the socialization of variety show tarento on japanese television

7/29/2019 The Socialization of Variety Show Tarento on Japanese Television

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The Socialization of Variety Show Tarento on Japanese Television

Gavin K. Furukawa

University of Hawaii, Mnoa


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Introduction

Many linguists and discourse analysts often use data from television programs for their

analyses. Certainly, televised data is easy to obtain and its very nature gives a variety of benefits

for the analyst. Dramas in particular have been drawn upon in previous linguistic research based

on the ideas that dialog found in this genre are either part of a legitimate speech event involving

a large segment of the culture (Maynard, 2001; 2007), or are representative of larger language

ideologies and therefore a conduit through which such macro discourses are reproduced in

society (Barke, 2010; Lee, 2008). News and talk programs have also proved to be a popular

source of data for discourse analysts (Clayman & Heritage, 2002; Hutchby, 2006). By examining

the genre of the news interview, conversation analysts have explored tools used by interviewers

and interviewees for managing their roles in interaction (Clayman, 2010). Similarly, by

examining the talk program format, discourse analysts have shown the variety of linguistic

resources people use to invoke various frames of talk (Guillot, 2008; Ilie, 2001), and discovered

key differences between genres as far as how interviewing is accomplished (Thornborrow, 2007).

Other discourse analysts have used televised data as a means of examining larger social issues

relating to gender (Tanaka, 2004), or issues of power and social justice (Fairclough, 1995; Jalbert,

1999). Despite the wide range of studies that have been done on televised discourse, few studies

have examined data from variety shows.

Although the popularity of the variety format has waned in the United States, this genre

enjoys a healthy popularity in many Asian countries. In particular, Japan has a large number of

these variety shows which then get repackaged and consumed by other countries through the

internet or through the creation of new shows that draw upon key elements from this genre. Data

from this genre can also be used, like the studies mentioned above to gain key insights into


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language use and social interaction. By examining data from a Japanese variety show, this paper

will show how certain Japanese variety programs are excellent environments for studying social

interaction because of their overall structures or frames. I will also show how these frames are

used as resources by experts and novices to accomplish language socialization.

As developed by Ochs and Schieffelin (1984), language socialization can occur in two

basic ways. There is socialization into language where novices are taught how to use language

through regular routines with experts. There is also socialization through language where

language is used with routine activities to aid novices in becoming full members of society. As a

lifelong process (Duff, 1995), socialization never really stops. In particular, workplace studies

can emphasize the lifelong aspect. Despite the strong potential gains through this type of

research, workplace studies of language socialization are few in number (Roberts, 2010). By

examining new cast members socialization on Japanese variety shows, my study will hopefully

aid in answering this need.

The term variety show can reference many different types of shows that air at many time

slots during the day. Earlier research has looked at two distinct types of Japanese variety shows.

The first type, seems to be bound, often by its own title, to a specific subject matter. For example

television shows likeBerabera Station orEigo de Shaberanaito by their very title limit the

contents to relating to speech or language (Moody, 2006). Similarly, shows likeKoko ga Hen da

yo Nihinjin orNodo Jiman must focus on the perceptions ofgaijin living in Japan (Iwabuchi,

2005) or on singing (Hosokawa, 2010) to make any sense. To change the content beyond this

focus would create a schism between the title and the show itself. The second type of variety

show is much more difficult to categorize. We might call these open-formatvariety shows. These

are shows that feature a variety of segments ranging from skits orshooto konto, musical


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performances, practical jokes, talk segments and so forth. Darling-Wolf (2004) gives an example

of this in her analysis of media featuring the popular idol group SMAP. She describes their

popular, long-running variety program SMAP X SMAP as featuring a mixture of contests, skits

and singing (p. 358). Similarly, when Painter (1993) looks at the daytime variety show Waratte ii

tomo, he describes the show as a hodgepodge of skits, quizzes, monologues, dialogues, and

performances (p. 301). Just from looking at these two examples we can see that the open-format

variety as a genre is a study in mixtures and blending. Furthermore, by examining a typical

variety show interaction we can see that these different elements are also frequently combined

together.

Example 1

VS Arashi 12/1/2011

01 OS: ore, kitsui na: to omotte

02 UR: NANde, sore jibun ga hakanai nara ore ga

03 haite kuru yo ja::

04 jm: kore wa . . .

