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The debate on the Absolute Chronology for the End of the Late Bronze Age and the
Beginning of the Early Iron Age in Greece in its Mediterranean Context
Intro
The debate on the absolute chronology for the end of the Late Bronze Age (henceforth LBA) and
the beginning of the Early Iron Age (EIA) is one of the e most complex problems affecting the
reconstruction of the formation process of Greek (and Eastern Mediterranean) cultures of historic
age. Similarly to the preceding Middle and Late Bronze ages, the traditional chronological
reconstruction, that fixes the Bronze/Iron transition in Greece to about 1050 BC, has been
questioned following a) the radiocarbon results from a restricted number of Key-sites (Manning and
Weininger, 1992; Manning et al. 2001a), b) the reanalysis of levantine contexts that have yielded
imported products of the Greek proto-geometric period (Finkelstein e Piasetzky, 2003a,
2003b,2003c, 2006; Hagens, 2006).
The End of the Bronze Age in the Eastern Mediterranean: Definitions
The end of the Late Bronze Age, whose periodisation is heavily dependent on the framework of
archaeological interrelations between different regions of the eastern Mediterranean, has been
defined on the base of different phenomena occurring in the Near eastern and Aegean/Cypriot
archaeological record, thus leading to possible terminological ambiguity (Hagens, 2006).
In an extreme sum, the scholarly definition of the Bronze/Iron transition is based on the observation
of a series of new trends in the archaeological record, the most relevant being:
(1) The fall of the international trade network of the LBA eastern Mediterranean following the
destruction of Mycenaean centres and the movements of the People of the Sea;
(2) The appearance of LH III C 1b (Submycenean) wares in several centres of the Levant, in
levels corresponding more or less to the time of People of the Sea arrival, after Ramesses
III's yr. 8 battle (dated to 1175 BC in the traditional chronology);
In the Aegean and mainland Greece area the LBA/EIA transition is linked to a long series of social
and economical changes (including destruction horizons at different sites attesting a political
discontinuity with the preceding phases) attested in the archaeological records, and changes in
material culture (with the appearance of new ceramic typologies and decorations) that took place in
a slightly later period, if compared to the LBA/EIA transition in the Levant, whose chronology has
been defined on the basis of a relatively small number of imports of Aegean origin from levantine
contexts that have yielded also (or are linkable to) Egyptian imported fossil-guides.
During the last 50 years (for example Desborough, 1952) this correlations have often been
questioned, particularly from the incertitude about contexts stratigraphical reliability. A good
example at this regard may be found in the chronological datum-line offered by the Egyptian vase
bearing the cartouche of queen Tawseret (1193-1186 BC in the traditional chronology), found at
Deir 'Alla in association with LH III B ware (Hagens, 2006), that has been used to argument the
chronological correspondence between the fall of the Mycenaean trade network and the levantine
sites dated to the (early) XII century BC (Drews, 1993). This chronological correlation is however
questionable for two main reasons:
(1) A significant part of the mentioned contexts has yielded mixed materials belonging to older
phases also (LH III A), thus throwing some doubts on the effectively possible relevance of
Heirloom effects (Hagens, 2006);
(2) Following (1), it seems not possible at the present stage to determine the effective life-span
of some prestige import productions (as those found at Deir 'Alla) that may certainly have
been kept in use/circulation for a significant time after the fall of the Mycenaean network;
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Another argument for the chronological correlation of the fall of the Mycenaean trading network
with the LBA/EIA transition in the Levant is to be found on the analysis of the diplomatic relations
attested in some palatial archives (mostly Ugarit) that allow a reconstruction of the international
maritime trade in this period.
The correspondence between Alshya-Cyprus and Ugarit, attested in the town archive (Drews, 1993)
shows how the two areas kept in contact until a period later than the end of Tawseret's reign and the
destruction of the city (Hagens, 2006). However, this correlation does not allow to link the absolute
chronology of the destruction of Ugarit with Cypriot LC II C as well, as the term Alashya may refer
more to a particular centre in Cyprus than to the whole island: this seems particularly likely if one
holds the identification of Alashya with the site of Alassa-Palaeotaverna, (Karageorghis, 2002) as
valid, as this site survived the destructions of the end of the LC II and continued to flourish in the
subsequent LC III A (Karageorghis, 2002).
The record of LH III B imports in Cyprus seem to show a sensible interruption before the end of the
LC II C period, a phenomenon that may be situated in the course of the progressive collapse of the
international Late Bronze Age trading network, which in turn seems to be a longer and more
articulated process than previously thought (Karageorghis, 2002).
