOL. II.In order to secure the best officers, e would pay competentsalaries. " He that ays his handto the publicploughis not tolose bytaking t off romhis own." He denounces a common-wealth, hat is close in thisdirection, s penny-wise.1His utterancesconcerningreligionbreathe a lofty spirit oftoleration. While he desires that the Christian religion beestablishedby Parliament nd public preachersmaintained,yethe insists that all thatprofessthis religion, houghof differentpersuasions, hould be equally protected n its peaceable profes-sion and public exercise,and be equally capable of all elec-tions, magistracies nd prefermentsn the commonwealth. Heexclaimsthatwithout iberty f conscience,civil libertycannotbe perfect;and that without ivil liberty, ibertyof consciencecannot be perfect.2 Liberty of conscience,he argues,will notsufferny coercivepower n the matter of religionto be exer-cised in the nation. The teachers of the national religion areonly to be those who voluntarilyundertake their calling, andtheirhearersnoother han those whovoluntarily isten to them;and no gathered congregation s to be molested or interruptedin theirway ofworship, ut vigilantly nd vigorouslyprotectedin the enjoyment, ractice and professionof the same. Hereis an establishedreligionwith a perfect iberty of dissent. Itsays: The state will provideforyou (the people) the ablestreligious eachers. Do as youwillabout attending heir ervices.According to Harrington'splan, the universitieswere to sendprobationers o churchesfor a single year. Afterthat period,the people were to decide by ballot whether the ministerwas likely to be useful a two-third ote in his favor beingnecessary.3 Ttere were no advowsons in his church; nopatrons who could force a rectorupon an unwilling people.His were free congregations, free to elect or reject theirpastor. To thisliberty fworshipwere two important ualifica-tions. It did notextendto Jewsnor to Roman Catholics. Notto Jews,forthey were not then by public men deemed to bewithin the scope of rules applicable to Christians; not toRomanists,because of a jealousy of interference y a foIz-etl

1 Oceana, p. I67. 2 Valerius nd Publicola, . 489. 3 Oceana, p. 88.


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No. I.] HARRLArGTON!. 31prince with his plan of governmentforEngland. It was hisbelief, s a statesman, hat the then existingnotionsof allegianceto the pope, considered as a temporal monarch,entertainedby manyRoman Catholics,were inconsistentwith due loyaltyto the nationofwhich theywere members. This maybe called"limited toleration," ut it was farbeyondthat ofmost men ofhis age. It was adopted by John Milton in his later years(I673). ProfessorMassonexpressesMilton'sview n thesewords:" U;z/il nd witloutthe acceptance of the scriptures, o libertyof conscience; afterand with that acceptance,all liberty-except to Roman Catholics.' It would be interesting o knowwhether hismodificationf Milton's earlier iewswas due to theinfluence fHarrington. They could easilyhave been broughttogether,CyriackSkinnerbeingan intimate riend fboth.This was a broaderplatformhan had been thenproposedbythe most liberalsects of the non-conformists. t standsin themost marked contrastwith the bitter nd intolerant egislationof the early years of Charles II's reign,when deviationfromthe established religion,by Protestantnon-conformistss wellas others,was visited by deprivation f important ivil rights swell as severe punishment. Harrington'stheorywas, that theonlysourceof true religious ight was in the scriptures pen toall men not in translations, ut in the original anguages.While Harringtonwas thus maintainingiberty f conscience,hewas conscious of the religiousbigotrynd one-sidedness f hisage,and implored he church o raise up her hands to heavenforfurther ight.2 He had little confidencen thepoliticalwisdomof the clergyas a body. He wouldnot allow themto exerciseany political power. We find n the Oceana this remarkableprovision:

To theend thattherebe no interestt all,wherebyhedivines rteachers f the newreligionmaybe corruptedrcorrupteligion,heyshallbe capableof no other ind f employmentrprefermentnthiscommonwealth.3

This seems to be the parentof a clause long in the constitu-tionofthe state of New York:1 Masson'sLife ofMilton, I, 697. 2 Oceana, p. 89. 3 Ibid., p. 127.


