the unified speech period of a bilingual child

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Portland State University Portland State University PDXScholar PDXScholar Dissertations and Theses Dissertations and Theses 1990 The Unified Speech Period of a Bilingual Child The Unified Speech Period of a Bilingual Child Gary Frank Wood Portland State University Follow this and additional works at: https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds Part of the Applied Linguistics Commons Let us know how access to this document benefits you. Recommended Citation Recommended Citation Wood, Gary Frank, "The Unified Speech Period of a Bilingual Child" (1990). Dissertations and Theses. Paper 4118. https://doi.org/10.15760/etd.6002 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access. It has been accepted for inclusion in Dissertations and Theses by an authorized administrator of PDXScholar. Please contact us if we can make this document more accessible: [email protected].

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Page 1: The unified speech period of a bilingual child

Portland State University Portland State University

PDXScholar PDXScholar

Dissertations and Theses Dissertations and Theses

1990

The Unified Speech Period of a Bilingual Child The Unified Speech Period of a Bilingual Child

Gary Frank Wood Portland State University

Follow this and additional works at: https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds

Part of the Applied Linguistics Commons

Let us know how access to this document benefits you.

Recommended Citation Recommended Citation Wood, Gary Frank, "The Unified Speech Period of a Bilingual Child" (1990). Dissertations and Theses. Paper 4118. https://doi.org/10.15760/etd.6002

This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access. It has been accepted for inclusion in Dissertations and Theses by an authorized administrator of PDXScholar. Please contact us if we can make this document more accessible: [email protected].

Page 2: The unified speech period of a bilingual child

AN ABSTRACT OF THE THESIS OF Gary Frank Wood for the Master of Arts in Teaching English to Speakers of Other Languages presented May 3, 1990.

Title: The Unified Speech Period of a Bilingual Child.

APPROVED BY THE MEMBERS OF THE THESIS COMMITTEE:

Susan H. Foster, Chair

Thomas C. Buell

Marjorie Terdal

Previous studies of bilingual infants learning their languages

simultaneously have suggested that such children go through what is known

as a unified speech period in which they make no differentation between the

languages in question and in which they frequently use mixed utterances

lArnberg, 1987; Grosjen, 1982; Leopold, 1939; & Skutnabb-Kangas, 1981 ). To

Page 3: The unified speech period of a bilingual child

2

test the validity of the claim that there is such a period, an English-Japanese

bilingual child from one year and six months of age t 1 :6 J through two years

and six months of age (2:6 l was observed and his speech recorded.

In order to investigate the unified language claim, written diaries of

the child's utterances were kept from l ;6 years of age through 2:0 (and

intermittantly later) and audio tapes were made for the seven month period

from 2;0 through 2;6. Because of the varying nature of the data. this study

focused primarily on the latter seven-month period as this is where the

greatest amount of useful data was garnered. The diaries and tapes were

analyzed in terms of both lexicon and syntax. The analysis focused on

evidence of synonymy versus lack of overlap in the lexicons of the two

languages. and on syntactic mixing. In the latter case, the focus was on

determining the extent to which such mixing could be seen as evidence of

one or two svntactic svstems. • I

Analysis of the data suggested that while he used some cross-language

synonyms. this child did not rely on them to any great extent. These words

comprised only about 5.7% of the total recorded vocabulary. The analysis of

the syntactic mixing suggested that, contrary to some previous studies. the

separation of the two languages into two systems was already well

established at the age of two years. and that there is very little evidence of a

unified period. Rather, the two systems are differentiated. and employed for

reasons that are discussed.

Page 4: The unified speech period of a bilingual child

THE UNIFIED SPEECH PERIOD OF A BILINGUAL CHILD

by

GARY FRANK WOOD

A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of

MASTER OF ARTS in

TEACHING ENGLISH TO SPEAKERS OF OTHER LANGUAGES

Portland State University 1990

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TO THE OFFICE OF GRADUATE STUDIES:

The members of the Committee approve the thesis of Gary Frank

Wood presented May 3. 1990.

APPROVED:

Susan H. Foster, Chair

Thomas C. Buell

Marjorie Terdal

Mary E. Gordo~

ir, Department of Applied Linguistics

C. William Savery, Interim Vice Bf-ovost for Graduate Studies and Research

Page 6: The unified speech period of a bilingual child

'( 686 I-906 I) POO& ~UOlS t?Jt?J:l JO ;\Jom~m ~ql Ol P~lt?:'.>!P~P S! S!S~ql srq1

NOilV:>ICIHO

Page 7: The unified speech period of a bilingual child

TABLE OF CONTENTS

PAGE

LIST OFT ABLES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . v

LIST OF FIGURES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . vi

INTRODUCTION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1

Review of the Literature . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1

SUBJECT...................................................... 9

PROCEDURE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11

Data Collection and Transcription . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11

Utterance Length Analysis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16

Lexical Analysis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17

Syntactic Analysis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18

RESULTS ....................................................... 23

Mean Length of Utterance . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23

Single and Multiple Word Utterances........................ 26

Lexical Analysis. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 28

Syntactic Analysis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 5

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iv

DISCUSSION ............................................. 43

Mean Length of Utterances . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 43

Single and Multiple Word Utterances................. 43

Lexical Analysis .................................... 44

Syntactic Analysis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 51

Language Contexts .................................. SS

Maintenance of Linguistic Diversity ................... 57

CONCLUSIONS, RECOMMENDATIONS, AND SUMMARY .......... 62

REFERENCES ............................................. 64

APPEND I CFS

A SINGLE WORD UTTERANCES .................... 64

B MULTIPLE WORD UTTERANCES. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 84

C RULES FOR CALCULATING MEAN LENGTH OF UTTERANCE AND UPPER BOUND . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 99

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LIST OF TABLES

TABLE PAGE

I Number of Utterances Recorded ...................... 14

I I Comparison of Danny, Evan, Marcus, and Raivo's MLU . . . 24 III Comparison of Evan's Single Word and Multiple Word

Utterances . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26

IV Word Length of Multiple Word Utterances ............. 28

V Evan's Neutral Vocabulary ........................... 29

VI Onomatopoeia in Evan's Lexicon ...................... 30

VII Evan's Baby Talk ................................... 31

VIII Evan's Interjections ................................. 32

IX Evan's Cross-Language Synonyms 2;0-2;6 .............. 35

X Language Mixing 2;0-2;6 ............................ 38

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LIST OF FIGURES

FIGURE PAGE

1. Increase in Evan's Mean Length of Utterance ........... 24

2. Comparison of Danny, Evan, Marcus, and Raivo's MLU .... 25

3. Evan's Single Word Versus Multiple Word Utterances .... 27

4. Overall Language Mixing ............................. 38

5. Overall Language Mixing ............................. 39

6. Language Mixing 2;0 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39

7. Language Mixing 2;1 ................................ 40

8. Language Mixing 2;2 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 40

9. Language Mixing 2;3 ................................ 41

10. Language Mixing 2;4 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 41

11. Language Mixing 2;5 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 42

12. Language Mixing 2;6 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 42

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INTRODUCTION

It has been suggested that simultaneous bilingual infants (i.e .. infants

who learn two languages before the age of three) go through an initial period

of about three years in which they mix their two languages both lexically

and syntactically (Grosjean. 1982 & Volterra & Taeschner, 1977). In order to

see if this was the case for my Japanese-English simultaneous bilingual son

Evan, I collected and analyzed naturally occurring spoken language data

from the period in which the unified period is considered to occur. The

hypothesis was that this child would do a lot of lexical and syntactic mixing,

and that this would indicate a confused period for bilingual inf ants in which

they attempt to sort out the two languages. The analysis suggested that

there was, in fact, little mixing done by Evan at the syntactic level. The data

mostly came from audio recordings in naturalistic settings and it has been

analyzed mainly in terms of Evan's recorded lexicon and syntax from the age

of 2;0 through 2;7.

REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE

There are several terms that need to be defined for the purposes of

this research. The term bilingual has been variously defined. Weinreich

( 1953) broadly defined it as "the practice of alternately using two

languages." Bloomfield (1933), on the other hand, has given us a more rigid

definition with " ... native-like control of two languages." Bilingualism is a

complex phenomenon and each of the various definitions has had its

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problems.• To avoid these difficulties in a definition of bilingualism. some

recent researchers have tended to follow one of two paths.

2

One way is to adopt an established definition and to add some caveats

as Albert and Obler ( 1978) have done. They are satisfied with Weinreich's

definition, but ask all researchers to consider that there are some unresolved

issues at work with that particular definition. The first is the issue of

whether or not mutilingua1ism is an extension of bilingualism and if the two

states are qualitatively different. The second is a consideration of whether

two distinct languages are being employed or not (i.e., Should bidialectalism,

diglossia, and even wide register control come under the same rubric?).

Third they ask us if the use of language entails any minimal fluency criterion

and, if so. what are the parameters of fluency? Last they tell us to consider

what modalities (i.e., speaking, comprehension, writing, and reading) are to

be considered in the practice of alternately using two languages.

Another way to define bilingualism is to attempt to " ... work within the

framework of a typology of bilingualism which allows for a clear delimitation

of the particular area of investigation within a larger field." (Baetens­

Beardsmore, 1982) What is meant here is to make, for example, a distinction

between individual bilingualism and societal bilingualism and to attend to

the fact that there are many and varying forms of bilingualism.

Even though a single appropriate and exhaustive definition has not

been (and may never be) found, we do know two fundamental facts about

1 For more concise overviews of the history of the definition of bilingualism. see Skutnabb-Kangas (1981) and Swain and Cummings (1982).

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3

bilingualism. We first know that more than one language is involved.I More

importantly we know that bilingualism is not a static condition. Rather it is

dynamic and subject to change. It either progresses towards an ideal

ambilingualism or regresses towards a monolingual condition (Baetens­

Beardsmore, 1982). Ambilingualism here is the Halliday, McKintosh, and

Strevens' ( 1970) term denoting the capability of " .. .functioning well in

either .. .language .. .in all domains of activity and without any traces of the one

language . ..in the other." This type of bilingualism is rare since most

bilinguals are more dominant in one of the two languages. By dominance I

mean that one language is employed more than the other.

An example of regression might be the "returnee" problem in Japan

in which a language loss occurs among those young people who have lived

for a considerable time outside of japan and have returned to Japan. The

language used in the former speech community quite often is unused and

forgotten. A regressive transition is made from a bilingual condition to a

monolingual one. It should be mentioned, however, that if these individuals

are put back into the community of the atrophied language their linguistic

ability can be reactivated while maintaining their native Japanese. This is an

example of a progressive transition, i.e. from monolingualism to bilingualism

(Yamamoto, 1987).

Bilingualism, then, is by its very nature unstable, and this is one of the

deterrents in scholarly attempts to define bilingualism, as well as a factor in

frustrating attempts to estimate sizes of bilingual populations in the world.

1 As in Albert and Ohler (1978), even the criteria to distinguish between distinct languages are problematic. For a further discussion see Skutnabb-Kangas (198 0.

