the rhetoric of romanitas. the tomb of the statilii frescoes reconsidered

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The Rhetoric of "Romanitas": The "Tomb of the Statilii" Frescoes Reconsidered

Author(s): Peter J. HollidaySource: Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome, Vol. 50 (2005), pp. 89-129Published by: University of Michigan Press for the American Academy in Rome

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THE RHETORICOF ROMANITAS:

THE "TOMBOF THE STATILII" RESCOES

RECONSIDERED

PeterJ. Holliday,California tate University t LongBeach

I shallnotmake talians nderlingsTo Trojans. ormyself askno kingdom.Let both nations,both unconquered,othSubjecto equal aws,commithemselvesTo an eternalunion.I shallgive

Rituals ndgodsto both.Myfather-in-lawLatinus,ethimkeephis arms,andkeepHis royalauthority.Mysharewill beA townwithwalls, aid andbuiltby Trojans.Laviniawillgivethat ownhername.

Aeneid12.189-194 R.Fitzgeraldranslation)

Thus Virgil'sAeneasoptimistically nticipates he peacefulunion of diversepeoplesthat

willultimately ecome the Romans.FromthebeginningRomanitas ad neverbeen a mat-

ter of racialclassification ut insteaddependedon a shared et of traditionallysteemedmoral

standards mores).Romanshadlong built on the traditionandmemoryof their ancestors-ofthose who laid the foundations-and therebyobtained heir ndividual nd collectiveauctoritas

(awordderived romaugere,"to ncrease").Thepainted riezediscussedhere,commonly aid

to comefrom the Tombof the Statilii Sepulcrumtatiliorum),llustrates ontemporaryrtistic

production eaturing xemplary cenesfrom Rome's egendaryoundation ike thoseof Virgil.

Now installedn a museumand thus removed romanoriginal ite wherepublicandprivaten-

tersected,he friezedates o thatperiodwhenRepublic avewayto Empire,an erawhenpatrons

commissionedworksof art o helpsecure heirplace na dramaticallynstableRomanhierarchy,

always areful o positionthe significance f those monumentswithinRepublican raditionand

burgeoning mperialdeology.Recently leanedand reinstalled,hesepaintings reworthyof reassessment;freshexamina-

tion of the evidence uggestshatmany ommonly eldassumptionsbout hemarenotnecessarily

secure.'Thisarticlewillreview he facts urroundingheirexcavation ndpresent detailed nalysis

of theirform andstyle.It will then reviewpossibleprecedentsor theirthemeand iconography,

examininghe tendentious ole historical xempla layed n an eraof socialandpolitical urmoil.

Initial research or this article was conducted as a Fellow at

the AmericanAcademyin Rome (1994-1995) with a Rome

Prize in Art Historysupportedby the NationalEndowment

for the Humanities.That valuable year resulted in my 2002book. I return to the present material in my continuing

work on the role of the visual arts n shaping Romanculture;

grants form CaliforniaState University,Long Beach and a

National Endowment for the Humanities Summer Stipend

have supported that work. I am grateful to Christopher

Baswell, SinclairBell,Thomas Habinek, TerryKirk, andthe

anonymousreaders ortheMemoirswho readearlierversions

of the presentarticle and sharedtheir valuable expertise.Allerrors,factual and interpretive,of course, remain my own.

1As will be shown, for example, there may be no directcon-

nection between the frieze and the gens Statilia.

MAAR50, 2005







90 PETERJ.HOLLIDAY

Through hepainted rieze, hisarticlewillargue or a radical hift n commemorativeracticen

thisperiod, rom hemes hatcelebrated ersonal loria othosethatpromoted Romanitasasedonunityand nclusion, strategy istinctivelyttractiveo eliteandnon-elite iewers like.2nthis

manner intend o demonstrate owworks ikethepainted riezeconstituted dynamic racticethatRomans sed to helpshape heirchangingdeological nd culturaltructures.3

1.Discovery

In 1875-1877 heSocietaCompagnia ondiaria taliana xcavatedn a cemetery ntheEsquilineon the northside of the ViaPraenestina-Labicana,nside hePortaPraenestinaPortaMaggiore),onthe southwest ideofthe modernViaG. Giolitti.4nautumn 875excavatorsound hree ombs

in proximity, neofwhichhoused hepaintings iscussedhere(figs.1and2). It is worthquotingpartof EduardoBrizio's ccount:

Adeep ut,dugalong ine hat uns arallelo thenearbyitygate,he agade f three ombswas ound,woofwhich,o tell he ruth, re atherowandpoor, asicallyuined....But hethirdomb,whichs better reserved,ad venargerroportions,ndonenoticedight waythe ively aintingshatdecoratedt allaround.hiswasalso tombnthe orm fcolumbaria,with hree ows fniches,achmade ftwoearthenwarears, rrangedroundhewalls,hemajorityf whichtillhad heir roperrnswith heirids nplace.5

The ombmeasured.90x 1.95m,withanextantheight f 4.2 m.Thearchitectonicypeof thecolum-bariuma dovecote hamberormultiple urials) longwith heuseof opus eticulatumonstructionforthewallssuggested dating o the lastyearsof theRepublic r theearly earsof thePrincipate(ca.55-35 B.c.).6 heinteriorwallsof thechamberwerepaintedor abouthalfof theirheight; heresultingriezewasabout hree-quartersf a meterhigh(38 cmhigh,withadarkborderaboveand

below)andabout enmetersnlength fig.3). At alaterdatethechamber adbeenenlargedwiththeaddition fa second tory,whosedecorations ereconsideredo date o theearly hirdcentury.Excavatorsetached he lower rieze,whichwas atone timeonview n theMuseoNazionale elleTerme nd snow cleaned, estored, ndsuperbly isplayedn therefurbishedalazzoMassimo lle

2 ThroughoutthisarticleI remainawareof the difficulties n-

herent n terminology hatcategorizes ocialstatusorpositionin the late Republic and earlyPrincipate.See the excellent

statement of the problem in Clarke2003, esp. 4-7.

3 In this approach I sharewith those analyses of Augustan

cultureassembledby Habinek and Schiesaro1997,xx, who

argueagainst he "traditional umanisticnotion of culture as

a set of products"andinstead "seek to make use of a social

scientific framework in which culture is understood as a

dynamicprocess consistingof variousintersectingpracticesand discourses."

4 Brizio 1876;Parker1877,pls. XVII-XX; Parker1879,nn.3301-3318; Platner and Ashby 1929, 486; Blake 1947,263;Nash 1961,2:359-369; Richardson1992, 360.

5 Brizio 1876, 8: "Un profondo taglio, eseguito sopra unalinea che restaparallelaallapoco discosta porta della citta,

scopri la fronte di tre sepolcri, di cui due, per dirvero, assaibassi e miseri ed anche rovinati.... Ma il terzo sepolcro,

meglio conservato,presentavaproporzionianche maggiori,e subito vi si notarono vivaci pitture, che tutt'intorno lo

decoravano. Anch'esso era un sepolcro della forma dei

colombarii, con tre ordini di nicchie a due olle disposte in

giro allepareti,la maggiorparteancoracon le proprieurne

chiuse da coperchio."

6 Furthermore,stylisticanalysisof the paintingsand certain

historical details to be discussed below, such as the smallchignonon thebackof theneck of someof the femalefigures,

are also typical of this period. On the tomb structure,seeBlake 1947, 263. Most descriptions of the tomb also notethe sudden prominence of the gensStatiliaunder Augustusas furtherevidence for this dating,but, as will be discussed

below, any connection between the tomb and this familyremainsproblematic.







THERHETORIC FROMANITAS 91

P/0~~~~~~~~~~

PAINTED

COLUMBARIUM '

