the role of socialization in the process of political life
TRANSCRIPT
Western Michigan University Western Michigan University
ScholarWorks at WMU ScholarWorks at WMU
Master's Theses Graduate College
12-1989
The Role of Socialization in the Process of Political Life: An The Role of Socialization in the Process of Political Life: An
Analysis of Gender Roles in Elementary School Textbooks on Analysis of Gender Roles in Elementary School Textbooks on
Taiwan Taiwan
Chien-Hong Lee
Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.wmich.edu/masters_theses
Part of the Bilingual, Multilingual, and Multicultural Education Commons, Curriculum and Instruction
Commons, and the Political Science Commons
Recommended Citation Recommended Citation Lee, Chien-Hong, "The Role of Socialization in the Process of Political Life: An Analysis of Gender Roles in Elementary School Textbooks on Taiwan" (1989). Master's Theses. 1032. https://scholarworks.wmich.edu/masters_theses/1032
This Masters Thesis-Open Access is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate College at ScholarWorks at WMU. It has been accepted for inclusion in Master's Theses by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks at WMU. For more information, please contact [email protected].
THE ROLE OF SOCIALIZATION IN THE PROCESS OF POLITICAL LIFE: AN ANALYSIS OF GENDER ROLES IN ELEMENTARY SCHOOL
TEXTBOOKS ON TAIWAN
by
Chien-Hong Lee
A Thesis Submitted to the
Faculty of The Graduate College in part ia l fu lf i l lm e n t of the
requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts
Department of P o lit ica l Science
Western Michigan University Kalamazoo, Michigan
December 1989
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
THE ROLE OF SOCIALIZATION IN THE PROCESS OF POLITICAL LIFE:AN ANALYSIS OF GENDER ROLES IN ELEMENTARY SCHOOL
TEXTBOOKS ON TAIWAN
Chien-Hong Lee, M.A.
Western Michigan University, 1989
This thesis contains both theoretical and applied research.
In the theoretical part, p o l i t ic a l socialization is the main theme
to be studied; and an incorporated model is designed to examine how
p o lit ic a l socialization can be viewed in the process of p o li t ic a l
l i f e . In the applied part, three sets of elementary school te x t
books have been examined and we have found that those textbooks
contain clear sex-typed images of adult behavior; and male charac
ters are emphasized more than female characters, which might con
tr ibu te to the understanding why women are rare ly seen in any posi
tions of power in any realm on Taiwan.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I wish to express my sincere gratitude to Dr. Alan Isaak, my
thesis committee chairman, for his insightful guidance and endless
encouragement in completing this research. My thanks also go to
Dr. Ernest Rossi and Dr. David Houghton, for th e ir constructive
crit ic ism as members of the thesis committee. F ina lly , I owe a
debt of appreciation to my parents, my s is ters , and many good
friends who continuously gave me both sp ir itua l and material sup
port.
Writing a thesis is not easy, and this is especially true for
a foreign student. Without the help of those individuals mentioned
above, I could not have finished this thesis.
Chien-Hong Lee
i i
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
INFORMATION TO USERS
The most advanced technology has been used to photograph and reproduce this manuscript from the microfilm master. U M I films the text directly from the original or copy submitted. Thus, some thesis and dissertation copies are in typewriter face, while others may be from any type of computer printer.
The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality illustrations and photographs, print bleedthrough, substandard margins, and improper alignment can adversely affect reproduction.
In the unlikely event that the author did not send U M I a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if unauthorized copyright material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion.
Oversize materials (e.g., maps, drawings, charts) are reproduced by sectioning the original, beginning at the upper left-hand corner and continuing from left to right in equal sections with small overlaps. Each original is also photographed in one exposure and is included in reduced form at the back of the book.
Photographs included in the original manuscript have been reproduced xerographically in this copy. Higher quality 6" x 9" black and white photographic prints are available for any photographs or illustrations appearing in this copy for an additional charge. Contact U M I directly to order.
University M icroK m s international A B e '1 & Howen Inform ation C om pany
3 0 0 North Z e e b R oad Ann A rbor M l 4 8 1 0 6 -1 3 4 6 U S A
313 7 6 1 -4 7 0 0 8 0 0 5 2 1 -0 6 0 0
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
O rder Num ber 1340474
The role o f socialization in the process o f political life: An analysis o f gender roles in elementary school textbooks on Taiwan
Lee, Chien-Hong, M.A.
Western Michigan University, 1989
U M I300 N. Zeeb Rd.Ann Arbor, MI 48106
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ............................................................................................. 11
LIST OF...............................TA BLES................................................................ v
LIST OF FIGURES................................................... .... vi
CHAPTER
I . INTRODUCTION............................................................ ........................ .... 1
Statement of the Problem ................................................... 1
Significance of the Problem .................................................... 4
I I . REVIEW OF THE RELATED LITERATURE ............................................... 6
Historical Development of P o lit ic a l Socialization . 6
The O r i g i n s ............................................................................. 6
Behavioral ism P e r io d ............................................................. 7
Current Status ................................................................... 11
Definitions of P o lit ic a l Socialization ..................... 14
Theories of P o lit ic a l Socialization .............................. 16
Systems Theory ................................................................... 17
Hegemonic Theory ................................................... 23
Social Learning Theory ................................................... 26
Cognitive Theory ............................................................... 29
A Model of the Process of P o lit ic a l L i f e ................. 33
P o lit ic a l Culture ........................................................... 34
P o li t ic a l Socialization ............................................... 36
P o lit ica l Personality ................................................... 36
P o lit ic a l Partic ipation .............................................. 38
i i i
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Table of Contents--Continued
CHAPTER
P o lit ica l System ............................................................... 38
Public P o l i c y ......................... 40
P o lit ic a l Change............................. 40
Socialization Studies on Taiwan ...................................... 41
P o lit ica l Culture and Gender Roles on Taiwan . . . 43
I I I . DESIGN AND METHODOLOGY . ........................................................ • 46
Data C o l le c t io n ........................................................................ 46
Hypotheses . ........................................................................ 49
Data A n a ly s is ............................................................................ 50
IV. FINDINGS............................................................................................. 52
Social Studies ........................................................................ 52
L ife and Human R e la t io n s h ip s ........................................... 54
Chinese Language .................................................................... 55
V. CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS ' ......................................... 60
Conclusions................................................................................ 60
Recommendations ........................................................................ 62
BIBLIOGRAPHY.......................................................... 64
iv
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
LIST OF TABLES
1. Research on P o lit ica l Socialization by P o lit ica l Scientists in the 1960s and Early 1970s(Hirsch, 1971) 9
2. Compounds of P o lit ica l C u l t u r e ......................................... • • • 35
3. Characteristics of the Sampled Textbooks ......................... . 48
4. Frequency of Characters by Gender in Social Studies(12 V o lu m e s ) .................................................................. 52
5. Frequency of Characters by Gender in Life and HumanRelationships (6 Volumes) ............................................................... 54
6. Frequency of Characters by Gender in Chinese Language(13 V o lu m e s ) ........................................................................................ 55
7. Role Models in Chinese Language by Gender............................. 57
8. Virtues by Gender in Life and Human Relationships . . . . 58
v
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
LIST OF FIGURES
1. A Model of the P o lit ica l System.................................................... 18
2. The Incorporated Model of P o lit ica l L i f e ............................... 34
3. Models of P o lit ica l Culture: Orientations TowardInvolvement in the P o lit ica l Process ...................................... 39
4. Percentage Distribution of the Frequency of Charactersby Gender in Social S tu d ie s ........................................................... 53
5. Percentage Distribution of the Frequency of Charactersby Gender in Life and Human R e la tionsh ips .............................. 55
6. Percentage Distribution of the Frequency of Charactersby Gender in Chinese Language ....................................................... 56
vi
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION
Statement of the Problem
The principal objectives of this thesis are, f i r s t of a l l , to
c la r i f y the concept of p o l i t ic a l soc ia lization; second, to examine
how p o l it ic a l socialization has an impact on the process of ind i
vidual l i f e ; and f in a l ly , to analyze the learning of gender roles
in elementary school textbooks on Taiwan.
In a p lu ra l is t ic society people are ty p ic a l ly overloaded with
p o lit ic a l information and experience a great deal of uncertainty
and stress. They find understanding those diverse values and data
d i f f i c u l t so that powerlessness, apathy, and alienation are in
clined to arise. Although this situation is inevitable , learning
some useful theories to organize, explain, and predict the complex
phenomena of po lit ics is s t i l l desirable. After a l l , understanding
is the beginning of in terest. Once people understand and care what
po lit ics is a l l about, they have much more a b i l i t y to partic ipate
e ffe c t ive ly in the process of resource allocation in the public
sphere.
The subject of p o l i t ic a l socialization is central to the un
derstanding of p o l i t ic a l l i f e of an individual. From the human
infant to a social being, the individual has been through a complex
process of soc ia lization . Unlike other animals, human beings are
1
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
not born with r ig id behavior patterns that enable cultural means of
adapting to unfamiliar environments. These learned ways of l i f e ,
which are modified and passed on from one generation to the next,
are crucial to the understanding of human society. Robertson
(1987b) argued that "socialization is the process of social in te r
action through which people acquire personality and learn the way
of l i f e of th e ir society" (p. 115). In order to understand the
relationship between individuals and culture, p o l i t ic a l scientists
must take the socialization process into account, but th e ir primary
focus of study is on the p o lit ic a l l i f e of the individual and the
p o lit ic a l aspect of a culture.
The case study of p o l i t ic a l socialization in this thesis is to
investigate i f elementary school textbooks present sex-typed images
of adult behavior. According to the Taiwan S ta t is t ic a l Data Book
(Council for Economic Planning and Development, 1988), women repre
sent 47% of the population; but most of the role models in po lit ics
are male. Women are ra re ly seen in any positions of power or au
th o r ity in any realm on Taiwan. Why are women underrepresented in
formal p o l i t ic a l partic ipation on Taiwan? Why do they occupy few
positions of p o li t ic a l power, p a rt ic u la r ly at the top? In order to
examine the questions above, this research attempts to use the idea
of p o l i t ic a l socialization to provide the answers. Much of my
thinking in developing the strategy was influenced by Robertson's
(1987a) arguments:
As sociologists point out, the inequality of the sexes is a form of social s t ra t i f ic a t io n , similar in many respects to inequalities of class, caste, race, or age. As with
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
other forms of structured social inequality, the re la tionship between the sexes is not maintained primarily by force. Rather, i t rests on the power of cultural trad itions and assumptions, which help ensure that people are socialized to accept the ir respective statuses in society, (p. .164)
Chinese culture has t ra d it io n a l ly stressed sex-linked person
a l i t y characteristics. The Chinese woman is' typ ica l ly supposed to
be conformist, passive, kind, dependent, se lf -s a c r if ic in g for her
family, and prim arily concerned with domestic l i f e . She is sup
posed to be ignorant of sports, p o lit ic s , and economics, but deeply
concerned about routine domestic duties. She should not take i n i
t ia t iv e , but should be emotional, tender, and appreciative (Yi,
1988).
The Chinese man, on the other hand, is t ra d it io n a l ly supposed
to be fearless, tough, s e l f - re l ia n t , log ical, independent, and
aggressive. The Chinese male should have de f in ite opinions on the
major issues of the day, should be capable of making authoritative
decisions in the home and on the job, and should take care of eco
nomics for the family. He takes the in i t ia t iv e in the re la t io n
ships with women and expects to dominate them in most spheres of
l i f e .
I f the purpose of socialization in the school is to re f le c t
and reinforce the dominant culture, we might anticipate that school
textbooks have emphasized males and masculine a c t iv it ie s more than
females and feminine a c t iv i t ie s . Based on this assumption, two
hypotheses w il l be tested in Chapter I I I :
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
1. In school textbooks, male characters outnumber female
characters.
2. The contents of textbooks offer many more diverse and
significant role models for males than females.
Significance of the Problem
This thesis contains both theoretical and applied research.