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32 POLITICAL SCIENCE QUARTERLY. [VOL. II.And whereasheministersf thegospel re by their rofessionedi-

cated to theservice fGodand the ureof souls ndought ot o bediverted romhegreat uties f their unction,hereforeoministerfthe gospelor priest f anydenomination hatever hall at anytimehereafter,nder ny pretence r description hatever,e eligibleoorcapableofholding ny ivil rmilitaryfficerplacewithinhe tate.'This was continuedin the constitution f 1821, but disap-peared in I846. Harrington could not, though a "common-wealth man," have his belief hampered by any ecclesiastical

system,whether piscopalorpresbyterian. He says: " To makea man in matter f religion ngage to believeno otherwise hanis believed by my Lord Bishop or Goodman Presbyter s apedantism, hat has made the swordto be a rod in the hands ofschoolmasters." He was severe on ministersfor politicalwriting. "I wonderwhy ministers fall men should be perpet-ually tamperingwithgovernment. Their honestvocation is toteach children t the schools and the universities nd the peoplein the parishes. The state is concerned o see, thattheydo notplay the partof shrews."

1 N.Y. Constitutionf 777, art.39. 2 Oceana,p. 59.8 Ibid., p. I82. Some of theministersf Harrington's ime ertainly ad smallrespect orCromwell'suthority,nd seem to have beenquite beyondgovernmentalcontrol.Thurloe Secretaryo Cromwells Protector) ives n account fa discoursebyone of them Rev. Mr.Feake) who preached, tAll-Hallowvs,ondon,threehoursinhispresencen I657. He had been extremelyroublesomeo the Protector,nd hadbeen keptunder uard tWindsor astle n a chamber,utpersistedn prcaching utof thewindowwhile hegovernornd peoplewvereassingfrom t. George'sChapel.The governor rohibited im, ut stillhewent on. Then,as Feake said,the gov-ernor caused his drum o be beaten to drownthe sound of the gospel. Then assoon as the drumhad done, began tosoundout my rumpet,nd trumpetedutthegospel loud; he beat up his druma second and a third ime, nd still went n.Thenhe strictlyequiredme to have done. I toldhim, woul(dnot. He said hehad order o silencemefrom heLordProtector. I toldhim had ordersfrommyLordtogo on, and myLord'sHighness s abovehis Lord's Highness, tc. Then, tbeing nighnoon,he leftme and I supposewent to dinner,wvhilewenton preach-ingthegospel." " Strange overnment,"e adds, thatmen'smouthsmust e stoppedfrom reaching." lie was thenmoved o anotherastlc,whereupon e fell o preach-ing to the soldierswho guardedhim on theway. Findingpoor accommodationshere,with pillowof hops perhapsto lull himtosleep), he choseto lie at night ntheboardswithout ulling ffhis clothes, nd afterwardsreachedfromNehemiahon thefollowingext: "Neither normybrethrenor themenof theguard,whichfollowedme, none of us put off ur clothes,ave,that every ne put them ffforwashing." " This text," e declares, was a great omforto us."


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No. I.] HARRJNGTOAr. 33The subject ofprimogeniturettractedour author'sattention.