TOMBOFTHE TATILII

Porta Maggiore

Piazza di Porta Maggiore

Fig. 1. Rome, Esquiline excavation site plan (drawing R. Abramson).

~~~~~~~~~~~~ _

Fig.2. Rome,

Esquiline painted

columbarium before

it was filled up again

_ _ _ _[ _f (Fototeca Unione







92 PETERJ. HOLLIDAY

_.. . ..........

EAST

I-

0z

-I

iS3M

Fig.3. Rome,columbari'umrieze reconstructi'ondrawi'ngKevi'nW Davis).








Termen Rome.7Afterbeingphotographedn 1875,theremaining eilingandwallfrescoeswere

eitherreburied rdestroyed.The samecampaign nearthed dditionalhambers earby.AgainBrizio:

Thecolumbariumtandsadjacento thelargehypogeum escribed boveandhas the sameformof apassageway f roughly ectangularlanof about80 squaremeters,witha roomatthe center orburials. othecolumbariumasadded nupperloorevel hatconsistedfseveralhambers,achof which ada lineof loculiburialiches]et nto hewalls.tseemsthat herewasno direct onnectionetweenhe twoparts f thebuilding,utthat nsteadone accessed achfromtwo different ntrances, othon the sidefacingan alleyway ff theViaPrenestina.One of themwas ascertainedhroughhediscoveryf thestaircasehat edtotheupper loor;of theother,however, ne coulddetectonlythe corridor rinteriorpassagethatprobably eganat the streetandemerged t thesmallaperturehatgaveontothe tombs.What s astonishings the number f loculidistributedn eachof thewalls.While n thefirstpassagewayheydid not reachhigher han hreerows,here nstead heyroseupto five evelsandwerealsoplacedmore ightly.Alltogetherhe twelvewalls hatmadeupthe columbariumheld more han700 loculi.8

Numerousnscriptions iscoveredhere,datingromAugustuso Claudius,ndicate hat hisgreatcolumbariumadbeenerected orthe slavesand reedmen f thegensStatilia CIL .6213-6640),9probablythose of M. StatiliusTaurus(consul in A.D. 11) and T. StatiliusTaurus(consulin A.D. 44).

The columbariaoriginallystood in the horti Tauriani,which belonged to the influentialStatilii

family,outside the originallimits of the Gardens of Maecenas(although partof the horti Taurriani

was incorporatedinto them in A.D. 35). The horti Taurrianiame under imperialcontrol in A.D. 53when Agrippina,who coveted them, accused their owner,Titus StatiliusTaurus(cos. A.D. 44), of

extortion and practicingmagic;he committed suicide (Tac.Ann. 12.59). The gardenswere subse-

quentlydivided andgivento two powerful imperialfreedmen,PallantesandEpafroditus,and thus

became known as the hortiPallantiani edEpaphroditiani).After theirdownfall,the hortiwere again

confiscated and passed into imperial possession (see Suet. Dom. 14).10

The nearlycontemporaneousdiscoveryof both chamberswithin the hortiTauriani, ndBrizio's

publication of both columbaria and their contents-including the paintings from the one and the

7 Inv. no. 1453. Brizio 1876; Robert 1878; Dawson 1944,

78, 169, 195; Borda 1958, 172-175; Borda 1959; Leon,

1959-1960; Andreae in Helbig 1963-1972, 3:no. 2489,

461-464; Peruzzi 1973, 9-10; Felletti Maj 1977, 138-139,

194;Duliere 1979, 1:92-96; Sanzi di Mino 1983; Ling 1991,

11; Evans 1992, 15-16; Bonanome 1996; Cappelli 1998,

51-58; Feraudi-Gru6nais2001, 81-83 (includesillustrationanddescriptionof the laterphases of decoration);Baldassarreet al. 2002, 173-177.

8 Brizio 1876, 49-50: "Il colombario resta attiguo a quell

grande pogeo descritto piu sopra, e presenta a stessaformadi una galleria a pianta quasi quadrangolaredi circa 80 mr.

q., con una cameranel centro destinataper le sepolture.Al

colombario era aggiuntoun piano superiore,consistente di

parecchiecamere,ognunadelle qualicon pii file di loculi in-

cavatinellepareti.Sembrachefra e due partidelmonumento

non esistesse una comunicazione diretta, ma che invece si

accedesse a ciascuna per due ingressi differenti, amendue

sulla fronte di un diverticolo interno della via Prenestina.

L'unovenneassicuratomediantea scopertadellascala,checonduceva lpianosuperiore, ell'altronvecesi potedeterminareoltantolcorridoio passaggionterno,lqualepartendoprobabilmenteallastrada, iusciva llapiccolaaperturahe mmettevaelsepolcri. nquesto orprendente&lnumero ei oculidistribuitiullesingolepareti.Mentrenellaprima alleria ssinoncorrevanohesopra reordini,qui nvece algonoinoalquinto simostranoncheput itti.Tutteassiemee dodicipareti hecompongonoA olomba-riocomprendonon numerodioltre700 loculi." t is alsoinstructiveo compareBrizio's lans pl. 1) withthe more

complete iteplanshownhere nfigure1.

9A totalof 427inscriptionselate o 370servants ttachedto Statilius aurus nd o hischildren.

'oGrimal 936;Hartswick004,12.Lanciani897, 04-405describesowsomemonumentsnthevicinity reservedhenameTaurusrom ateantiquityntothemodern ra.







94 PETERJ.HOLLIDAY

numerousnscriptionsrom heother-in the samepublication,edto thepracticeormore hana

century f describinghepaintings sbeingfrom he "Tomb f theStatilii."Wewillreturn o theproblem f this designation nd he difficultiestpresents or nterpretinghefriezeafter onsider-

ing thepaintingshemselves.

2. ThePaintedFrieze

The reconstructionroposedhere ollows hatofearlier cholarswhoestablished coherent ead-

ing of the different pisodes(separated y representationsf pilasters)romright o left. While

specificdetailsof the narrativemayremain bscuredue to the lossof identifyingnscriptionsnd

damage o thefrieze, ts underlyinghemesandstructure refairly lear.Brizio, he firstscholar

to writeabout hefrieze,recognizedhesubjects s themythological riginsofRome.Thereweretwoconflictingraditions: ncientRomanaccounts hatattributedhecity's oundingo Romulus

in 753B.C.andaccountsbyGreekauthorswhoattributedhefoundation o Aeneas,who arrivedinItalyafter hefallof Troy.WhenGreekwriters onfrontedhetradition f Romulus ndRemus,they developed he idea thattheywere descendants f Aeneas, eparatedn timeby a successionofkingswhoreignedat AlbaLonga."1heelementsdepictedhereareclosely elated o eachotherin a logicalsuccessionn bothtimeandspace; heythereforeashiona consistentnarrativehatcombinesbothtraditions.

The westand southwallsdepict heAeneasandLavinian-Albanaga, hesame hemesVirgil

adopted fewyearsater orhisnationalpic,theAeneid.ThewestwallportrayshebattlebetweenIulus's lliedTrojansndLatinsagainst he Rutuli ndhisbuilding f AlbaLonga fig.4),while he

southwallfeaturesAeneas's attlewiththeRutuli,a trucescene,hismarriageo Lavinia, ndthe

building fthewallsof Laviniumfig.5).Theeastandnorthwalls ell thestoryof thefoundation fRome.TheeastwalldepictsRheaSilviaplacedamongheVestals,educedbyMars, nddiscoveredto bepregnantfig.6).The northwallshows heconception f thedivine winsandtheearlyyearsof their ives: rom heright,Romulus ndRemusareexposed,suckledbytheshe-wolf, ndgrowupasshepherdsfig.7). Theremaining artof the northwall smissing.

A closeranalysis f the friezewill not onlyreveal conographicaletails orthese particular

storiesof primordialRome; t will also indicatehow thaticonography elpedshape deologicalstructures ithin heevolvingAugustanmilieu.Thefirstpartof thefriezeon thewestwall(fig.4)is entirelyost,and the rest s so fragmentaryhatwe cannotbe certainof itsnarrativetructure.Thereforeoday hesecondhalfof the westernwallof the tomb(to the rightof the entrancewall)representshe beginningof the painted equence.Thesurvivingragments riginally epictedasceneof a groupof menconstructing lengthof wall flankedby circularowers.A female iguredressedn a redchitonandalongblue robethatcoversher headstandsatthe left watching hem.Further o theleft twogroupsof armedmenengagena pitchedbattle,whichappears o continueon theadjacentongsouthernwallof thecolumbarium.

Thesceneson thesouthernwall (fig.5) open at the rightwith a wingedVictoria, wreath nherrighthandand a palm rond n her eft,about o crown he armedwarriorn frontof her;shestrides oward heleft,underscoringhedirectionallow of the narrative. ontinuingo theleft isanother ceneof armed onflict oracontinuationf thatonthe westwall), ollowedby asceneofnegotiation ndtruce,asecondsceneofwall-building,nd inally n nterior cenewithnumerous

1l On these traditions, see Momigliano1989.







THE RHETORICOF ROMANITAS 95

_~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~.... . .

Fig. 4. Painted columbariumrieze, west wall, MuseoNazionaleRomano

(photo SopraintendenzaArchaeologicadi Roma).

_ e T i -~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~....... ..4.<

Fig. 5. Paintedcolumbariumrieze, southwall, MuseoNazionaleRomano(photoSopraintendenzaArchaeologicadi Roma).

i_........... .........- !.s...... F..iW.... ..........

Fig. 6. Painted columbariumrieze, eastwall, MuseoNazionaleRomano(photoSop aintendenzaArchaeologicadi Roma).

Fig 7 Paintedcolumbariumrieze, northwall, Museo Nazionale Romano (photo Sop.ra.ntendenza rchaeologica i Roma).

l | | iii- 1Es...";~~~~~~~,lq

l_I-_

a:in s. ;,







96 PETERJ.HOLLIDAY

female igures.The secondconstruction cene s similar o that foundon the westwall,althoughthis oneis muchbetterpreserved.Here anotherdraped emale igure,now seatedandwearingmural city-wall)rown,watchesmen(somebareheaded nd somewearinghatswithvisors) ay

coursesof standard-sizedlocks.Brizio dentifiedbothconstructioncenesasLavinium,ollowingheversion elatedbyDio-nysiusof Halicarnassus1.57-60),12n whichAeneasandLatinus,having ignedanalliancewiththeirown sonsoffered nhostageaspledgesof goodfaith, ought ogetheragainstheRutuliand,afterhaving ompletely efeatedhem,returnedo thecity oundedbytheTrojan,whichwasstillonlyhalf-built ndsurrounded ith a circuitwall.Aeneaschoseto callthe newcityLavinium,nhonorof his new wifeLavinia,hedaughter f KingLatinus.13

Shortly fterBrizio,however,CarlRobertdistinguishedhefirstsceneasthefoundingof La-viniumbyAeneasandthe secondasthefoundingof AlbaLongabytheyoungAscaniusseeServ.