In the theoretical part, p o l i t ic a l socialization is the main theme
to be studied. P o lit ic a l science is the discip line that seeks to
explain the p o lit ic a l behavior of individuals and the behavior of
the p o lit ic a l system. P o li t ic a l socialization is very important
because i t is the essential l ink between the individual and the
p o lit ic a l system—-a link so v i ta l that neither individual nor po
l i t i c a l system could survive without i t . P o lit ica l socialization
enables the individual to learn the norms, values, rules of the
game, and other patterns of thought and action that are essential
for p o l i t ic a l l iv in g . On the other hand, p o l i t ic a l socialization
enables the p o l it ic a l system to have a re la t iv e ly integrated p o l i t
ical culture, thus ensuring its continuity from generation to gen
eration.
In the applied part, this research attempts to analyze the
gender roles found in elementary school textbooks on Taiwan. The
rationale underlying this attempt is based on two reasons:
1. The school is an agent formally charged by government with
the task of socializ ing the young in part icu lar norms and values.
Unlike other s o c ia l iz in g agents, d i f f i c u l t to trace with any
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
certa inty , the school can be studied more easily and objectively.
The individual child in schools is no longer considered special; he
or she is one of a crowd, subject to the same regulations and ex
pectations that everyone else is subject to.
2. Teachers, textbooks, classroom a c t iv i t ie s , and school
r i tu a l l i f e are a ll means of conveying desired attitudes and behav
ior to children in the school (Dawson, Prewitt, & Dawson, 1977).
Textbooks are a medium extremely sensitive to p o li t ic a l control and
to uniformity of message, especially when they are published by
government printing houses and circulated through a ll of the na
tion 's schools, as they are on Taiwan. In order to get a more
integrated culture, every society uses the school to socialize its
children into appropriate attitudes and behavior. Therefore, by
analyzing the contents of school textbooks, we can then understand
the cultural norms of behavior and morality, and even o f f ic ia l
ideology of a given society.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
CHAPTER I I
REVIEW OF THE RELATED LITERATURE
In order to gain a better understanding of p o lit ic a l s o c ia l i
zation, the purposes of this chapter are: (a) to study the h is to r
ical development of p o l i t ic a l soc ia lization , (b) to define p o l i t i
cal socia lization , (c) to describe various theories of p o l i t ic a l
soc ia liza tion , and (d) to propose a descriptive model of p o li t ic a l
l i f e and examine how p o l i t ic a l socialization can be viewed in this
model.
H istorical Development of P o lit ica l Socialization
One convenient, i f rough, way of studying the h istorica l de
velopment of theories of p o l i t ic a l socialization is to divide i t
into three stages: the origins, behavioral ism period, and current
status.
The Origins
A concern for the c i t iz e n 's development of p o li t ic a l learning
can be traced back to the beginning of the study of p o l i t ic s .
P o lit ica l philosophers have been interested in and have speculated
about the tra in ing of c itizens and the means used by e l i te s to
maintain status quo. The Greek philosopher Plato, in his Repub1ic ,
puts stress on making the young into good citizens through
6
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
state-run directed programs (Annas, 1981). A ris to tle also dis
cussed the necessity of leg is la tion that would insure that young
generations received the education necessary to f u l f i l l the ir roles
as c itizens (Barker, 1958). Rousseau, in his Social Contract,
claimed that the only possible way the "general w il l" could operate
would be through c i t iz e n s t ra in e d to accept the same values
(G ild in , 1983). Throughout the 18th, 19th, and 20th centuries,
theorists such as Thomas Jefferson, Alexis de Tocqueville, Karl
Marx, and John Dewey a l l emphasized some form of education and
c iv ic tra in ing as prerequisites to c itizen partic ipation in th e ir
ideal p o l i t ic a l systems (c ited in Greenstein, 1965; Jaros, 1973;
Weissberg, 1974; Winter & Bellows, 1977).
In sum, before the mid-1900s the study of p o lit ic a l soc ia liza
tion was the domain of p o l i t ic a l philosophers, thinkers who were
often less concerned about what p o li t ic a l socialization actually is
l ike than what they thought i t ought to be l ik e . Much of the ir
analyses argued for an ideal p o lit ic a l system through manipulation
of the educational system.
Behavioral ism Period
P o li t ic a l science has gone through a revolution since World
War I I , moving from a tra d it io n a l approach to a behavioral ap
proach. The transition is: (a) from concern with p o lit ic a l in s t i
tutions to concern with p o l i t ic a l process, (b) from normative ques
tions to empirical questions, and (c) from qua lita tive methods to
quantitative methods (Goel, 1988; Isaak, 1987).
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Although concern for the c i t iz e n 's p o l i t ic a l development dates
at least from Plato 's Repub1i c , only recently, as Hirsch (1971)
argues, "has empirical research begun to transform early philosoph
ical speculation and the assumptions of p o l i t ic a l practice into
more concrete knowledge of the factors involved in p o li t ic a l learn
ing" (p. 1). Once attention has been paid to studying p o l it ic a l
soc ia liza tion , the next question is what the research p r io r i t ie s
ought to be. According to Greenstein (1968):
Although there is no generally accepted approach to the study of p o l i t ic a l soc ia liza tion , much of what is known and of Lasswell's what ought to be known can be summed up in the following paraphrase of formulations of the general process of communication: (a) who (b) learns what,(c) from whom, (d) under what circumstances, and (e) with what effects? (p. 552)
Table 1, summarized from Hirsch's (1971) work, characterizes
the main concerns p o l it ic a l scientists had in th e ir e a r l ie r re
search on p o l it ic a l socia lization .
The greatest concern of researchers of p o l i t ic a l socialization
has been concentrated on studies of young children. The rationale
underlying this tendency is based on two premises: (1) that basic
orientations toward p o lit ic s are formed in early childhood and
adolescence, and (2) that this early socialization has crucial
impacts on adult p o l i t ic a l behavior (Hirsch, 1971). Typical stud
ies have been done by Dennis and Jennings (1970), by Easton and
Jennings (1969), and by Greenstein (1965).
According to Greenstein (1965), what is learned from the so
c ia l iza t io n process can be divided into three phases:
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
9
Table 1
Research on P o lit ica l Socialization by P o lit ica l Scientists in the 1960s and Early 1970s
(Hirsch, 1971)
Main question Main focus
Who learns? Young children
Learn what? How to be a c it izen
Roles? (1) Subject role and (2) specialized role
From whom? Agents of p o l i t ic a l socialization
Under what circumstances? Cultural comparison
With what effects? No study reported to test the effects of p o li t ic a l socialization during this period.
1. Learning connected with the c itizen role (partisan attachment, ideology, motivation to p a rt ic ip a te ) .
2. Learning connected with subject role (national loya lty , orientations toward authority, conception of the legitimacy of in s t itu t io n s ).
3. Learning connected with recruitment to and performance of specialized roles, such as bureaucrat, party functionary, and le g is la to r , (p. 13)
The question of "From whom?" refers to the agents of p o l i t ic a l
socialization--important individuals, groups, or institu tions that
provide situations in which socialization takes place. Although
there is rio consensus about which agent is most s ign ificant, four
agents— the fa m ily , the school, the peer group, and the mass
m edia--m erit more a t te n t io n and sc ru t in y from researchers of
p o l i t i c a l s o c ia l iz a t io n (Dawson et a l . , 1977; H irsch, 1971;
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Langton, 1969; Weissberg, 1974).
The question of "Under what circumstances?" is , according to
Greenstein (1965), very sim ilar to the question of "Under what cu l
ture?" There have been some attempts to examine p o l it ic a l s o c ia l i
zation through cultural comparisons of two or more countries during
this period. Quite c lea r ly both the theoretical advances in com
parative po lit ics and methodological improvement in data collection
and analysis have fostered the study of p o l i t ic a l socialization
into cross-cultural analysis (Dennis & Jennings, 1970). Hess
(1963) studied socialization of attitudes toward p o l it ic a l author
i ty in f ive d iffe ren t countries: United States, Chile, Puerto
Rico, Japan, and Australia . Langton (1969) compared high school
students in Jamaica and the United States. Dennis and Jennings
(1970) examined pre-adult development of p o l i t ic a l party id e n t i f i
cation in Western democracies. Wilson (1970) studied attitude
learning in Chinese and American societies. Greenstein (1975)
investigated children's images of p o li t ic a l leaders in B rita in ,
France, and the United States.
The problem "With what effects?" refers to the question of
effects that p o l i t ic a l socialization has on the la te r behavior of
the individual who is socialized. Greenstein (1965) argued, for
example, that early learning is s ignificant because i t "takes place
during a formative period and because early learning affects la te r
learning" (p. 79). There are actually no data, especially longitu
dinal data, to test the effects of p o li t ic a l socialization in the
1960s and early 1970s; and this fact is more or less responsible
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
for the subsequent decline of p o lit ic a l soc ia lization .
In sum, the study of p o l i t ic a l socialization which flourished
in the 1960s and early 1970s is based on the premises that p o l i t i
cal socialization can explain p o lit ic a l attitudes and behavior of
the individual and the operation of the p o l it ic a l system as a
whole. Although p o l it ic a l scientists have no consensus on research
p r io r it ie s of what p o l i t ic a l socialization ought to be, they do
agree that p o l i t ic a l socialization helps the individuals understand
the p o lit ic a l re a l i t ie s of the ir environment, and that i t also
helps the p o l it ic a l system integrate each new generation into the
dominant p o li t ic a l culture.
Current Status
Today the research boom on p o l it ic a l socialization is at an
end. Not so long ago, p o l i t ic a l socialization was claimed to be a
growth stock (Greenstein, 1970). But as Cook (1985) argued: "Just
as in r e a l - l i f e stock markets, a boom is often followed by a bust,
and p o lit ic a l socialization futures are no longer such hot se llers .
The confident predictions in the late s ix t ies and early seventies
fa i le d to materialize" (p. 1079).
Basically, two reasons are responsible for the decline of
studies of p o l i t ic a l soc ialization:
1. The f i r s t reason for the scholarly neglect of p o l i t ic a l
socialization is derived from a loss of confidence about the t ra d i
tional methods used to study p o lit ic a l socialization (Cook, 1985).
The key assumption of p o l i t ic a l socialization research is that
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
pre-adult p o li t ic a l socialization affects adult p o l i t ic a l attitudes
and behavior (Beck & Jennings, 1982). Therefore, p o l i t ic a l scien
t is ts have developed many research methods to investigate c h i l
dren's reactions to p o l it ic s . According to Cook (1985), however,
some of the methods, such as survey research, are now c lear ly inap
propriate as a way of tapping children's p o li t ic a l orientations;
this is because survey research, he argued, is often processed
"through pencil-and-paper questionnaires which may have seemed more
l ike a test of soc ia lly correct views rather than an opportunity to
speak one's mind" (p. 1080). Children's responses under such con
ditions are not then re l ia b le .
2. The second reason is the lack of a clear rationale for
studies of children's p o l i t ic a l attitudes and behavior (Cook,
1985). Beck and Jennings (1982) argued that "the compelling j u s t i
f ica tion for a p o li t ic a l science interest in the pre-adult's p o l i t
ical world is that understanding of that world can y ie ld useful
insights into adult p o l i t ic a l orientations" (p. 94). I t is appar
ent, however, that the process of p o l i t ic a l socialization experi
enced by the individuals in childhood cannot prepare them for a l l
the roles they w il l be expected to possess in la te r years. People
must learn to be able to partic ipate e f fe c t iv e ly in the p o l it ic a l
system through d iffe ren t stages of the l i f e cycle. Furthermore, as
Almond and Powell (1978) noted, "attitudes may be i n i t i a l l y formed
in childhood, but they are always being adapted as the individual
goes through p o l it ic a l and social experiences" (p. 19). Thus, any
change of p o l i t ic a l attitudes and behavior that can be found in
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
adulthood can be taken as d istrust of the significance of pre-adult
p o lit ic a l learning. Critiques (Marsh, 1971; Searing, Schwartz, &
Lind, 1973; Searing, Wright, & Rabinowitz, 1976) have raised s e r i
ous questions about the extent of the impact which children's po
l i t i c a l learning has on subsequent adult p o l i t ic a l behavior.