LH III C 1b (Submycenean) imported wares in the Levant coming from contexts that are linkable to
Ramesse III's reign in Egypt (i.e. Around 1175 BC in the traditional chronology), that have been
used for the interlinked chronology of the end of the LBA may not be used in turn to date the LH III
B/LH III C 1b transition in the Aegean without running the risk of falling into a circular argument,
given, in particular, the lack of elements to determine the effectively time-span of the LH III C 1a
phase (Hagens, 2006).
This incertitude may effectively imply that the production and international spread of LH III B
wares may as well have took place several decades prior to the destruction of Ugarit, and up to 50
calendar yrs prior to Ramesses III's reign in Egypt.
In the last two decades, these contextual incertitudes have brought to the formulation of (at least)
three different chronological scenarios for the interlinked chronologies for the LBA/EIA transition
in the eastern Mediterranean:
Submycenean and Proto-geometric wares in the Levant and the Low chronology
Being dependent to a long series of possible sources of incertitude, the traditional chronological
reconstruction for the beginning of the EIA in the Aegean and mainland Greece has been mostly
drawn on the basis of archaeologically attested exports of Late/Submycenean and Proto-geometric
wares in the Levant (for a general sum of chronologically relevant imports see Fantalkin, 2001 and
2003). However, since there is no available extra-biblical source for the historical chronology of the
areas in question (with the notable exception of Egypt) during the EI I and II (between the
chronological datum-lines offered by Ramesses III's battle against the People of the Sea and the
Assyrian King-lists of the VIII century BC), the absolute periodisation of Submycenean and Proto-
geometric Greece remains fundamentally hypothetical at least until the end of the IX century BC
(Fantalkin, 2001, 2003; Lemos, 2002).
For what concerns the beginning of the Proto-geometric period, a good example of the above-
mentioned uncertainties is to be found in the Aegean imports from the sites of Tel Hadar (Kochavi,
1996; Fantalkin, 2001) and Tel Dor (Gilboa and Sharon, 1997; Fantalkin, 2001):
(1) Tel Hadar: fragments of a Proto-geometric lebes of Euboean origin (attributed by
Coldstream, 1998, to the Middle Proto-geometric-MPG) has been found in a level belonging
to stratum IV (Kochavi, 2006), and is to be dated to the middle X century BC, if the parallel
with Lefkandi holds valid (Fantalkin, 2001). However, a slightly later date of production
may not be excluded (Kopcke, 2003). This periodisation seems problematic if compared
with the 1100 980 BC life-span attributed by the excavator to the stratum (Kochavi, 2006);
(2) Tel Dor: several fragments of LPG pottery have been found in contexts belonging to the
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level 8b (dated by the excavators to IA IB-IIA, corresponding to 1050 950 BC) in the D/2
area of the site. The absolute chronology of these fragments seems once again problematic,
given the fact that the main parallels for these productions in Greece has been dated to after
950 BC (Coldstream, 1952);
Both sites have been quoted in recent studies by A. Fantalkin (2001, 2003) as supporting the so-
called Ultra-Low Chronology (ULC Finkelstein and Piasetzky, 2003a, 2003b, 2003c, 2006;
Fantalkin, 2001, 2003). The interlinked chronology for the Submycenean-Protogeometric transition
is effectively based on a limited number of Aegean imports found in levantine contexts (Saltz, 1978;
Francis and Vickers, 1985; James, 1991; Fantalkin, 2001, 2003), that seem to show a gap of about
50 to 100 calendar years between the periodisation of PG imports in the Levant and the traditional
chronology of the PG period in mainland Greece, a gap that may be hypothetically resolved by the
adoption of the ULC (Fantalkin, 2001, 2006; Finkelstein e Piasetzky, 2003a, 2003b, 2003c, 2006).
The most relevant context for the period in question (apart from the two above-mentioned) are:
(1) Tell Abu Hawam: A fragment of a semi-circular skyphos and a complete one-handled cup,
both datable to the Early-to-Middle Geometric period (EG-MG), have been found in the
course of the 30's excavations at the site in a context attributed to level III (Hamilton, 1935).