adAen.6.760and1.270;Livy1.33).14Successive tudieshaveadheredo Robert's ypothesis.Allscholars gree hat heepisodesbetween he twoconstructioncenesrefer o thetenyearsof warbetween heRutuliof Ardea,ed byTurnus ndbackedbyMezentius, ingof Caere,andtheTrojansfLavinium,edbyAeneasandalliedwiththe Latins.Ancientiteraturerovides ichlydetaileddescriptionsfthis ongandarduous onflict.HeretheTrojans isplayGreek-style eap-onry,militariternstructus,s relatedbyDionysius f Halicarnassus1.57.3):"armedikeGreeks,drawnupingood orderandresolutely waitingheconflict"E.Caryranslation).heyarearmedcompletelywithbreastplates,elmetswiththelong ophos, pears, ndcircularhields. ncontrastthe Latinswearonlyskinsor short unicsorloincloths;hey arearmedwith stonesandsticksand

longrectangularhields orprotection.Theseated igureof anoldbeardedman acingright,hisheadcrownedwithawreath falgaeanda marsh eed nhis righthand,personifiesheNumicusRiver,ocating hebattle o itsbanksnear he cityof Lavinium.15ccordingo traditionhisis theplacewhereAeneasdied(ordisap-peared).AccordingoDionysius fHalicarnassus1.64.4):"Aseverebattle ookplacenot far romLavinium ndmanywereslainon bothsides,butwhennightcameon thearmies eparated;ndwhen thebodyof Aeneaswasnowhere o be seen,someconcludedhat t hadbeentranslatedothegodsandothers hat t hadperishedntheriverbesidewhich hebattleswasfought" E.Carytranslation). his s thesignificance f thefigureof Victory hatopensthefriezeat therightof thesouthern

wall,whichprobablyepresentsheapotheosis fAeneas ollowinghisdeathnarratedntheOrigo entisRomanae4.16

Thefigures culptedon amarblebasefromCivitaCastellanaFaleriiNovi) alsorepresentthe apotheosisof a hero (figs.8 and 9).17 Brieflyconsideringcorrespondences etweenthis

12 The RomanAntiquities of the rhetoricianand historianDionysius of Halicarnassus(late first century B.C.) is a richsource for the lore of early Rome.

13 Gury 1992a and 1992b.

14 Paribeni 1984. A fragmentarypainted inscription, "ALBA

. . . " supports this interpretation.Other painted captions

thatoriginallyaccompaniedthe scenes on the long southernwall areknown todayonly throughthe watercolorfacsimile

commissioned of the painter Massuero at the time of dis-

covery;they arevisible in the originalwatercolorbut not in

the plate illustratingBrizio'sstudy.In addition, comparisonwith the analogousscenes on the BasilicaAemilia(discussed

below) and the narrativeordering of the friezefromrighttoleft lend furtherbacking for such a reading.

15 Gury 1992c.

16 Canciani1981;Momigliano1958.

17 Civita CastellanaCathedral,atrium;ca. 40 B.C.; height:1.04m, diameter0.70 m. Herbig 1927;Schober1932,46-47;

Vessberg 1941, 206; Ryberg 1955, 27; Borda 1949-1950,

200-203; Felletti Maj 1977, 190-191; H6lscher 1988,

382-383; Strong1988,50-51; Kuttner1995,32-33,141-142;Holliday2002, 172-176.







THERHETORIC F ROMANITAS 97

I I

F-~~~~~~~~~f

i 11..42

Fig. 8. Honorificbase,CivitaCastellana,Cathedral,atrium

(photoDAI 78.767).

*~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~... ... . .....

Fi.9 Hooii bae Ciit Castelaa Catedal

atriu pot DAI 7876

contemporarybase and the painted frieze brings to light the characteristicvisual practices they

follow. On the base a soldier pours a libation with his right hand at a small flaming altar in the

presence of Mars, Venus, and Vulcan. His armsinclude a helmet and an anatomical or muscled

leathern corselet (lorica),with a bit of his traveling cloak (paludamentum)showing at his right

side; the hasta held in his left hand signifies his imperium. To the right, Victoria crowns him

from behind. Mars, carrying a hasta in his right hand and supporting a shouldered trophy with

his left, stands slightly to the left before the altar.Farther to the left stands Venus; she holds

a scepter and what appears to be a mirror;an Eros rests on her left shoulder. Vulcan in a cap

(pilleus) and short tunic follows her, carrying an axe and a torch. The elongated, elegant figures

carvedin high relief and the decorative motifs along the edges belong to a neo-Attic school. The

figure of Venus is comparable with the Arkesilaos type, stabilizing the chronology to after 46

B.C. H6lscher proposed that a member of the Caesarianparty,perhaps even the young Octavian,

dedicated the base.

The soldier sculpted on the base representsa mythological personage:the face of the sacrifant

is idealized,his beard is unusualfor this period, and although armed,he is shown barefoot. In this

case the figureprobably representsRomulus rather than Aeneas, for the patron deity of the latter,

Venus,is secondary o Mars,whose toweringfiguredominatesthe composition.He probablyderives

from a freestandingRoman prototype adapted to relief. The originalsculpture was evidently a late

ClassicalGreektype laden with specificallyItalic attributes:he wears an anatomicalcuirasswithout

lappets (pteryges),and his winged helmet is of an Italictype. It crops up in southern Italianvases,







98 PETERJ.HOLLIDAY

on ametope ragment f SullandatefromOrvinion Sabina, ndwasused,significantly,orsomeimagesof RomaonRepublican oinage.'8

The sacrifant'sostumeon thebase ndicates hatheisperformingomenuncupatioceremony

(or,moreprecisely,hemythological rchetypeor suchaceremony), sacrifice erformed yoneto whomthe Senatehadgranted mperium nd whose armeddresssymbolized hat command.The ritewas partof the mosmaiorum hatgoverned heactionsof a highmagistratea consulora

praetor)who wasabout o leaveRome oleadamilitaryampaignrto takeup his provincial om-

mand.19 sdemonstrated y this base,depictions f suchceremonieswereparticularlyignificant

inthe realmof visualcommemorationsor fashioning nauspicious elf-image,orone wouldonly

commemorateows announced eforea campaignhatwas aterdeemed uccessful.

Inthe columbariumrieze wo armedeaders nactanother ignificantitual-theproclamation

of a truce-followingthebattleattheriverNumicus.Thefigure o theleftextendshis righthand

ina gesture fgreeting rpledge,while heir pears, ymbols f their mperium,estbetween hem.Thissceneprobablyepresentsheendofthe hostilities etween heTrojansnd he Rutuli.Tracesof apainted nscription ncepermittedhe identificationfMezentius,eaderof theCaeretes,who

werealliedwiththe Rutuli.

OncethepeacewiththeRutulihadbeenestablished, scanius et about oundingAlbaLonga,accordingo Dionysius f Halicarnassus1.66.1,cf.Livy1.3.3-4) thirty earsafter he foundation

ofLavinium,npursuancef the oraclegiven o his father hroughhewhitesow sacrificedotheirnativegods on the soil of Latium.

Given heright-to-leftarrativeequence,heepisodeat the leftclosing helongsouthernwall

should efer o theAlban aga, oming ustafter he oundingfthenewcityand ustbeforeMliabetterknownasRheaSilvia)ookhervowsasaVestalVirgin whichsdepicted nthe columbarium'shorteasternwall).There s no consensus, owever,n thesignificancef thisscene. nitially rizionter-pretedtasreferringotheflight f Turnusrom heroyal alace fLatinusnresponseo themarriageofAeneasandLavinia,ut other cholars ave een t as Ascaniusayingarewello Lavinia,r eventhe announcemento RheaSilvia f herunfortunateestiny t thehandsofhereviluncleAmulius.20

The storyof RheaSilviadominateshe narrative n the easternwall(fig. 6). Herethe frieze

againunfolds n chronologicalrder romright o left:thepresentationf Silviaas a Vestaln the

presenceof Amuliusn thepalaceatAlba,the amorous ncounterbetweenSilviaand Mars,and

the pregnantVestal,guiltyof violating hevowof chastity mposedby law on the priestesses fVesta, ondemned ndpunishedbyheruncleat Alba.2" hesepaintingsonstituteheonlysurviv-

ing depictions f the firstandthirdepisodes;he secondepisode,however,s well attestednboth

theliterary ndfigurativeraditions.22

18 Metope: Fiocca 1911, 414. Roma in coinage of 113/112

B.C.: Crawford1974,292/91; Strong1988, fig. 3Q. Compare

the helmet with upright side feathers, also an old Italic

type familiarfrom Lucanian tomb paintings. The military

accouterments worn by both god and sacrifant-the

anatomical lorica without pteryges of a Hellenistic type,

the helmet with wings or "fins," and hasta-indicate their

close relationship in much the same way that the similar

prototypes of the sacrifant and god on the so-called Altar

of Domitius Ahenobarbus announce their alliance: see

Holliday 2002, 161-166.

19Kuttner1995, 138-139 reconstructsthe regularsequence

of actions for a consul.

20 Narrativesof Rhea Silvia's ravailsarecommon in ancient

literary ources. The reignof Ascaniuswas succeeded by the

dynastyof the Silvii of Alba, from Aeneas Silvius to Silvius

Procas, the father of Amulius and Numitor (who may have

been twins): see Small 1992. The cruel Amulius inherited

his father'sriches and Numitor his throne, which was later

usurpedbyhis evilbrother.Amuliusavoidedthe problemsof

dynasticsuccession by killingNumitor'sson Aegestus in an

ambushon a huntand by constraininghis brother'sdaughter

to become a priestess of Vesta.

21 Hauer-Prost1994.

22 Cappelli 1998, 55.








Thefirstsceneto the right akesplace nsidethe royalpalaceatAlba,wherea groupof tenwomen, eatedandstanding, ssemble.At the farright its a man naposeof dejection.Oneofthewomen,drapedn a whitemantle, its on achairand turns owardanother imilarlyeated igure;

thesecond,dressednvioletwithayellowmantle,urns owardher eft, eaningwithher efthandon herseat.Theprimaryigure,dressedn a darkred chitonanda whitemantle hatpartlyveilsherheadandbust,standsbetween heseenframingwo;RheaSilvia eems o offercomfort o thesecondseatedwoman,placingherrighthandon hershoulder.Nextcomesawomandressedn areddish armentnconversation ith heenthroned ing,distinguishedyhisscepter, alanced yafigureeaning owardhimfrom he left.A soldierwithshieldandspear tandsbehind heking.

Itisdifficulto interpretorrectlyheepisodedescribed,nwhich heresultingmagebalancesanother vent ntheinterior f theAlbanpalace tthe far eftofthefrieze,while nthecenter omestheprincipalpisodeof themeeting fMarsandRheaSilvia.Borda onstruedhissceneas Amulius