Although i t is plausible to argue that attitudes and behaviors
formed in pre-aduUhood may change under the influence of s o c ia l i
zation experiences throughout the l i f e course, what children have
learned from schools does have a crucial impact on determining
th e ir attitudes and behaviors in adulthood. For one thing, the
government is inclined to impose an o f f ic ia l ideology on the young
generation through an educational system. This unique ideology may
be so well-constructed that i t can somehow give children much more
a b i l i ty to dispute any c r it ic ism of the established social and
p o lit ic a l arrangements. For another, as the government has become
engaged in almost every sphere of human a c t iv i ty , socializing
agents such as mass media are l ik e ly to be under great pressure to
conform to the values and regulations of the o f f ic ia l ideology. I f
society at large provides strong, even coercive, supports for a t t i
tudes and behaviors learned in schools, they w il l be further re in
forced rather than changed. Under this condition, i t is not common
for typical children to form th e ir attitudes and behaviors against
authority. Therefore, the contents of pre-adult education in
schools s t i l l deserve more attention; nevertheless, we do admit the
poss ib il ity that people may come to behave in unanticipated ways as
they grow up.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
14
Definitions of P o lit ica l Socialization
Although a number of defin itions of p o l i t ic a l socialization
have been used by p o l it ic a l scientists , there is no consensus of
what p o l i t ic a l socialization means. However, defin itions of p o l i t
ical socialization have been generally c lassified into e ither in d i
vidual-level or system-level categories (Dawson et a l . , 1977).
An indiv idual-level defin it ion of p o li t ic a l socialization
focuses on the process through which the individual learns p o l i t i
cal attitudes and p o l i t ic a l behavior. Examples can be i l lu s tra te d
as follows:
P o lit ic a l soc ia lization is a ll p o li t ic a l learning, formal and informal, deliberate and unplanned at every stage of the l i f e cycle, including not only e x p l ic i t ly p o li t ic a l learning but also nominally non-political learning that affects p o l it ic a l behavior, such as learning of p o l i t i c a l ly relevant social attitudes and the acquisition of p o l i t i c a l l y re le v a n t p e rs o n a l ity c h a ra c te r is t ic s . (Greenstein, 1968, p. 551)
We shall define p o l it ic a l socialization re s tr ic - t iv e ly as those developmental processes through which persons acquire p o l i t ic a l orientations and patterns of behavior. (Easton & Jennings, 1969, p. 7)
We w il l define p o l it ic a l socialization quite loosely as the process by which the individual acquires a t t i tudes, b e lie fs , and values re lating to the p o lit ic a l system of which he is a member and to his own role as c itizen within that p o l i t ic a l system. (Greenberg, 1970, p. 3)
At the individual level p o li t ic a l socialization may be defined very simply as the processes through which an individual acquires his particu lar p o li t ic a l orientations—his knowledge, feelings, and evaluations regarding his p o l it ic a l world. (Dawson et a l . , 1977, p. 33)
We use the term socialization to refer to the way children are introduced to the values and attitudes of the ir society and how they learn what w il l be expected of
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
them in the ir adult roles. P o lit ica l socialization is the part of this process that shapes p o l it ic a l attitudes. (Almond & Powell, 1988, p. 34)
A system-level de fin it io n of p o l i t ic a l socialization stresses
how the p o lit ic a l system inducts the individual into established
patterns of thought and action that are usually appropriate to
maintain the status quo. For example:
What do we mean by the function of p o l i t ic a l soc ia lization? We mean that a l l p o li t ic a l systems tend to perpetuate the ir cultures through time, and that they do this mainly by means of the socialization influences of the primary and secondary structures through which the young of the society pass in the process of maturation. . . . P o lit ica l soc ialization is the process of induction into the p o l it ic a l culture. I ts end product is a set of a t t i tudes, cognitions, value standards, and feelings toward the inputs of demands and claims into the system, and its authorita tive outputs. (Almond & Coleman, 1960, pp. 27- 28)
P o l i t i c a l s o c ia l iz a t io n re fe rs to the processes through which values, cognitions, and symbols are learned and " in terna lized ," through which operative social norms regarding p o lit ics are implanted, p o l i t ic a l consensus created, e ither e f fe c t iv e ly or in e ffec tive ly . (Eckstein,1963, p. 26)
P o lit ica l socialization refers to the process by which the p o l it ic a l norms and behaviors acceptable to an ongoing p o l it ic a l system are transmitted from generation to generation. (S igel, 1970, p. 1)
From the system perspective p o l it ic a l socialization can be defined as the process through which c itizens acquire p o l i t ic a l views that become aggregated in ways that have consequences for the p o l it ic a l l i f e of the nation. (Dawson et a l . , 1977, p. 14)
P o lit ic a l soc ia lization is also the way one generation passes on p o l i t ic a l standards and beliefs to succeed ing g e n e r a t io n s , a process c a l le d c u l t u r a l transmission. (Almond & Powell, 1988, p. 34)
In sum, the various definitions of p o l i t ic a l socialization
show the differences in direction which the study of p o l i t ic a l
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
socialization has taken. While some p o l it ic a l scientists emphasize
the transmission of a country's p o li t ic a l culture, others stress
the development of individual p o lit ic a l orientations. For p o l i t i
cal researchers, which approach they are going to take depends on
th e ir preference as to theories of p o l i t ic a l soc ialization . I f
they are interested in explaining p o lit ic a l attitudes and behavior
of individuals, the ind iv idual-level defin it ion is re la t iv e ly ap
propriate for th e ir research. I f , on the other hand, the ir goal is
to explain the continuities and discontinuities of a country's
p o l it ic a l culture, the system-level defin it io n is more suitable.
Both types of defin itions have merits in th e ir own perspectives.
This fact is well described by Weissberg (1974):
In each instance, some aspects of p o l i t ic a l learning are ignored and others emphasized; but this is essential in any investigation since examining everything is impossible and undesirable. Depending on the types of questions we are interested in, these approaches are complementary, not conflic ting , (pp. 14-15)
Theories of P o lit ica l Socialization
Like defin itions of p o l i t ic a l soc ia liza tion , theories of po
l i t i c a l socialization also can be c lassified into e ither system-
level or ind iv idual-level categories. While the indiv idual-level
theory stresses the development process of how children learn po
l i t i c a l attitudes and behavior, the system-level theory emphasizes
the consequence of p o l i t ic a l socialization in the p o l it ic a l system.
Two system-level theories of p o li t ic a l socialization w il l be
analyzed as follows:
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Systems Theory
Systems theory in p o l i t ic a l science has been developed by
Easton (1965). Easton and Jennings (1969) have applied systems
theory to study p o lit ic a l soc ia liza tion . They are concerned p r i
marily with p o lit ic a l soc ialization as part of the general systems
theory. Therefore, we should f i r s t examine systems theory in order
to understand what position p o l it ic a l socialization has in a p o l i t
ical system.
In systems theory, Easton (1965) t r ied to construct an empiri
ca lly general theory of p o l i t ic s , and with that in mind, he sought
to define the kinds of functions of any p o l it ic a l system through a
systematic framework for p o l i t ic a l analysis. Ha studied the basic
processes through which a p o l i t ic a l system, regardless of its
generic or specific type, is able to persist as a system of behav
ior in a world e ither of s ta b i l i t y or of change. According to
Easton (1965):
Systems analysis takes i ts departure from the notion of p o lit ic a l l i f e as a boundary-maintaining set of interactions embedded in and surrounded by other social systems to the influence of which i t is constantly exposed. As such, i t is helpful to interpret p o l i t ic a l phenomena as constituting an open system, one that must cope with the problems generated by its exposure to influences from these environmental systems. I f a system of this kind is to persist through time, i t must obtain adequate feedback about its past performances, and i t must be able to take measures that regulate i ts future behavior. Regulation may call for simple adaptation to a changing setting in the l igh t of fixed goals. But i t may also include e f forts to modify old goals or transform them en tire ly .Simple adaptation may not be enough. To persist i t may be necessary for a system to have the capacity to transform its own internal structure and processes, (p. 25)
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Figure 1 presents a simplified model of a p o li t ic a l system
which involves f ive crucial variables (Easton, 1965; Easton &
Jennings, 1969):
1. Inputs: Those events in'trie environment that act upon the
p o lit ic a l system and provoke some kinds of responses from i t .
2. P o lit ica l system: Those ins titu tions , processes, and
interactions through which values are au thorita tive ly allocated for
a society.
3. Outputs: Those decisions and actions by the p o l it ic a l
system in response to inputs that affect the system's environment.
4. Environment: Those intra-societa l and extra-societal
systems that generate inputs.
5. Feedback: A movement of perceptions with regard to how
the p o lit ic a l system has made authorita tive decisions.
Environment Environmentdemands
-----------------=> The Decisions and actionsInputs p o l i t ic a l > Outputs
systemSupport
Feedback
Environment Environment
Figure 1. A Model of the P o lit ic a l System.
According to the systems model, the p o l it ic a l process starts
when members of the society make demands and support on the p o l i t i
cal system. Then the p o l i t i c a l system, as a vast conversion
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
process, transforms the inputs of demands and support into outputs,
that is , into authorita tive decisions and actions. After outputs
have been released, demanding members now rea lize , through the
feedback process, how th e ir demands are handled. According to the
contents of the outputs, at this point, these members respond to
the outputs. The possible reactions can be i l lu s tra te d by Isaak's
(1987) description:
I f the system has acted to satisfy the demands, the process pauses for the time being. I f , on the other hand, the system has not satis fied the demands, the demanders have several choices: to accept the.decision because thedecision makers are able to enforce i t ; to t ry again with more moderate demands; to work through another part of the p o l it ic a l system; to begin to withdraw the ir support from the decision makers or even from the system i t s e l f .(pp. 32-33)
Now le t 's begin to analyze the systems theory of p o l i t ic a l
socialization . According to Easton and Jennings (1969), societies
are not natura lly destined to survive. Government could not be
possible unless the tensions caused by the unequal allocation of
values in society are somehow reduced and tolerated. They argued
that a p o l i t ic a l system persists when two conditions prevail:
"(1) when its members are regularly able to allocate valued things,
that is , make decisions; [and] (2) when they are able to get these
allocations accepted as authorita tive by most members most of the
time" (p. 49).
Easton and Jennings (1969) designated these two conditions as
the essential variables of any p o lit ic a l system. P o lit ica l social
ization, they argued, is "one of a number of major kinds of re
sponse mechanisms through which a p o lit ica l system may seek to cope
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
with stress on its essential variables" (p. 51).
According to Easton and Jennings (1969), stress on the p o l i t i
cal system may come from four major directions; and i t is the very
idea of p o li t ic a l soc ia liza tion , they argued, that serves to cope
with these stresses in order to maintain the persistence of the
p o lit ic a l system.
The f i r s t stress--output stress--stems from the fa i lu re of
most of the members in the society to accept these actions and
decisions made by the p o l i t ic a l system. P o lit ica l socialization
works as a crucial mechanism that may help members in the society
to in ternalize a need to comply with the p o l it ic a l authorities and
the ir decisions. Thus, through p o lit ic a l soc ia liza tion , the p o l i t
ical system may be able to ensure i t s e l f of being accepted by mem
bers in the society.
The second stress--demand-input stress--may come from an ex
cess of demands put into the p o lit ic a l system. I f the p o l i t ic a l
system is overloaded with too many demands in a given period of
time, the processing structures can become so blocked that the
p o lit ic a l system might be faced with a possible breakdown. Al
though the p o l it ic a l system has many ways of dealing with th is
situation , Easton and Jennings (1969) argued, "the development of a
sense of s e l f - re s tra in t in the conversion of social wants into
p o lit ic a l demands represents a major device in every age" (p. 55).
P o lit ica l socialization may serve as a system response through
which members in the society learn some degree of s e l f - re s tra in t .
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
The th ird stress—support-input stress—results from the f a i l
ure of the p o l it ic a l system to mobilize positive support and move
i t toward the appropriate p o l i t ic a l objects. According to Easton
and Jennings (1969), support can be defined as: "feelings of
tru s t, confidence, or affection and the ir opposites, that persons
may direct to some object. I f support is positive, a person favors
an object; i f support is negative, he withholds or withdraws his
favor from the object" (p. 57).