Page 14: The unified speech period of a bilingual child

4

Dulay, Burt, and Krashen ( 1982) have estimated that there are more than a

billion bilinguals in the world while Harding and Riley ( 1986) state that over

half the world's population is bilingual. These authors, however, do not tell

us their criteria for a bilingual condition, and we therefore have no way of

knowing just how strictly they are defining bilingualism.

Given the confusion over the precise definition of the term 'bilingual,'

a definition close to Weinreich's was selected as the most appropriate for this

project. This definition has been articulated by Grosjean ( 1982), who defines

bilingualism functionally as the use of two languages on a daily basis for the

purposes of genuine communication. This was deemed most appropriate for

the current study because the data were recorded in a natural family setting

in which two languages were used daily for communication.

The term 'simultaneous' when used in regard to bilingual children

generally denotes a speaker of two languages who has acquired two

languages before the age of three. This is in contrast to a successive

bilingual who has learned one of the languages in infancy and the second

after the age of three (McLaughlin, 1978 ).

Another term to be defined is 'unified speech period. ·A number of

researchers have reported an initial period of about three years in which a

bilingual inf ant makes no distinction between the two languages and mixes

the lexicon and syntax of the two languages (Grosjean, 1982; Leopold, 1939;

Ronjat, 1913 & Volterra & Taeschner. 1978 ). Grosjean describes Leopold's

English-German bilingual daughter Hildegard's initial language development

as one in which there was an initial mixed language stage that slowly

separated into two language systems as she became aware of the two

systems. Ronjat reports that his son Louis learned German from his mother

Page 15: The unified speech period of a bilingual child

s

and French from his father and went through an initial phase in which his

pronunciation was based upon a unified phonological system which was the

same for both languages. Volterra and Taeschner propose a three-stage

model of language development in the simultaneous bilingual child where

the child initially has one lexical system that uses words from both

languages and a single syntactic system, then moves into the second stage

that has two different lexicons but retains a single syntactic system, and

finally advances to the third stage of two separate lexicons and two syntaxes.

The most extensive study of the unified period remains that of

Werner Leopold. A number of researchers (Arnberg, 1987; Fantini. 1985;

Grosjean. 1982; Hakuta, 1986; & Skutnabb-Kangas. 1981) have analyzed and

discussed Leopold's data in depth. Leopold, a professor of German at an

American university, described the language development of his German­

English-speaking daughter Hildegard in great detail. Hildegard was exposed

to German from her father and English from her mother and from her peers.

For Hildegard's initial language acquisition/learning period, she seemed to

combine the two languages into one system. For example, the speech sounds

she produced belonged to a single system which was not differentiated

according to language. In her first and early sentences. she mixed English

and German words and did not distinguish between two languages when she

spoke to monolingual speakers of each language. Leopold and others state

that she began showing signs of beginning to separate the two languages at

the end of her second year (Arnberg, 1987).

Not all researchers. however. have agreed that there exists a unified

speech period. Lindholm and Padilla ( 1978) argue that infant bilinguals

keep the languages separate from the onset of language development

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between the ages of 2:6 and 6:2. based upon language samples from five

Spanish-English bilingual children. Only 2% of the total utterances they

examined contained mixes. The most common type of mix they observed

involved the insertion of single lexical items (mostly English nouns into

Spanish utterances). They observed very few phrasal mixes and they

concluded that language mixes do not constitute a major interference in the

acquisition of bilingualism since children appear to differentiate their two

linguistic systems from an early age.

Meisel ( 1989) absolutely rejects the idea of a unified speech period.

Based upon studies of the speech of two French-German bilingual children

from 1 ;O, his analysis suggests that bilingual children use different word

order in both languages no later than the appearance of two or more word

utterances.

Bergman ( 1976) proposes an independent development hypothesis:

As it is being acquired. each language is able to develop independently of the other with the same pattern of acquisition as is found in monolingual children learning that language.

It must be noted, though, that most of Bergman's data was of an anecdotal

nature.

Redlinger and Park f 1980) reported on the language mixing of four

bilingual children (Danny, Marcus, Henrik, and Marc) over a five to eight

month period with the children's ages 1: 11, 2:0, 2;4, and 2:8, respectively at

the onset of their study. They reported that in the beginning, Marcus, a

Spanish-German bilingual. mixed in 30% of his utterances. but this had

dropped to 21.2% after five and a hall' months. Danny, an English-Gerrnan

6

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7

bilingual, went from 20.8 % to 3.7% in eight and a half months while Henrik, a

French-German bilingual went from 11.9% mixed utterances to a mere 2.5%

over eight months. Marc, a French-German bilingual (2;8 at the onset), went

from 2.6% to 0% by 3;1. Their analysis revealed an initially higher rate of

mixing which diminished with a growth in language development as

measured in MLU (Mean Length of Utterance/See below). They concluded

that the children in their study were at various stages in a gradual process of

language differentation. therefore providing support for the one-system (i.e.,

unified speech period) theory of bilingual acquisition. Their examination of

the distribution of lexical substitutions by part of speech revealed that nouns

were most frequently substituted by all of the children; however, more

function words were substituted than content words overall.

Fantini ( 1985) stands in the middle of the debate as he reports some

mixing by his Spanish-English son Mario• at 2;6 and 2;8. He reports no

mixing before those two ages. This is not surprising as the length of

utterances is usually only one or two words in this period. He claims that

such mixing ceased after 2:8 and that the months fallowing were of rapid

syntactic development. This means. of course, that Fantini's data show

mixing for only a three month period. Fantini's analysis was based upon an

exploration of the interrelationships of speech and the children's

environments from a sociolinguistic perspective focusing on the "use" of

language.

1 Mario may also be considered a trilingual as he also had a lot of input from Italian.

Page 18: The unified speech period of a bilingual child

8

Finally, for the purposes of this project. a distinction also needs to be

recognized between language- or code-mixing and code-switching. Although

definitions vary, 'code-mixing' will be used to describe the insertion of one

lexical item from one language into a sentence in another language (McClure,

1977). 'Code-switching,' on the other hand, entails the ability to switch from

one language or dialect to another between clauses or phrases, or between

discourse blocks (Skuttnabb-Kangas, 1981) according to the interlocutor,

situational context, et cetera. Even changing registers can be considered a

kind of code-switch. I This distinction is quite different from Redlinger and

Park's (1980) as regards language mixing, which they describe as

"indiscriminate combinations of elements from each language." Code-mixing

is not the same as language mixing as defined by Redlinger and Park.

I from personal communication with Susan Foster

Page 19: The unified speech period of a bilingual child

SUBJECT

As mentioned above, the subject for this study was my son Evan who

is two years and ten months of age (2; 10) as of this writing. Evan has lived

with his older brother Ken (9;2), his Japanese mother, and American father

since birth. For his initial nine months, Evan lived in japan and was exposed

to Enshu and Mikkawa dialects of Japanese from his family and friends and

to English also from his family and friends. The dominant language in his

environment was Japanese in this period.

Evan's brother Ken is a simultaneous Japanese-English bilingual whose

Japanese was the dominant language until after the move to the United

States, even though he had been attending an international school where

English was the language of instruction. My wife and I are successive

bilinguals in Japanese and English and our native tongues have always been

our dominant ones.

When Evan was ten months old the family moved to the United States

and Evan's language input now included not only the language of his brother,

mother, and father, but also an aunt, a cousin, a grandmother, and a nurse,

all of whom spoke English. The dominant language switched from Japanese

to English in the environment surrounding Evan. At the time that this

research concluded, the situation had changed slightly in that the cousin had

moved and the grandmother had passed on.

Our family mixes languages a great deal. In the home, one can hear

Japanese utterances, English utterances, mixed utterances, and idiosyncratic

Page 20: The unified speech period of a bilingual child

ones (see below). It is not uncommon for one of us to begin a sentence in

one language and finish it in another. We have never practiced the one

person-one language strategy favored by so many who wish to encourage

bilingual language acquisition. Not only do we switch codes for

communication. but we play with language as well An example of this

10

might be if Evan were to utter something like "Wha chu going?" This is

grammatically incorrect in English and could possibly mean "Where are you

going?" or "What are you doing?" The family could in turn use "What chu

going?" for either of the possible meanings. This, in fact, did happen and it

was amusing for those of us who were the informed audience. The fact that

our f amity code-switches is very important for the purposes of this project

and distinguishes us from Redlinger and Park's subjects ( 1980). In their

study, two families employed the one person-one language strategy (see

below) and two code-mixed, but not within sentence boundaries. Our family,

on the other hand, sometimes switches intrasententially.

Page 21: The unified speech period of a bilingual child

PROCEDURE

DAT A COLLECTION AND TRANSCRIPTION

This study began with my interest in the content and order of Evan's

utterances. I began to jot them down whenever I heard one that I thought

was new. Other f amiJy members started helping me to do the same. At that

time. I had no idea that this would eventually become the beginning of this

research. The casual data collection began when Evan was 0;9 and was the

earliest data. most of which has not been used here.

Also when Evan was 0;9, his paternal grandmother began keeping

informal diary entries on Evan's utterances. She was a monolingual speaker

of English whose ear was perhaps not attuned to his Japanese utterances and

the number of English utterances recorded in this diary was larger than the

number of Japanese ones as she recorded 23 English utterances and only two

Japanese ones. Six utterances she recorded would have to be called neutral

ones (see below). Since the grandmother's ear was not attuned to Japanese

and because of the paucity of data from this source, I have elected for the

most part to eliminate that data from this discussion.

From l ;6 until 2;0, I recorded a number of utterances in a diary of my

own in which I observed Evan and made notes on what he was saying to

whom. what the interlocutors were saying, and on what I believed the

meaning of his utterances were given the particular situations. Throughout

the whole study (and up to the present) I have done this to a certain extent.

Page 22: The unified speech period of a bilingual child

12

These data, though, have not been very helpful for the purposes of this

research since, as with the data from Evan's grandmother's diary, the data

are very limited; and when compared to the taped data, clearly do not

provide a good record of Evan's overall language ability. However, in this

five month period (from 1;6 to 1;11), I recorded 140 of Evan's utterances, 33

of which were multiple-word utterances and 107 of which were single-word

utterances.

I began to make audio tape recordings at 2;0 of Evan and his

interlocutors on a monthly basis. In some cases, these tapings were done

when the participants did not know they were being recorded. This was

done in order not to change or skew in any way what they were saying. In

most cases. Evan did not know he was being recorded. His mother, Katsue,

knew to a greater extent that the tape player was on than Ken did, and I

always knew, as I was the one pushing the record button. The reason I give

for Evan not knowing is that I don't believe that his cognitive facilities were

well developed enough to completely understand the concept of audio

recording on cassette tapes. In Katsue and Ken's case, I would quite often

literally sneak up upon them with a cassette player on record and leave the

tape recorder where they couldn't see it. As they moved from room to room,

they would then notice that they were being recorded. I don't believe that

this changed Katsue's speech much, while it seemed to affect Ken to a greater

extent. I can not, however. say how many times the interlocutors knew they

were being taped with any certainty, except to say that I was always aware

of that fact. On the whole, I believe that this method was quite efficacious

for gaining naturalistic ethnographic data on Evan's speech with little

interference from the interlocutors knowing that they were being recorded.