confrontingRheaSilvia,who is supported nlybyAnthos,daughter f Amuliusandher cousin'sdearestriend.23 nthosmightbe thefigurehat urns oAmuliusentativelyo intercedenfavoroftheVestal ndwho,accordingoDionysus fHalicarnassus1.79.2)andPlutarchRom. .15),wassuccessfulnpreventing erexecution.Numitor ouldbe thepensive igure eatedatthefarrightorthefigureattheleftvigorouslyxpressing isdissentwithAmulius'sondemnation. ccordingto B. Andreae,however, he episodemightrepresent nearlier cene,suchasAmuliusorderingRheaSilvia o becomeaVestal,herebymaintainingheright-to-leftarrativeequence.24

Nextcomes hefabulous pisodeofMarsandRheaSilvia.The iteraryources ellusthat heseductionoccurredn a grovededicatedo Mars,whereRheaSilviawent,eitheraloneor in the

company fotherpriestesses,ocollectwater orsacrificesoVesta.Artistic ractice xpanded ndenriched hissparseiterary escription uringheAugustan ge.Oviddescribed owthe

Vestal ilvianemorningwhatorbidsmy tartingere?)Wasetching aterowash oly hings.

Shecame owhere hebank lopedoftlywithtspath,Andremovedheearthenar rom erhead.

She at istlessntheground,ndwelcomedreezesWith penbreast nd ixedherruffledair.

Asshesat, hadywillowsndmelodiousirdsBred leep, nd hewater'sentlemurmur.

Seductiveeacetoleoverher anguidyes;Herhand ecomesimpand lipsrom erchin.

Marseesher,desires hathesees, akeswhathedesires;Divine owermade isrape nfelt.

Sleepdeparts,heliesfreighted;herewasnow,of course,Inherguts heRoman ity's ounder.

Fasti3.11-24 (A.J.Boyle ranslation)

Most artistsusedaniconographicalcheme hatdepicts heVestaleitherasleepor roused romsleepbythegodMarsdescendingrom hesky,unaware fwhat sabout ohappen oher(fig.10).Indeed, heonlyknownexception o thisscheme s thecolumbariumrieze,whichshowsa malefigurewearing helmet, edchlamys, ndcloak paludamentum)eizinghepriestess yher eftarmwithin hesacredgrove,heresymbolized y a tree.Somescholars aveseenthefrieze's omposi-tionasdepicting rationalizedersionof thelegend,whichhasAmuliusdisguised sMarsraping

23 Borda 1959, 7. 24 Andreae in Helbig 1963-1972, 3:no. 2489, 461-464.







100 PETERJ.HOLLIDAY

Fig. 10. Mars andRhea

Silvia,Pompeii,House ofM. FabiusSecundus

(photoDAI 61.1047).

_''1, .............. ...,:~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

his niece, as relatedby Dionysius of Halicamassus (1.77.1). It is probable that the two versions of

the storycoexisted for many yearsand that duringthe Augustanperiod the Ovidian version found

favor,establishingthe artistictype for the following centuries.2'In the paintedfrieze,then, the armedfigure-either Marsor the disguisedAmuhus-surprises

the standingRheaSilvia,causingher to let fall the jarshe has filled at the sacredsource.RheaSilvia

seems to accept the advances of the god, encouragedby a flyingVictoria.Accordingto Ovid when

she arose Rhea Silviarelateda vision:

Please et whatI saw nmydreams ringmeprofitAnd uck.Orwas t too vivid ora dream?

Troy'sireblazedbeforeme; he woolenbandslidFrommyhairandfellat the sacredhearth.

Two palm trees (a miraculous sight) sprang from thereTogether.One of themwasthetaller,

And hadroofed heentireglobewithheavybranches.Brushinghehighstarswith ts headof leaves.

Look,myunclewieldsanaxeagainsthem.I wince

25 See Dawson 1944, 169-170 for a list of representations n

various media of Mars descending toward Rhea Silvia; forrepresentationsn specifically unerary ontexts, see Feraudi-

Gruenais 2001, 178-179.







THE RHETORIC OF ROMANITAS 101

Atthe warning ndterrorerksmyheart.Thatbirdof Mars, hewoodpecker,ndashe-wolf

Fight or the twintrunks; heysavebothpalm rees.Fasti3.27-38 (A.J. Boyle ranslation)

Inthe fresco he wingedVictoria erselfunfurlshewoolen illetrecorded yOvidfrom hehead

of the Vestal.Onthelefttwofigureswitness heevent:an oldbeardedmancrownedwith awreath

of algae,apersonificationf PaterTiberinus,nd anymphcradling brimming ornucopianherleftarmandgesturingwithher right; omescholars dentifyher morespecifically sFortuna.26tthe farrightof the compositionwoyoungshepherdsleefromthe sightof the divineepiphany;theyfollowawidelydiffusedmodelassociatedwiththelegendary riginsof Rome,althoughheyarenormally epictedn thesceneof the miracle f thenursing he-wolf.

Theeasternwallconcludes tthe eftwithanother pisode hown nside hepalace tAlba.This

scenefeatureswomale igures, neseatedon a chair,he otheron a throne.The firsthashisfaceheldon hislefthandwith anexpression f distress,hesameexpression f the twomenstandingbehindhim. The manon the throne urnshis headtoward wo women.Theclosest s seatedand

assumes n airofsadness;heotherappearso beinconversation ithher.ForRobert ndAndreae

theyrepresenthe condemnation f RheaSilviabyAmuliusbeforeherfather,Numitor,whomhe

alsoaccused fcomplicityDion.Hal.1.78).TheseatedRheaSilvia urns oward figureportrayingeitherhernurse,hermother,hewifeof Amuliuswho sheltered erduringherpregnancy,relseAnthos,daughter f Amulius ndtheonlyfriendwhoofferedhersupport.

Thecycleof Albanmythsconcludeson thelongnorthernwall(fig.7) with episodes rom he

storyof Romulus.Thepaintingsn thissectionare n ratherpoorcondition.Reading gain romright o left, representationsf threeepisodes ollow he sceneof thesentencing f theVestal: he

imprisonment f RheaSilvia, he birthandexposureof the twins,and themiracle f thenursing

she-wolf.Thefirstscenepresentsa rocky andscape.At the left sits a female igurewhose cloak

billowsoutin thebreeze;attherighta youngmansits with hisfacein hishands n anattitude f

grieformourning. hecentral artoftheepisode scompletelyost; hisdamagewasnotedalreadyat the timeof discovery. odayone canjustbarelymakeout the left armof astandingmale igure,perhapswith a spear,a footbelonging o thisor another igureand,perhaps, he dresshemof aseated emale igure.AlthoughDuliere uggestedhat he scenedepictshe Lupercal, erhapsnside

agrotto,27 appelli elieveshat his s contradicted othbythepaintedragments escribed boveandbytheregular arrativerdering f the frieze romright o left,whichprecludes representa-tion of theLupercal efore hatoftheexposure f thetwinsonthe banksofthe Tiber, hownnthenextcomposition n the left.Instead, he sceneseems o depict heimprisonmentf RheaSilvia,a readingirstproposedbyBrizio.28 his nterpretations especiallyompellingwhenthe scene s

comparedwith thePompeianrescoof M.FabiusSecundus fig.10)29andwiththe reliefsof theAraCasali fig.11),3owhichboth featurehesameepisodeastheirsubject.31

26 For the different opinions on the interpretation of this

figure,seeJocelyn 1989-1990, 19-46, esp. 33 n. 56.

27 Duli&re1979, 1:92-96.

28 Brizio 1876, 21.

29 PompeiiV.4.13).Theattribution f the domus o M. Fabius

Secunduswassecuredwith the discoveryof a seal set in aring

with the nameof the owner.Sogliano1905;Dall'Osso 1906;

Soprano 1950, 288-310, esp. 299 n. 12; Aichholzer 1983,

62-76, esp. 71; Bragantini1991;Bonanome 1996, 166.

30 Vatican Museums, Belvedere inv. no. 1186. Gray Luna

marble;height:0.68 m, width: 0.38 m, depth:0.33m; found

in the seventeenthcenturyon the CaelianHill in the Merlini

vineyardsnear the Villa Casali.Maynal 1903;Robert 1919,

241-253; Reinach1909-1912,3:397;Marchetti-Longhi 933,

2:369;Toynbee1934,235-236; Simonin Helbig 1963-1972,

1:no. 268, 216-218; Duliere 1979, 2:20.

31 Whereas helandscape lementsareminimalnthefrescoes,







102 PETERJ. HOLLIDAY

Fig. 11. Ara Casali, VaticanMuseums,Belvedere

(photo DAI 1931.722).

r~-,

_ . ... ... ...~. . . .

The literarysources give two different versions of Rhea Silvia's ate following her trialbefore

the evil Amulius. According to the first, of rather ancient origin, the despoiled Vestal is thrown

into either the Tiber or Aniene River,who takesher for his bride.32 n the second version, reported

in the annalistictradition, the king'sdaughter,the faithfulAnthos, intercedes to save Rhea Silvia's

life; she is then taken awayand hidden by the same agents of the king who were employed to kill

the newborn twins, but who instead piously abandoned them along the banks of the river (Dion.

Hal. 1.79.1-3).

In the followingscene two servantsof Amulius follow the orders of theirking and quicklycarry

a chest holding the infant twins (indicatedby the inscriptionbelow, "PUERI")to abandon them in

the flooded waters of the Tiber. At their left the personificationof the river s portrayedas a reclin-

ing beardedman,seminude with dark brown complexion, his head crowned with waterplants;hecradles an oar as an attribute,this lattersymbolizingthe navigabilityof the Tiber.

they are rich n detailsof naturalistic nd allegorical haracter

on the Ara Casali.

32Enn. Ann. 38 (Io. Vahlen;Ilia auctore n amnem Tiberim

iussu Amulii regisAlbanorumpraecipitataest); Serv.Praef

1.273.







THE RHETORIC FROMANITAS 103

A paintedpilaster eparateshe scene of the exposureof the twinsfromthe last remaining

compositionn the northernwall: woshepherdsntunicswith ongmantelswatchingheirgrazingflock.Theyarewatchedn turnbya veiledfemale igure eatedon ahillto the rightof the scene.

To the left the wall s damaged, ffectively oncludinghe north rieze.Thisfragmentarymageofidyllicpastoralifeisdifficultointerpret,or the frieze acks ts final ection: he one corresponding

precisely o the lastepisode n the series. t is frequentlydentified s a depiction f the adolescent

Romulus nd Remusportrayed s shepherds efore he foundingof Rome.Several bservations,

however, uleagainsthisinterpretation.ot onlywould such a readingdisrupthetemporal o-

herenceof the narrativef thefrieze,whichotherwise nfolds n a linearprogressionf episodeswithoutanynoticeable iatusdisruptingherhythm, uttheinexplicable bsenceof thethemeof

the she-wolfn afrieze hatremains o datethe mostcompleteanddetailedigurationf themythof theoriginsof Rome rom he Lavinianposof Aeneas o thesagaof Romulus eemsdoubtful.

Another entativeeconstruction,owever, roposes lacingheLupercalereat the conclusionof the Romuleanycle.Brizio uggestedhatthescenemissing romthe end of thepaintedcycle