This level has been dated by the excavators to about 925 BC, but reliability of the geometric
imports context is questioned (Fantalkin, 2001), having yielded also fragments that have
been dated by Coldstream (1977) to the time between the end of the IX and the half of the
VIII centuries BC, and a fragment of LPG pottery also (Hamilton, 1935);
(2) Megiddo: At least five fragments of Geometric wares (of Aegean or Cypriot origin,
Fantalkin, 2001) have been found in a context attributed conversely to phase V (Clairmont,
1995), early IV (Riis, 1970), or transitional VA/IVB (Coldstream, 1968). Coldstream
(1968) recognised this fragments as belonging to typical Attic Middle Geometric
productions, and used them to correlate the level in question with the MG in mainland
Greece (Coldstream, 1968; Riis, 1970; Fantalkin, 2001), but given the uncertainties
affecting the periodisation of the level in question this chronological datum-line seems not
reliable (Fantalkin, 2001);
(3) Samaria: At least eleven fragments of Attic MG II have been found at the site. Four of the
fragments were unearthed in the early XX century (Reisner et al., 1924), from an
unregistered context. The other seven were found in the 50's excavations (Crawford et al.
1957), in levels attributed to the early VI century BC, and another six MG II fragments were
found in Hellenistic-to-roman age contexts, showing the scarce reliability of these findings
in determining an interlinked absolute chronology for the Early Iron Age imports (Fantalkin,
2001);
Following this scenario, even if levantine contexts have not yielded any unequivocal argument for
shifting the Proto-geometric-Geometric transition in mainland Greece from the traditional interval
of 900/875 BC, the interlinked traditional chronologies (Desborough, 1952; Coldstream, 1968),
seem to be questionable.
In Coldstream's reconstruction in particular, a key-argument lies in the absolute chronology of
Megiddo phase VA/IV B, traditionally attributed to a period contemporary with the reign of
Solomon in Israel, with the destruction of the city by the Lybian-Egyptian king Shseshonq I, and
with phases III in Samaria and VII in Hazor (Aharoni and Amiran, 1958). However, the excavators
of the sites (Kanyon, 1957) had already defined phase IV of Megiddo as possibly lasting well into
the second half of the IX century BC. Following Kenyon's reconstruction, that would fix
Megiddo V between 870 and 840 BC, one would obtain a rather too low chronological framework,
which seems hardly acceptable on the basis of the present data, not least because of the possible
uncertainties in the mentioned contexts, admitted by the excavators (Kenyon, 1971).
As a result, it seems that building an absolute chronology for the Proto-geometric and Geometric
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periods in Greece through imported items in the Levant runs the risk of falling into a circular
argument (Fantalkin, 2001).
Another interesting example at this regard may be found in the greek imports from Al Mina
(Kearsley, 1989, 1995): Following Kearsley (1989), the production of semi-circular skyphoi in
Greece does not appear before the half of the VIII century BC. Following this assumption, phases
X-VIII of Al Mina would have to be dated to 750-700 BC (Kearsley, 1989), which would imply a
significant lowering of the absolute chronology of the first greek presence at the site (Snodgrass,
1991). This reconstruction has been questioned by Popham and Lemos (1992), who fix the phases
X-VIII of the site to 825-720 BC, following the traditional chronology (Taylor, 1959),
highlighting the fact that Kearsley's periodisation would imply a lowering of the interlinked
chronology by some 75 calendar years even with respect to the ULC hypothesis. This downward
shift seems hardly acceptable (Fantalkin, 2001), and it has to be remember that the excavator of the
site has soon rejected the low reconstruction proposed at first (Kenyon, 1957, 1971).
On the basis of these observations, Fantalkin (2001) concludes that, taking in account (1) the
chronological uncertainties affecting the contexts which have yielded the earliest imports of
Geometric pottery in the Levant (Abu Hawam, Megiddo, Samaria), and (2) the uncertainties in the
interrelation of the relative chronologies of the sites in question, it is unsafe to suggest precise
periodisation for the so-called Aegean Dark Age through eastern Mediterranean contexts just until
the first half of the VIII century BC (Fantalkin, 2001, p.122). However, the Proto-geometric period
in Greece may be at least hypothetically dated to about 980 920 BC, without contradicting any of
the above elements (Fantalkin, 2001; Lemos, 2002).
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Tab. 1 - Traditional chronology for the XIV-IX centuries BC
Date BC Levant Aegean Cyprus Egypt
1400-1350 LB II A LH III A1 LC II A/B XVIII Dyn.
1350-1300 LH III A2/B LC II B
XIX Dyn.