05 AM: O? [ O?

06 MJ: [O? O?

07 MM: sore ** ore mo yaru yo ((raises right hand))

08 HK: sore dattara ore mo yaru ((steps forward and raises hand))09 O: iya ore ** yaru ((raises hand and steps forward))

10 UR: ee, ee ((faces KU and HT and throws down hat))

11 YATTE KURE YO:!

12 KU: [((laughs and covers face))

13 HT: [((laughs))

14 Au: [((laughs))

15 MM: shiranai, shiranai kara

16 jm: (wakai kara neta) shiranai kara

As can be seen in the above extract from the variety show VS Arashi, after O gives a reason for

wearing the garish pants that he currently has on, UR (Ueshima Ryuuhei of the comedy trio

Dachou Kurabu) uses this as an opportunity to launch into a well known skit in everyone else

volunteers to do something and when UR volunteers at the end after everyone else has already

offered the skit ends with the punchline of everyone else telling UR doozo doozo doozo. After


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UR says in lines 2 through 3 that he would wear the pants, thejimaku calling attention to the

possible invocation of a skit frame is offered to the home viewing audience in line 4. Two other

Arashi members orient to the possible reframe as well in lines 5 and 6. Three other guests begin

the skit by offering to wear the pants in lines 7-9, leaving only two other guests who have not

joined in to the skit, KU and HT. Their failure to join in the completion of the well-known skit is

held accountable by UR, the initiator of the sequence and technical owner of the skit in lines 10

and 11. The overlapping laughter in lines 12-14 shows that KU, HT and the audience orient their

failure to complete the sequence and to the URs apparent distress. MM who helped to invoke

the skit frame in line 7 offers an excuse for KU and HT in line 15 which the production staff

rephrases for the home viewing audience throughjimaku in line 16 which sites the youth of KU

and HT as the reason for them ultimately not taking their parts in the skit performance.

As this short extract shows, two young actors, KU & HT are constructed by the shows

producers and the other guests as not having completed their socialization. It should also be

noted that although UR is a comedian all of the other participants in extract 1 are actors oraidoru.

Despite this, MM (a popularaidoru himself) finds the failure to perform the comedic skit as

needed an account, which as stated earlier was given in line 15. Similar to extract 1, most variety

shows are based around the goal of being funny even when the cast members may not be

considered to be comedians by the average viewer.

Similar situations can be found in many variety shows because the format requires those

who are not comedians (geinin) to still perform owarai. This makes a situation where non-geinin

employed as cast members or guests on variety shows must on many occasions become

socialized into the owarai practice. Professional comedians by their chosen professions become

default experts whereas non-owaraigeinoujin become novices and ippanjin or average people


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who would typically be found more in the audience than on stage may be seen as ber-novices

being outside the largergeinoujin group (see figure 1).

Figure 1geinoujin in relation to ippanjin

Given this as a premise, finding a situation where ippanjin and other non-geiningeinoujin

become cast members on an open-format variety show presents an ideal situation for examining

the types of resources are used in adult language socialization. Given that this socialization

occurs within the public eye, on television, and is meant to be there, this type of data would

avoid any observers paradox issues and still be naturally occurring in nature. Such an event

occurred in Japan during Fall 2010. Before going into a detailed description of the data, I will

explain the tools used in my analysis.

Method

As many people have said to me on different occasions, televised data is difficult to

analyze. I believe that this difficulty can be turned into a strength by using what is unique to

televised data to tease apart the various levels of activity that are occurring. Perhaps the ideal

device for doing this is the concept offraming. Furthermore, the types of frames which are

unique to the open-format variety shows must also be explained.

FrameTheory

geinoujin

aidoru

geinin

ippanjin


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As first introduced by Bateson (1972), framing was a psychological concept to explain

how signals get exchanged in communicative interaction that allow the participants to agree on

the level of abstraction at which any message is int ended (Tannen, 1993, pp. 18-19). This

allows people in a given situation to give context to a set of actions or words. One such example

of this might be a frame of sarcasm which allows us to attach an opposite meaning to whatever

words might be uttered in this framework. Tannen (1993) compares frames to other concepts

such as schema, scripts, categorization, organized settings, and modules (pp. 15-16). Viewed in

this way, framing is a powerful tool in use, relevance, and flexibility to a multitude of situations.

DeLens (2011) research on the Zinacantek Mayans shows how framing can be used to

inform Language Socialization research. Using Clarks (1996) interpretation of Goffmans

(1974) participation frameworks that expand our understanding of conversation beyond the

simple dyadic level, DeLen works with frames in the physical sense by examining the body

positions of children and their caregivers while also looking at the discourse level that examines

the role of the overhearer/observer in Language Socialization.