mightdepict hemythicalhe-wolfnursinghetwins,basedon the observationhat ntheoriginal

painting, recisely t the outeredgeof thebreak, hereremained traceof redpigment omewhat

belowthesurface,nwhichone couldsee thehandof an infantdrawn.33fhisreadings accurate

(the rieze's urrent tatemakes t impossibleo confirm),henthe twoshepherdshouldbeidenti-

fied as Faustulus ndhis brotherFaustinus,whohappenuponthe miracle f thenursing he-wolf.Theidentityof the female igure emains ncertain:hemayrepresentAccaLarentia,he mateofFaustulus ndnursemaido thetwins,orperhaps he is a localdivinity, alesor Ruminia.34

3. Formal ndNarrative tructures

Thisanalysis evealsmorethansimply heparticulareatures f aniconographic rogram.t also

discloses ignificanteatures f the frieze's arrativetructure,ndelementshat ocate tinapivotal

positionbetweenRepublicanraditions nd newImperial ractice. tsdesignerdeployed everal

compositionaltrategieso weave ogether pisodes romvariousRoman oundationmythsnto a

coherent isualaccount.Eventhismodestly caledpainted rieze or a tombshowsevidenceof a

carefully omposed hythm eneratingormalharmonies. orexample,generallyachwallof thecolumbariumeaturesa tripartite omposition ominated y a dynamic entral ceneflankedbytwovignetteshataremorestatic.35 n the northandsouthwalls he central cenesarealsoclearlythe mostimportantwithin he story.Thusformalarrangementtrengthenshenarrativeorceof

the entire rieze.

Ancient iteraryourcesmightalsosuggestcompositional arallelsor the structuring f his-

toricalnarrativesevealedhere.Livyused numerous hetorical evices o heightendrama.C. S.

Kraus xplainshow,for example,Livyconstructed is descriptions f sieges, ikeotherpolitical

andmilitary vents,nto"episodes"hathedescribes s"artisticompositions] whichcanrangen

length romseveral hapters,o aportionof onechapter."36cDonaldwasthefirst o contend hatLivyused atripartitetructurenhissiegenarratives.37e notedthatLivymanipulated olybius's

33 Brizio 1876, 22 n. b.

34 Cappelli 1998.

35 Duliere 1979, 1:93.

36 See Kraus1994, 12;see also Oakley 1997, 125-128.

37McDonald 1957, esp. 168-169; see also Luce 1977, 54-55

and Kraus1994,21-22 for this patternin general.







104 PETERJ.HOLLIDAY

_

1~~~~~~~~~~~;: _ = :_ _

, w .. . . ... g . -; .?'# fi * :, r .? : ?

| | |. .. ......

-41~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~~~~~~~~~~~~~*1

Fig. 12. Odysseus n the Underworld,detailof the OdysseyFrieze,VaticanMuseums,Library photoAlinari38032).

account of the siegeof Abydos (16.30-40) to make it divideneatly nto three sections.Similarly,Livy's

three-partaccount of the siege of Gabii contrasts with the longer descriptiongiven by Dionysius

of Halicarnassus(4.53.38 Such artfullyarrangedverbalexpositions arecomparableto the pictorial

compositions found in the columbarium rieze.The precedingvisualanalysisshowed how several distinctepisodes in the frieze are also linked

figurativelyby the pictorial device of having the first character n a scene look back toward the

preceding event. The female figurein the last scene on the easternwall, for example, turns so as

to look at the episode of the encounter between Mars and Rhea Silvia. One findsparallelsfor this

device in other Second Stylenarrative riezes, such as in the portrayalof a Dionysiac initiation in

the Villa of the Mysteriesoutside Pompeii.3

Moreover, individual episodes are distinguished on three sides of the frieze by the use of

rectangular pilastersas dividing elements to separatethe first two scenes on each wall from the

last. Other pictorial narratives of the Second Style also utilize such illusionistic architectural

members to create a visual scansion, such as the Odyssey Frieze of ca. 50-40 B.C., also from the

Esquiline and now in the Vatican Museums (fig. 12).40The intervention at certain points of clo-

sure, indicated by painted pilasters, is necessitated by separationswithin the chronology of the

scenes represented.Thus on the eastern wall a pilaster separatesthe rapeof Rhea Silvia from her

condemnation by Am~ulius.On the northern wal an identical break separates the scene of the

exposure of the newborns from the shepherds with their flocks. (Beginningin the Augustan era,

38 Walsh 1961, 178-179, 274 observes that Livy's tripartite

structurefollowed Aristotelian precepts of narrativestruc-

ture but warns that the historian'snarrative echnique is not

alwaysconsistent.

" Among the vast literature:Maiuri 1931; Bieber 1928; Her-

big 1958; Brendel 1966; Ling 1991, 101-107; Gazda 2000.

40 Vatican Museums, Library,height: 1.16 m. Andreae in

Helbig 1963-1972, 1:no. 465, 355-360; Andreae 1963; von

Blanckenhagen 1963; Gallina 1964; Pollitt 1986, 185-186,

208-209; Ling 1991, 108-111.








however, his narrativeconographicraditiongavewayto one of isolatedscenes,undoubtedlyselectedbyreasonof their mportancendtheirdramatic haracter. spreviously oted,onesuch

episode s therapeof RheaSilvia.)

Although he reading f the friezepresented ereconformso astandardinear hronology,thasbeen shown hataccordingo some nterpretationshe artistmayhavesuspendedhatarrange-ment.According o thosereconstructions,herefore,hecompositionmphasizedheexposure f

Romulusand Remusandinserted t between he suckling cene and thatof the mature winsas

shepherds. imilarly,he battlewiththe Rutuliwouldcomebetween hebuildingof Laviniumnd

themarriage reparationsf Lavinia t the far eft,and thetrucebetweenAeneasandTurnus t

theright.Thesedeparturesrom"proper"rderingwouldnotdisturb n audienceusedto artisticrenderingsmphasizingormal tructure veractuality.41uring he lateRepublic,orexample,artists elt freeto reverse he orderof sacrificial ictims n religious cenesfor formaland com-

positional ffects.42 venthough he ancientRoman iewerwouldnot be troubledbysuchshifts,thepreponderancef a strictright-to-leftrrangementf thisfriezewould seemto argueagainstbreakinghe otherwise ormal equence. n anyevent, he viewercould connectsceneswith one

another r other ncidentsromRomanhistoryo extend herangeof references venfurther,ustasin literary arratives.

Thisfriezeconstitutes ne of thelastsurvivingandveryrare) xamples f thegreat igurative

cycles hatcharacterizehe artistic roduction f the ateRepublican eriodand hat endto disap-

pearwiththearrival f theEmpire,obe replaced ythedepiction f single hemesorepisodesofthemythof theoriginsof Rome,someofwhich(theflightof Aeneas romTroy,heseductionof

RheaSilvia,andthemiracle f thenursing he-wolf)become avored ubjects hroughout aintedprograms,oth publicandprivate, f theImperial ge.

4. Visual ourcesndContemporaryractices

Theformal omposition nd ndividualconographicmotifsof thepainted riezecan onlybe un-

derstood s nstanceswithinalongtradition. tsmythico-historicalycle,recordinghefoundation

of thethreecitiesof Lavinium,AlbaLonga,andRome,appearsmorerational ndpragmatichan

whatonefinds nthe realm f lettersdiffusedntheAugustan ge.It didnot draw nspirationromthe annalsof Ennius, n whichAlbaLongaalready xistedatthe arrival f Aeneas n Latium,orfrom heAeneid,nwhichVirgil itesbutdoesnot describe heconstructionf Lavinium. ince heartistdid notintroduce cenesofgreatconographicndsymbolic ower, uchas the Lupercal ndtheprodigy fthe sowwiththeconsequentialoundationfAlbaLonga, hisaccountwasprobablyinspiredbya sourcedifferentrom-and perhapsmoreancienthan-the poetic.

Thefrieze eatures he disposition f fluidfiguresagainsta neutralbackground,well within

the lateHellenisticpracticespopularn Romeat theend of the firstcenturyB.C.Scenesof battledominatedhe Greekmodels or narrativeycles, ound nsuchsouthern talianworksas funerary

reliefs,43 hichwereundoubtedly asedon Hellenisticprecedentsike the PergameneTelephos

41 ChristopherBaswell reminds me thatVirgilfamously usesordoartificialis-nonchronologicalnarration-to strengthen

thematic structure and appositions (such as risingCarthage

invertingburningTroy)in the Aeneid.

42 See, for example, the victims on the San Gregorio pedi-

ment: Holliday 2002, 158-161, fig. 82 or, even more strik-ingly, hose on the so-calledAltarof DomitiusAhenobarbus:

Holliday2002, 161-166, fig. 85.

4 See Holliday2002, 76-78 and passim.







106 PETER .HOLLIDAY

frieze.44The battle scenes on the columbariumpaintings exhibit an even more variedand adven-

turesomequalitythan most contemporary riezes at Pompeii. Their compositions are more tightly

packed and feature the placementof morefully renderedfigures n depth, harkeningback to early

Hellenistic compositions like the Alexander mosaic. By the Augustan period diverse Hellenisticmodels had been more fully assimilated nto the Romanculturalspherethan exhibited in works of

even a few decades earlier.

As discussedpreviously, he pilasterssignala clearbreak n the narrative, oth in time andspace.

Although all appearscentered on movement and poses, other elements carrymeaningin different

episodes. Scenery s indicated with picturesqueelements: a tree for Mars'ssacredgrove,and rocks,

hills, and other landscape motifs localize episodes painted on the northernwall, all derived from

Hellenistic practices.45Although the scenic elements are suggestedin a more abbreviatedmanner

here than in some contemporaryreliefs andpainted cycles, their realismhelps propel the narrative

as they had in the Greek pictorialtraditionfrom which they derive. Personificationsof cities (thefemalefigurewearingthe mural or city-wallcrownin the scene of the foundingof Alba Longa)and

rivers (the Numicus in the representationof the eponymous battle, the Tiber in the scene of the

amorous encounter between Marsand Rhea Silvia and in the scene of the exposure of the twins)

are also of Hellenisticinspiration.46 evertheless,the columbarium riezejoinsthe decorationof the

BasilicaAemilia (discussed below) as two narrativeensembles at the end of the Republicanepoch