There are two types of support in systems theory. One is
specific support; the other is diffuse support. People grant spe
c i f i c support when they get something specific in return. For
instance, workers w il l vote for the Democrats when they believe
wages go up i f the Democrats run the government. Specific support
may increase or decline depending on how people interpret the out
comes of the outputs of the p o l it ic a l system. Diffuse support
refers to unconditional support people extend to p o lit ic a l authori
t ies or objects. National loyalty and patriotism are good examples
of diffuse support. In times of external or internal crises, c i t i
zens continue to be loyal to th e ir government even though specific
rewards might not be anticipated.
According to Easton and Jennings (1969), the p o lit ic a l system
w il l be in d i f f ic u l t y when both specific and diffuse support f a l l
to a low leve l. In other words, i f the p o l it ic a l system is to
persist, strong support from both types must be gained. How then
does the government manage to obtain this support?
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
For Easton and Jennings (1969), the answer to th is question is
found in the study of p o l i t ic a l soc ia lization . They argued that
socialization may "act as a major response by which a system seeks
to generate at least a minimal level of positive support for those
basic p o lit ic a l objects without which no system could operate at
a l l" (p. 66).
The fourth stress--structural stress— comes from the possible
breakdown which might occur in the structure and processes of the
p o lit ic a l system through which conversion takes place. Easton and
Jennings (1969) suggested every type of the p o lit ic a l system has
i ts own unique kinds of structures and processes through which
inputs of support and demands are converted into authorita tive
outputs. But no matter bow d iffe ren t the types of conversion proc
esses may be, i f some kind of the p o lit ic a l system is to be able to
persist, i t has to make sure that its members acquire knowledge,
s k i l ls , and motivations needed to make the conversion process pos
s ib le . There is no guarantee that the members of the p o l it ic a l
system necessarily learn how to perform th e ir specific roles.
Rather, i t is the process of p o li t ic a l socialization that makes
those members acquainted with structures of th e ir p o l i t ic a l system
and helps them to handle possible structural stress.
In conclusion, Easton and Jennings (1969) t r ied to develop a
p o lit ic a l theory of p o l i t ic a l socialization within the framework of
systems analysis. P o li t ic a l socialization is viewed as a means
used by the p o l it ic a l system to deal with stress on i t s e l f . I f the
p o lit ic a l system is to continue to operate as a system of behavior
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
through which values are authorita tive allocated for a society, the
subject of p o l i t ic a l socialization must be taken into account.
Hegemonic Theory
Stim ulated by Machado's (1975-1976) study, Dawson et a l .
(1977) have presented the hegemonic theory of p o l i t ic a l soc ia liza
t ion . The main idea of this approach is that the dominant p o l i t i
cal groups always manipulate social institu tions and use propaganda
and censorship to maintain th e ir privileged positions. For this
reason, institu tions l ike the government always serve to maintain
the status quo, not to change i t . P o lit ica l socialization is de
fined as the process through which p o lit ic a l ideology is transmit
ted from the dominant to the dominated groups in society.
The most common term in hegemonic theory is class hegemony.
According to the Marxist theorists , when the interests of one class
are believed to stand for the general interests of the nation,
class hegemony is established (Dawson et a l . , 1977). Under this
consideration, the hegemonic theory begins with the assumption that
the state plays an important role in protecting the domination of
the ru l in g class and the ru l in g class uses the powers of the
states, both coercive and educative, to preserve th e ir control.
In society, the things people desire--such as power, wealth,
and prestige--are always scarce, and the demand for them exceeds
the supply. Those who gain control of these resources are able to
protect the ir own interests at other people's expense. The power
ful do this in two respects: They use force to coerce the rest of
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
the population into compliance and conformity; and they t ry to
educate the powerless so that the powerless would accept the rules
and values by which they are dominated. In other words, p o li t ic a l
order is maintained not only by force or the implied threat of
force, but also by education. A hegemonic theory of p o lit ic a l
socia lization , therefore, Dawson et a l . (1977) argued, stresses
socialization processes and agencies that "dominant groups use to
get subservient groups to accept the social values and the social
order that maintain the control relationships" (p. 26).
Hegemonic theory gives much stress to the position of the
government in the process of p o l i t ic a l socia lization . The govern
ment controlled by the ruling class always uses propaganda and
censorship to maintain status quo. When and how propaganda and
censorship begin to play a part can be best described by Dawson et
al. (1977):
Propaganda comes into play i f the state is generally accepted. I t is a technique that reaffirms the l e g i t i macy of current authority re lations. There are numerous methods of propaganda, including the widespread use of p o l i t i c a l ceremonies arid symbols ( f la g s , national heroes), the content of school textbooks, the attempt to associate government personnel and actions with majesty (the robes of judges and the hushed tones of the court), and the general speech making that celebrates the current p o lit ic a l order. Censorship comes into play when the legitimacy of the state is in doubt or is being actively challenged. The power of the state is used to manage the news, to quiet c r it ic ism , to deny a voice to groups challenging state authority, or to forbid public meetings or p o lit ic a l demonstrations that aim "at the overthrow of the government." (p. 29)
In hegemonic theory e ffec tive p o lit ic a l socialization leads to
the continuing s ta b i l i t y of the current p o li t ic a l order. But what
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
i f p o l i t ic a l change arises? Discontinuity is the term used to
account for th is . According to hegemonic theory, there would be
discontinuity in p o l i t ic a l socialization i f "ruled groups refused
to learn or were not taught the basic p o l i t ic a l values fostered by
the ruling group" (Dawson et a l . , 1977, p. 28). Typically, in
times of discontinuity in p o l i t ic a l socialization the ruled are
inclined to form social movements such as labor movements or the
c iv i l rights movement. They may do this through demonstrations,
strikes, and so on. In extreme cases, social movements aim at
revolution. World history, p a rt ic u la r ly of the past 200 years, has
shown the revolutionary overthrow of several ruling classes--from
the French Revolution of the 18th century to the Russian, Chinese,
Cuban, Iranian, and Nicaraguan revolutions of the 20th century.
In conclusion, the hegemonic theory of p o l i t ic a l socialization
puts stress on the co n fl ic t perspective in society. P o lit ic a l
socialization is viewed as the means used by the ruling class to
impose i ts dominant p o l i t ic a l ideology on the ruled class. The
ruling class realizes that power based on coercion alone tends to
be unstable, because people obey only out of fear and w il l disobey
at the f i r s t opportunity. In order to maintain i ts privileged
status, the ruling class must also develop an ideology to ju s t i f y
and legitimate current p o l i t ic a l order. In practice, what actually
happens in society is that the powerful continuously use propaganda
(symbol manipulation) and censorship (selective control of informa
tion) to control the rest of the population into compliance and
conformity.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Social learning theory and cognitive development theory are
two major ind iv idual-level theories of p o l i t ic a l socia lization .
Both w il l be analyzed in the following pages.
Social Learning Theory
How does the individual receive his or her own thoughts and
behavior? To proponents of the social learning theory, the answer
w ill be based upon the princip le of reinforcement. Learning theo
r is ts such as Skinner (1971) believe that human behavior is formed
through the process of reinforcement. He views the human organism
as a machine, "a complex system behaving in lawful ways" (p. 202).
A human being is only a product of past reinforcements: Those
behaviors that have been rewarded w il l be repeated, and those that
have not been rewarded or that have caused punishment w il l not be
repeated. Thus, whoever controls the reinforcement available to a
person is in a position to control the behavior of that person.
The children, for example, are l ik e ly to take on the thought pat
terns of th e ir parents. They depend on th e ir parents for food,
protection, and love; and through dependence, children in ternalize
the thought patterns of th e ir parents. Good behavior and appropri
ate thoughts are reinforced by parents' rewards; bad behavior and
unacceptable ideas are removed by parents' punishment.
Conway and Feigert (1976) have applied the social learning
theory to explain how people develop a sense of legitimacy for the
regime. They argued that a regime acts to foster public support
(the creation of legitimacy) through a s ix -s ta te learning process:
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
1. Promoting an unconditioned response: The regime provides
the stimulus for people in terms of material inducement, such as
food, security, and shelter. People, in turn, respond to the re
wards these inducements o ffe r .
2. Using classical conditioning methods: The regime associ
ates i t s e l f with the stimulus that provokes the behavior in the
f i r s t stages; this association is made by pairing the government
with the unconditioned stimulus of material inducements.
3. Interm ittent reinforcement: The government provides the
rewards only occasionally, which reduces the cost of providing the
reward. Moreover, i t is e ffec tive to reward desired behavior but
not to reward i t each time i t occurs.
4. Secondary reinforcement: A new behavior pattern is de
manded of the population by the government; the response demanded
is given because the government guarantees the c itizens that i f
they respond, the regime w il l produce the ins titu tiona l processes
that symbolize unconditional reinforcement.
5. Reducing the cognitive dissonance: Compliance with the
regime's demand for the new behavior pattern is accompanied by the
conferring of legitimacy on the regime. This is done by the popu
lation to reduce the cognitive dissonance between gaining symbolic
rewards and having to learn new behavior patterns.
6. Using condensation symbols: Condensation symbols may
include the nation's f lag , national heroes, constitution, and
slogans. In the process of using these symbols, the symbols of
legitimacy become substitute g ra t if ica t io n .
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
According to the social learning theory, i f our behavior and
thought depend so much on the content of our individual soc ia liza
tion , what becomes of human free w ill? Can we pass any choice over
our personal behavior, or is i t a l l shaped for us by our past expe
riences? Skinner's (1953) position is clear on the free w il l ver
sus determinism issue. He emphasized the role of environment in
influencing behavior and rejected notions about the inner dynamics
of personality development. We are operated on by forces in the
external world, not by forces within ourselves. As a matter of
fa c t , Skinner has long argued that the deterministic assumption is
necessary for s c ie n t i f ic a l ly studying human behavior:
I f we are to use the methods of science in the f ie ld of human a f fa irs , we must assume that behavior is lawful and determined. We must expect to discover that what a mandoes is the result of specifiable conditions and thatonce these conditions have been discovered, we anticipateand to some extent determine his actions. (Skinner,1953, p. 6)
In Skinner's (1971) theory, an infant has a lim itless number
of pos s ib il i t ie s for behavior acquisition. I t is parents f i r s t who
princ ipa lly reinforce and shape development in specific directions;
the infant, in turn, w i l l behave contingent upon th e ir rewards.
Gradually, as the ch ild 's social world expands, other reinforcement
sources are more crucial in influencing behavioral development.
The school, the peer group, and the mass media are especially im
portant sources of reinforcement. The principle of behavior deter
mination by reinforcement remains the same; i t is only the kinds
and sources of reinforcement that change. Throughout the whole
development process, previously reinforced behaviors drop out of
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
the person's response as a result of e ither nonreinforcement or
punishment from the present social environment (H je lle & Z iegler,
1976; Schultz, 1936).
In conclusion, the social learning theory of p o l i t ic a l social
ization is based upon the principle of conditioning and reinforce
ment. Socialization is viewed as the learning process of associat
ing stimuli with proper responses. We are primarily products of
soc ia liza tion , shaped more by external variables than by inner
factors. The socia lization process is l ife long; i t occurs in the
family shortly a fte r the infant is born; and schools, peer groups,
and the mass media continue the process; and in la te r l i f e , the
adult's behavior and thought patterns are reinforced by the work
place and other s ign ificant agents. Our basic behaviors are formed
in childhood. This does not mean, however, that our behavior can
not change la te r in l i f e . What has been learned can be modified
and new patterns of behavior can be acquired at any age.
Cognitive Theory
The cognitive theory of human development is based upon the
principle of in te llec tu a l maturation—the development of cognitive
a b i l i t ie s such as perceiving, remembering, reasoning, and believ
ing. Cognitive theorists believe that in te llec tua l maturation
determines when certain kinds of learning can occur. Some kinds of
s k il ls are beyond children of certain ages; even practice w il l not
allow children to master these s k i l ls e a r l ie r than those of the
same age who have no p ra c t ic e . C erta in kinds of conceptual
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
a b i l i t ie s and coordination simply take time to develop (Green,
1989; Spence, 1978).