Another type of frame analysis is Ensink (2003), who notes how framing can be both

cognitive and social. In one sense, a frame can be a thought pattern that peoples behaviors align

to and are created by, perhaps closes to Batesons original idea. However, a frame can be seen as

social patterns or ways of arranging the world that that exist on many levels from the physical to

the ideological which speakers use to establish understanding in their talk. One example of

cognitive framing can be seen in the concept of intertextuality. Ensink provides a cognitive

example, that reveals the multi-layered meanings in the German phrase sudden death that was

used in an advertising campaign. The German company Bayer, tried to advertise an insecticide in

Guatamala using the German phrase sudden death with the idea that this would trigger two


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indexicalities for consumers: 1) relate to theidea of what an insecticide does, i.e. killing insects

quickly, and 2) the fact that the German soccer team had won the world championship the same

year as the advertising campaign through sudden death. The campaign had an unfortunate side-

effect because the phrase also evoked for many people the memory of the holocaust. The images

associated with the phrase sudden death changed due to which cognitive frame is invoked by

the recipient, a soccer championship or the horrors of concentration camps in World War II.

Ensink (2003) illustrates the social type framing similar to Goodwin (2007) by analyzing parent-

child interaction. For my analysis I will also look at various types of cognitive and social frames

and will add to them the idea of cultural frames given the well-established, institutional nature of

Japanese comedy (Inoue, 1981).

Another essential variant to the basic theory of frames that I will be examining are

embedded frames. Goffman (1974) explains the notion of embedded frames by looking at

narratives (pp. 505-506). According to Goffman, embedded frames are often confusing because

of their complex nature. Televised data is by their nature a series embedded frames. When a

program is watched in a living room, the broadcast is shown in the frame of the television set.

Within the picture shown on the set, other frames such as what occurs in the television studio or

what is added by the producers in the form of visuals and sound effects are also made visible for

the viewing audience.

Frames in Variety Shows

Key to understanding the Language Socialization process in variety shows is the

understanding of some basic genres used by these programs for their basic purpose of

entertaining the audience. Two such genres are that of the konto and the dokkiri.


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As mentioned earlier, the konto/shootokonto/skit is a basic element found in many

variety shows. Coming from the tradition of ritual manzai, the modern Japanese konto often

features two types of characters, a boke or buffoonish character who amuses through foolishness

and a tsukkomi who makes sharp jibes (Inoue, 1981). The existence of the konto frame makes it

arguably difficult for many to analyze Japanese comedy data, however it is possible that this

frame can be used to aid in the analysis of interaction. It is important to remember that the

creation or invocation of a konto frame in interaction is often the creation of a falsehood within

reality. A skit performed on stage is the performance of the story (falsehood) by actors at work

(reality). By remembering this, it is possible to see that when there is a created or scripted story

at work in the variety show there is also at the same time a layer of reality in which the

interactions are contextually bound but not scripted in existence at the same time.

In addition to the konto frame, another key frame in the open-format variety is often the

dokkiri. The dokkiri or practical joke is frequently seen as difficult to analyze because it involves

a victim who is typically unaware of what is occurring or about to occur and helpers or

instigators who are completely aware and perhaps involved in the planning. Key to the dokkiri

frame is some form ofijime oritazura (teasing or torture). Common dokkiri might involve an

announcer or host serving as helper/instigator breaking into a celebritys hotel room at 4 or 5 in

the morning with a camera crew in order to catch the celebrity victim asleep or just awakened

with no make-up and messy hair. Formal dokkiri may even involve the very direct statement

either verbally or on a sign saying dokkiri daiseikou (completely successful dokkiri). The dokkiri

frame may be analyzed easier by seeing it as the opposite of the konto. Where the konto is

falsehood created in reality, the dokkiri is a level of reality within falsehood. The construct of the

dokkiri involving the helpers and investigators can be completely false because the set up may


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require the pretense that nothing unusual is occurring. At the same time, the reaction of the

victim who is unaware may be quite real. When a dokkiri is occurring, if the analyst remembers

that there is an inner reality within a pretend exterior it can help to distinguish what interactions

must be focused on. For the purposes of researching the language socialization of new cast

members on a variety show, it is important to focus on the real aspects and not to be misled by

the constructed pretenses of both the dokkiri and konto frames.