that appearspecificallyRoman and constituteprecious testimonyto the existence of a figuredtradi-

tion that relatesin a detailed fashion the events surrounding he originsof Rome.47

Individual episodes are easily recognizable,in part because of the familiarityof their icono-

graphicalschemes, which had a wide diffusionthroughoutthe traditionalGreco-Romanrepertoire.This is true, for example, of the depiction of the battle between the Rutuli and Trojans,which was

inspiredby models of the Hellenistic era andconstructedupon the close rhythmof the composition,

pathos of the figures,and use of light and shadow for perspective effects. The differentiationby

color,weaponry,and uniforms renders the two sides of combatants mmediatelydistinguishable;48

the dead and wounded (who, accordingto an establishedscheme in the representationof battles,

arealwaysfrom the enemy army)aredepicted in the foreground.The scene of the winged Victoria

crowning the triumphant general also repeats a common scheme, fixed by Hellenistic repertoire

and already present in late Republicanreliefs in Rome (cf. figs. 8 and 9). Similarly, he composi-

tion of the encounter between the two armed leaders recalls an analogous subject depicted in thepainted friezeof the mid-Republicanperiod in the Tombof Q. Fabius, also discoveredin 1875 on

the Esquiline (fig. 13).49 The generaldisposition of the figures, their defining gestures, the use of

distinguishingcostumes and weaponry,and the presence of identifying inscriptions all draw from

the sameiconographicaltradition.

Is there some connection between privately commissioned,small-scaleworks like the colum-

bariumfrieze and larger, public monuments created for elite patrons? P. H. von Blanckenhagen

arguedthat the Odysseyfriezefromthe Esquiline was copied from a model originallydesigned for

44 On the analogiesexistingbetween the friezesof theBasilica

Aemilia and of Telephos,see Furuhagen1961, 153-154.

45 Holliday2002, 104-110.

46 Holiday 2002, 112-118.

47 Duliere 1979, 1:94.

48 Holliday2002, xvii and passim.

4 Palazzo dei Conservatori,Braccio Nuovo, inv. no. 1025.

Dawson 1944, 53; Borda 1958, 151; Andreae in Helbig

1963-1972, 2:no. 1600, 401-403; Holscher 1978; Evans

1992,9-11, 13-14; see Holliday2002, 83-91 forfull analysis

and bibliography.








Fig. 13. Fragmentfrom he Tombof Q. Fabius, Rome,

Palazzodei Conservatori photoDAI 34.1929).

3' .41

a differentontext,ransferredothe upperpartof thewallbecauseherewasno other uitable

place or t ina Second tyle cheme.'0 herehedividing illarswerepartof thisSecond tylescheme,ndwe canreasonablyssumehat heoriginalriezewas ruly ontinuous,ithonesceneflowingnto henextas nthesculpturedelephosrieze tPergamum.he ections ereadaptedandabridgedythecopyisto fit theavailablepaces.AsRogerLingargues,t is unlikelyhatafaithfulopyofanypart f the rieze ouldbe fitted oneatlynto heSecond tylechemehat hepillarsverlappednlyminor etails; oreover,ach ection resentswell-balancedompositionwitha centralocus."Wemust hereforeegardhewhole eries f scenes sfreely daptedromthemodel.

Ina similarmanner,hefact hat hestories epictednthecolumbariumrieze eemunduly

condensednd he ransitionsbruptyetat thesameimeachievingalancedompositionsitha centralocus) mplieshat hepainter uttogether xcerptsrom ome ullermodel. ndeed,

5 VonBlanckenhagen1963, 100-146. As Ling 1991, 108 also

reminds us, in his description of themes instituted during

the Second Style, Vitruvius includes "Trojanbattles or the

wanderingsof Odysseus through landscape," ndicatingthe

popularityof the themedrawn rom someprototype,perhaps

from MagnaGraecia.

" Ling 1991, 111.







108 PETERJ.HOLLIDAY

scholars ave ong agreed hatthe artistof the columbariumrescoesmusthavebeen inspiredby

a narrativemodel of greatdimensions,uch as a friezedecorating n important ublicbuilding,

which reatedheepisodes uccessively,hoosinghosescenesmostconsonantwiththemythologi-

caltheme o fit the smaller imension f the columbarium.Mostscholars gree hat hismodelwasthe BasilicaAemilia.52

In 179 B.C., the censorsM. AemiliusLepidusand M. FulviusNobiliorerected he Basilica

Aemiliao commemorateheirmagistracies,nd hebuilding emained focusof familypride or

the Aemilii throughout the Republic. The greatmarble frieze from the basilica probably dates to

the restorationnitiatedn 55 B.C. under he aedileL. AemiliusPaulusand dedicatedbyhis son

L. Aemilius Lepidus Paulus in 34 B.C., although some scholarsfavor a dating of 14 B.C., following

a fire in the Forum.53Although a member of the venerable gens Aemilia undertook the restora-

tion, Augustusprobably provided the funding for his impecunious supporter.The sculpted frieze

circled the interior of the basilica, in much the same manner as the painted frieze decorated theinner walls of the Esquiline columbarium.54t featuressimilar scenes of the erection of city walls,

landscape elements that locate the action, battles scenes where the dress and arms of soldiers

distinguishvaryingfactions, and dramaticscenes of fightingalternatingwith quiet scenes. Mythis

given as history,and history is recast in the legendaryRomulean themes. A personificationof the

rising city watches over the builders, combining allegorywith realisticnarrative n a manner that

recalls earlierRepublican practice while simultaneously looking forward to the grand tradition

of Imperialhistorical reliefs.The cultural climate of these two cycles, one sculpted and the other

painted, is the same in that they both draw from the traditions of Hellenistic painting brought to

Rome throughthe mediating ambient of Magna Graeciaand Tarentum.According to the ancientsources, such works of grandnarrativepictorial cycles were found throughout Rome by the end

of the Republicanperiod.55

Yet there are significantdifferencesbetween the two cycles. Most notable is the fact that the

basilica frieze lacks referencesto the Alban myths. Its preservedremains,however, are extremely

short andfragmentary;we cannot exclude apriorithat it also included some references o the salient

episodes of the Alban sagaand thus the series of Alban kings from which Romulusdescends.56 n

furthercontrast o the columbarium rescoes,more of the surviving cenes from the BasilicaAemilia

highlightdramaand pathos. The figuresstacking piles of blocks to makethe walls of Lavinium, or

example, strikeparticularlydynamic poses (fig. 14).

52 Zanker 1988 provides the best account of how themes

from officialart found their way into private art, where they

were furtherdeveloped and elaborated.Galinsky 1992, 111

properlyobserves, "This s arealmbeyondimperialcoercion,

if we were still to posit such a model."

53 The fragmentshave been reconstructedand are displayed

in the ForumAntiquarium.See Bartoli1950; Giuliano 1955;

Carettonil961;Furuhagen1961;Simon nHelbig 1963-1972,

2:no. 2062, 834-843; Koeppel 1982, 482; H6lscher 1988,380-382; Albertson 1990; Kranzler 1991; Kleiner 1992,

88-89; Cappelli 1993. For an analysisof the architectural

remains of the basilica, see Bauer 1988.

54 The use of Pentelic marble,whichpreceded the popularity

of that from the Luna quarries,alongwith stylistic affinities

between late Republican portraitsand some heads on the

frieze, helps support the dating suggested here.

5 The practicebegins by the end of the fourth centuryB.C.

with the narrativecycle painted by C. Fabius Pictor in the

Temple of Salus (Val. Max. 8.14.6; Plin. HN 35.19) and the

paintings by the poet Pacuvius decorating the Temple of

Hercules n theForumBoarium Plin.HN35.19); see Duliere

1979, 1:92-96; Holliday 2002, 18-2 1.

56 A painted inscription in the TauromenionLibrary ndi-

rectly confirms that Fabius Pictor knew of a series of Alban

kings that separated the arrival of Aeneas inItaly

from

the foundation of Rome in a manner placing Aeneas and

Romulus at opposite ends of descent. See Manganaro1974,

esp. 397. Plutarchfurnishesonly a brief account: Rom.3.2.

The lists of monarchs in Alba Longa are quite diverse in

the canonical sources: Diod. 7.5,7-12; Livy 1.3; Dion. Hal.

1.71; Ov. Met. 14.609-622; Fast.4.35-60. On this problem:

D'Anna 1992, 115-119. For different reconstructions, see

Trieber 1894;Martin 1982, 11.







THE RHETORIC F ROMANITAS 109

$o;w;,4Ltsw;...,...?~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~... .

s:t #;|* ^ ' . . . { " ' 5 w . '~~~~~~~~"'

Fig. 14. Buildingthe Wallsof Lavinium, ragment rom the BasilicaAemiliafrieze, Rome,ForumAntiquarium photoDAI 83.1241).

Fred Albertsonhas arguedthat the BasilicaAemiliafriezeused exempla rom the distantpast to

signal specific contemporaryAugustansocialpolicies.'7He contends that the frieze'snarrativepopu-

larized a recently ormulatedview of Romulus,an approach osteredby JuliusCaesarandOctavian,

and linkedby current nterest n the etiologyof Romancults and festivals.Eachscenepresentedmoral

instruction o the Romanpeople,whose behaviorAugustus soughtto regulateunder the directionof

legendaryexempla.The Rapeof the Sabines and the Punishment of Tarpeia, or example,reflectedAugustus'sattempts o encouragemarital idelityand to increaseprocreationamongthe Romanupper

and freed classes.Tarpeia's etrayalof Rome to the Sabinesendangered he fabric of Romansociety,

and she is punishedfor her treacherywhen the Sabinesoldiers crush her beneath theirshed.

Financed by the imperial purse, the refurbished BasilicaAemilia provided an occasion for

Augustus to announce his doctrines, even if the fiction was that a member of the Aemilii would

secure laus (praise)and perpetuatefamilyclaritas(renown)through this public munificence. The

refurbishment f the BasilicaAemiliademonstrateshow aristocrats tillsoughtto commissionartistic

programsto help fashion theirimages,but now that imagewas one of a loyal supporterof imperial