1300-1250
LB II B LH III B LC II C
Ramesses II
Merneptah
1250-1175
Ramesses III
1175-1150/30 Iron I A LH III C LC III A
1150/30-1100
Iron I B
LH III C/
Submycenean LC III B
Ramesses IV
1100-1050 LH III C/
Proto-Geometric
Ramesses XI
1050-1000 Proto-Geometric
Cypro-
Geometric I1000-900 Iron II A LPG/EG
Radiocarbon chronology
The ULC hypothesis has recently been the object of an important debate, also following the
radiocarbon measurements obtained from a few sites in the Aegean, the most relevant of which are
Kastanas, Mycenae, Apliki, Maroni and Assiros (Manning e Weninger, 1992, Manning et al., 2001a,
contra Hagens, 2006; Fantalkin, 2011). These sites may offer a key-argument for the radiocarbon chronology of the period in question, in particular as pure levels pertaining to the LBA/EIA
transition in Greece are extremely rare if present at all (Sanders, comm. Perss. 20/11/2010;
Fantalkin, comm. Perss. 12/1/2011). The most relevant case is undoubtedly that of Assiros, a site
that has yielded a long series of samples for radiocarbon and dendrochronological dating (Newton
et al., 2004).
Assiros
Several samples of charcoalised/carbonised beams have been found from 1975 to 1989 in the course
of the excavations conducted by K.A. Wardle, and have been analysed at the Malcolm and Carolyn
Wiener Laboratory for Aegean and Near Eastern Dendrochronology (Newton et al. 2004).
The LBA to EIA transition (phases 9/5 to phase 4) is signaled by a new architectonical phase at the
site, with less complex and regular buildings if compared to the preceding phases, that were often
contoured by organic refuse waste deposits, and that have yielded a different ceramic production
that is always distinguishable from that of the preceding phases (Newton et al., 2004).
The life-span of phase 4 is not easily determinable, but in correspondence with the following phase
3 the site shows a new major architectonical phase with more regular buildings that is soon
followed by a a destruction episode (burned horizon), followed by subsequent reconstruction (phase
2) and a second destruction episode. Samples presented here come from the two destruction
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episodes levels, corresponding to the end of phase 3 (ASR 15 and 16) and to the end of phase 2
(ASR 5 and 6-7). Despite the scarcity of chronologically-valuable finds, these two phases were
dated, particularly following the finding of a PG amphora of southern origin on a pavement
attributed to phase 3, to about 1000-950 (phase 3) and to 950-900 BC (phase 2) in the traditional
chronology (Newton et al., 2004), and this periodisation seemed confirmed by a radiocarbon date
giving a result of 280075 BP (BM-1426, Burleigh et al. 1982), but it has recently been questioned
on the basis of the new dendrochronological sequence (Newton et al., 2004).
The dendrochronological sequence for Assiros phases 3 and 2 is complexively 104 years long, and
has been correlated with the Gordion sequence for Anatolia (Manning et al., 2001b), and fixed
through a long series of radiocarbon measurements (Newton et al., 2004). The reliability of this
sequence may be affected by some uncertainties, stemming in particular from the fact that samples
were kept in a warehouse for years, and had consequently shrinked and lost some of the outern rings
(Newton et al., 2004). To try to by-pass this problems, the authors of the sequence introduced a
constant probable growth value (based on the yearly average growth per species) that gives an
hypothetical extimation on the number of missing rings for each sample (Newton et al., 2004).
After wiggle-matching the results seem to show that:
(1) Destruction of phase 2 buildings is to be dated to around 1070 BC;
(2) Destruction of phase 3 buildings is to be dated to between around 1088 and 1095 BC;
(3) Given the presence of PG pottery in phase 3, the beginning of the Proto-geometric period
must have a terminus ante quem in-between 1120 and 1070 BC;
The small difference between the obtained results (204 calendar years) seems to correspond well
to the extimate number of missing ring (-11) by the authors (Newton et al., 2004), but this result, as
well as the correlation of this sequence with the Gordion Master Sequence (Manning et al., 2001b)
is to be treated with caution due to the possible unrecognised uncertainties in the statistical
methodology involved (Keenan, 2004). The results of the 14C measurements for the sequence
(taken at ten years interval) seems however to confirm the results of the dendrochronological
correlation (phase 3 average = 110443 BC, phase 2 average = 109022 BC).
Kastanas and Assiros
Notwithstanding the possible sources of uncertainties affecting the reconstruction of the LBA/EIA
transition in Greece and the Aegean, several attempts have been made to draw an interlinked
chronology for the appearance of Proto-geometric wares in different sites (recently, Catling, 1998;
Lemos, 2002). In particular, a chronological link between the sites of Assiros and Kastanas may be
identified on the basis of the Submycenean to Proto-geometric finds. The earliest imports of
southern ware at Kastanas all come from a phase that yielded also Proto-geometric pottery: as a
result, Kastanas phase 12 has been correlated no more precisely than with phases 3 to 6 at Assiros,
while phase 11 seems to be linkable with reasonable certainty to phase 2 at Assiros (Catling, 1998;
Jung, 2002).