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13

These tapings proved to be the most valuable and reliable sources of data for

this project and. in fact. have caused me to examine and report in detail only

on the seven month period from 2;0 to 2;6. I do not believe that this data

base is skewed in any major way because of the knowledge of the

interlocutors that they were being recorded, especially as the data being

discussed herein are for the most part only that of Evan's personal

utterances.

Some of the problems inherent in collecting data through the use of

audio tapes did occur in that tapes from some one-month periods tended to

contain a greater number of utterances than others. Table I shows all the

transcribable utterances at each age. The total data base of transcribed

utterances may be found in Appendices A and B. • Most of the tapes were

sixty minutes in length; but given that the data were collected in a

naturalistic environment, some tapes contained more utterances than others.

The reasons for this are varied; having to do with, for example, people going

to sleep, electing to watch television rather than engage in conversation.

interlocutors leaving the scene. et cetera.

After the tapes had been made. I transcribed Evan's utterances onto

cards and then entered these data in two computer data bases, one for

single- word utterances2 and one for multiple-word utterances. Appendix A

I Japanese utterances have been rendered into Roman letters using the Hepburn system of romaj.i (i.e .. Romanization, or the rendering of Japanese words into Roman script, lit. Roman letters) that is currently popular in Japan. This was done because this is the Romanization of Japanese I am most familiar with and also because of its current widespread acceptance in Japan. It might be noted here that Hepburn Romanization and the older .ku.are.as.lJi.ki. Romanization are not all that dissimilar.

2 Which would not be useful in syntactic analysis

Page 24: The unified speech period of a bilingual child

represents the single-word utterances and Appendix B represents the

multiple-word utterances.

Tape quality was not always good, especially as the tapes had been

made in many different situations such as the bath tub, in an auto, in front

of a television set, or in a meal time situation. This created a lot of

background noise that made the tapes difficult to transcribe at times. In

addition, it was difficult to note Evan's utterances when more than one

person spoke at the same time. In such cases, untranscribable utterances

were discarded. However, it was possible to garner a fair amount of data

from the tapes. Two tapes from the seven-month period in question were

not used because of technical problems which rendered them incoherent.

The tapings, though not reported on here, have continued since the

conclusion of this study.

TABLE I

NUMBER OF UTTERANCES RECORDED AND ANAL¥ZED

Age Number of Utterances Recorded and Analyzed 2;0 48 2; 1 391 2;2 1087 2;3 686 2;4 490 2;5 41 2;6 427

Total Number of Utterances: 3170

After all of Evan's transcribable utterances were transcribed, a

determination was made as to from which language each word came from.

t4

Page 25: The unified speech period of a bilingual child

·~

This proved to be especially difficult in a number of cases because Japanese

has borrowed so heavily from the English language. So, for example, I had to

judge in some cases as to whether Evan was saying the English 'bus' or the

Japanese basu, the two being very similar in pronunciation. When a word

had English phonology, it was recorded as an English one and when it had

Japanese phonology it was assumed to be a Japanese word.1 An exception.

however, was made for personal names. All of these were counted as

neutral (irrespective of pronunciation) except when they were uttered in

complete sentences of either Japanese or English with no obvious mixing.

Most English names are pronounced differently in Japanese than in

English. For example, Sesame Street's Big Bird is biggu b1111do in Japanese

and Batman's nemesis, the joker, is rendered as z11jol:1111. Ken, on the other

hand, is pronounced the same in both languages. Japanese names are not

changed as much when uttered by English speakers. NokoNoko remains the

same. Evan did not utter any of the corporate names like Honda that

speakers of English change the pronunciation of. In Japanese, the ·o· in

Honda is spoken as the 'o' in the English word 'so,' while Americans give it an

·a· pronunciation as in the English word 'far.' For the purposes of this study,

however. names have all been considered neutral, except in the syntactic

1 Japanese has borrowed a great deal from English. Decisions had to be made on lexical items that are close phonologically because of a borrowing as in the case of shampoo versus sha.npu (Poplack & Sankoff, 1984). In the same vein, some lexical items could only be termed neutral as they existed in both languages and were indistinguishable on phonological grounds. An example of this would be that ever so useful 'OK' that speakers of the languages in question employ.

Page 26: The unified speech period of a bilingual child

analysis when they appeared in conjunction with words all from one

language or the other .1

Nonce borrowings, which I have determined to be neutral items

lexically, also occurred as when Evan uttered 'fire' as 'faiya,· which is fire

with Japanese pronunciation. Over a long period of time, bilinguals and

bilingual families often create words. Over a long period of time, some of

these words turn into full-fledged loanwords. Another of this type of

,14

neutral lexical item are loanwords like kitty and monkey, both of which have

been borrowed from English into Japanese.2 These are loanwords in the

adult language. In Evan's case. it is not clear if they are from adult Japanese,

have been reborrowed by Evan, or if they have come from English.

Sometimes the choice is dependent on the differences in phonology. At other

times the choice is very difficult because of similarities in phonology

between the two languages.

UTTERANCE LENGTH ANALYSIS

A Mean Length of Utterance (MLU) analysis was performed using the

protocols of Brown ( 1973 ).3 This was done in order to compare Evan's

lengths of utterances with those of other simultaneous bilingual children.

Under Brown's system, words are not counted, but rather morphemes. All

I Although no formal interrater reliability anaysis was performed on the assignation of utterances, I feel confident that other bilingual speakers of English and Japanese would make their assignations in a very similar fashion to what I have done.

2 It might also be noted here that most studies of code-switching eliminate names all together.

3 For a complete list of these protocols, please see Appendix C.

Page 27: The unified speech period of a bilingual child

17

compound words (two or more free morphemes), proper names, and

ritualized reduplications were counted as single words. Some examples here

are Aunt Edna. birthday, and choo-choo train. For MLU calculations. bye-bye

was counted as one morpheme; but later in the lexical analysis it was

counted as two words. Irregular past tense verbs were counted as one

morpheme unless there was evidence that both the irregular and past tense

were being employed. Diminutive names like 'Evan-chan' (Master Evan I)

were also counted as one morpheme as were auxiliaries and catenatives (e.g.,

gonna and wanna). Inflections for possessives, plurals, third person singular.

regular past tense, and progressives were all counted as separate

morphemes. Fillers such as mm and oh were not counted as morphemes, but

no, yeah. and hi were. Stutters counted as one morpheme. One modification

to Brown's system, however, was employed. Since all the data were put into

a computer data base and because of the nature of the data collection, it was

possible to go beyond Brown's minimal 100 word limit and do an MLU

cakulation on the entire data. This is called a range count.

LEXICAL ANALYSIS

Following the MLU calculation, I compared the numbers of single

versus multiple-word utterances over time. This was done in order to see if

single-word utterances declined in number as multiple-word utterances

grew in number. I also counted the multiple-word utterances in terms of

numbers of word length, e.g., two-word versus three-word utterances, et

I The translation here is vague. - ClJa.o is also a diminutive/honorific term of endearment.

Page 28: The unified speech period of a bilingual child

cetera. This was done in order to examine the changing length of Evan's

utterances. Please bear in mind here that it is not morphemes that were

counted (as in the MLU calculations), but rather words. Morpheme counts

were only used in MLU calculations.

18 .

In an attempt to estimate the size of Evan's expressive vocabulary in

each language, I assigned his vocabulary into English, Japanese, neutral, and

idiosyncratic categories and counted the number of items in each category.

Neutral items were those words that can be found in both English or

Japanese (such as OK) and proper names Oike Mama, Papa, and Ken).

Idiosyncratic words are those that Evan or the family made up that can not

be found in English or Japanese (like uin uin for a siren sound) In addition,

the neutral category was further analyzed in order to determine the number

of proper names in this category in relation to other words.

This was followed by a survey of the lexicon to see what types of

onomatopoeia, interjections, immediate imitations. idiosyncratic words, and

baby talk expressions Evan was employing. After this, I surveyed the data

for cross-language synonyms during the time period in question because

Volterra and Taeschner ( 1977) have stated that in their first stage of a

unified speech period for almost any word in one of a bilingual child's

lexicons, there will not be a corresponding word in the other.

SYNTACTIC ANALYSIS

Analysis of the lexicon was followed by assignation of the multiple­

utterances into the syntactic categories of English utterances with no mix,

English utterances with a mix, Japanese utterances with no mix, Japanese

Page 29: The unified speech period of a bilingual child

:l9-

utterances with a mix, and a neutral utterance category. The expectation

was that if there was a genuine unified speech period, there would be a large

number of mixed utterances, as the literature reviewed suggested. However,

as ti.1eisel ( 198 9) argues, mixed utterances don't necessarily indicate a

unified speech period.

The decision as to which category to assign the utterances was made

on the basis of word order and the language of the words in the utterances.

Japanese is a Subject-Object-Verb (SOV) language while English has a

Subject-Verb-Object (SVO) syntactic order. This meant of course that some

two-word utterances would fall into a neutral category. For example, in

English you can say "That's juice." and in Japanese this becomes Are wa

juusu desu (that over there as for that juice is). Evan's two-word rendition

of this \Vas "are juice." There is no difference in the syntactic order as 'that'

and are are the subjects while 'juice' and ;llusu are the objects.• From the

data. I can't tell where Evan would have placed the verb had he used one.

In Evan's utterance. as either an English or Japanese sentence, the verb is

understood; though if employed it would have to come in the medial position

in English while the Japanese verb here ( desu) would have to come in the

final position. I do not have enough information to say where Evan would

have put a verb had he used one and am faced with an utterance with one

word from Japanese and one from English. I can't call this utterance English

or Japanese; rather we can only say that we don't know and assign it to a

neutral category.

1 Here j1111s11 is actually a predicate nominal as it is in a sentence with the copula. It does. however, come in the same position that a true object would come.

Page 30: The unified speech period of a bilingual child

-_20•

Other word order constraints in the language also lead to neutral

utterances. In Japanese. every modifier. whether an adjective. adverb, or

others. will always precede what it modifies. The placement of the rest of

the grammatical forms. for example adverbial phrases is very flexible. An

example from Evan's data was when he said "toto here" (birdie here). The

adult English form of this would be "The bird is here." The adult Japanese

form would be" Tori ivo J:o.loni imostJ'' (bird as for bird here is). In Evan's

utterance. he used a baby talk form of tori with toto and used an English

locative phrase with the adverb here. If we were to consider this to be

either an English or Japanese sentence, the verb would be understood. In an

adult English form. though, the verb would have to come in a medial position

while it would have to come in the final position in an adult Japanese form.

Again. I do not have enough information to say which language's syntax is

operative here and so have assigned this utterance to the neutral category.