He did not deem it consistentwith republicanformsof govern-ment. His rule was equality in inheritanceamong claimantsin equal degreeof relationship o an ancestor.1 Primogeniturewas well-suitedto a monarchy. He puts his arguments ntothe mouthof Cromwell:A manhas oneson let himbe called. Wouldhe enjoyhisfather'sestate? It ishis,hisson's, nd his son's son'safter im. A man hasfive ons let them e called. Would hey njoy heir ather'sstate?It is divided mong hem. . If a manshalldispute therwise,emustdrawhis argumentsromustom nd from reatness,hichwasthe interestf the monarchy,ot of thefamily,nd we are now acommonwealth.f the monarchyould not bear with uch divisions,because hey ended o a commonwealth,eitheran a commonwealthFinally,Cromwell eing at his wit's end to knowwhat to do withhim,namedtownnearthesea,where he mustabide. Of thisdirection, eake says: "And hewrote n order ll inhis own hand to be delivered o me, enjoiningme to continueat thatplace,and not to stir romhencetillfurtherrder,which orderwas signed,OliverP." (Protector). This order tirredMr. Feake's bile beyondmeasure. Hepaidno attentiono t, nd went p to London. He says: " He, Cromwell, aspleasedto appointme to be myowngaoler. Such an unnatural rderwas neverheard ofbefore." Here he read it to the congregation,nd added: "I abhorred o be aprisoner oluntarilyo anypowern theworld. Here was an order rom liverP., andI sought hescripturesow to relievemyself.At length ame nto mymind he caseof Peterand Johnn the4th of the Acts,who being called before hehighpriestAnanias sic!] andCaiaphas,wereby them ommanded ottopreach n thenameofJesus. Nowsuppose hat ither ftheirHighnesses ad sentPeter ndJohn norder,enjoining hem to confine hemselves o such a village as Sharonor Joppaor thelike,and forbear oming o preach t Jerusalem; uppose, say, n orderhad cometothem on thataccount, igned byeither f theirHighnesses,AnaniasH. or Caia-phasH., likethiswithOliverP., do you thinktheywouldhave obeyed t and beenconfined o a village? We find he contrary,orthey reachedthe moreboldly nthecity fJerusalem.Then,havingmywarraintere from hescripture, resolvedforLondon, notwithstandinghe orderof Oliver P." Feake proclaimed hatthechurches ere orrupt,nd hisbusinesswas to " rouse nd torattle hem." Harrinlg-ton's feelingowards he politicalactionof ministersmustbe read inviewof suchdiscourses. Incidentallyhis matter heds some lightonCromwell'smode of gov-ernment,n that sucha man shouldbe allowedto rantbefore large audience ndfor hreehours, pparentlyn the presenceof the Secretaryf the commonwvealth,without ny nterruption,xceptbyotherministers.The sympathyf the audiencewas plainlywithFeake. The narrator f this accountfoundtrouble n reportingFeake, as he was " farfromandle ight, n(dhis shoulderswere adenwitha crowdof women iding verhishead on thetopsof theseats." Thurloe's State Papers,byBirch,V, 755. London, 742.1 Oceana,p. I02.


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34 POLITZCAL SCIENCE QUARTERLY. EVOL. II.conceive t such ccumulations,ecause hey end o a monarchy....I confess marvelmuchhow t comesto pass thatwe shoulduse ourchildrenswe do ourpuppies, takeone, ay t n the ap,feed twithevery ood bit, nddrownive;nay,yetworse, orasmuchs thepup-pies are oncedrowned, hereas hechildrenre leftperpetuallyrown-ing. Really,myLords, t s a flintyustom;and all thisforhis cruelambitionhatwould aisehimself pillar, golden illarforhis monu-ment, hough e has children,is own reviving lesh nd a kind ofimmortality.'

It is a striking llustrationof the correctness of his views,thatwhileprimogeniturence prevailed n eight of theAmeri-can colonies, t disappeared n seven of themat the time of theRevolution. In connectionwiththisdiscussion,he poursout astrainof invective nd sarcasmupon the miserablecustom thenand since prevailing of the interference f parents to makemercenarymarriages,which he holds to be perniciousto thecommonwealth.Wesee thegifts f God andthebounties f heaven n fruitfulami-liesthroughhiswretchedustom fmarryingormoney ecome theirinsupportablerief ndpoverty.The tallow fa chandlers sooncon-vertedntothatbeautywhich s required or bride. We insist hatourchildrenhallnotmarry ithouturconsent, otfor urtendernessoverthem, ut lest we missthisand thatthousand oundsin theirfortune; nd yet t is a mischiefeyond nythatwe can do to ourenemies,nthatwepersistnmaking othing fbreakingheaffectionof our children. . . Let us so frame ur government s to renderahomage opure nd spotlessove,whereuponhemarriage-bedillbetrulyegitimate,ndtherace of thecommonwealthot purious.2In all his suggestionsthe interest of the commonwealth sthe specific point of view. To that everythingmust bend.Politicalpower s an awfulresponsibility. Magistracy s a trustto be constantly upervised. " As an estate in trustbecomes a

man's own if he be not accountable for it,so the power of amagistracynot accountable to the people fromwhom it wasreceived,becomingof privateuse, thecommonwealth oses herliberty."He is watchfuloverthe smallest detail injurious or dishon-1 Oceana,p. io8. 2 Ibid., p. IIO.