14 C measurements for Kastanas phases 12-10 seem compatible with the traditional chronology
(Jung, 2002), but not with the new dendrochronological sequence from Assiros. This observation is
however strongly dependent on the chronological uncertainties about the sampled levels (Newton,
2004): phase 12, that has been assigned a life-span of more than 150 calendar years, may as well
begin at any time between 1200 and 1100 BC, thus allowing an hypothetical correlation with the
dendrochronological sequence and the new High chronology from Assiros, implying a back-
dating of the Submycenean-Protogeometric transition to about 1100/1070 BC (Manning et al.,
2001; Newton et al., 2004).
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Limits and Problems in radiocarbon dating the LH III C-Protogeometric transition
-Radiocarbon dates for the End of the LBA
A confront between the different (and controversial) chronological hypotheses for the eastern
Mediterranean at the End of the LBA as been attempted in a recent study by G. Hagens, published
on Radiocarbon (Hagens, 2006). With regard to the 14C results used as an argument in favour of
the High chronology, Hagens (2006; contra: Manning, 2006), takes in account the following
possible sources of uncertainty:
(1) Old Wood: A significant part of the available 14C measurements come from samples taken
from architectonical beams. In several cases (often hardly recognised), this architectonic
elements are kept in use (and/or re-used) for several decades or even centuries. The fact that
many of the samples tested lack the outer rings (as at Assiros) could surely worsen this
problem;
(2) Contextual Uncertainties: See above;
(3) Problems connected with the Calibration curve: For the period in question, two different
phenomena seem particularly relevant as they may affect the reliability of calibrated results
(as in Manning, 2006):
a- The particular shape of the curve between 3000 and 2400 Uncal BP: in the relevant time-
span for the LBA/EIA transition the curve shows a steep slope followed by a long plateau
(although interrupted by several peaks), affecting the calibration of 14C results with an
uncertainties of up to more than 100 calendar years;
b- Regional variability: the calibration curve offers only a smoothed mean for the whole
Northern Emisphere, that has been obtained combining dendrochronological sequence from
very different geographical areas. This implies that, at a local or even regional level, ther
may be significant unrecognised variations that may be not observable in tree-ring
sequences from adjacent areas (for a sum, see: Wiener, 2007, 2009).
(4) Problems connected with the statistical methodology: Possible sources of uncertainty
stemming from the combination of datasets from different areas are the subject of an
extremely wide bibliography (for a sum see Wiener, 2003, 2007, 2009; Fantuzzi, 2007,
2009). Hagens quotes for example the difference between the means obtained by different
laboratories: this aspect is generally irrelevant with newer measurement (Ramsey, comm.
Perss. 2010), but may be very significant when older dates are taken in account as in this
case.
Tab.2 Comparison between three different laboratories (from Hagens, 2006)
Laboratory Facility Average (n. of tests) Cal BC
Weizmann, Rehovot Liquid Scint. counter 270864 (9) 920-800
Arizona AMS 275350 (8) 970-830
Groninga Prop. Gas counter 278818 (2) 975-905
Mainland Greece and the Aegean
(1) Kastanas:
Presented here is a series of 14C results (Tab. 3) from Manning and Weninger (1992).
Hagens (2006) notes that the majority of results covers a calibrated range which seems too
high, leading him to hypothesise the presence of old wood effects (Hagens, 2006, p. 88).
This impression may have some confirmation in the result of the only measurement on short
lived sample available at the time of publication, which is significantly lower (286065, see
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Table 4). These objection by Hagens have been at least partly rejected by Manning (2006)
on the base of the correction offered by the Assiros dendrochronology (see before).
(2) Mycenae (Tab. 4):
In this site also, samples used for radiocarbon dating (Tab. 4) come (in 4 out of 5 cases)
from architectonic beams that may have kept in use for a long time, covering more than one
phase (Manning and Weninger, 1992). This problem, together with some contextual
uncertainties (some of the samples may possibly be residual) and the peculiar slope in the
calibration curve, makes the calibration of dates from about 1200 BC rather ambiguous
(Manning, 2006). Notwithstanding these potential sources of uncertainty, Hagens (2006)
notes that the radiocarbon results may be used for supporting a low chronology (even if
with a sensibly lower probability) as well as an high one, depending on the subjective
judgement of the observer, and quotes other measurements from the dataset (one on short-
lived grains from Myceneae - 2970130 BP, and two from Midea 293570 e 3005100
BP) that may be entirely compatible with the ULC hypothesis.