Data

The television programMechamechaIketeru! (often shortened toMechaike)has been a

popular program airing on Saturday nights during primetime. From its start in 1996 until last

year, the show had the exact same cast with the exception of one comedian who was forced to

quit show business due to scandal in 2006. In the September of 2010 it was announced that since

one of the shows stars, Okamura Takeshi, was on medical leave for an unknown length of time

that the show would hold auditions to hire a new cast member. Throughout September of that

year, auditions were held in both the Kanto and Kansai regions. An enormous amount of people,

comedians, singers, actors, and average citizens auditioned for the show. In the end, the show

decided to hire seven people from the auditions, four comedians, a male model, a female tarento,

and a young male ippanjin nicknamed San-chan. The inclusion of San-chan, an ippanjin, makes

Mechaike an ideal source of data to examine language socialization as a lifelong process as he

goes from a clearly outside individual to the category ofgeinoujin as seen in Figure 1.

Furthermore, given the earlier assertion that regardless of category, all people on variety shows

are often expected to do owarai it may also be possible to argue that he is shifting two levels

simultaneously from ippanjin togeinoujin and then togeinin.

Extract 2Mechaike 11/20/2011

429 YH: ugokunnayo.


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430 SM: ((breathes fast and makes a strange face))

431 MY: ki o tsuke [ki o tsuke

432 ?: [ki o tsuke

433 ((KH & YH laugh, YH claps hands))

434 O: ((lowers hand and starts to laugh))

435 jm: Sanchan ni hen na suichi hairimashita.

436 YH: ((grabs SMs arm))437 ((KK and other cast members move to look at SM))

438 KK: sugoi suttemashita.

439 SM: ((breathes and flinches staring at O))

440 MY: doozo!

441 O: ((lowers hand and laughs))

442 YH: ((laughs and claps))

443 HM: DOOzo!

444 YH: IKU YO.

445 ?: uwa:: A::.

446 SM: ((breathes faster, stares at Os hand))

447 O: ((laughs and lowers hand))

448 YH: ((laughs and claps, then hits SM on head))449 jm: jikan kakari sugi

450 KK: NANde? NANde da yo?

451 YH: wara** dekihen, Okapii

452 O: ((moves hand closer to SMs face))

453 KK: SOO SOO SOO.

454 O: ((slaps SM))

The above extract is from Sanchans (SM in the transcript) first day recording forMechaike. The

set is decorated to look like a drivers education classroom and one of the senior members, KK is

dressed in a suit running a licensing course for new members of the show. After failing in a test

to identify production staff members by photograph, SM is made to get slapped by the

effeminate makeup artist for the show who is known from other corners has having a very

painful slap. At this point, SM is the third new member to fail the test and get slapped as

punishment.

In line 429 YH, the shows leader gives SM the instruction not to move. This episode

takes place within an konto frame. The kontois the new member training class. The signs on

the classroom and KKs suit help to construct the psychological frame that references a drivers

educational course. Based on this pyschological frame is part of the internal falsehood of the


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konto frame. KK, as the teacher, is in charge of the students. By giving the instruction not to

move, YH breaks the embedded false environment/frame of the konto and can thereby be seen as

orienting to the external reality by giving the ippanjin, who by definition lacks television

experience, explicit instruction. The explicit nature of this can be seen in his use of the particle

yo which is a means of ensuring attention from the recipient. Using the abbreviated negative

form also serves to give it an admonishing tone.

In line 430 SM has labored breathing and a strange facial expression. Two female cast

members give a warning to be careful in lines 431 and 432. In lines 433-434 KK, YH and O

begin to laugh after seeing SMs fearful reaction. The production staff orients to this as being the

cause of the breakdown in the activity through thejimakuin line 435 which orients to SMs

behavior as strange. YH grabs SMs arm and KK along with the rest of the cast shift positions to

get a better look at SMs face. The fact that KKs physical movements put him with the rest of

the cast as well as his actions shows how the physical frame of the placement as well as the

reality frame away from the konto of the classroom and teacher are being utilized. KKs

descriptive comment in 438 shows that SMs breathing is a part of what constructs the programs

notion of strange in terms of the earlier analysis that the producers give regarding the henna

suichi. The invitations by MY and HM in lines 440 and 443 respectively no only show an

alignment but they show a similar status that for this episode as the first taping for new members

as well as the kontoframe of new members licensing that senior members who are not teacher

or leader are still in a position to suggest action to the staff. YHs use ofyo again in line 444

shows that he is again requiring attention from the novice.