Jean Piaget, a developmental psychologist, has devoted a long
career to the process of in te llectua l maturation. He began with
intensive observation of his own children, and from his conclusions
about th e ir development he began to build a theory. He suggested
that human beings gradually pass through stages of cognitive devel
opment. Each stage is characterized by the particu lar kinds of
in te llec tua l processes (P h i l l ip s , 1981; Piaget, 1972):
1. The sensorimotor stage: In the sensorimotor stage, which
lasts from b irth until about the age of 2, the inte lligence of
children is expressed only through sensory and physical contact
with the objects that surround them. Lacking language, infants
cannot think about and understand the world.
2. The preoperational stage: This stage lasts from around
the age of 2 to 7 and is characterized by the rapid development of
representational processes. There are six representational func
tions which Piaget considers to develop in this stage: im itation,
play, drawing, mental image, memory, and language. Children also
demonstrate egocentrism in the early part of the preoperational
stage; they see the world almost en t ire ly from their own perspec
tives and, therefore, have d i f f ic u l ty taking other people's points
of view into account.
3. The concrete operational stage: In this stage, which
lasts from about 7 to 12, children can reason about, concrete s itua
tions, but not about abstract ones. I f children of th is age, for
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
example, are asked to ta lk about abstract concepts such as death,
they have great d i f f ic u l ty in doing so without referring to actual
events, such as the death of a dog. Children in this stage can
also take other people's points of view into consideration and,
therefore, can part ic ipa te e ffe c tive ly in games and other social
organizations.
4. The formal operational stage: In this stage, which lasts
from about 12 to 15, children are able to achieve formal, abstract
thought. They can think in terms of theories and can manipulate
complex chemical, moral, and other concepts. They are able to use
general rules to solve whole classes of problems, and they can
reason lo g ic a lly from premises to conclusions that would not be
possible in previous stages.
Although the exact ages at which a child moves along these
four stages varies from child to child and from culture to culture,
Piaget (1972) insisted that this sequence of stages is universal.
I t must be pointed out, however, that not everyone reaches the
f in a l stage of formal operations. As Robertson (1987b) argued:
Many adults have great d i f f ic u l ty in understanding abstract concepts, p a r t ic u la r ly i f they have l i t t l e exposure to formal thinking in the ir own soc ia liza tion . In fa c t , more than half the people in the world today cannot read or w rite , for they live in societies that lacked the resources to make access to the vast storehouse of facts, ideas, and l i te ra tu re that the rest of us, socialized d if fe re n t ly , can take for granted, (p. 125)
Piaget's (1972) theory of cognitive development has been used
by many p o l it ic a l scientists in research on p o l it ic a l soc ia liza
tion . In th e ir longitudinal work of The Child's P o lit ica l World,
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
for instance, Moore, Lare, and Wagner (1985) have adopted the
Piagetian approach to the study of how children receive p o lit ica l
knowledge and p o l it ic a l values. They posed a series of research
questions, such as: Do stages of p o li t ic a l awareness exist? Are
they empirically identif iab le? Are they sequential? Are there
certain p o l it ic a l concepts which have to be grasped before a child
can move on to more advanced levels of p o li t ic a l awareness? In
order to examine these questions, through Piagetian model, Moore et
a l . (1985) hypothesized that "in the realm of p o l i t ic a l awareness,
as in other areas of learning, a maturing child moves through a
series of cognitive stages during which increasingly complex under
standings are assimilated" (p. 65).
After presenting longitudinal data to i l lu s t r a te children's
expanding awareness of the presidential role, Moore et a l . (1985)
successfully confirmed the relevance of the cognitive-developmental
theory of learning to the sphere of p o li t ic a l awareness. When
being asked each year "What does the President do when he goes to
work?" one of the observed children responded as follows:
Kindergarten: "I don't know."
F irs t grade: "Sometimes makes speeches and works in hiso f f ic e ."
Second grade: "Make speeches and does laws."
Third grade: "He signs b i l l s and a l l th a t ; he signslaws."
Fourth grade: "He signs b i l l s , goes to meetings in Congress, signs laws." (p. 90)
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
In conclusion, the cognitive theory of p o li t ic a l socialization
suggests that as children mature they pass through a series of
stages of cognitive development. These stages are sequential and a
child must reach a part icu lar maturational level in order to com
prehend more complex phenomena. Since maturational factors l im it
the kind and speed of soc ia liza tion , the payoff of learning cogni
t ive theory is c lear—people can more in te l l ig e n t ly and e f f ic ie n t ly
judge how best to socialize children.
A Model of the Process of P o lit ica l Life
In the previous sections, we described the h is torica l develop
ment of p o l i t ic a l soc ia liza tion , defined p o l it ic a l soc ia lization ,
and studied representative theories of p o l i t ic a l soc ia liza tion . In
th is section of the chapter, we propose the incorporated model of
p o lit ic a l l i f e (see Figure 2) which is designed to examine how
p o lit ic a l socialization can be viewed in the process of p o l i t ic a l
l i f e . Before we begin to introduce the recommended model, two
essential characteristics of this p o l i t ic a l analysis need to be
pointed out; and defin itions of the basic terms in th is model f o l
low.
F irs t of a l l , the incorporated model is developed to connect
both ind iv idual-level and systematic-level analyses for p o lit ic a l
socia lization . The two levels may complement each other, for each
focuses on a d iffe ren t aspect of p o li t ic a l re a l i ty . The individual
approach shows how people learn p o lit ic a l attitudes and behav
ior; the systematic approach shows the consequence of p o l i t ic a l
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
34
Politicalculture
Political / Political— :— :— 7* socialization V personality J participation
Political Politicalsystem
Public
policy
Politicalchange
Figure 2. The Incorporated Model of Po lit ica l L ife .
socialization in the p o l it ic a l system, taken together, they may
provide a more comprehensive view of the topic than could be o f
fered by either one perspective alone.
Secondarily, the concepts and the ir in terrelations involved in
th is model are abstract and may seem far removed from the concrete
ness of the p o lit ic a l l i f e that every one of us personally experi
ences. However, they can help guide us to an understanding of many
things we do not d ire c t ly experience and thus broaden our p o li t ic a l
insight.
P o lit ic a l Culture
P o lit ica l culture refers to cognitive, a ffec tive , and evalua
t ive compounds of orientations people have toward three basic e le
ments of the p o l it ic a l system: (1) the government, (2) others in
the p o l it ic a l system, and (3) themselves (Almond & Powell, 1978;
Rosenbaum, 1975). We may provide Table 2 to gain further under
standing of this d e f in it io n . A p o lit ic a l culture is the product of
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
the h is torica l experience of a nation as well as the ongoing proc
esses of p o l i t ic a l , social, and economic a c t iv i ty . In any society,
p o lit ic a l culture plays an important role in helping individuals
cope with problems from the p o l it ic a l system.
Table 2
Compounds of P o lit ica l Culture
Compound of p o lit ica l culture Manifestations
Cognitive orientation: 1. We (Americans) have a democraticbeliefs about how things government.are in the p o l it ic a lworld 2. The ruling party always equates i ts
own policies with the national good and tends to regard opposition as d is loya l.
3. I don't have the a b i l i t y to make a difference in the decision-making process.
Affective orientation: 1. I love my country.emotions toward perceived p o lit ic a l objects 2. I don't trust the ruling party.
3. I don't l ike to be powerless in the decision-making process.
Evaluative orientation: 1. Social welfare should be the f i r s tbelie fs about public p r io r i ty of public policy.policy should be sought
2. A tolerance of dissenting opinion is fundamental to democracy.
3. I should be p o l i t ic a l ly active.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
36
P o lit ica l Socialization
P o lit ic a l soc ia lization is the process of social interaction
through which people in te rna lize p o lit ic a l norms and values of
th e ir culture and thus acquire the ir p o l i t ic a l personalities.
P o lit ica l socialization is the crucial link between the individual
and the p o l it ic a l system. P o lit ica l socialization helps the new
comers c la r i f y expectations, receive new values, modify old values,
and learn behavior patterns that are essential for p o l i t ic a l l i v
ing. And, p o l i t ic a l soc ialization enables the p o lit ic a l system to
have a re la t iv e ly integrated p o lit ic a l cu lture , thus ensuring i ts
continuity from generation to generation. The p o lit ic a l soc ia liza
tion process serves three main functions (Dawson et a l . , 1977):
one is to pass on to newcomers of a society the central elements of
p o lit ic a l culture of older generations; another, to transform some
of those elements as change in order to cope with stress from the
new environment; f in a l ly , in some re la t iv e ly unusual instances such
as the establishment of a new independent state, to create a new
p o lit ic a l culture.
P o lit ica l Personality
One of the most important outcomes of p o l i t ic a l socialization
is individual p o l i t ic a l personality. Personality refers to "the
persisting, organized dispositions that lead a person to respond in
characteristic ways to the environment . . . the dispositions that
shape responses to p o l i t ic a l stimuli are sometimes called p o l it ic a l
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
personality" (Plano, Riggs, & Robin, 1982, p. 90). The main func
tion of p o l i t ic a l personality for an individual is to provide the
cue for p o l i t ic a l part ic ipa tion . I t is true that personality has
always been and always w il l be with us. There has never been a
time when human behavior, including p o lit ic a l behavior, has not
been largely influenced by the mental images through which people
have grown accustomed to perceiving and judging th e ir environment.
The formation process of p o li t ic a l personality is under the
influence of socialization experiences throughout the l i f e course.
Nobody is born a radical Democrat, a conservative Republican, or an
anarchist. People may be born with the potential to become any of
these, but what they actually become is prim arily the product of
th e ir unique socia lization experiences. P o lit ic a l personality is
never e n t ire ly stable; i t can be modified or replaced in the l igh t
of subsequent experiences. I t is not uncommon to an individual
that the values of the various socialization agents, in a given
situation, may not be the same and can even be in outright con
f l i c t . Parents may t e l l us one thing, teachers something else, and
the media something else again. And the d iffe ren t voles that the
individual plays may also be in co n fl ic t . As a Republican, you are
supposed to vote for the Republican presidential candidate; for
some reason, however, you might prefer the Democratic candidate.
The individual is pushed this way and that and somehow has to make
choices in unexpected situations.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
P o lit ica l Partic ipation
P o lit ica l partic ipation can be defined as "those a c t iv it ie s by
private citizens that are more or less d ire c t ly aimed at influenc
ing the selection of governmental personnel and/or the decisions
that they make" (Verba, Nie, & Kim, 1971, p. 9 ) . The types of
p o lit ic a l culture have been c lassified into partic ipant, subject,
and parochial categories (Almond & Verba, 1963); we can use this
c lass if ica tion to analyze the way people ty p ic a l ly partic ipate in
th e ir p o l i t ic a l system. The typical c it izen of partic ipant culture
is active in the process of resources allocation . The subject
culture is characterized by c itizens who passively accept the deci
sions of governments. In the society of parochial culture, c i t i
zens might not identify themselves as members of the p o l it ic a l
system which may lead them to p o lit ic a l apathy or radical attempts
to overthrow the system (Isaak, 1987).
The degree to which people get involved in the p o l it ic a l pro
cess varies not only from person to person but also from state to
state. We provide Figure 3 to show that d iffe ren t states have
the ir own d iffe ren t styles of p o li t ic a l partic ipation .
P o lit ica l System
The p o l it ic a l system refers to those institu tions and pro
cesses through which values are au thorita tive ly allocated in a
society (Easton, 1965). I t is the p o l it ic a l system that responds
to people's p o l i t ic a l partic ipation (demands and support) in terms
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
1 0 0 -
90-
80-
70-
60 -
50 -
4 0 -
3 0 -
20 -
10-
0 -
Participants
Participants Participants Participants
Subjects
Subjects
Subjects
ParochialsSubjects
Parochials
Parochial s ParochialsDemocrat ic industrial
Authoritarianindustria l
Authoritariantransitional
Democraticpreindustrial
Figure 3. Models of P o lit ic a l Culture: Orientations TowardInvolvement in the P o lit ica l Process.