(3) Cyprus:
For what concerns the LC II C/LC III transition in Cyprus, Hagens (2006) quotes only the
dates from contexts that have been defined secure in the original publication (Manning et
al., 2001), on short-lived samples from the last occupation horizon at the sites of Maroni
(Vournes and Tsaroukkas), plus those obtained from two other contexts from a destruction
level at Apliki, dated to a period slightly later than the last destructions at the former site
(Manning et al. 2001). Calibrated results from these measurements seem rather ambiguous
for the problems quoted above: results from Apliki in particular seem to be older than the
expected date for their context (Tab. 5).
Tab. 3 Radiocarbon dates from Kastanas (from Manning and Weninger, 1992, quoted in Hagens,
2006).
Phase Traditional
chronology BC
n. of samples Unweighted
average
Cal BC
18 LH III A 1400-1350 1 286030 1130-930
17 LH III A 1400-1350 1 318055 1510-1405
16 LH III B 1350-1200 9 313617 1435-1405
14 LH III B 1350-1200 5 312124 1435-1385
13 LH III C 1200-1050 4 294929 1260-1120
12 LH III C 1200-1050 9 298215 1270-1130
11 LH III C 1200-1050 2 296545 1270-1110
10 Protogeom. 1050-900 1 292046 1210-1040
10 Protogeom. 1050-900 1 286065 1130-920
9 Protogeom. 1050-900 1 298050 1300-1120
8 Protogeom. 1050-900 3 295233 1260-1120
Tab. 4 Radiocarbon dates from Mycenae and Midea ((from Manning and Weninger, 1992, quoted
in Hagens, 2006).
Radiocarbon dates from Myceneae
Context Sample Uncal BP Cal BC Tradtional
chronology BC
ULC BC
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Mycenean Charcoal 287357 1130-930 1350-1200 1280-1130
LH III B
Building
Charcoal 297449 1300-1120 c.ca 1300 c.ca 1230
LH III B
Building
Charcoal 303565 1400-1210 c.ca 1300 c.ca 1230
LH III B
Building
Charcoal 294849 1260-1050 c.ca 1300 c.ca 1230
Mycenean Charcoal 296150 1290-1080 1350-1200 1280-1130
LH III C
Granary
Seeds, Grain 2970130 1380-1020 1170-1150 1100-1080
Radiocarbon dates from Midea
LH III B final
destruction
Figs 293570 1200-1040 c.ca 1180 c.ca 1130
LH III B final
destruction
Fichi 3005100 1400-1120 c.ca 1180 c.ca 1130
Tab. 5 Radiocarbon measurements from Cyprus (from Manning and Weninger, 1992, quoted in
Hagens, 2006).
Radiocarbon dates from Maroni
Context Sample Uncal BP Cal BC Tradtional
chronology BC
ULC BC
Vournes LC II
C
Olives 296944 1270-1120 c.ca 1220-1200 c.ca 1125
Tsaroukkas Olives 296035 -
Tsaroukkas Olives 298535 -
Tsaroukkas Olives 294035 -
Tsaroukkas Olives 293040 -
Tsaroukkas
Average
295424 1260-1120 c.ca 1220-1200 c.ca 1125
Radiocarbon dates from Apliki
LC II C final Basket 299055 - c.ca 1200 c.ca 1120-1100
LC II C final Basket 296060 - c.ca 1200 c.ca 1120-1100
LC II C final Basket 301555 - c.ca 1200 c.ca 1120-1100
LC II C final Basket 305055 - c.ca 1200 c.ca 1120-1100
LC II C final Basket 295555 - c.ca 1200 c.ca 1120-1100
Average Basket Average 299521 1310-1130 c.ca 1200 c.ca 1120-1100
LC II C final Barley 299045 - c.ca 1200 c.ca 1120-1100
LC II C final Barley 296045 - c.ca 1200 c.ca 1120-1100
LC II C final Barley 293060 - c.ca 1200 c.ca 1120-1100
LC II C final Barley 294550 - c.ca 1200 c.ca 1120-1100
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LC II C final Barley 296050 - c.ca 1200 c.ca 1120-1100
LC II C final Barley 295565 - c.ca 1200 c.ca 1120-1100
Average Barley Average 295620 1270-1110 c.ca 1200 c.ca 1120-1100
Syro-Palestine
Even if a large number of sites in Israel and the Syro-Palestinian colouoir have been (or are being)
sampled for radiocarbon dating in the recent years, the radiocarbon dates so far available for
contexts that have yielded (or are linkable to) Aegean imports are not much in number. Amongst the
available data, three sites seem particularly relevant for the subject (Hagens, 2006), as they have
been traditionally kept as key-sequences for the interlinked chronology of the LBA/EIA transition
and early IA in the Levant and Greece: Tel Dor, Bet Shehan and Tel Rehov.