The use of Japanese verbs and particles is probably the most complex

aspect of the language; while nouns and other parts of speech, although

having their own peculiarities. are less complex than verbs and particles

(Matsuoka McClain, 1981 ). Japanese also is a language that uses a highly

stratified system of honorifics and a language that employs a great deal of

ellipses. Japanese syntax may be complex. but it is perhaps not as difficult

as some people assume it to be. The main verbs always occur at the end of a

sentence and these verbs are agglutinous (i.e., word formation in which

morphemes retain an independence of meaning and form rather than fusing

or blending with combining elements). Any element that changes the status

of these verbs, such as negation. desiderative, or passive forms will be

attached to the end of the verb.

Page 31: The unified speech period of a bilingual child

21

English, on the other hand, employs verbs in the medial position

between the subject and object in most sentences. Verbs are not agglutinous

and elements changing the verbs usually precede them. English does not

employ ellipses as frequently as does Japanese and relies more on deictic

terms. While having honorifics in English, these honorifics are not employed

as frequently as which they are employed in Japanese.

Having decided on the basic syntax (English=SVO/ Japanese=SOV), the

next decision to be made was as to whether or not an utterance was

completely English or Japanese. Those utterances with English syntax and at

least one Japanese word were assigned to the English with mix category

while utterances with Japanese syntax and at least one English word were

assigned to the Japanese with mix category. One of Evan's utterances

assigned to the English with mix category was "wha dis toto" (what's this

birdie). If this utterance was from Japanese adult syntax, it would be 1·000

tori TVi1 nan des/Joo 1·3; with the equivalent of 'this' (.kono) in the initial

position sententially. Thus, this is an English sentence with a Japanese word

for 'bird' in it. Adult English syntax demands that 'this' be placed

intrasententially. Another of Evan's utterances, juice aru (juice have), was

assigned to the Japanese with mix category because the verb comes finally.

In English the utterance would place the verb medially. 'juice,' in this case

was uttered with English pronunciation.

Again, because Japanese has borrowed so heavily from English, some

judgement had to be employed and it may be that some utterances have

Page 32: The unified speech period of a bilingual child

been coded in error. A best attempt approach was used and any errors, of

course, are mine. t 2 3

22

I The words in the utterances were also assigned to categories of function versus content words and parts of speech. The scope of this research does not include an analysis of these wo areas, but these assignations may be found in the appendices.

2 All of the above procedures were also performed on the data in the period from 1;6 to 1;11. Alt.hough not discussed above. the results from that data were as follows. In the multiple word category, 17 utterances were found to be English with no mix. 8 were found to be Japanese with no mix. and 8 were found to be neutral. In the single word category, 42 utterances were found to be English. 39 were found to be Japanese. and 10 had to be declared neutral.

3 Quirk and Greenbaum's .A Co11cise Gn.JIU/luofCo11temponry ED11is/J was used to determine parts of speech in English. while Matsuo.ta McCla.in 's l/MJd/Jook of Moder11 GraJDJ11u was used to determine Japanese parts of speech.

Page 33: The unified speech period of a bilingual child

RFSULTS

MEAN LENGm OF UTTERANCES

The MLU showed a steady increase over the seven month period from

2;0 to 2;6. It was 1.204 at 2;0 and 1.840 at 2;6. The increase can be seen in

Figure 1. It should be noted that Evan·s MLU at 2;0 was slightly lower than

two bilingual children of the same age as Evan reported upon in Redlinger

and Park (1980). Marcus. a Spanish-German bilingual. had an MLU of 1.39

at 2;0 and Danny. an English-German bilingual had an MLU of 1.92 at 2:0 in

the Redlinger and Park study. At 2:5. Marcus' MLU was 2.21 compared to

Evan's 1.75 at the same age while Danny's was 3.35 at 2:6. Vihman ( 1984)

reports that her son Raivo. bilingual in English and Estonian, had an MLU of

1.02 at 1;7 and that it was well over 5 in both languages at 2;10. Table II

and Figure 2 show a comparison of the four children. In all cases a steady

increase in the length of utterance has been observed except for Danny from

2;2 to 2;3.

Page 34: The unified speech period of a bilingual child

2.0

1

1

t1.U 1.4

1.2·

1.0

0 I 2p

I 2,1 2~ 2j& 2,4 2;,

• 2.6

I

figure 1. Increase in Evan's MLU.

TABLE II

COMPARISON OF DANNY, EVAN, MARCUS, AND RAIVO's MLU

Age MLU Danny

1;11.22-2;0.12 1.92 2;0.13-2;1.23 2.46 2;1.24-2;3.24 3.00 2;3.25-2;5.8 2.92 2;5.9-2;6.l 8 3.35 2;6.19-2;8.7 4.07

Evan 2;0 1.204 2;1 1.244 2;2 1.3116

24

Page 35: The unified speech period of a bilingual child

6

5

4

MLIJ 3

2

TABLE II

COMPARISON OF DANI'IY. EVAN. 1'1ARCUS, AND RAIVO'S MLU (continued)

Ra1vo

Age MLU 2:3 1.540 2;4 1.601 2:5 1.750 2;6 1.840

Marcus 2;0.1-2;1.1 1.39 2;1.2-2;2.4 1.47 2;2.5-2;3. I 6 1.50 2;3.17-2;4.22 1.90 2;4.23-2;5.20 2.21

l ;7 2;10

0

Raivo 1.02 5+

Danny

~· _,..,....~· /·--- . • Marcus • ._....-a-e:::=e::;:::io::-•~a-a--c

Evan

0+--+-~-+--+~-+----t~-+---1~--+-~+--_._~._-4

1.6 1 .7 1 .8 1 .9 2.0 2.1 2.2 2.3 2.4 2.5 2.6 2.7 2.8 Age

Figure 2. Comparison of Danny, Evan, Marcus. & Raivo's MLU.

"25-· -

Page 36: The unified speech period of a bilingual child

-i6"~

SINGLE- AND MULTIPLE-WORD UTTERANCES

It was not unexpected to find that as the number of Evan's single­

word utterances declined, the number of multiple-word utterances

increased. At 2;0, of Evan's utterances that I recorded, 79.167% of them

were single-word utterances while 20.833% were multiple ones. By 2;6, the

number of multiple-word utterances had increased to 45.902% while single

ones had dropped to 54.098 % of the total that I recorded. The trends can be

observed in Table III and Figure 3 below. The total number of utterances

tabulated for these purposes was 3189. Thus it seems clear that as Evan is

capable of more complex utterances he makes use of them, although many

single-word utterances continue to serve his communicative purposes long

after he is capable of more complex expressions.

TABLE III

COMPARISON OF EVAN'S SINGLE-WORD AND MULTIPLE-WORD UTTERANCES

Age 2:0 2; 1 2;2 2:3 2:4 2;5 2·6

'

swu 38 306 859 442 346 19 231 2241

% 79.167 78.261 78.025 64.431 70.612 31.667 54.098 70.304

MWU 10 85 228 244 144 41 196 947

% 20.833 21.739 20.975 35.569 29.388 68.333 45.902 29.696

Iotal 48 391 1087 686 490 60 427 3189

Page 37: The unified speech period of a bilingual child

90

80 + •-·--~W 70 t

VI .,/""'

~ 60 "' .... c: 50 '1< t.:J I I\ lb ~ G> 40 Ci.

30 + /,:' 20 .L. o-----o- ~u

10 1.9 2.0 2.1 2.2 2.3 2.4 2.5 2.6 2.7 , , , , , , , ,

' Age

Figure 3. Evan's Single- Versus Multiple-Word Utterances. Key: lVJ\rC= Multiple-Word Utterances. SWU=Single-Word Utterances

.27

Looking at the types of multiple-utterances. it is clear that two-word

utterances preponderated throughout. At 2;0, of the 48 total utterances

recorded, 38 were single-word utterances. 8 were two-word utterances. and

only 2 were three-word utterances. For the period from 2;0 to 2;6, the first

four-word utterance was noted at 2; 1 along with the first six-word utterance

in the taped data.I The next six-word utterance wasn't recorded until 2;6.

At 2:6. the number of single-word utterances was 231 versus 196 multiple­

word utterances. Of these multiple-word utterances, 123 were two-word, 47

were three-word, 22 were four-word, 2 were five-word, and 2 were six­

word. Table IV below shows the total breakdown of multiple-word

utterances.

I In the earlier data that was not analyzed in depth. the first three word utterance was noted at 1 :6 and the first four word utterance was recorded at 1.10.

Page 38: The unified speech period of a bilingual child

.2&. -

TABLE IV

WORD LENGTH OF MULTIPLE-WORD UTTERANCES

Age TotaJ mwu 2wu % 3wu % 2;0 10 8 80 2 20 2;1 85 76 89.411 7 8.235 2·? .... 228 177 77.632 37 16.228 2·"' .:> 244 184 75.41 45 18.443 2:4 144 102 70.833 30 20.833 2;5 41 24 58.537 14 34.146 2·6

' 196 123 62.756 47 23.98 Age 4wu % Swu % 6wu % 2:0 2; 1 1 1.177 1 1.177 2:2 1 l 4.824

.., 1.316 j

2;3 13 5.328 2 0.819 2;4 6 4.167 6 4.167 2;5 2 4.878 1 2.439 2;6 22 11.224 2 1.020 2 1.020

LEXICAL ANALYSIS

I counted a total of 594 words in Evan's lexicon. I am sure that his

vocabulary was larger, but there is no way of counting the number of items

in the lexicon without observing and recording the child every speaking

moment. Of these 594 words, 268 were English (45.451%),250 were

Japanese (42.087%), 61 were neutral (10.269%), and 15 were idiosyncratic

(2.525%). Neutral items, especially names, were counted as either Japanese

or English for the purposes of the syntax calculations below. This was done

when a neutral item was found in a sentence that was composed of

vocabulary items that were all from the other language. Of these neutral

Page 39: The unified speech period of a bilingual child

items 37 of them were proper names (65.655% of the total neutral items).

These items can be seen in Table V below.

Names Apa (Papa) Aunt Edna Ban (Evan) Banchan (Evan) Banji (Evan) Banju (Evan) BanztEvan) Banzi (Evan l Batman Big Bird Cub by Daddy Dinorider Eban (Evan) Edna Egor Eman (Evan) Evan Evanchan (Evan) Garfield George Gum mi Heman

TABLE V

EVAN'S NEUTRAL VOCABULARY

Others ah (interjection in both languages) babul (bubble) barun (balloon) bebi (baby) bo (boru) bubba (bubble) bye bye (loanword) choc (chocolate) faiya (fire) flau (flower) fren (friend) juju (juice) K (OK) key (loanword) kitty monkey (loanword) oh (interjection in both languages) OK (loanword) ooh (idiosyncratic interjection) sau (sour/7 Up) shau (shower) washi (watch/clock) whoo (idiosyncratic interjection)

2fj-

Page 40: The unified speech period of a bilingual child

Names Joker Karen K.en Kenchan k.enKen 1fama ~1om

~lona

r\ol:oNol:o Papa Pop Robocop Seinto Seiya Seiya

TABLE V

EVAN'S NEUTRAL VOCABULARY (continued)

Others WO\\' (interjection in both languages)

10

Onomatopoeia ~as dominated by expressions from Japanese. Of the

19 total onomatopoetic expressions. 10 were from Japanese (52.631 %), 5

from English 1.26.316%), and 4 were idiosyncratic (21.053%). They are listed

below in Table VI.