Source: From Comparative Government Today (p. 43) by A. G. Almondand G. B. Powell, J r . , 1988, Glenview, IL: Scott, Fores-man.
of decisions and actions. From time to time, the sum of the wants
and needs of the individuals and groups within the society may
exceed the resources available for d istribution to them. So long
as there is scarcity in the world, people w il l face the problem of
d is tr ibu tio n . The p o l it ic a l system, therefore, is needed to deal
with th is problem. In other words, government lays down the rules
of the game in con flic t and competition between individuals and
institu tions within society.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Public Policy
Public policy,, in Dye's (1975) view, is "whatever governments
choose to do or not to do" (p. 1 ). In a society, governments per
form many tasks: They regulate con fl ic t between people and groups;
they allocate a great variety of goods and services to members
within society; they provide economic aid to foreign nations; they
collect taxes. Public policy may be expressed in a variety of
forms, including laws, executive orders, ju d ic ia l decisions, and
the l ik e made by the authorities. In systems theory, we may also
conceive of public policy as those actions by the p o l it ic a l system
in response to the demands and supports from the environment.
P o lit ic a l Change
According to Andrain (1988), p o li t ic a l change refers to:
The mode of p o l i t ic a l production has a lte re d --th a t is , the policy process has experienced changes in the structural basis of p o l i t ic a l ru le , the cultural belie fs that become p r io r it ie s of p o li t ic a l decision-makers, and the ways of handling basic issues in the policy process.(p. 9)
No society can successfully prevent p o l i t ic a l change, not even
those that t ry to do so, although some societies are more resistant
to change than others. P o li t ic a l change may occur when a p o lit ic a l
system adapts to new demands from its changing environment, or when
a p o l it ic a l system cannot maintain i t s e l f and is replaced by anoth
er. P o li t ica l change is extremely important because "the survival
of any government depends on its capacity to change and adapt to
i ts environment" (Plano et a l . , 1982, p. 98).
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
In sum, the character of p o lit ic a l institu tions and behavior
varies a great deal from one society to another, but the process of
p o lit ic a l l i f e i t s e l f may be universal. Through p o lit ic a l s o c ia l i
zation, people have learned p o lit ic a l culture and formed the ir
p o lit ic a l personalities with which they perceive and partic ipate in
the p o lit ic a l system. F in a lly , mass partic ipation w il l cause po
l i t i c a l change and, consequently, reshape p o l it ic a l culture. In
this incorporated model, the process of p o l i t ic a l l i f e continues to
run through its continuous "loop" without end: p o l i t ic a l culture
—> p o lit ic a l socialization —> p o lit ica l personality —> p o lit ic a l
partic ipation --> p o l i t ic a l system --> public policy --> p o l i t ic a l
change —> new p o l it ic a l culture —> and so on.
Socialization Studies on Taiwan
Socialization research on Taiwan has been conducted by many
scholars from various aspects. Wilson (1970), for instance, has
studied the p o lit ic a l culture of Taiwan in terms of socialization
analysis. In examining the p o lit ic a l socialization of Chinese
children on Taiwan, he analyzed three areas. The in i t ia l area of
investigation is the relationship between children and social
groups in which they l iv e . The factors for analysis are the means
by which "group integration is achieved, the nature of the stimuli
that bring such integration about, and how responses are related to
these stimuli" (Wilson, 1970, p. 10). One main element of this
investigation is how the educational system attempts to socialize
children to invest loya lty in the state. The secondary area of
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
investigation covers those group attitudes to the attitudes c h i l
dren hold toward authority figures. Wilson put stress on aspects
of p o li t ic a l education of how p o lit ica l leaders are introduced into
the educational content and how children come to perceive the po
l i t i c a l leader and the p o l it ic a l process. The f in a l area of inves
tigation is how h o s t i l i ty is expressed in group so lid a r ity . Wilson
(1970) studied "how the p o l it ic a l authorities, acting through the
educational system, attempt to channel potential h o s t i l i ty into
increased loyalty and so lid a r ity for th e ir own p o lit ic a l system and
into hatred for p o l i t ic a l enemies" (p. 10).
Based on the assumption that the school is more accessible to
governmental control, Martin (1975) has revealed, through examining
elementary school textbooks, the social and p o l it ic a l norms which
the government of Taiwan encourages its future citizens to adopt.
The textbooks used for analysis were Chinese Language (Republic of
China, 1970) for Grades 1 to 5. Among 10 volumes, only the odd
numbered volumes were selected as the sample for examination. The
findings presented by Martin have been organized into the following
topics: (a) basic personal "virtues" and a ttr ibutes , (b) social
relationships, (c) attitudes and behaviors, (d) types of individu
als presented in model roles, (e) rewards noted for sanctioned
behavior, and ( f ) p o l i t ic a l issues and symbols. This analysis is
another contribution toward understanding of the p o l it ic a l culture
of Taiwan.
Meyer (1988) has studied teaching morality in Taiwan schools.
He argued that unlike Western cultures which have t ra d it io n a l ly
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
emphasized knowledge, re l ig io n , and law, Chinese culture has been
primarily concerned with morality. And i t is the morality that has
strong impact on regulating individual behavior in everyday l i f e .
By examining school textbooks, he attempted to iden tify the unique
ness of the Chinese moral t ra d it io n . Meyer's study was based on an
examination of the textbooks which have some moral content during
primary school (6 years) on Taiwan. The textbooks used for analy
sis were L ife and Human Relationships (Republic of China, 1983h, 6
volumes), Chinese Language (Republic of China, 1983a, 12 volumes),
Social Studies (Republic of China, 1983m, 12 volumes), Citizenship
and Morality (Republic of China, 1983c, 6 volumes), Chinese L ite ra
ture (Republic of China, 1983b, 6 volumes), Geography (Republic of
China, 1983e, 6 volumes), and Hi story (Republic of China, 1983g, 6
volumes).
From another perspective, this thesis attempts to investigate
the contents of school textbooks with regard to the gender ro le .
We try to examine elementary school textbooks to see i f they have
messages of p o li t ic a l difference between sexes which might contrib
ute to the understanding of why women are rare ly seen in any posi
tions of power or authority in any realm on Taiwan.
P o lit ica l Culture and Gender Roles on Taiwan
Men and women in every society tend to d i f fe r in personality
t r a i t s and the performance of social roles. Taiwan is no excep
tion. Taiwanese society treats men and women in d iffe ren t ways and
expects d iffe ren t patterns of behavior from them. Throughout
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
history, men have generally been the dominant sex and women have
been subordinate to them. Both men and women have customarily
taken this social arrangement for granted, passing i t down from
generation to generation as part of the culture (Hsu, 1987).
Chinese culture has t ra d it io n a l ly stressed gender-linked per
sonality t r a i t s . Despite gender-role changes of recent years,
there is s t i l l some consensus about the way men and women interpret
th e ir own roles, and i t is possible to outline the characteristics
in a very general way (Y i, 1988). The Chinese woman is ty p ic a l ly
supposed to be passive, conformist, affectionate, sensitive, in tu i
t iv e , dependent, s e lf -s a c r if ic in g for her family, and prim arily
concerned with domestic l i f e . She is not supposed to be too knowl
edgeable about sports, p o l i t ic s , economics, and sim ilar masculine
topics, but deeply concerned about her routine domestic duties.
She should not appear ambitious or she risks being regarded as
unfeminine. In her relationships with men, she should not take the
in i t ia t iv e , but should be tender, expressive, and appreciative.
The Chinese man, on the other hand, is t ra d it io n a l ly supposed to be
active, aggressive, s e l f - r e l ia n t , log ical, tough, fearless, and
independent. He is supposed to be ignorant of cooking, doing the
laundry, and similar domestic duties. He should have defin ite
opinions on the major issues of the day, should be capable of mak
ing authorita tive decisions in the home, and should take care of
economics for his family. His self-image comes from his achieve
ments in the outside world, and work is the major focus of his
l i f e .
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Chinese po lit ics has generally been viewed as a male a c t iv ity .
Men are elected and appointed to the majority of policy-making
positions at a l l levels of government (Hsu, 1987; Yi, 1988). Ac
cording to the Council fo r Economic Planning and Development
(1988), women represent 47% of the population, but we find out most
of the role models that p o lit ics has to o ffe r are male. Women are
rarely seen in any positions of power in any realm on Taiwan. The
imbalance is obvious--women are underrepresented at the e l i t e level
proportional to th e ir numbers in the population.
Why do women occupy few positions of p o l i t ic a l power? Why are
they underrepresented in formal p o l i t ic a l partic ipation on Taiwan?
The next chapter examines these questions by analyzing the contents
of elementary school textbooks. The rationale underlying this
attempt is that we assume that school as a socializing agent a t
tempts to re f le c t the dominant culture and, therefore, channel
young women into lowered expectations and an unwillingness to play
active roles in the p o l it ic a l aspect of society.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
CHAPTER I I I
DESIGN AND METHODOLOGY .
The principal objective of this research is to investigate i f
elementary school textbooks of Taiwan present sex-typed images of
adult behavior. The theoretical foundation underlying this attempt
is based upon the incorporated model of p o l i t ic a l l i f e . In the
proposed model, we assume that through socialization process, peo
ple have learned cultural norms and values and formed th e ir person
a l i t ie s with which they perceive and partic ipate in the p o l it ic a l
system. Therefore, i f the p o lit ic a l culture of Taiwan discourages
female partic ipation in the p o lit ic a l arena, we might expect the
content of p o l i t ic a l socialization to re f lec t and reinforce this
tendency; consequently, women have learned to be p o l i t ic a l ly pas
sive and are rare ly seen in any positions of authority on Taiwan.
Data Collection
In order to develop th is study, three sets of elementary tex t
books are sampled to be analyzed. The f i r s t set is Social Studies
(Republic of China, 1988d). Another set is Life and Human Rela
tionships (Republic of China, 1988c). The last set is Chinese
Language (Republic of China, 1988b). They have to meet three
c r i te r ia in order to be e l ig ib le to partic ipate in the study.
Textbooks have to be: (1) required of a l l students in elementary
46
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
schools on Taiwan; (2) offering role models, social norms, and
patterns of l i f e styles; and (3) engaging in p o li t ic a l indoctrina
tion of values.
There are nine sets of textbooks required of a ll students in
elementary schools on Taiwan. They are Arts, Chinese Language,
Common Sense, Health Education, L ife and Human Relationships, Math
ematics, Music, Natural Science, and Social Studies.
Among nine required textbooks, only Chinese Language, L ife and
Social Relationships, and Social Studies offer role models, social
norms, and patterns of l i f e styles. Through these three sets of
textbooks, children can learn about courtroom lawyers, norms on the
relationship with others, and a typical Chinese family in which a ll
contribute to how they perceive and perform in the world around
them.
Again, only Chinese Language, L ife and Human Relationships,
and Social Studies engage in p o li t ic a l indoctrination of values.
The purposes of education in a ll nations include not only instruct
ing children in part icu lar s k i l ls that they need to perform useful
roles in society, but also engaging in p o li t ic a l indoctrination of
values. By analyzing the contents of school textbooks, we may
understand o f f ic ia l values and beliefs about p o li t ic a l r e a l i ty .
What can be gained from an examination of school texts is as Martin
(1975) argued, "a picture of what the government would l ike the
content of children's soc ia lization to be" (p. 243).
The common characteristic of these three sets of textbooks
(see Table 3) is that they are a ll published by government printing
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Reproduced
with perm
ission of the
copyright ow
ner. Further
reproduction prohibited
without
permission.
i
Table 3
Characteristics of the Sampled Textbooks
Characteristic Chinese LanguageLife and Human Relationships Social Studies
Publisher Provincial Government, Office of Education
Provincial Government, Office of Education
Provincial Government, Office of Education
Extent of use All schools in the nation
All schools in the nation
All schools in the nation
Grade level 1st grade-6th grade 4th grade-6th grade 1st grade-6th grade
Age level 7-12 10-12 7-12
Volumes of use 13 6 12
-p»oo
houses and circulated through a l l the nation's elementary schools.
The f i r s t set, containing 12 volumes, is Social Studies used from
the f i r s t grade to sixth grade. Another set, consisting o f . 6 vo l
umes, is Life and Human Relationships used from fourth grade to
sixth grade. The last set, including 13 volumes, is Chinese Lan
guage used from f i r s t grade to sixth grade.