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No. I.)] HARRINGTOX. 35orableto the state. He cannotbear to see a decline in cultureand refinement. He cannot go along with his compatriots ntheir despoiling of parks and defilementof cathedrals. Thedestructionof such ornamentsand works of historic nterestis really anti-democratic,orthe people have a rightto them asa means of education. He says:

rhere s sucha selling,uch Jewish,umornourrepublicans,hatI cannot ell what o sayto it,onlythisany manthatknowswhatbelongs o a commonwealth,r howdiligent very ationn that asehas beentopreserve erornaments,ndshall ee thewaste atelymadein thewoods adjoining o this city London] which ervedforthedelight nd health f it,being utdown obe sold for hree ence,willtellyouthat heywhodid such hings ouldnever avemade com-monwealth.Can it be that the genius of democracy s always and every-where to be put forward as insensible to park and sylvanbeauty?But[he continues]he ikemaybe said oftheruin r damagedoneuponourcathedrals ornamentsn whichhisnationxcelsall others.Nor shallthiseverbe excused pon he core freligion,or houghtbe true hatGoddwells ot nhousesmadewith ands, etyoucannotholdyour ssemblies utinsuchhouses,ndthese re ofthebest hathavebeenmadewith ands. Nor s twell rguedhatheyrepompousandthereforerofaner essproper or ivine ervice,eeing heChris-tiansn theprimitivehurch hose omeetwithneaccord n the emnple,so farwere hey romny nclinationopull tdown.'

It was a bold thingforHarrington to put these words intothe mouth of Cromwell,when he must have known that Crom-well was well aware thathis soldiers had oftenwithoutnecessitydesecrated the churches of the old establishedfaith. It isdoubtfulwhether ven his contemporary, ilton,withhis grandpoetic vision, would have expressed so keen a sense of theVandalismofthe timeas Harringtondoes in thispassage.Harrington s stronglyn favorof recreations. Wit and gal-lantry re not to be proscribed, hough care is to be taken topreserve heir nnocence. No curb should be placed upon the

1 Oceana,p. I68.


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36 POLITICAL SCIENCE QUARTERLY. [VOL. II.genius of a people in lawfulrecreation. He had heard "Prot-estant ministers n France much blamed, by men that werewise and of theirownprofession,n thattheyforbadedancing,a recreation o whichthegenius of thatair is so inclining-hatthey ostmanywho wouldnot lose that."Where a commonwealthwas rightly balanced" and con-ductedbyvirtuousmen,our authorhad a gloriousvision of itspossibilities. He argues:

A governmentftherightmake sa commonwealthorncrease. Ofthoseforpreservationerely,heroots renarrow,uch s do notrun,havenofibres,heiropsweak nddangerouslyxposed o theweather,exceptyou chancetofind neas Veniceplantedna flowerot, nd fshe grows,he growsop-heavyndfalls oo. Butyou annot lant noak in a flowerot. She musthave arth or erroot ndheaven orherbranches.'.. If your ibertye not root hat rows,twillbea branch hatwithers.2. . But even f there houldbe disasterndthehandof God be uponherfor er ransgressions,heshallmourn orhersinsand lie in the dust forher niquities ithoutosing erman-hood.3 . . A commonwealths notmade for erselflone,butgivenas a magistratefGod tomankindor hevindicationfcommon ightandthe aw ofnature.4The stimulusto a citizen n a truly rganized commonwealthis intense. " She drives her citizens like wedges,there is noway with them but t/ioroug-h,or end but that glorywhereof

man is capable by artor nature."Having completed his scheme, he breaks out into a grandand tritumphanttrain, n whichhe showshis affection orEng-land and his faith n herfuturegreatness. Cromwell is repre-sented as making, harangue at the head of his army,andcongratulatinighemon the adoptionof thepoliticalconstitutionembodyingHarrington'sviews.MydearLords,Oceana[England] s as theroseofSharonndthelily fthevalley. As the ily mong horns,uch smy ove mong hedaughters.She s comely s thetents f Kedar ndterribles an armywith anners. Herneck sas the owverfDavid,builded or nariimory,

1 Oceana, p. 192. 3 Ibid.,p. 189. 5 Ibid., p. I83.2 Ibid.,p. 196. 4 Ibid.,p. 194.


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No. I.] HARE/KGTON. 37whereonhere ang thousanducklersnd shields fmighty en....Arise, ueen of the earth,rise,holy pouse fJesus, oro, thewinteris past, he rain s overand gone, heflowersppear ntheearth,hetime or he ingingfbirdss come nd thevoiceof the urtles heardin our and. Arise, say, omeforthnd do not arry.All this outburstof gladness and upspringingof a new andvirginbeauty comefromhis own schemeof government, hich,in his finephilosophic implicity, e regardsas perfect.