policy.ForRomansthe fundamentalpurposeof monumentawas to keep exempla romearlier imes

before the eyes of the populace, and what made exemplaso potent was theirreproducibility."Thesculpted frieze thereforeundoubtedly exercised some greaterattractionto ancientviewers than a

series of moralizingparadigms or it to inspire mitators ike the artistof the Esquilinecolumbarium;

what mayhave constituted that appealwill be considered bel w.60

57 Albertson 1990. Accordingto some scholars t was Ovid's

contempt for these very policies thatmay have been a con-

tributingfactor to his exile.

58 One cannot help thinkingof the fate of Augustus'sdaugh-

ter Juliafor her adulteries.

59 See Feldherr 1998, 12. In this commandingmonograph

Feldherr argues that the exempla n Livy'shistory constitute

a monumentum,which itself becomes an exemplum.

60 As will be shown, those interpretations of the Esquiline

frieze that posit a patronuswho decorated the tomb for his

freedmen with vignettes echoing Augustan moral policies

seem overly restrictive.







110 PETERJ.HOLLIDAY

Thefigured rieze nstalledn the refurbished empleof Apollo n theCampusMartiusllus-tratesanotherevelof imperial eploymentf exempla efore he Romanpublic.6"n34 B.C.GaiusSosiuswasvoted a triumphordefeatingheJews n Syria.After hecelebrations,osius tayedn

Romeas anagentofAntonyanddedicated isbooty o rebuildanearly empleofApollo nCirco.Fewin Romecouldmiss the explicitcomparison etween his hallowed tructure nd the new

complex o the samedeityon thePalatineHillvowedbyOctaviann36 B.C. (dedicated October28 B.C.). Theolder empleprobably ousedacult statueSosiusbroughto Romewithhis Seleucid

booty(Plin.HN 13.53),and tspediment ontained classicalGreekAmazonomachyhatmayhavealluded o a Roman ictory veran eastern nemy.62eteventherebuiltemplebecameassociatedwith Octavian ather hanAntony.Tohelp bringpeaceto war-ravagedome, hemagnanimousOctavian llowedSosius ogofreeafterActium.Sosius eprogrammedhe decoration f theTempleof Apollo (then n progress)o honorhis newbenefactor. xcavatorsoundfivesurviving locks

of asculpted rieze hathaddecorated he interior f the cella n 1937-1938 figs.15and16).Thecombination f themes,a cavalry attlebetween ullyarmedRomans ndlightlycladbarbariansand a triumphal rocession, ecalls he decorationsraditionallysedby competitive ristocratson importantRepublicanepulchers nd otherpublicmonumentso secure heirgloria.63Butthecaptiveson theferculum eliefdo not depicttheJewsoverwhomSosius riumphed;ather,heyrepresent orthern arbariansikeGaulsand herefore robablymarkAugustus'sllyrianriumphof 29 B.C.,64datingthe frieze to about 20 B.C., after Actium.

WhereasSosiusactedas amagistrate nd theAemiliineededto securepermissionromtheSenateto restore he basilica,both resulted n works of public artwhoseornamentationup-

pliedexemplaor Romanviewers; he decoration f one pointeddirectly o Augustus,andthelattermoregenerally elebrated hegloryof Rome,butbothmonuments everthelessmbodiedAugustanpolicies.65Yet to see these sculpteddecorationsas a part of somegrandschemeofimperialpropagandawould be, as KarlGalinskyastutelyobserved,"convenient ather hanprecise."66ather,much of Augustanartwas a part of a largerprocessto constructa symboliclanguageorvalues hatAugustus ought o bring o theforefront f Romanpoliticalandpubliclife, values such asfides,pietas,virtus: he verymoralstandardsmores) hat hadtraditionallydefinedRomanitas.

TheForumAugustumxpressesmost orcibly owtheemperorwantedhiscountrymenoview

boththesweepof Roman istory ndhisplaceamong hosemenwhoembodied hedesiredRomanmores. Two ongporticoesdefine hecentral longated rea,andan exedraon either ideflanked

61 Vowedin433 B.C. when aplague was raging n the city, he

originaltemple was dedicated in 431. Nash 1961, 1:28-30;Simon 1986, 104-109, 243-244; La Rocca 1988;Viscogliosi1988.

62 On a more characteristicallyRoman level, however, the

statues also announced Sosius'ssophisticatedtaste to other

members of the elite and stood as an example of Greek art

made subservientto Romanneeds. This follows the practice

of such predecessors as M. Fulvius Nobilior, Metellus, and

other Republicannobiles:see Holliday2002, 199, 217, and

passim.

63 See, for example, the paintings from the Arieti Tomb:Holliday2002, 36-43.

64 In fact, the triumph eventually became the exclusive

prerogativeof the princeps.The last triumphatorwho wasnot a member of the imperialfamily was L. Cornelius Bal-bus, who celebratedhis victory over the Garamanteson 27

March 19 B.C.

65 Theirmaterial s alsosignificant:marblesculpturewasrarein Romebefore this time, andAugustuswas the firstRoman

patronto use it extensively.

66 Galinsky1996, 29.

67 Nash 1961, 1:401-410; Zanker1968;Zanker1988, 210-

215; Hannestad 1986, 83-90; Simon 1986, 46-51; GanzertandKockel1988;Kleiner1992,99-102; Favro1996,170-176and passim; Feldherr 1998, 35-36.








1 Fig 15 Cavalrybattlefrieze, Temple

of ApolloSosianus,Rome,Palazzodei

v a fsj 2tle Xlr ;_ gffF s4- ~ tf a ConservatoriphotoDAI 60.1252).

f ~~ ~~ ~ ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~v .Q.....l

~__r

Fig. 16. Tnumphalprocession rieze, Templeof Apollo Sosianus,Rome,Palazzodei Conservatori photoDAI 71.44).

the vast space. The Temple of Mars Ultor (vowed on the field of Philippi in 42 B.C.68dominated

the east end. Over life-size statues of famous Romans, termed summi viri (SHA Alex. Sev. 28.6),

filled 108 niches in the exedrae and both porticoes (fig. 17). The central niche of the exedra to the

north contained a statueof Aeneas, founder of the Julianline, carryingAnchises on his shoulders;

the centralniche of the exedra to the south featuredRomulus, the founder of Rome, carrying he

spolia opima.69In the northern exedra and colonnade, Augustus set up statues of the worthiest

men in his familybeside the Aeneas group, descendingfrom Ascaniusand the other kings of Alba

Longa to important membersof the Julii from the early Republic and down to the present. (The

Julii themselvesdid not come to Rome until after the destruction of Alba, a fact that underscores

the interpretationgiven below of the painted frieze as a picture of the regenerativeeffects of aninclusivecivic identity.)70 he effectwas a versionin grand scale of the family genealogies displayed

in the alaeof the privatehouses of the Roman aristocracy.7' amous Romansnot related to the Julii

68 Res Gestae2; Suet.Aug. 29.2. The complex, however,was

not dedicated until forty years later,on 12 May 2 B.C.: OV.

Fast. 5.550-52. Dio (54.5.3) gives the date as 1 August of

that year;see Simpson 1977.

69 Excavations n the Forum have brought forth enough re-

mains of these statues (including heads, cuirasses,andtogas)

to indicate thatthe Romulusmotifbuilds on an iconographi-

cal tradition going back to the "Returnof the Warrior" n

Paestanpainting.On that motif and its relationship o Roman

commemorativeart,see Holliday 2002, 48-60.

70 Livy 1.30.1-2; see Feldherr 1998, 124.

71 See Plin. HN35.2.6. This correspondence etweenthe deco-

rationof a greatpublicbuilding and the more public rooms of

the domuscompareswith the similarities etween aristocratic

houses and tombs of the Republic discussedbelow.







112 PETERJ.HOLLIDAY

............

4 *~~~~~~~~4M hMi## Awf U......

Fig. 17. Reconstruction f the Forumof Augustus(drawingKevin W Davis).

flanked Romulus n the southernexedra,recalling he inclusion of greatmen who were not relatives

on Republicantombs.7 Hence elements of the Augustan programtactfullyrecalledthe traditions

of the Republiche claimed to restore,but as in the case of his governmentalreforms,allpower and

gloriaaccruedto one person, the emperor.73

Superficiallyhe summivin mightseem to reflectolder attitudes hat saw Rome as the productof

a long line of leaders,not of any singleindividual.7 These portraitswere carefullyordered, however,

anddid not compete for attention ike theRepublicanhonorfficstatuespackedin the public spaces

of the city. They offered exemplafrom a revisedhistorysuited to the purposes of AugustanRome,

conveyed equallyin image and text, eliding centuries of internal conflict and competition among

nobiles in favor of a continuously harmoniouspicture that justifiedthe position of the princeps's

72 For example, the statueof the man of lettersEnnius on theTomb of the CorneliiScipiones: see Holliday2002, 33-36.

73 The depiction of national heroes from Rome's remote

past had appearedmuch earlier n coinage:since the second

century B.C. monetaleshad minted denariiwith reverse-de-

signs drawn from Romanlegend, but those magistrateshad

construed some direct relationship between their families

and the image: see Sydenham1952, passim;Holiday 2002,116, 188-189. Augustus,however,embracedsuch themesfor

their universalityrather than any particularity,hence their

role in officialartistic programs.With its illustratedversion

of the annalisticaccount of the originsof Rome, the Esquiline

columbariumechoes the new impetus.

74 See Livy9.18.9.








family n the new Rome.TheForumreducedRomanhistory o a single,continuousprocessof

imperial rowth rom oundation p to the presentnwhich heJuliihadalways eenRome'smost

importantamily,or this familywouldproducehersavior.75

These officialprograms epresent n activeengagementwith traditionalhetorical racticespromotingRomanitashrough istoricalxemplaather hana radical reakwith hem.76uta pro-

foundshifthasoccurred. nsteadofdepicting vents n order oglorifyndividual obiles, xempla

embodiednartworks ecamemodelsof "patrioticctionwithbroader, ational pplication."77f

any amilywas celebrated,t was theimperial amily, utin the role of unifyinghe nation.

5. ThePreservationf theMosMaiorumn the FaceofSocialTurmoil

"Roma st,"civitas x nationum onventu onstituta.78y the late Republic he city of Romehadbecomea microcosm f thegreaterRomanworld,embracing nelitein whichmanyrecently l-