TABLE VI

ONOMATOPOEIA IN EVAN'S LEXICON

l.fil1anese bisho bisho (wetJ bu (car horn) gokin/kokin (nail cutter) hiin (neigh) jabu jabu (splish splash) niao (meow)

English boom (gun) boom boom (gun) caw (crow) meow (cat) oink oink (pig)

Idiosyncratic barn (gun) barn barn (gun) chim (bell) uin uin (siren)

Page 41: The unified speech period of a bilingual child

llm.ane~e pi (flat ulation) pon pon ttummy) ton ton I drum) wan wan (dog J

TABLE VI

ONOMATOPOEIA IN EVAN'S LEXICON

(continued)

English Idiosyncratic

. 31

The baby talk expressions that Evan used were predominantly from

Japanese. Of the 27 recorded, 20 were from Japanese (74.074%), 2 from

English (7.407%), 4 were idiosyncratic (14.815%), and 1 was neutral

(3.704%). These expressions can be see in Table VII following.

llm.anese akkoldakko/hug.l anvo \walk)

' babai (dirty) bu (vehicle) chanko lsit :1

chichai (small) chiri (buttocks) chu (kiss) dakko (hug) goron (lay) meme (bad/eyes/insect) nainai (put away) nene (sleep) penpen (spanking) pon pon (tummy) shi (shiko/urination)

TABLE VII

EVAN'S BABY TALK

Idiosyncratic hoshi {horsey) mouchu (mouse) panchu (pants) tichu (tissue)

English horsey potty

Neutral juju (juice)

Page 42: The unified speech period of a bilingual child

lfil.1ane~e tete lte/hand) toto (bird) unchi I feces) unma tJood/milkJ

TABLE VII

EVAN'S BABY TALK (continued)

I diosvncratic

32

English Neutral

English, on the other hand, was the source of most of Evan's

interjections. I In total, 43 interjections were noted. 23 were from English

(53.488%), 11 from Japanese (25.581 %), 4 were idiosyncratic (9.302%.), and 5

could be found in both languages and were counted as neutral ( 11.628 % ).

These interjections are in Table VIII below.

TABLE VIII

EVAN'S INTERJECTIONS

English }aQanese Idiosvncratic Neutral boo are (surprise) oh oh ah bye hai (back channel) ooh bye bye cowabunga hora (look) whoo oh hi itai (ouch) yaa OK hey ita (hurt) WO'\V

huh itei (ouch)

I For the purposes of this study inter.iections are defined as non-syntactic parts of a sentence that do not fit into any of the standard categories of word class. Frequently they are pragmatic insertions into discourse. The category includes such items as feedback cues and back-channel behavior. yes. no. uh-huh. and boo( I).

Page 43: The unified speech period of a bilingual child

English no 'vav oh my gosh oh no oops ow pooey PlYU pyuii shush uh uh huh unh uh whoa whoops yeah yuct yummy

TABLE VIII

EVAN'S INTERJECTIONS (continued)

lapanese Idiosyncratic iya lno) ne (attention getter /tag marker) ototo (oops) umm (back channel) unh (back channel)

J3

Neutral

There were very few lexical items that were completely idiosyncratic.

They were buranket (blanket/buranketto),I chim (bell sound), gokin/kokin

(nail cutting sound), hoshi (horsey), mouchu (mouse), panchu (pants), tichu

(tissue). uin uin (siren), and washi (uochi/watch). Some of these items can

be found in the tables above as there is some overlap between categories.

1 This is a word that Evan made up that he pronounced a bit differently from blanket and boracetto. It may be the only blend to be noted in this study as it comes from the English blanket and possibly from the Japanese pronunciation of that word as borancetto. Buranketto has perhaps not yet been generally borrowed into Japanese and the most common word in that language for that woolen and rectangular piece of bedding is mofo. This was an important word for Evan, as he had a security blanket much like Linus· in the popular Peanuts cartoon series. Since this blanket was so important to Evan. either he or we as a family gave the term a special pronunciation.

Page 44: The unified speech period of a bilingual child

3A

The utterance chim,· for example, is both idiosyncratic and onomatopoeitic.

Gokin/kokin comes from a Japanese language context situation. but is also

onomatopoetic. Several of these terms might be called coined baby talk.

These are hoshi (a word Evan and Ken made up), mouchu, panchu, tichu, and

\\·ashi. These words all come from English, but Evan has given them

Japanese pronunciation (and Japanese baby talk pronunciation at that!).

Surprisingly, to this author, not many immediate imitations were

recorded. Of the 7 total I recorded, S were English (71.429%) and 2

( 28.571 <;.; l were Japanese. The English imitations were shush, oh daddy, one

t\\·o. trick or treat, and shush traitor. The Japanese ones were ganban (for

gambare /give it your best shot) and kawachatta (for J;:owarecbatta I

brokenl.

Over the seven month period that Evan's speech was recorded, I

found 17 sets of cross-language synonyms that occurred in the same

monthly period or in the preceding or following monthly period in which

they were noted. Undoubtedly there are more and the ones noted are to be

found in Table IX below. In contrast to Leopold's study, Evan employed very

few cross-language synonyms within the same monthly or two month

period. There is a difference. however, between Hildegard's data and Evan's

data. Evan's data are fixed within the family while Hildegard's data includes

exchanges between a wider variety of interlocutors. The number of cross­

language synonyms is likely to be few in number in naturally occurring

conversations such as those in Evan's data. This is because in bilingual

conversation you choose which code to use and so use one or the other

lexical item to the exclusion of its synonym. Synonyms are only likely to

appear for such purposes as for clarity, for humor. for translating, for play,

Page 45: The unified speech period of a bilingual child

35

for emphasis. to teach, or to convey a nuance with one language that it is

difficult to convey in the other. These are about the only times that cross-

1anguage synonyms have a chance to be used close together in the same data

sample. Therefore I suggest that the number of synonyms is small because

they are so often not necessary or are redundant.

TABLE IX

EVAN'S CROSS-LANGUAGE SYNONYMS

J.iill.anese achichi 2:2

' ' " atsu1 _;:; a\va 2:2 basu 2:2 bu 2: 1. 2. 3. 4. 6 h h .. '2 OS 11 -:

iya 2;1, 2. 4 koko 2:2. 3. 4. 6 kore 2:0, 1, 2. 3. 4. 6 miru 2:0, 2. 3. 4 neko 2:0. 2 owari 2 5 ,_

roboto 2:4 shanpu 2;2 toto 2;0, l, 2 unma 2:0, 1, 2, 3, 4 wani 2·~ ··'

English hot 2: 1, 2, 3. 6

bubble/foam 2:2 bus 2;2, 3 car 2;2, 3. 4, 6 want 2;2, 6 no 2;0, 1. 2, 3. 4, S. 6 here 2;0, 1, 2, 3. 6 this 2:0. 1, 2. 4 look 2; 1, 3, 4, 6/see 2;3 cat 2:1 over 2;5 robot 2;4, 6 shampoo 2;2, 3 bird 2;1, 2 food/milk 2;3 crocodile 2;3

SYNTACTIC ANALYSIS

We can now turn from the lexical analysis to the syntactic analysis.

Please refer to Table X and Figures 4 and 5 below. Quite clearly, Evan did

very little mixing. Of the total utterances recorded, English with no mix

Page 46: The unified speech period of a bilingual child

.36

accounted for 58.505~. of the utterances, Japanese with no mix for 21.238%,

neutral for 17. 472%, English with mix for 0.530%, and Japanese with mix for

2.255%. This trend did not change in any of the monthly periods except 2;0

and 2;) with English with no mix being the dominant language throughout,

Japanese witJ1 no mix secondary, neutral next in number of occurrences, and

very few mixed utterances in either English or Japanese. At 2;0, there were

no mixed utterances while English with no mix, Japanese with no mix, and

neutral utterances were balanced at 33.333% each. At 2;5, English with no

mix accounted for 34.146 % of the utterances as did the neutral category.

Japanese \Vith no mix followed with 26.830% while 4.878% of the utterances

\\:ere Japanese with a mix.

Throughout the seven month period reported upon, English utterances

with no mix preponderated at 58.505%. Three examples of these utterances

include ·1 see turtle,' ·wan dis' <want this), and 'Heman over.·

Japanese with no mix accounted for 21.238 % of the total mixed

utterances. Examples of this type of utterance include · boshinomou· (hat

drink Jets= lets drink the hat), · seinto seiyo mo necbouo · (Saint Seiya

already gone to sleep=Saint Seiya has already gone to sleep), and · JJ..-u zo ·

igolemphatic)=I'm outta here!).

The next largest category were utterances with a neutral syntax.

Often these were two-word utterances in which the English and Japanese

syntactic orders were the same. This type of utterance accounted for

17.472% of the total number of multiple-utterances. Examples include · shiko

please' (urinate please), · toto gone' (birdie gone), · toto please' (birdie

please). 'airplane engine kowai ·(airplane engine scary), and 'OK Banz ut.<:lJ

Mama' (OK Evan shoot Mama).

Page 47: The unified speech period of a bilingual child

---------------------------- -----

37

When we look at the categories of English with mix and Japanese with

mix, we find that very few mixed utterances indeed were noted. English

with mix accounted for 0.530% while Japanese with mix accounted for

2.25 5?.; of the total number of mixed utterances.

Some examples of English utterances with a mix are 'I go upstairs

;un1ji' (I go upstairs 12 o'clock), 'it's rvani' (it's crocodile). and 'open bu

please· (open vehicle please). These sentences all show English word order

\\'ith the insertion of a single Japanese lexical item. In adult Japanese, they

would be .. Watasllirva;'un1jlniveniiki111asv" (I as for I 12 o'clock at up go),

.. Sore rva rvani desv" (it as for it crocodile is), and "Kvrvma o akete

J:vddasai" (car (particle] open please) respectively.

Japanese utterances with a mix included 'bus arv' (bus have=(I} have

bus), 'J;ore vin vin fire toraJ;J.·v' (this siren fire truck=this is a fire truck

with a siren). 'candy cbodai' (candy want=(!) want candy), 'Mama juice

nomv' (Mama juice drink=Mama drink juice), and 'turtle cbtVJ t cbodai'

(turtle Master want=I want the Master Teenage Mutant Ninja Turtle). All of

these utterances show Japanese syntax with the insertion of lexical items

from English.

I Note that - chan is also a diminutive and honorific term of endearment that is in a lot of cases feminine.

Page 48: The unified speech period of a bilingual child

Age

2:0 2; 1 2:2 2:3 2;4 2:5 2;6

TABLE X

LANGUAGE MIXING 2;0-2;6

Eng no mix Eng w/mix }aQ no mix n/%

48/33.333 x 33.333 392/56.471 3.529 21.176 1091148.707 x 40.517 686/60.656 0.820 24.180 490/43.750 x 37.500 60/34.146 x 26.830 426/54.315 2.538 20.812

70

VI GI CT•

60

so

:, 40 c: ~

/~\ t 30

Q..