Hypotheses
In th is study, we assume Taiwanese society categorizes i ts
members according to sex, treating men and women d if fe re n t ly and
expecting various patterns of behavior from them. From time to
time, Chinese men have generally been the dominant sex and Chinese
women have been subordinate to them. Both men and women have usu
a l ly taken this inequality for granted as a social norm, passing i t
down from generation to generation as part of the culture.
The Taiwanese woman we assume is ty p ic a l ly expected to be
sensitive, caring, and affectionate, but also re la t iv e ly dependent,
passive, and conformist. She is supposed to be ignorant of p o l i
t ic s , sports, and economics, but deeply concerned about routine
domestic duties. She should not appear ambitious or obviously
in te l l ig e n t , or she risks being regarded as unfeminine. In her
relationships with men, she does not take the in i t ia t iv e , but in
stead allows the male to set the pace.
The Taiwanese man we assume, on the other hand, is t ra d it io n
a l ly expected to be s e l f - r e l ia n t , tough, independent, competitive,
and aggressive. He is not supposed to be too knowledgeable about
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
baby care, dishwashing, and similar "feminine" topics. He should
have d e f in ite opinions on the major issues of the day and should be
capable of making authorita tive decisions in the home and outside
the family. In his relationships with women, he is expected to
take the in i t ia t iv e .
I f the dominant culture of Taiwan stresses sex-linked person
a l i t y characteristics, according to the incorporated model of po
l i t i c a l l i f e , we might anticipate school textbooks are laden with
messages expecting d iffe ren t patterns of behavior between sexes.
Therefore, we propose two hypotheses:
1. In school textbooks, male characters outnumber female
characters.
2. The contents of textbooks o ffe r many more diverse and
significant role models to males than to females.
Data Analysis
In the process of data analysis, we adopt d iffe ren t s ta t is t ic s
to test Hypothesis 1 and Hypothesis 2, respectively.
To test Hypothesis 1 (male characters outnumber female charac
ters in school textbooks), we w il l f i r s t calculate the frequency of
characters textbooks have referred to by gender in Social Studies
(12 volumes), L ife and Human Relationships (6 volumes), and Chinese
Language (13 volumes) textbooks; and then present a table of f r e
quency d istribution for each set of textbooks, followed by a pie
chart. F ina lly , we use chi-square goodness-of-fit test to deter
mine how "good a f i t " the a c tu a l d i s t r i b u t i o n is to the
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
hypothetical d is tr ibu tion . To further test Hypothesis 2 (textbooks
offe r many more diverse and s ignificant role models to males than
females), we w il l present a table to show what role models, person
a l i t y t r a i t s , and social norms textbooks expect boys and g ir ls to
adopt.
To test Hypothesis 2, textbooks o ffe r many more diverse and
significant role models to males than to females, we w il l f i r s t
compute the frequency of role models portrayed by gender in Chinese
Language, and present a table of proportion d istribution to show
the ra tio of stories featuring males and females. The second area
of investigation covers the virtues L ife and Human Relationships
textbooks expect boys and g ir ls to adopt. Content analysis of
these textbooks was done on the basis of 17 virtues. The appear
ance of a v irtue was coded both quantita tive ly and q u a lita t ive ly ,
giving each virtue a s ta t is t ic a l measure of i ts occurrence and a
content description. So long as the main character of each v ir tue -
oriented story is portrayed by a male, we take i t as a story te x t
books offer for males; and the reverse is the same.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
CHAPTER IV
FINDINGS
The purpose of this case study of p o l i t ic a l socialization is
to investigate i f elementary school textbooks of Taiwan present
sex-typed images of adult behavior. Two hypotheses have been fo r
mulated to be tested: (1) Male characters outnumber female charac
ters in school textbooks, and (2) the contents of textbooks offer
many more diverse and s ign ificant role models to male than female
characters. After examining the textbooks, we have found that
males and "masculine" a c t iv i t ie s are emphasized more than females
and "feminine" a c t iv i t ie s . The findings of the data analysis are
organized and presented in the following tables and figures.
Social Studies
The data in Table 4 represent test of Hypothesis 1 at the .05
level of significance.
Table 4
Frequency of Characters by Gender in Social Studies(12 Volumes)
Male Female Chi square
Observed frequency 173 5 158.562
Expected frequency 89 89
52
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Step 1. Hypothesis 1: We predict that male characters out
number. female characters in Social Studies.
HI: P > .5
HO: P \< .5
Step 2. D istribution: We have two categories in the popula
tion.
The chi-square d istribution is appropriate.
Step 3. Level of significance: .05.
Step 4. C r it ica l value: We have the chi-square d istribution ,
the .05 level of significance, and one degree of freedom. The
c r i t ic a l value w il l be 3.841.(0 - E)2
Step 5. Decision: The text is x E ----- -̂---- = 158.562. The
obtained value of 158.562 is beyond the c r i t ic a l value of 3.841.
The decision is to re ject the null hypothesis.
Step 6. Conclusion: We conclude that male characters out
number female characters in Social Studies by the percentage of
97.2% to 2.8% (see Figure 4) at the .05 level of significance.
■ Male 97.2%U Female 2.8%
Figure 4. Percentage Distribution of the Frequency of Characters by Gender in Social Studies.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Life and Human Relationships
The data in Table 5 represent the test of the f i r s t hypothesis
at the .05 level of significance.
Table 5
Frequency of Characters by Gender in Life and Human Relationships (6 Volumes’]
Male Female Chi square
Observed frequency 92 8 70.56
Expected frequency 50 50
Step 1. Hypothesis 1: We predict that male characters out
number female characters in Life and Human Relationships.
HI: P > .5
HO: P \< .5
Step 2. D istribution: We have two categories in the popula
tion .
The chi-square d istribution is appropriate.
Step 3 . Level of significance: .05.
Step 4 . C r it ic a l value: We have the chi-square d is tribu tion ,
the .05 level of significance, and one degree of freedom. The
c r i t ic a l value w il l be 3.841.( 0 - E ) 2
Step 5. Decision: The test is x 2 ----- -̂------ = 70.56. The
obtained value of 70.56 is beyond the c r i t ic a l value of 3.841. The
decision is to re ject the null hypothesis.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Step 6. Conclusion: We conclude that male characters outnum
ber female characters in L ife and Human Relationships by the per
centage of 92% to 8% (see Figure 5) at the .05 level of s ig n i f i
cance.
| M a le 92.0%pH Female 8.0%
Figure 5. Percentage Distribution of the Frequency of Characters by Gender in Life and Human Relationships.
Chinese Language
The data in Table 6 represent the test of Hypothesis 1 at the
.05 level of significance.
Table 6
Frequency of Characters by Gender in Chinese Language(13 volumes)
Male Female Chi square
Observed frequency 103 11 74.246
Expected frequency - 57 57
Step 1 . Hypothesis 1: We pred ic t tha t male characters
outnumber female characters in Chinese Language.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
HI: P > .5
H0: P \< .5
Step 2 . D is t r ib u t io n : We have two categories in the
population.
The chi-square distribution is appropriate.
Step 3. Level of significance: .05.
Step 4. C r it ic a l value: We have the chi-square d istribution ,
the .05 level of significance, and one degree of freedom. The
c r i t ic a l value w il l be 3.841.( ° “ E>2Step 5. Decision: The test is x = E ------ £------- = 74.246. The
obtained value of 70.56 is beyond the c r i t ic a l value of 3.841. The
decision is to re ject the null hypothesis.
Step 6. Conclusion: We conclude that male characters outnum
ber female characters in Chinese Language by the percentage of
90.4% to 9.6% (see Figure 6) at the .05 level of significance.
■ Male 90.4%0 Female 9.6%
Figure 6. Percentage Distribution of the Frequency of Characters by Gender in Chinese Language.
Role models by gender pervade Chinese Language. A total of 72
role models are portrayed in the textbooks. Men are portrayed in
63 diverse roles. Women are portrayed in 9 roles, one-seventh of
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
the number for men. Table 7 l is ts the role models by gender in
Chinese Language to show the textbooks o ffe r many more diverse and
significant role models to males than to females.
Table 7
Role Models in Chinese Language by Gender
Male Female
Father, Son, Student, Professor, Mother, Daughter,
Princip le , Teacher, Statesman, Scientist, Student, Grandmother,
Businessman, Monitor, Farmer, Actor, Teacher, Writer,
Miner, F ire f ig h te r , Poet, T ra f f ic Revolutionist,
policeman, Doctor, W riter, Soldier, President, Queen (9)
Painter, Carpenter, Driver, Worker,
Captain, T a ilo r , Mason, Expert, Archer,
Hunter, Plumber, Hermit, Adventurer,
Architect, Magician, Abbot, Monk,
Engineer, Emperor, Lord, Giant,
Governor, Customer, Waiter, Beggar,
Astronaut, Ambassador, Police o ff ic e r ,
King, Prime minister, Counselor, Rich
man, Bandit, Prince, Revolutionist,
Genius, Assassin, Foreign student,
Thinker, Scholar, Trainmaster,
Inventor, Lawyer, Sociologist (63)
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Virtues by gender can be found in L ife and Human Relation
ships. The ra t io of virtues featuring males and females is 37 to
1. Looking at Table 8, the data show that there is an overemphasis
of virtues in the textbooks on men, and an underemphasis on women.
Table 8
Virtues by Gender in Life and Human Relationships
Male Female
D iligent study (3) Justice (1)
F i l i a l p iety (3)
Cooperation (2)
Frugality (2)
Patriotism (3)
Benevolence (2)
Responsibility (3)
Peace (3) •
Honesty (2)
Justice (2)
Sense of shame (3)
Civic v irtue (1)
Etiquette (2)
Forgiveness (2)
Bravery (2)
Perseverance (2)
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
The results of data analyses in this chapter indicate that the
proposed hypotheses are strongly supported. We can conclude that
three sets of textbooks--Social Studies, L ife and Human Relation
ships, and Chinese Language contain clear sex-typed images of adult
behavior; and male characters are emphasized more than female char
acters. Since women on Taiwan represent M% of the population, the
imbalance of representation in textbooks is obvious. Male charac
ters outnumber female characters in school textbooks, and the con
tents of textbooks o ffe r many more diverse and s ignificant role
models to males than females.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
CHAPTER V
CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS
Conclusions
This thesis contains both theoretical and applied research.
In the theoretical part, we are prim arily concerned with the proc
ess of p o l i t ic a l soc ia liza tion . In so doing, we have studied the
historica l development of research on p o l it ic a l soc ia liza tion ,
c la r i f ie d the concept, described various approaches to studying
p o lit ic a l soc ia liza tion , and proposed a descriptive model of p o l i t
ical l i f e and examined how p o l it ic a l socialization can be viewed in
this model.
Based on the previous review of l i t e r a tu r e , we conclude that
p o lit ic a l socialization is a crucial link between the individual
and the p o l it ic a l system. P o lit ica l socialization enables the
individual to receive the norms, values, and other patterns of
thought and action that are essential for p o l i t ic a l l iv in g . P o l i t
ical soc ia liza tion , on the other hand, enables the p o lit ic a l system
to reproduce i t s e l f , thus ensuring i ts continuity from generation
to generation.
In the applied part, this research attempts to analyze the
learning of gender roles in elementary school textbooks on Taiwan.
After examining sampled textbooks, we have accepted two proposed
hypotheses: male characters outnumber female characters in school
60
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
textbooks; and the contents of school textbooks o ffe r many more
diverse and s ign ificant role models to males than females. Accord
ing to the incorporated model, we rest our interpretation of f in d
ings on the following conclusions:
1. Taiwanese society categorizes i ts members according to
sex, treating males and females in d iffe ren t ways and expecting
d iffe ren t patterns of behavior from them. Furthermore, men have
been the dominant sex and women have been subordinate to them. In
the proposed model, i t is assumed that the contents of p o l i t ic a l
socialization re f le c t and reinforce p o l it ic a l culture. Therefore,
i f there is a male oriented culture in the society, we might antic
ipate that school textbooks would present sex-typed images of adult
behavior and emphasize males and masculine a c t iv it ie s more than
females and feminine a c t iv i t ie s .