(1) Tel Dor:
Hagens reports 7 results from secure contexts attributed to the IA 1b destruction horizon,
possibly linked to the People of the Sea movements (Stern et al. 1997), and dated between
1120 and 1090/1050 BC in the traditional chronology. The reported results seem to allow
or even favour a low-to- Ultra-low chronology, and the (unweighted) average
presented by Hagens (280669 BP) shows how the destruction level may be dated down to
the second half of the XI century, after calibration (Tab. 6). This interpretation remains
however hardly verifiable for all the above-mentioned sources of uncertainties in calibrating
radiocarbon dates for the period (Manning, 2006).
(2) Bet Shehan:
Three of the measurements considered here (Tab. 6) come from short-lived (grain) samples
found in level IV, phase VIII, dated to a period (1220 1200 BC, Mazar, 1997)
contemporary to Merenptah's reign (1212 1202 BC in Kitchen's chronology). The average
presented by Hagens (295015 BP, calibrated to 1210 1125 BC, Tab. 6) may as well cover
the traditional interval attributed to Merneptah's reign as the interval for his reign
proposed by the ULC (1140 1130 BC, Hagens, 2006).
Another group of measurements come from carbonised linen and grain seeds from the last
Egyptian occupation horizon at the site (phase VI), that has been dated to the period in-
between the reigns of Ramesses III and Ramesses IX (Mazar, 1997). This level has yielded
also some fragment of LH III C pottery that was used by the excavators to favour a
periodisation of 1180 1050/30 BC (Mazar, 1997). The (unweighted) average of the
radiocarbon results (294015BP) can be calibrated to 1210 - 1120 BC, and seems to high to
meet the hypothesis of the ULC (that would require dating this stratum to 1110 1080/60
BC). However, given the fact that the radiocarbon results from this phase seem virtually
undistinguishable from those of the preceding phase VIII, at least some doubt can be cast on
the reliability of samples tested and singular-phases life-span, and do not allow to draw a
conclusive interpretation (Hagens, 2006, p.95)
(3) Tel Rehov:
The two main groups of dates for the period in question come from VII/D6 (Final Bronze
Age Early Iron II, that corresponds to a period in-between the reign of Ramesses III and
the fall of the reign of Israel linkable to Bet Shehan phases VII/VI early) and from VII/D4
(Early Iron Ib) strata. In the first case, the radiocarbon results (Tab. 6) were obtained from
short-lived samples (olives and grain), and have been used by Hagens (2006) to formulate
an (unweighted) average of 291828 BP, that after calibration seems to favour the ULC
(1140 1070 BC) rather than the traditional chronology (1220/1200 1150/1130 BC).
In the second case (phase VII/D4, conventionally dated to 1150 1050 BC) the average of
the radiocarbon results (288850 BP), is even lower and seems once again to favour an
-
Ultra-low chronology rather than the Traditional one (Hagens, 2006).
Radiocarbon measurements from Tel Rehov later strata (Early Iron II X century BC) are in
good agreement with the Traditional chronology, but since the ULC and Traditional
chronologies do no more differ after 1000/980 BC, those measurements are not taken in
account here.
Tab. 6 - Radiocarbon dates for the beginning of the Iron Age in the Levant (Hagens, 2006)
Radiocarbon dates from Tel Dor
Contexts Uncal BP Cal BC Traditional
chronology BC
ULC BC
B1/12 G/9
(Media)
280669 1160-810 c.ca 1100 c.ca 1030
G/8 285040 1110-930 1090-1070 1020-1000
G/7 279540 1005-900 1050-1000/980 980-fine X sec.
D2/10 279240 1010-900 1050-1000/980 980-fine X sec.
D2/9 272530 900-835 1050-1000/980 980-fine X sec.