Excellent atriotsCromwells supposed ocontinue],fthepeoplebe sovereign,ere s thatwhich stablishesheir rerogative;fwebesincere, ere s thatwhich isburdensur ouls nd makes ood allourengagements;f we be charitable, ere is thatwhichembraces llparties; f we wouldbe settled, ere s thatwhichwould tand nd astfor ver.As has been alreadyseen, Harrington'sscheme dernands thatit shouldbe launchedbyCromwell, s sole legislator,who mustvoluntarily ay down his poweras protector, o become at mostthe presidentofa commonwealth. To inducehim to take sucha step of self-abnegation, arrington eeks to dazzle him withhis prospective lory nd thefilial ffection f hisgrateful ellow-citizens.

He shallwalk he treets ith switch, hile hepeoplerun fter imand pray orhim; he shall not wethisfoot;theywill trew lowersnhisway. He shallsithigherntheir eartsnd n the udgmentf llgood men than hekings hat o upstairs otheireats; he hastwo rthreehundred housandmen,thatwhenyousaytheword, hall sellthemselveso theirhirtsor im nd dieathisfeet.Is this not the firstnote of the mightyrefrainheard in ourown day ?

WVere coming, atherAbraham,hree undredhousandmore.The next sentence,as applied to a faithful epublicanruler, sequallyprophetic:

His pillow s of down nd hisgrave hallbe as soft,verwhichheythat re alive shallwring,heir ands,nd the yes fthepeople reasthe howersfautumn.


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38 POLITICAL SCIENCE QUARTERLY. [VOL. II.Assuming that Cromwellpursues his suggestion, he looks

forward o the fiftieth ear of a successfulrepublic,when thegreat legislatoris made to die at the ripe age of i i6, and amonument s erected to his memoryby his gratefulfellow-citizens n the form f an equestrian statue in the plaza in frontof WestminsterHall, on the pedestal of which are inscribedthewords: "The father f his country,nvincible in the field,inviolable n his faith, unfeigned n his zeal, immortal n hisfame, he greatest of captains, the best of princes,the happi-est of legislators, the most sincere of Christians,who settingthe kingdomsofearth at liberty, ook the king,doms f heavenby violence." What a contrastbetweenthis supposed nationaltribute nd the actual destinyof the desecrated head, placed afewyears later upon a pole on thisveryWestminsterHall, theobject of derision and vile jests, as it slowlywent through theprocessofdecay!How it would have gladdened the eyes of this wise old phi-losopher and sterling patriot if he could have prolonged hislifefor hundredor moreyears,and could have followed,witheager and intensely oving gaze, the deeds of those men of hisownracewho,to enjoytheprivilegeshe had held out to themas appertainingto a commonwealth, ad crossed the sea andsubdued a wilderness to the arts of peace! He would have

seen a great general, havingall thevirtues ttributedby him tothe mighty Cromwell, doing what he had suggested, layingdown his victorious arms and dismissing from service hisdevotedarmyto frame constitution nd become the presidentof a commonwealth. By and by he would have seen this manquietly push aside the presidentialpowerand withdraw nto theranks of private citizenship, ending thus the weight of hisexampleto Harrington'srule- that it is well to be governedas well as to govern. And when this nobler Cromwell thisman after Harrington's own heart lay dying in the littleback room n his familymansion,his last gaze resting upon thenoble and tranquilriver hatflowed orward s peacefully s hisown life ebbed away, our philosopherwould in his mourningrejoice to know that the eyes of millions of grateful people