20

10

0 . _.......,a-a-a

a..e"'9~g-c:i o E'WM o-==::::::+ 2.0 2.1 2.2 2.3 2.4 2.5 2.6

I I I I I JI

Age

}aQ w/mix

x 2.353 1.724 2.049 5.556 4.878 4.061

Figure 4. Overall Language Mixing (Line Graph). Key: ENM=English with no mix, EWM=English with mix, JNM=japanese with no mix, JWM=japanese with mix, and N=Neutral (Figures 5-12 below use the same key.)

38

Neutral

33.333 16.471 9.052 12.295 13.194 34.146 18.27 4

Page 49: The unified speech period of a bilingual child

39

70

60

50 ... )

°" ~ 40 ... c '1> (.' ~ 30 '1• Q.

20

10

0 ENM E'WM JNM J'WM N

Figure 5. Overall Language Mixing (Bar Graph) by Month 2;0-2;6.

70

60

50 l'I '1• I'>

'" 40 .... c '1• 0 lo.. 30 '11 0..

20

10

0 ENM E'WM JNM J'WM N

Figure 6. Language Mixing 2;0

Page 50: The unified speech period of a bilingual child

40

70

60

50 \~ Q.• i:;r.

'" 40 .... c: Q.• Q ~ 30 'l•

Q.

20

10

0 ENM E'w'M JNM J'w'M N

Figure 7. Language Mixing 2; 1

70

60

50 Ill

°' Cl> 40 ti)

+' c: 4• (.l ~ 30 4•

Q..

20

10

0 ENM E'w'M JNM J'w'M N

Figure 8. Language Mixing 2;2

Page 51: The unified speech period of a bilingual child

Al

70

60

50 ..... GI

~ 40 .. c 11.• (.'I I. 30 11.• a..

20

10

0 ENM E'WM JNM J'w'M N

Figure 9. Language Mixing 2;3

70

60

50 ..... Q.•

~ 40 .. c 11.• (.\ 30 I. GI

a..

20

10

0 ~mmmmrn~ ENM E'WM JNM J'w'M N

Figure 10. Language Mixing 2;4

Page 52: The unified speech period of a bilingual child

42

70

60

50 1,11 <I•

~ 40 ..... c: Qi ()

30 ~ Qi

Cl.

20

10

0 ,HHHHHEHHH

ENM E'w'M JNM J'w'M N

Figure 11. Language Mixing 2;5

70

60

50 1,11 <I• ~ 40 ..... c O.• i.) 30 I.. G•

Cl.

20

10 -olml, I !;;;;;;;;;:;;;;;;; I

ENM E'w'M JNM J'w'M N

Figure 12. Language Mixing 2;6

Page 53: The unified speech period of a bilingual child

DISCUSSION

In this project, I have tried to assume the partial mantle of a Leopold

in the sense that I have tried to adequately describe what I could observe of

the unified language period of one simultaneous bilingual child. What was

found, however, was that little evidence for a unified speech period existed

for Evan from the age of two to two and a half. This was most evident in the

syntactic analysis, which will be discussed in more depth below.

MEAN LENGTH OF UTTERANCES

There is no readily available explanation as to why the length of

Evan's utterances was shorter than those reported upon in other studies (See

Figures 1 and 2 and Table II). One possible reason might be the amount of

trauma that the family had experienced due to illness, death, or taking care

of elderly f amity members in the period just before the collecting of the data

used in this research began.

SINGLE- AND MULTIPLE WORD UTTERANCES

Next we must turn to the ratio of single- to multiple-word utterances.

Overall, despite the peaks and valleys, the number of single-word utterances

is declining while the number of multiple ones is increasing. This is not

unexpected. and a similar trend might also be found among monolingual

language learners. Also as Evan's age has increased, so has the number of

three-word utterances grown in proportion to single-word and two-word

Page 54: The unified speech period of a bilingual child

44

utterances. There are too few four-. five-. and six-word utterances in the

data to note any particular trends. It is clear then that as Evan is able to

exploit a greater amount of language, he is capable of using longer

utterances. He doesn't, however. cease to use one- and two-word utterances.

LEXICAL ANALYSIS

A type of neutral item that is interesting are those words that seem to

be chosen for their usefulness in either language. A bilingual child can pick

out a way to use things that are common to both languages, at least on the

lexical level. Some examples from Evan's speech include the following. Both

'babul' and 'bubba' were used for bubble/ baburu. 'Bo' was used for

ball/ boru. 'Choe' was used for chocolate/ chokoretto. 'Fren' was used for

friend/ fureodo while 'shau' was used for shower/ shauwa. Two of the more

interesting of this type of utterance were 'sau, · a familially idiosyncratic

term meaning the drink 7-Up from the English 'sour' and the Japanese

pronunciation ( sauwa) of that particular word and 'washi' to mean clock

from the English 'watch' and the Japanese pronunciation uochi. This type of

utterance has been considered neutral because the phonology of these terms

could come from either English or Japanese. We can't really say which

language they come from.

The child may be using an exploitation strategy that arises from using

that which is common to both languages. In using such neutral terms, the

child would be showing an awareness of differences in the two languages. I

tend to this view. On the other hand, the child may be paying no attention

whatsoever to differences in the two languages and therefore would be

Page 55: The unified speech period of a bilingual child

muddling them. Another possibility is that there is a problem with the

analysis and not with the child. What might be reflected here is simply a

researcher's inability to adequately and correctly describe strategies that

simultaneous bilingual children employ. An example of this would be the

judgements I made in regard to coding the neutral utterances.

45

The first type of strategy shows us that a two year old bilingual child

doesn't have to mix vocabularies. but rather can use neutrality for

convenience when the opportunity to be neutral arises. Of these

explanations. the first seems most attractive. Bearing this in mind, it is not

surprising that a bilingual child like Evan has a large neutral vocabulary.

The second type of strategy would be indicative of a unified speech period,

while the third case would indicate that better research design is needed.

The neutral utterances are also interesting because some of them

(babul. bubba, bo, choc. fren, shau. and washi) were originally English terms

that have been borrowed into Japanese. t They stand in contrast to the other

neutral items that are personal names (like Cubby, Mama. and Ken) and

words borrowed into Japanese from English that Evan did not change the

pronunciation of (like key, kitty, and monkey). We have, so far, looked at a

number of areas where English and Japanese are quite different

typologically as in the case of word order and honorific usage. With these

neutral items, though, we find similarities. and it is these similarities that

can lead us to ask whether two languages that have borrowed a lot from

I A case might also be made for saying that sour has been borroved into Japanese as saun.

Page 56: The unified speech period of a bilingual child

each other give bilingual children more opportunities to exploit neutral

strategies. This seems to be the case for Evan.

46

Most of Evan's onomatopoetic words seem to come from the Japanese.

This may be because Japanese seems to use a larger number of

onomatopoetic terms than English does. A much greater number of Japanese

baby talk expressions were used by Evan than English ones. This may be

due to the close personal contact that existed between Evan and his mother

who spoke Japanese to Evan more than she did English. The idiosyncratic

baby talk terms included one set where Evan gave Japanese phonology to

three English words which have all been borrowed into Japanese from

English. The three words in this set were mouchu (mouse/ mausu), panchu

(pants/ paot.f ), and tichu (tissue/ teisbu ). Mouse has been borrowed by the

Japanese because of Mickey Mouse and Macintosh computers.• Paotsu

means underpants to the Japanese. Teisbu retains the English meaning.

Baby talk is used in both languages and in both cases often takes the

forms of reduplication and phonological simplification and a high usage rate

of terms of endearment and nicknaming. Playing with words phonologically

also occurs in both languages.

An example of reduplication would be the term tete to mean 'hand' or

'give me your hand' where the adult form for hand in Japanese is simply le

In English, we reduplicate, for example, 'poo' into 'poo poo.' An example of

phonological simplification in Japanese would be the use of sbi instead of

1 By this I mean that mausu is used when speaking of Mic.key Mouse or when speaking of the computer peripheral by Japanese speakers. When speaking of the ubiquitous rodent, a Japanese term 11ezumi is employed.

Page 57: The unified speech period of a bilingual child

shiko (urination). In English and Japanese, you can find phonological

simplification and reduplication with the use of juju for 'juice.'

47

Those of us who have had very young children in our environments

are all familiar with some of the English baby talk terms of endearment such

as 'snookums' and 'wil Uittle) baby.'• In Japanese, an honorific suffix often is

used to show affection as is the case with the suffix -chan being used for

both female and male children as in Ebanchan, Banchan, and Kenchan (in

contrast to its usual feminine usage).

In Evan's case, at least ten names and nicknames for himself were

uttered. The earliest of these, in the present study, occurred at 2; 1, and may

be evidence of the ability to use Japanese honorific suffixes and the growth

of self-awareness on Evan's part. This is relevant in regards to gaining

communicative competence in Japanese and because some researchers like

Kagan ( 1981) and Vihman ( 1984) have argued for the development of self­

awareness in the latter part of the second year.

On the other hand, for some reason, Evan's interjections have mostly

come from English. I really don't have a ready explanation for this other

than to assume that since English was the dominant language in Evan's

environment he had access to more English interjections than Japanese ones.

In addition, a timing issue may be involved here. Because of the

intimate personal contact that Evan had with his mother from an early age, I

postulate that this caused him to acquire more baby talk from his mother's

dominant language, which has always been Japanese. As Evan became older.

he had more contact with his brother. father. and others in the household

I "WH' here also shows phonological simplification.

Page 58: The unified speech period of a bilingual child

48

and community. Ken's dominant language became English quite soon after

his arrival in the U.S .. my dominant language has always been English. and

the dominant household and community-at-large language is also English.

Perhaps Ken and his peers used more interjections at school than in the

other language communities and Ken passed these on to Evan. It has been

suggested that children acquire more language from their peers and siblings

than from any other source (Stewart. 1964/See below).

Some of these interjections are cross-language synonyms, yet I did not

include them in that category as they occurred in different monthly periods

and because there is some disagreement as to whether interjections are

really words or whether they should count in the MLU calculations. Brown,

for example, allows 'yeah,' but does not allow 'uh huh.' Some of these cross­

language interjection synonyms include ow/ itai and whoops/ ototo.

As mentioned previously, there were very few terms found that were

completely idiosyncratic. This says something about the power of languages

to ingrain themselves in children's minds or, rather, about the innate human

capacity to acquire one or more languages.

Grosjean ( 1982) has claimed that blends and compounds used by

simultaneous bilingual children are evidence of what is to be expected in

Volterra and Taeschner's first stage in that they reflect a single language

system. By blends he means what a two year old English-French bilingual

child Juliette did when she combined the English word 'pickle' with the

French word 'cornichon' to produce 'pinichon.' Juliette also gave him an

example of a compound when she would point to the moon and say 'moon­

lune.'

Page 59: The unified speech period of a bilingual child

49

No blends are to be found in the period from 2:0 to 2:6. I Three

possible compounds to be found in the data, such as moon/lune, were Evan's

use of bub us, bucar, and .bu motorcycle. Bu has meant any kind of vehicle

for Evan and has been an often used and important word for him. Evan once

uttered 'boot-shoes,' but this appears not to be a true blend in Grosjean's

sense because the words come from the same language. That, however,

might not be important here as Japanese has borrowed 'shoes' as sbuzu and

'boot· as butsu. The above are all that I was able to identify so far in the

data. The analysis. though, is continuing.