Radiocarbon dates from Bet Shehan
Phase VII liv.4
(Average)
295015 1210-1125 1212-1202 1140-1130
Phase VI S-3
(Average)
294015 1210-1120 1180-1150/1130 1110-1080/60
Radiocarbon dates from Tel Rehov
VII/D6 268540 - 1220/1200-
1150/1130
1140-1070
VII/D6 292030 - 1220/1200-
1150/1130
1140-1070
VII/D6 295050 - 1220/1200-
1150/1130
1140-1070
VII/D6 293545 - 1220/1200-
1150/1130
1140-1070
VII/D6 288030 - 1220/1200-
1150/1130
1140-1070
VII/D6 288030 - 1220/1200-
1150/1130
1140-1070
VII/D6 293545 - 1220/1200-
1150/1130
1140-1070
VII/D6 292030 - 1220/1200-
1150/1130
1140-1070
VII/D6 295050 - 1220/1200-
1150/1130
1140-1070
Media 289578 1370-890 1220/1200-
1150/1130
1140-1070
-
VII/D4 280040 - 1150-1050 1080-980
VII/D4 290535 - 1150-1050 1080-980
VII/D4 294535 - 1150-1050 1080-980
VII/D4 292050 - 1150-1050 1080-980
VII/D4 289030 - 1150-1050 1080-980
VII/D4 287050 - 1150-1050 1080-980
VII/D4 288850 1220-920 1150-1050 1080-980
Conclusions
This study reviews only a part of the radiocarbon measurements available for the 1200 850 BC
period in the Eastern Mediterranean, and particular attention has been paid to the high
radiocarbon chronology of Assiros (Newton et al., 2004) on the one side, and on dates quoted by
Hagens (2006) in favour of the ULC on the other. In recent years, a huge number of new samples
have been collected and analysed from different sites in the Levant, and particularly Israel, and
many of them are still in press or awaiting publication (Fantalkin, comm perss 01/2011). Those new
datasets will certainly shed some new light on the chronological problems highlighted in this study
and others, and on the general debate on the absolute chronology of the LBA/EIA transition in
general.
However, if a definitive conclusion on the subject seems impossible to draw at the present stage,
some consideration may be put forward, following the data considered here:
(1) The chronological elements available from Assiros seem to show that the Traditional
chronology for the Submycenean-Protogeometric transition should be shifted backwards of
at least 50 calendar years. Given the peculiarities of the archaeological contexts that have
yielded elements that can be used for interrelating the Aegean and Levantine chronologies
for the period, this shift seems hardly testable as it could as well be unrecognisable in the
presently available materials. This hypothesis, which would require only small adjustments
in the Traditional chronological framework, is however subject to all the possible sources
of uncertainties mentioned above.
(2) The (re) analysis of archaeological contexts in the Levant that have been used for the
interlinked chronologies of the Eastern Mediterranean has showed that the contextual
uncertainties that afflict the findings of Aegean imports at Abu Hawam, Megiddo, and
Samaria make this contexts unreliable for building an interlinked chronological framework
for the two areas in question (Fantalkin, 2001). The same situation can be observed in Tel
Dor and Tel Hadar sites, whose chronology was established following subjective (or
circular) arguments, including the periodisation of Aegean imports themselves (Fantalkin,
2001).
(3) In the majority of cases, the radiocarbon results do not allow to clearly distinguish between
the different chronological hypotheses: as an answer to the critics by the supporters of the
ULC, Manning et al. (2001) present a huge number of radiocarbon measurements from
Greece and Cyprus, that have given results compatible with the traditional chronology.
Given all the considered problems, including the particular shape of the calibration curve
between 3000 and 2400 BP, the possible presence of old wood and other alteration effects in
the samples tested, and the significant internal variability of the datasets, the results so far
available do not allow to draw a conclusive opinion in favour of one of the chronological
hypotheses or the other.
All these sources of uncertainty are at the base of the present debate between the traditional
-
Isrealian and Levantine chronology (that dates the first arrival of Greek imported wares in the
Levant to before 980 BC) and the ULC (that would postdate this import to the end of the X century
BC) that at the moment seems unfillable.
In fact, if it is undeniable that both chronological hypotheses are faced with the potential ambiguity
of the contexts used for building an interlinked chronology, and significant chronological shifts
(whether postdating or predating) on contexts that are linked strictly to the Egyptian historical
chronology for the N.K and T.I.P. periods would be hardly acceptable as they would require a
complete revision of the preceding LBA international chronological framework (unless one inserts
some 50 to 100 calendar years unattested in the king-lists), it is also clear that the available
contextual information for the chronology of the Aegean Levantine interrelations in the LBA/EIA
transition is not sufficient to build a reliable interlinked chronology, and more new data seem
necessary before a conclusive opinion can be drawn on this subject.
-
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