2. The confirmation of the proposed hypotheses may contribute
to the understanding of why most of the role models p o lit ics have
to o ffe r are male, and women are rare ly seen in any positions of
power or authority in any realm on Taiwan. Based on the incorpo
rated model, p o l i t ic a l socialization is the process of social in
teraction through which people in terna lize p o l it ic a l norms and
values of th e ir culture and acquire th e ir p o l i t ic a l personalities.
I f today's school textbooks have messages expecting d iffe ren t pat
terns of behavior between sexes, these images may s ig n if ican tly
help bring about children's sense of th e ir own id en tity and poten
t i a l . Through e a r l ie r school textbooks, women have been socialized
to stay away from p o lit ics simply because i t is a "masculine"
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
a c t iv ity ; and therefore, they are discouraged or are unwilling to
active ly partic ipate in the p o lit ic a l arena.
Recommendations
P o lit ic a l soc ia liza tion , helping us better understand p o l i t i
cal l i f e , deserves further attention, and closer scrutiny.
The incorporated model of p o li t ic a l l i f e presented in Chapter
I I suggests a number of future directions for both the research and
practice of p o li t ic a l soc ia liza tion . We note, for instance, that
individuals have d iffe ren t psychological orientations and may in
terpret cues and make sense of the environment in various ways. As
researchers, we might not be satis fied with ju s t knowing how power
ful p o l i t ic a l socialization is , but we also need to assess individ
ual difference as we study p o lit ic a l behavior.
To what extent does the message of school textbooks correspond
to r e a l i t y for a given society? How e ffec tive are the textbooks in
in s t i l l in g females and males with attitudes and behaviors deemed
"appropriate" for each gender? I t is obvious that the influences
of the various agents are not always complementary and are often in
outright co n fl ic t . Parents may t e l l us one thing, schools some
thing else, and friends something else again. The individual is
pushed this way and that and somehow has to make personal judgments
in a given s ituation . Every socializing agent has i ts own poten
t ia l to exert influences on the individual, but which agent is the
most in fluen tia l in determining his or her attitudes and behavior?
This is a tempting question so long as we want to better predict
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
p o l it ic a l behavior of the individual.
In order to gain a better understanding of the socialization
process, p o l i t ic a l scientists should conduct more longitudinal
research where individuals can ba observed as they grow up. There
is no doubt that longitudinal analyses are d i f f i c u l t and costly to
conduct, but the benefits seem obvious. F irs t , research over a
period of time w il l allow us to ver ify and refine the various mod
els of p o l i t ic a l soc ia liza tion . Second, such an analysis w il l
allow us to evaluate the importance of socializ ing agents for the
individual at d iffe ren t points in time. Third, longitudinal analy
sis w il l provide the chance to observe changes in individual a t t i
tudes and values.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Almond, G., & Coleman, J. (1960). The p o lit ics of the developingareas. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.
Almond, G., & Powell, G. B., Jr. (1978). Comparative p o l i t ic s . Boston, MA: L i t t l e , Brown.
Almond, G., & Powell, G. B., Jr. (Eds.). (1988). Comparativegovernment today. Glenview, IL: Scott, Foresman.
Almond, G., & Verba, S. (1963). The c iv ic cu ltu re . Boston, MA: L i t t l e , Brown.
Andrain, F. C. (1988). P o lit ica l change in the third world. Boston, MA: Allen and Unwin.
Annas, J. (1981). An introduction to Plato's republic. Oxford, England: Clarendon Press.
Barker, E. (Ed.). (1958). The po lit ics of A r is to t le . Oxford,England: Oxford University Press.
Beck, A. P., & Jennings, K. M. (1982). Pathways to partic ipation . American P o lit ica l Science Review, 76, 94-108.
Conway, M. M., & Feigert, B. F. (1976). P o li t ica l analysis. Boston, MA: Allyn and Bacon.
Cook, E. T. (1985). The bear market in p o l i t ic a l socialization and the costs of misunderstood psychological theories. American P o lit ic a l Science Review, 79, 1079-1093.
Council for Economic Planning and Development. (1988). Taiwan S ta t is t ica l Data Book. Taipei: Author.
Dawson, E. R., Prewitt, K., & Dawson, K. S. (1977). P o lit ica l s o c ia l iza tio n . Boston, MA: L i t t l e , Brown.
Dennis, J . , & Jennings, K. M. (Eds.). (1970). Comparative p o l i t i cal so c ia liza tion . Beverly H i l ls , CA: Sage Publications.
Dye, R. T. (1 9 7 5 ). Understanding pub lic p o l ic y . Englewood C l i f f s , NJ: P ren tice-H a ll.
Easton, D. (1965). A framework for p o li t ic a l analysis. Englewood C l i f f s , NJ: P ren tice-H a ll.
64
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Easton, D., & Jennings, J. (1969). Children in the p o lit ic a l system. New York:. McGraw-Hill.
Eckstein, H. (1963). A perspective on comparative p o l it ic s , past and present. In H. Eckstein & E. D. Apter (Eds.), Comparative p o lit ics (pp. 3-32). New York: Free Press of Glencoe.
G ildin , H. (1983). Rousseau's Social Contract: The design of theargument. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Goel, L. M. (1988 ). P o l i t i c a l science research . Englewood C l i f fs , NJ: P ren tice -H a ll.
Green, M. (1989). Theories of human development. Englewood C l i f f s , NJ: Prentice-Hall.
Greenberg, E. S. (Ed.) (1970). P o li t ica l so c ia liza tio n . NewYork: Atherton Press.
Greenstein, I . F. (1965). Children and p o l i t ic s . New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.
Greenstein, I . F. (1968). P o li t ica l soc ia liza tion . In D. L. S i l l s ( E d . ) , The in te rn a t io n a l encyclopedia of the socia l sciences (Vol. 14, pp. 551-555). New York: Crowel1-Col 1ier .
Greenstein, I . F. (1970). A note on the ambiguity of "p o lit ic a l soc ia liza tion ." Journal of P o l i t ic s , 32, 969-978.
Greenstein, I . F. (1975). The benevolent leader revis ited: C h ildren's images of p o l i t ic a l leaders in three democracies. American P o lit ica l Science Review, 69, 1371-1398.
Hess, D. R. (1963). The socialization of attitudes toward p o l i t i cal authority: Some cross-national comparisons. InternationalSocial Science Journal, 15, 542-559.
Hirsch, H. (1971). Poverty and p o l it ic iz a t io n . New York: TheFree Press.
H je l le , L ., & Z iegler, D. (1976). Personality theories. New York: McGraw-Hill.
Hsu, C. (1987). Looking at the relationship between parents and children from fa iry ta les . In Y. Lee & K. Yang (Eds.), Chinese personality (pp. 207-225). Taipei: Gray Guang.
Isaak, A. C. (1987). An introduction to p o l i t ic s . Glenview, IL: Scott, Foresman.
Jaros, D. (1973). Socialization to p o l i t ic s . New York: Praeger.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Langton, P. K. (1969). P o li t ic a l soc ia liza tion , Oxford, England: Oxford University Press.
Machado, M. (1975-1976). P o li t ic a l socialization in authoritarian system: The case of Brazil (Doctoral d issertation , Universityof Chicago, 1975). American Doctoral Dissertations, p. 365.
Marsh, D. (1971). P o li t ica l soc ialization: The im p lic ity assumptions questioned. British Journal of P o lit ica l Science, 1, 453- 465. ~
Martin, R. (1975). The socialization of children in China and on Taiwan: An analysis of elementary school textbooks. The ChinaQuarterly, 62, 242-262.
Meyer, E. J. (1988). Teaching morality in Taiwan schools: Themessage of the textbooks. The China Quarterly, 114, 267-284.
Moore, W. S., Lare, J . , & Wagner, A. K. (1985). The ch ild 's pol i t i c a l world. New York: Praeger.
P h il l ip s , L. J . , Jr. (1981). Piaget's theory. San Francisco:W. H. Freeman.
Piaget, J. (1972). The ch ild 's conception of the world. Totowa, NJ: L i t t l e f i e ld , Adams.
Plano, C. J . , Riggs, E. R., & Robin, S. H. (1982). The dictionary of p o l i t ic a l analysis. Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-Clio.
Renshon, A. S. (Ed .). (1977). Handbook cf p o l i t ic a l soc ia liza t io n . New York: The Free Press.
Republic of China, Provincial Government, Office of Education.(1970). Chinese language. Taipei: Taiwan Bookstore.
Republic of China, Provincial Government, Office of Education.(1983a). Chinese language. Taipei: Taiwan Bookstore.
Republic of China, Provincial Government, Office of Education.(1983b). Chinese l i t e r a tu r e . Taipei: Taiwan Bookstore.
Republic of China, Provincial Government, Office of Education.(1983c). Citizenship and m orality . Taipei: Taiwan Bookstore.
Republic of China, Provincial Government, Office of Education.(1983d). Common sense. Taipei: Taiwan Bookstore.
Republic of China, Provincial Government, Office of Education.(1983e). Geography. Taipei: Taiwan Bookstore.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Republic of China, Provincial Government, Office of Education(1983f). Health education. Taipei: Taiwan Bookstore.
Republic of China, Provincial Government, Office of Education(1983g). History. Taipei: Taiwan Bookstore.
Republic of China, Provincial Government, Office of Education(1983h). L ife and human relationships. Taipei: Taiwan Bookstore.
Republic of China, Provincial Government, Office of Education(1983i).. Mathematics. Taipei: Taiwan Bookstore.
Republic of China, Provincial Government, Office of Education(1983j ) . Music. Taipei: Taiwan Bookstore.
Republic of China, Provincial Government, Office of Education.(1983k). Natural studies. Taipei: Taiwan Bookstore.
Republic of China, Provincial Government, Office of Education.(1983m). Social studies. Taipei: Taiwan Bookstore.
Republic of China, Provincial Government, Office of Education.(1988a). Arts. Taipei: Taiwan Bookstore.
Republic of China, Provincial Government, Office of Education.(1988b). Chinese language. Taipei: Taiwan Bookstore.
Republic of China, Provincial Government, Office of Education.(1988c). L ife and human relationships. Taipei: Taiwan Bookstore.
Republic of China, Provincial Government, Office of Education.(1988d). Social studies. Taipei: Taiwan Bookstore.
Robertson, I . ( E d . ) . (1987a ). The social w orld . New York:Worth.
Robertson, I . (1987b). Sociology. New York: Worth.
Rosenbaum, A. W. (1975). P o li t ica l cu ltu re . New York: Praeger.
Schultz, 0. (1986). Theories of personality. Monterey, CA:Brooks/Cole.
Searing, D., Schwartz, J . , & Lind, A. (1973). The structuring princip le: P o lit ica l soc ialization and b e lie f systems. American P o lit ic a l Science Review, 67, 415-432.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Searing, D., Wright, G., & Rabinowitz, G. (1976). The primacy princip le: Attitude change and p o l it ic a l soc ia liza tion . B r i t -ish Journal of P o li t ic a l Science, j5, 415-432.
Sigel, R. S. (Ed.). (1970). Learning about p o l i t ic s . New York:Random House.
Skinner, B. F. (1953). Science and human behavior. New York:Free Press.
Skinner, B. F. (1971). Beyond freedom and d ign ity . New York:Alfred A. Knopf.
Spence, D. L. (1978). The po lit ics of social knowledge. College Park: The Pennsylvania State University Press.
Verba, S., Nie, H. N., & Kim, J. (1971). The modes of democraticpart ic ip a tio n . Beverly H i l ls , CA: Sage Publications.
Weissberg, R. (1974). P o li t ic a l learning, p o li t ic a l choice, and democratic citizenship" Englewood C l i f f s , NJ: Prentice-Hal1.
Wilson, W. R. (1970). Learning to be Chinese. Cambridge, MA: The M .I .T . Press.
Winter, R. H ., & Bellows, J. T. (1977). People and p o l i t ic s . New York: John Wiley.
Y i, C. (1988). Marriage and occupation of Chinese women. In C. Wun & S. Shou (Eds.), The Chinese (pp. 229-248). Taipei: GiantFlow.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.