Fantini ( 1985) has suggested that immediate imitations require no

knowledge of underlying syntactic rules, so I thought it proper to see if Evan

would do a lot of immediate imitation. If so, this could perhaps be evidence

of a syntactically-confused unified speech period. There turned out to be a

paucity of immediate imitations in the data. Admittedly, a large part of

language acquisition involves imitation on some level. A large part of

language acquisition must be connected to imitation, but that is not

necessarily the same thing as immediate repetition.

In this study, though, there arose only seven occasions when Evan was

clearly immediately imitating. One was an imitation of his brother Ken and a

friend saying 'shush' and 'shush traitor' to each other. Another was imitating

a song on TV, with Fleetwood Mac crooning "Oh, daddy ... " Another time he

imitated his mother counting with a 'one, two.' At Halloween time, when

I An exception to this might be the 'buranket' that I mentioned earlier. It must be remembered, though, that this vas an idiosyncratic term.

Page 60: The unified speech period of a bilingual child

trick-or-treating, there was an imitation of his brother calling out 'trick or

treat!' This term soon became internalized on that All Hallows Eve.

s.o

The two Japanese immediate imitations were attempts to say the

words that his mother was overtly trying to teach him. They were 'ganban'

for g:iJJlJ3re (give it your best shot) and 'kawachatta' for J;owareclliltta

meaning broken. Certainly Evan did more immediate imitating in the period

reported upon here. but these are the only examples to be found in the data.

I reiterate these imitations to show the contexts in which they

occurred. The imitations of his brother and friend at play may have

indicated Evan's desire to play with his peers. At least in the case of trick­

or-treating, I think that it is accurate to say that Evan's immediate

communicative purpose was to receive candy and this goal could be

accomplished by doing what the other children around him were doing. In

the case of imitating his mother. this would not be at odds with Grice's

I l 975) notion of obeying a cooperative principle in conversation. By this I

mean that Evan was attempting to comply with his mother's desire that he

repeat the words she was eliciting. The imitation of the Fleetwood Mac song

may have just been a way for Evan to enjoy himself musically. It seems

here that Evan draws from whatever linguistic sources he has available.

\Vhether from two internalized lexicons or from the linguistic environment.

Although a number of conclusions can be drawn, what is perhaps

important to note is that although we can not say with any certainty that

Evan exploited words because of their neutrality, the possibilty of his doing

so existed. In addition, onomatopoetic terms seem to have come primarily

from Japanese; possibly because Japanese uses onomatopoeia more than

English does. Baby talk from both languages was used, though Japanese

Page 61: The unified speech period of a bilingual child

'5f

preponderated, This was quite possibly due to the fact that Evan got more

baby talk input from his mother speaking to him in Japanese. English

interjections preponderated over Japanese ones and the reason for this may

have been that English was the dominant language in Evan's environment

from 2;0 to 2;6. Completely idiosyncratic terms were few in number and not

many blends or compounds were to be found, thus it is fair to conclude that

neither of the two latter categories were especially important in Evan's

lexicon, though previous studies have suggested that this would be the case.

SYNTACTIC ANALYSIS

We can now turn to the area of syntactic analysis, and this is where

we may note something of significance vis-a-vis the so-called unified speech

period. Contrary to some earlier studies mentioned above, in Evan's case we

can find virtually no evidence of repeated mixing as in every monthly period

observed there were very few, if any, utterances recorded that could fall

into the code-mixing categories of English with mix and Japanese with mix

while a fair number of neutral utterances (i.e., those utterances which we

could not say belonged to either English or Japanese syntax) were uttered.

Evan seems to have already clearly separated the two languages into

separate systems at the age of two since, as will be discussed below, mixed

utterances are not clear evidence of a unified language.

Before turning to this issue, it is important to ask two questions. One

query asks why the neutral utterances exist at all. The answers to this

question, as regards syntax, are very similar to the answers to the same

question when applied to lexicon. The bilingual child might be using a

'1

Page 62: The unified speech period of a bilingual child

52

neutral exploitation strategy (suggesting an awareness of two languages),

may be paying no attention to language differentation (suggesting

unawareness of two languages), or it may be the case that this study is not

comprehensive enough to adequately describe the language of the period in

question. I suspect the first answer is at work, though one can not say so

with any great certainty.

The next important question to ask is what will happen to these

neutral utterances as Evan's mastery of the two syntaxes grows. It can be

expected that the number of this type of utterance will fall as Evan speaks

longer and longer sentences in both English and Japanese. Syntactic

restraints will probably cause this to a large extent.

As Evan evidenced so code-mixing, the data in this research project

stand in direct opposition to the claim that bilingual infants go through an

initial mixed language period until about three years of age. If Evan had

been going through a unified speech period, we would expect to find a large

number of English and Japanese utterances with code-mixes in them. In

fact, very few code-mixed utterances were noted in either English or

Japanese; yet a considerable number of what have to be termed neutral

utterances did exist. Neutral utterances may themselves be caused by a

bilingual child's ability and/or desire to exploit them in communicative

strategies when the options arise. This, of course, is related to the ability of

the human being to switch codes. as well as to acquire language and also to

circumstances related to the sociolinguistic environment that people find

themselves in.

In a unified speech period as described in the literature. we also

could expect to find a large number of cross-language synonyms. Here again,

Page 63: The unified speech period of a bilingual child

·'53

a large number were not noted; but again we have to remember that a

considerable number of neutral lexical items did exist. Perhaps cross­

language synonyms were not needed very much because of the availability

of neutral items. This availability of neutral items in Evan's case might have

been greater because Japanese has borrowed so heavily from English.'

Meisel ( 1989) would argue that language learners would not be able

to mix if the learner did not know there were two languages and that there

is no way to tell the difference between code-switching and a unified speech

period \\'hen the same data are used as evidence of both. He calls the claim

that bilingual children use only one lexicon initially as a controversial one

and the claim that there is a phase characterized by a single syntactic system

underlying performance in both languages as an even more controversial

one.

Based upon the data from Evan, I have to agree with Meisel that

children have the ability to distinguish separate codes from an early age. By

two years of age, it was clear that he had made a distinct separation between

some of the many codes of English and Japanese.

Meisel further noted that in the Volterra and Taeschner ( 1978) study

that argues for a three-stage unified period, the second stage in which a

single syntactic system is used, only one of the children (Lisa) used

constructions that could lead to this conclusion. He further interprets the

Redlinger and Park ( 1980) study as failing to offer good support in favor of

an initial unified speech period when they admit that various linguistic and

sociolinguistic factors influenced the degree of mixing. The one boy in their

I To a much lesser extent, English has also borrowed from Japanese.

Page 64: The unified speech period of a bilingual child

54

study who used practically no mixed utterances (Marc) was also a child for

whom the two languages were clearly separated. His family used the well­

known "one person-one language" strategy (Ronjat, 1913), in which the

mother spoke only French with the boy and the father only spoke German.

This is different from a code-switching family like Evan's. The lack of code­

S\\citching in Marc's family or the imposition of any one language-one

interlocutor dictum may not be important factors in a bilingual child's (or

most children's, for that matter) ability to acquire and to use one or more

languages, registers. dialects. et cetera.

Meisel's research leads him to believe the kind of empirical evidence

that is necessary to demonstrate instances of syntactic mixing or

differentation between two syntactic systems needs to come from languages

in which the grammar or aspects of the grammar of the two adult target

systems differ. Rather than looking for evidence in support of a single

system. Meisel suggests that we look for evidence in favor of the notion that

bilinguals do indeed differentiate two grammatical systems from an early

age and that we should, in fact, ask a more basic question as to when in

language development we may assume that a child is able to use syntactic

modes of language processing. For Meisel, it is only possible to speak of

syntactic rules in a unified speech period if a child is able to ref er to a

syntactic mode of processing. This follows from a belief that both

monolinguals and bilinguals begin with a language processing mode that

foJlows general pragmatic principles rather than more specific grammatical

ones. Most researchers who have embraced the single-system hypothesis

assume that once a child has begun to use a syntactic mode of language

Page 65: The unified speech period of a bilingual child

processing, that child will initially only develop one syntax by which both

languages are processed. Meisel puts it this way:

If one can show that a bilingual child uses different grammatical means for expressing the same or similar semantic­pragmatic functions in both languages, this not only indicates that s/he is indeed differentiating the two grammatical systems, but also constitutes what I believe to be the clearest evidence that one can and, indeed, must attribute to the child---the ability to use the gn10101:tt1c/l./ mode. (Meisel. 1989: 21)

55

Meisel later concludes that "bilingual children use different word order

sequences in both languages as soon as they begin to produce multi-word

utterances" (Meisel. 1989: 28) and this, therefore, provides strong evidence

against a unified apeech period. If children use two languages. then they

must have them separated. This seems to have been the case with Evan.

It must be remembered that bilingual families and people have access

to at least one more code than monolinguals do. Thus they have the ability

to switch more codes. This may be done for clarity, for humor. for

translating, for play, for emphasis. to teach. or to convey a nuance. et cetera

with one language that it is difficult to convey in the other. Within a single

code. such as English. people have the ability to switch registers and this also

may be seen as an example of the human ability to acquire one or more

languages either simultaneously or successively.

LANGUAGE CONTEXTS

Evan was born in japan on May 26, 1987, and was separated from his

mother for about the first two weeks of his life due to medical complications

Page 66: The unified speech period of a bilingual child

-5,

that arose. Arter being discharged from the hospital, Evan resided with his

mother, brother, and father for nine months in Japan. Most of his language

input at this time was from Japanese as he was with his mother and her

relatives most of the time. though there was some English input as the

family code-switched or when English speakers were visiting the family.

At the age of ten months, the family moved to the United States and

this caused a change in the language input. Evan now was living in an

English speaUng household in which most interlocutors spoke English. The

mother continued to provide a lot of Japanese input as did the brother and

father when they switched codes or when Japanese speaking friends visited.

Other inputs, all in English, came from Evan's paternal grandmother, an aunt,

a cousin. and housekeepers, nurses, or various tradespeople. From 0; 10

through 2;6, Evan and his family went through various traumas due to the

need to care for the elderly, prolonged illness. and death in the family.

While living in the extended family situation. there was some pressure from

the monolingual English speakers for the bilingual family to speak only

English.

At 2;7, the family visited Japan and stayed with the maternal

grandparents for a three week period. During this time, the language input

was almost entirely Japanese from relatives and friends too numerous to list

here. Surprisingly enough, during this period Evan tended to use English

more than was previously noted. I suspect that the reason for this might

have been a kind of showing off or perhaps an attempt to get the Japanese

interlocutors to switch codes.