The staring and the breathing again result in laughter in lines 446-448. After YH hits the

novice SM in line 448, the production staff reformulates this with the jimaku in line 449. By


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doing this, thejimaku helps to attribute a knowledge of what is appropriate or inappropriate for

the ongoing activity. This is done through the use of the verbsugiru. This verb creates an

assessment and also gives a voice to YHs actions, translating them for the viewing audience at

home. KK chimes in asking why in 450 but since this can be interpreted as belonging to either

konto or reality frame I have chosen to not rely on it. Suffice it to say that it is possible that he

speaks as an older member much as MY and HM did in 440 and 443 but it is also equally

possible for KK to be speaking as the teacher in the constructed falsehood of the konto. In line

451, YH gives an explicit analysis that O cannot do his work of slapping SMbecause hes

laughing too much. Such statements are similar to ones used in omoiyari training (Clancy, 1986)

in that they require the recipient to contextualize their actions. KKs words in 453 again can be

seen in both lights. Given the placement just before the competing action it may be a reference to

the konto frame in an effort to re-establish his teacher role. The action is finally completed in 454

allowing the program to return to the konto frame.

Extract 3

088 YH: saigo wa (.) koi-tsura.

089 OT: doomo Osaka kara kimashita Okamura Takashi des.

090 migi nage migi uchi des:. ((bows))

091 Au: ((laughs and applauds))

092 YH: kiitemasen. kiitemasen yo.

093 SM: DOOMO Osaka kara kimashita Sannaka Motokatsu des:.

094 konshuu mo Okamurasan to issho ni kanbarimas::.

095 YH: kanderu kedo ne.

096 OT: girigiri seefu.

097 SM: girigiri

098 YH: ha::i.

In Extract 3, YH is introducing contestants within the konto frame as a game show host.

The last couple of contestants he introduces are a pair consisting of his real life comedic partner

OT and Sanchan. From the time of his audition, SM has repeatedly stated that his OT is his

favorite celebrity. Indeed, SMs usual manner of dress creates a cognitive frame reference to an


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outfit that OT wears in one of the long running segments of the show. Immediately after OT

returned to the show from his medical leave, he made a point to begin scaffolding SM as both a

cast member and a newgeinoujin by including him in several paired segments. The data from

this extract is one of these occasions.

In line 88, YH gives his introduction. Given that YH when paired with OT always takes

the tsukkomi role and OT that always takes the boke role, the use of the bureigo pronoun koitsu is

not terribly unusual. The use of the ra plural marker at the end of it, howeveris unusual. By

naming them thusly, he effectively casts SM as boke. Although some might try to argue that the

role of a game show host is easily affiliated with characteristics similar to tsukkomi as well, it is

important to remember that this is happening in a konto frame. Within a konto frame, it is quite

easy for the role of game show host, normally witty and in control, to be eithertsukkomi orboke

as can be seen in skits on various other shows. It is therefore not the konto role which requires

YH to act as tsukkomi but the external frame surrounding the falsehood in which he is the

tsukkomi half of an owaraikombi. OT takes up the designated boke role in lines 89-90 by giving

an self-introduction with the needless information that he pitches and bats with his right hand.

Pointless or context inappropriate utterances are part of the bokes traditional role (Inoue, 1981).

This fact is shown clearly in the response of the audience in line 91 and the tsukkomi appropriate

jibe from YH in line 92. In lines 93-94, SM gives his introduction at an accelerated rate which

possibly leads to the mispronunciation at the end of 94. YH comes in with a comment in line 95

pointing out a source of trouble as an expert to a mentor. The act of stumbling on lines is often

specifically noted by comedians using this specific verb, possibly coming from theshabekuri

manzai tradition which heavily emphasizes speaking ability. OT reassesses SMs utterance is


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being just barely passable in line 96 which SM aligns to in 97 through repetition. YH then moves

on to the next segment in 98.

In theprocess of socializing SM as a variety show cast member, YHs use of the verb

kamuto critically evaluate SMs utterance shows that the normative expectations of the variety

show bear strong similarities with that of comedians in general. The fact that YH and OT are

able to make their own assessments and SM is only able to agree in line 97 shows that there is

some peripheral participation occurring here as SM learns how to take part in the shows. The

scaffolding that occurs in this peripheral area can also been seen in the next extract which comes

later in the same segment as Extract 3.

Extract 4

203 YH: hoka?

204 OT: ((hits button several times))

205 ((buzzer goes off))

206 OT: ((taps SMs right arm 3 times))

207 YH: hai? Okamura?

208 OT: Sanchan ga

209 YH: aa, >Sanchan.

the socialization of variety show tarento on japanese television

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