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No. I.] HARRZNGTON. 39" became as the showers nautumn." Had it been Harrington'sgood fortune o address a Washington instead of a Cromwell,it is not impossiblethatthe courseof the world'shistorywouldhave been changed.We can spend but a moment n gatheringup some of thelessons fairlyto be derived from these remarkable treatises.The primefeatureofHarrington's chemeis thata governmentcan be made to run forever,f there is only good machinery,well oiled,and of the most improved pattern. Make a perfectequilibrium f forceson paper,regulatethe ownershipof land,cause yourmagistrates o rotate n office,ast yoursuffrages ysecret ballot,have a well-drawnonstitution, ith all thepowersof government harplydefinedand vested in distinctpersons,and yourgovernment, nce set in motion,must go on forever.Alas, we have triednearly all of these, and is our systemofgovernmentyet perfector absolutelysecure? We have hadthe so-calledsecret ballotthis hundredyears; we have rotatedourmagistrateswith the most perfect regularity;we have hadan admirable constitution. All these are of admittedvalue.And yet,can it be said with truththat we confide n them asan absolute security? With them we have passed with diffi-culty and sorrowthroughthe most tremendouscivil war theworld has ever seen. We have seen abundance of corruptionin office,nd fraud n the ballotbox. We are consciousof dan-gerous forces in societywhich none of these political deviceshave any tendencyto remove. We must, as thinking men,pause and inquirewhetherwe are not too fondly eposingforour security n constitutional hecks and limitations. The rul-ing idea of many s substantially his: If a legislature s foolishor corrupt,make it wise and pureby shackling itwith constitu-tionalrestrictions. In some of the statesthe legislative poweris almost choked, so tightlydrawn are these leading-strings.By and by theywill have to be relaxed,and the old evilswillreturn. A qualifyingfeatureof Harrington'swork must notbe forgottenn forming correctestimate of itsvalue. It wasall along assumed byhimthathis cherished constitutionwouldonly be managed by such men as he saw around him,and such


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40 POLITICAL SCIENCE QUARTERLY. [VOL. II.as he himselfwas, fearing God, hating covetousness. "Thesaintshipof a people as to governmnentonsists in the electionof magistratesfearingGod and hating covetousness. It con-sists in making the most prudent and religious choice mencan." I There mustbe men of a nice sense of honor,of burn-ing patriotism, igh intelligence, eady and persuasive speech,moderation n action,and undauntedcourage. This is the pat-tern of a true gentleman; and Harrington held men of thispattern o be absolutely necessary n a constitutional ommon-wealth as legislators,generals, and judges. We have advancedlittle further hanthisto-day. The perfectdemocraticgovern-mentmustbuild on fundamental rinciples. These belong notto men,nor to nations,norto human aws. "To buildupon suchprinciples s are apparently aidby God in the inevitable neces-sityor law of nature s thatwhich truly ppertains to men,tonations, nd to human aws. To make any other fundamentals,and then to build upon them, s to build castles in the air." 2Having a well-framed onstitution hatrecognizes these naturalforces nd holds them n due equilibrium,t must be managedby men of intelligence,honor, nd virtue. The great problem,then, to be solved in the United States, as Harringtonwouldhold were he here, is this: How is it possible, at regularlyrecurringntervals foran indefiniteperiod, o bring the rightmen to the conduct of affairs? If this problemshall proveinsoluble,democraticgovernmentwill end. To plead thatgoodmen are sufficiento carryon a governmentpermanentlywith-out good laws is the cry of a demagogue; to insist that goodmenare essential to give life and vitality o good laws is theutteranceof a statesman.The mainrequirementn a republicfor the continualgenera-tion of good mento hold offices the conviction of the peoplethat suchmen are necessaryto theirwelfare. If there s a con.stantdemand,therewill, ccordingto laws in generaloperation,be a sufficientupply. In thisway,underGod, the people havetheir destinies in their own hands. Physical nature has notdegenerated n these lateryears,nor has wisdom nor virtuedied

1 Oceana,p. 75. 2 PoliticalAphorisms,. 520.


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No. I.] HARRINGTON" 41out of the intellector soul of man. There must be summonedto ouraid correctmethods nd breadth of education; the influ-ence of morals and religion; high culture, ncluding the devel-opmentof that sense of delicacy and honorwhich, n Harring-

theodore w. dwight - harrington

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