At 2;8, the nuclear family returned to the United States and moved to

a different domicile where they freely switched codes again. Both of the

Page 67: The unified speech period of a bilingual child

57

brothers are now learning their iwo languages simultaneously and in a non­

traumatic way as did Grosjean's ( 1982) Ingrid (though the family does not

employ the one person-one language strategy that Grosjean·s did). The

brothers \\'ere also able to do this while living in Japan.

This discussion of the family's language contexts is important as it tells

us about our family's code-switches. This code-switching exposes Evan to

the fact that the interlocutors in his environment can and frequently do

S\\'itch codes. While we might be tempted to think that exposure to code­

S\\·itching would lead to confusion on the part of the child in Evan's case

there is e\·idence that he simply exploited the code-switching option as

easily as he could. An example of this occurred after Evan was watching a

children's television cartoon show that featured a character named Heman

on the third floor of our house. After the end of the show. he went to the

second floor where his brother and mother (code-switchers) were and said

'Heman orvari" meaning "Heman is over." He then went to the first floor and

approached his aunt and her nurse (both monolingual English speakers) and

said "Heman over." This was at 2;5.

MAINTENANCE OF LINGVISTIC DIVERSITY

Linguistic environments must play an important role in attaining a

bilingual condition. Children of bicultural marriages are the children most

likely to be exposed to different languages and cultural environments;

though not all children of such marriages actually receive such exposure

(Yamamoto. 1987). In cases where a linguistic minority group is large

enough, it is quite likely that a stable and supportive community can be

Page 68: The unified speech period of a bilingual child

58

established that allows frequent interactions in which linguistic and cultural

heritages can be maintained and transmitted. The community might build

national schools le.g., the Canadian Academy in Kobe, japan) or establish

Saturday schools (e.g., the Portland Japanese School in Portland, Oregon) for

its children and/or organize social activities to foster transmissions of the

above heritages. On the other hand, this degree of exposure may be difficult

to attain indeed if the minority group population is very small or scattered

geographically within the host country. In such cases individual endeavor is

very important to those parents wishing to transmit the minority heritage

i.Yamamoto, 1987).

In such environments where linguistic and cultural support is difficult

to attain, a goodly number of foreign parents are frustrated when they find

their children speaking exclusively the language of the host country---even

in cases where the parents themselves make considerable efforts towards

exposing their children to other languages. This problem often rears its head

around the time that children start school life and peer pressure becomes of,

perhaps, prime concern to them, i.e., the bilingual children. At this point the

tendency to speak the language of majority society becomes very

conspicuous. Some cases have been reported of children in mixed marriages

demanding that minority-language parents not address them in the minority

language in front of their friends (Saunders, 1982). This has happened on

only a few occasions in our family. Perhaps a reason for this not happening

very often is that we are a code-switching family.

On the other hand, some families achieve success in raising children to

be bilingual/bicultural. We need to find out what makes the differences

bet\\'een the two types of families if we wish to promote this dynamic

Page 69: The unified speech period of a bilingual child

condition of bilingualism/biculturalism. One way we can begin further

investigation is to look at the linguistic environments of bicultural families

and then to perform discourse analysis on those environments as has been

done to a certain extent in this project.

Surveys performed upon bicultural families separately by Saunders

_59 .

( 1982) and Yamamoto ( 1985) indicated that in cases where children

successfully became bilingual, there was some influence by: 1) the language

used by the native-(speaking) parents in addressing their children; 2) the

linguistic interaction pattern between siblings; and 3) the language of

instruction at school. Factors which seemed to have the least significance

were: 1) the language used by the native Japanese (-speaking) parents in

addressing their children; 2) the linguistic interaction pattern between the

English-speaking parent and the Japanese (-speaking) parent; 3) the parents'

degree of bilingual competence; and 4) the amount of experience living

abroad (Yamamoto, 1987).

In eleven successful cases of bilingualism that Yamamoto ( 1987)

identified, the English-speaking parent always addressed the child in English.

For her, this seems to be the very first and most basic condition for raising

bilingual children successfully, i.e., to address the child solely in their native

languages. Skutnabb-Kangas made the same observation (Skutnabb-Kangas,

1981 ). This was predicted by Kielhofer and Jonekeit ( 1983: 16 & in Dopke,

1986: 495). We can't, however, accept that condition of only addressing

one's child in one's native language as a necessary or sufficient condition for

creating or fostering a bilingual environment---especially when based upon

a small sampling of subjects. Siblings and schools enter the picture

(Saunders. 1982; Skutnabb-Kangus, 1981; & Yamamoto.1987). Studies

Page 70: The unified speech period of a bilingual child

60

performed upon Black English communities by Stewart ( 1964) in

Washington, D.C. suggested that " ... children learn more language behavior

from members of their own peer group than from their parents" (cited in

Dale, 1976: 281 ). Interacting in a mutually-shared linguistic domain, siblings

may have an equal importance, more or less, as peer group members have

on children's language.

Siblings are perhaps less intentional in their behavior than parents are

and their concerns are sometimes apt to be more communicative than

anything else when interacting with each other. They aren't trying to teach

a language; they are communicating. This may be a good thing. The

minority-language interaction between siblings may serve as a creator or

spur of linguistic and cultural competence while the minority-language

parent acts as an informant. School language and school activities must also

play important roles on the scale of dynamic bilingualism.

On the surface, at least, it seems that parents of different linguistic

backgrounds should be able to raise bilingual children naturally in some

easy manner. At least the process shouldn't be painful, as it seems to be in

some families. In reality something else seems to be at work. I would like

to quote Yamamoto here:

In order to raise bilingual children successfully, it must be remembered that bilingualism is a dynamic condition, not a static attribute. It is important to keep supplying as much bilingual stimulation to the children as possible. If society cannot offer a bilingual environment, this requirement is placed onto the parents' shoulders. However, it is not possible for the parents to provide every single possible linguistic condition. In

Page 71: The unified speech period of a bilingual child

that case what should and can be done is to maximize the opportunities to supply the most influential inputs. (Yamamoto, 1987: 20-23)

Code-switching families will foster code-switching in their children.

61

This is a different conclusion than Yamamoto has reached in earlier

discussion. It is perhaps the case that a code-switching bilingual family will

perpetuate some code-mixed utterances in their children; yet I doubt that

this will remain the case for very long. Rather, I feel, this type of family will

perpetuate a condition in which their children will learn two separate codes

and code-switching strategies at an early age.

Page 72: The unified speech period of a bilingual child

CONCLUSIONS, RECOMMENDATIONS. AND SUMMARY

Based upon the data in this project, we can say that in Evan's case

very little language mixing was done and there exists virtually no evidence

for support of an initial unified language period. Rather, it looks as if Evan

separated English and Japanese into two separate syntactic systems at a

quite early age. In addition to this competence, Evan also has various code­

switching strategies at his disposal and two separate lexicons for English and

Japanese. There also seems to be evidence of a neutral lexicon and possible

employment of neutrality strategies syntactically, though the neutral lexicon

is probably becoming smaller and the neutral syntax strategies will probably

decrease in number as the child learns the more complex grammatical rules

in each language. The syntactic differences in the two languages may, in

fact, cause these strategies to disappear in time as syntactic knowledge on

the part of the child in both languages becomes more complex. Neutral

strategies may be employed because they are more versatile than utterances

from either language.

This study did not address the psycholinguistic or neurolinguistic

factors involved in the physiological storage of these lexicons, strategies, and

syntaxes. This then, obviously, is an area that calls for further research.

Other areas for research suggest themselves. One such study might

examine the role of playfulness or mimetics in Japanese and how they are

connected to onomatopoeia in that language. In Evan's case, it might be

asked to what extent does he play with language and to what extent does he

Page 73: The unified speech period of a bilingual child

63

employ onomatopoetic expressions from Japanese. Further discourse

analysis could be performed to see what makes a child like Evan switch

codes in terms of to whom and for what purposes. When, also, does such a

child switch and in what language contexts? What strategies do they employ

with monolinguals or other code-switchers?

More ethnographic studies occurring in naturalistic settings, such as

this one. are also called for as there are not, as yet, a lot of studies that have

been performed and reported in the literature. Hopefully, this study of

Evan's language development will continue in future months: perhaps such a

study will give us even more data to be used in investigating what really is

going on in the mind and the language development of young simultaneous

bilingual children.

Page 74: The unified speech period of a bilingual child

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Arnberg, L. 1987. Raising Children Bilingullfly: The Pre-school Years. Multilingual Matters, Ltd. Avon.

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Bergman, C. 1976. Interference vs. independant development in infant bilingualism. In Bilingualism in the bicentennial and /Jeyond, ed. G. Keller, R. Taeschner, and S. Vierra. Bilingual Press/Editorial Bilingue. New York.

Bloomfield, L. 1933. Language. Holt, Reinhard & Winston. New York.

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Hakuta, K. 1986. The Mirror of L1111gauge: The .Debate on Bilingullfism. Basic Books. New York.

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Redlinger, W. & T. Park. 1980. Language mixing in young bilinguals. journlll of Child Language 7.

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Page 77: The unified speech period of a bilingual child

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Page 108: The unified speech period of a bilingual child

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Page 109: The unified speech period of a bilingual child

APPENDIX C

RCLES FOR CALCULATING MEAN LENGTH OF UTTERANCE AND UPPER BOUND

Source: .4 Fkst Language, R. Brown, 1973, Harvard University Press, p. 54.

Page 110: The unified speech period of a bilingual child

100

1. Start with the second page of the transcription unless that page involves a

recitation of some kind. In this latter case start with the first recitation-free

stretch. Count the first 100 utterances satisfying the following rules.

2. Only fully transcribed utterances are used: none with blanks. Portions of

utterances. entered in parentheses to indicate doubtful transcription, are

used.

3. Indicate all exact utterance repititions (marked with a plus sign in the

records~. Stuttering is marked as repeated efforts at a single word; count the

word once in the most complete form produced. In the few cases where a

word is produced for emphasis or the like (no, no, no) count each

occurrence.

4. Do not count such fillers as 0101 or o.b, but do count no. yeah, and .bi.

) All compound words ( two or more free morphemes), proper names, and

ritualized reduplications count as single words. Examples: birtbday,

ra<.."·.J.-e~v-boom, ""'.boo-c.boo, quacJ •. ·-quac.A·, nig.ht-nig.bt, poc1·etboo.k, see saTV·.

Justification is that there is no evidence that the constituent morphemes

function as such for these children.

6. Count as one morpheme all irregular pasts of the verb (got, did, went,

saw J. justification is that there is no evidence that the child relates these to

present forms.

7. Count as one morpheme all diminutives ( doggie, 0100101ie) because these

children at least do not seem to use the suffix productively. Diminutives are

the standard form used by the child.

8. Count as separate morphemes all auxiliaries (i~ . .bave, w1JJ. can, must,

would). Also all catenatives: gonna, wanna, .bafta. These latter counted as

separate morphemes rather than as going to or want to because evidence is

that they function so for the children. Count as separate morphemes all

Page 111: The unified speech period of a bilingual child

101

inflections. for example, possessive (s), plural (s), third person singular (s),

regular past (d), progressive {i~).

9. The range count follows the above rules but is always calculated for the

total transcription rather than for 100 utterances.