evated"newmen"(novihomines)prominentlyigured,whogoverned rowingnumbers f freed

andenfranchisedlavesandnumerous esidentoreigners.In the closingdecadesof theRepublic, he shifting ortunesof civilwarblurredoncesecure

distinctions.79ike Sulla he triumvirs eclared heirpoliticalopponentsoutlawsand entered he

namesof some300 senators nd about2,000 knightson the proscriptionists. Withmanyof the

old familiesbelongingo the core of the Republican enatewiped out,the triumvirs ursued he

exampleof Caesar:80hey illed he openingsbymaking heirown peoplemembers.8"fterCaesar

the high consulshipand priesthoods-the nobiles' raditional reserves-becamemoreor lessopenly nstruments f patronage, estowedon deserving ovihomines f diversebackgrounds.82

Insuchcircumstancesustaininghetraditionalmageof meritorious scent cursus onorum) as

rendered roblematic.

T.StatiliusTauruswas anexemplaryigure.His originsareuncertain;heywereperhapsLu-

canian.The sources ecordhisprivilegedelationship ithOctavian,who showedagreater refer-enceonlyfor his son-in-lawAgrippa.Amonghisaccomplishments,tatiliuswas suffectconsul n

37 B.C.and commandedhefleet n the SicilianWarof 36. He seizedthe provinceof Africaand

broughtt underhiscontrol, eturningo Rome or a triumphn34; Rome'sirstpermanenttone

7 The same conceit, of course, informs the poetry of Virgil,

particularlyAeneid 6.

76 The comparison between past and present greatness

transcended mere rhetorical effect. Augustus initiated

ceremonies of state in connection with the new Forum and

the Temple of Mars to insure future rituals would recall

the glory of the present-the Augustan age-against a

background of the more distant Roman past. As he wrote

in his own elogium, the Res Gestae (8), "By carrying new

laws, I have recalled many ancestral exempla that were fall-

ing into disuse, and I myself have handed down exempla

of many things to be imitated by those who come later."

Frisch 1980 argues that the achievements recorded in the

Res Gestae were to be measured against the achievements

of the men whose elogia appeared in the Forum and were

to be found superior.

77 Feldherr 1998, 97.

78 Comment.pet. 54, citedin Treggiari1969, 1,who contends

thatalthoughthe work's authorship s in doubt, it remainsa

well-informed source on the late Republic.

79 Oliensis 1997, 90.

80 SeeWiseman1971, 172for how Caesarcreatednew patri-

ciangentes,nobiles but plebeians.

81 Eck 2003, 16-17. Outside Rome itself the triumvirs

achieved a similareffect by murderingwealthymembersof

the city councils. Elsewhere (68), Eck points out that manyof

the new senators came from different politicalbackgrounds

than the old families; many came from regions of Italythat

had not been represented n the Republic (Etruria,Umbria),

and some belonged to tribes that had onlygainedfullRoman

citizenship duringthe Social War (Samnites,Peligni).

82 Wiseman 1971, 170-171.







114 PETERJ.HOLLIDAY

amphitheaterwas built in the Campus Martius to commemorate his triumph (completed in 30).

He fought in Illyricum during the next two years and in 31 commanded Octavian's and army at

Actium. In 29 he governed Spain.He had thrice been hailed as imperatorby his victorious troops

and held the consulship a second time, as Augustus's colleague, in 26. He was city prefect in 16,when Augustus was absent in Gaul, but died before his return.83Among his priesthoods Statilius

Taurusheld the positions of augurand curio maximus(ILS 893a). As T.P. Wisemanremarks,men

like Statilius Taurus and Agrippa "owed their repeated consulships-whether the reward of a

thankfulpeople or the precautionsof a nervous despot-to their intimacywith the victor of the

civil wars."84Wiseman holds that "duringthe Principatethe single most importantfactor in high

societywasproximityto theprinceps, rumpingevenpedigree.One mightstill sneerat the arriviste,

but intermarriagebetween novus and nobilis was almost complete."85MessalinaStatilia,the third

wife of Nero, was the great-great-granddaughterf Augustus'spartisan,andprobablythe daughter

of T. Statilius Taurus(cos. A.D. 44).In this unstablemilieu,some of the older noble familiesbecameso impoverished hat they could

surviveonlywith supportfromAugustus;those who becamefinanciallydependenton him (suchas

the Aemilii) ceased to have an independent voice and influence in politics. Both the new men and

the older nobilitas tended to express theirloyaltyto the manwho had made their full participation

in Roman politics possible.86With the composition of the rulingelite so fluid, with families falling

into and out of power so easily,the problem was to bring a sense of stabilityto Roman society.

In De republica 5.1-2) Cicerofamouslycharacterizes he apparentcollapsein the late Republic

of the mos maiorum,the fundamental mechanism by which Romans had transmittedthe ruling

principles of state and societyfrom generationto generation:

Thus beforeour own time,the customsof our ancestors roduced xcellentmen, and emi-nent menpreserved ur ancient ustomsandthe institutions f their orefathers. utthoughtherepublic,when t came o us, waslike a beautifulpainting,whosecolors,however,werealready adingwithage,our own timehas not only neglected o freshen t by renewingheoriginal olors,but hasnot even taken he trouble o preservets configurationsnd,so tospeak, tsgeneraloutlines.... For it is throughour ownfaults,notby anyaccident, hatweretainonly heformofthe commonwealth,uthave ong since ost its structure.C.W.Keyestranslation)

This concept of collective ideological perceptions, a set of exemplaryvalues inherited from com-

mon ancestorsyet developed within and for the elite of the Republic, had legitimated the power

(auctoritas)of that nobilitas and provided a sharedideology for Roman social coherence.87

Nobiles bore the responsibilityof setting a model to society;88 heir desire for military glory

(cupido gloriae) had been profoundly implicated in fierce political competition throughout the

83 See Syme 1939, 233, 241, 325; Carter 1970.

84

Wiseman 1971, 169. Elsewhere (172) Wiseman states:"No plebeian posts arerecorded amongthe descendantsof

StatiliusTaurus;his family, ike Agrippa's,must have been

promoted."

85 Wiseman 1971, 59.

86 As Eck 2003, 72 also notes, Augustus attempted to bind

the old Republican families to his own cause with arranged

marriages. n addition,otherfamilieswere honoredbyelevationin status. Wiseman 1971, 172 explains that just as

Caesar had done, Octavian made new patricians n 33 B.C.and under a lex Saenia n 29 B.C.

87 See H6lscher 1978 and 2001; Holkeskamp 1996; Linke

and Stemmler2000.

88 Wallace-Hadrill1997, 13 notes that it was the function of

the nobiles, those "menwith ancestors,to know, imitate and

transmitthe mos maiorum."








Republican eriod.89he project orRoman ristocrats astotransformoncretemilitarychieve-

ments nto socialandpolitical alues.90ublicrituals ndceremoniesikethetriumph ndfuneral

celebrated uccess n war,91 ublicbuildingsinancedbythebootysecuredn warturnedvictory

into astingpublicbenefit,and heerection f publicmonuments ommemoratedlorious chieve-ments.Aristocrats sed thesecommemorativetrategieso adduceexemplaor emulation rawnfrom heirown (ortheir amily's) eedsand hereby emonstrateheir uperiormores, ersuadeheelectorate ndpromotepolitical areers, ndultimatelyecure heir ndividualloriantheguiseof

expounding ational alues. ntheRepublicaniew,boththe individual ndsocietybenefited romthis competitivethos.Yetthe veryelitethatsought o show tselfasworthyof emulation,hroughits aggressiveupido loriae,was theagentof the destruction f thatsystem. nwritings uchas De

republica, icerosought o address he socialconfusionandabandonmentf traditionhatwere

evidentevenbeforeCaesar's ictatorship,ut whathe endsup describings reallyhe"coliapse f

thecultural tructuresywhichauthority adbeen definednRoman ociety."92ugustus laimedrespublica estituta ndsought o tackle he dislocation f authorityf the lateRepublic,nwhich

the entire deological nd culturalystem hatdefinedRomanitas ad ostcredibility.Livy's emarksn his prefacemirror heprinceps'saith n the practiceof displaying xempla

for theedification f Romans:

What hieflymakeshestudy fhistory holesomendprofitablesthis, hatyoubehold helessons fevery ind fexperienceet orth sonaconspicuousonument;romhese oumaychooseoryourselfnd oryour wn tatewhat o mitate,romhesemarkoravoidancehatsshamefuln theconceptionnd hamefuln theresult.1.praef.10;. 0. Fosterranslation)93

During he Republicaristocratic ousesfeatured he amassedmagesof distinguished ncestors,

worksof artbroughtbackasbooty rommilitary ampaigns,riumphalndotherhonorary egalia,andpaintings ommemoratingamilial chievements.linyrecalled:

Inthehalls f ourancestorst wasotherwise;ortraitsereheobjects isplayedobe ookedat,notstatuesy oreign rtists,orbronzes ormarbles,utwaxmodels f faceswere etoutonaseparateide-board,ofurnishikenessesobecarriednprocessiontafuneraln heclan,andalways hen omememberf tpassedwayheentireompanyf hishouse hathad verexistedwaspresent.hepedigreesoowere racedn aspreadf ines unningear heseveralpainted ortraits.hearchiveoomswerekept illedwithbooks f records ndwithwrittenmemorialsf officialareers.HN35.2.6;H.Rackhamranslation)94

89 The pattern began in the fourth century after plebeian

aristocrats broke the monopoly that patricians had held

over high office and increasinglybegan to compete for both

public honors and the opportunity to command armies;

see Holliday 2002, 4-6. My brief analysisthere draws from

Harris 1979.

90

Determining the role of the visualarts in this transforma-tion hasbeen afundamentalcontributionof TonioH6lscher,

to whose work mine is indebted.

91 This is central to the famousaccountsPolybius (6.53-55)

and Sallust(Jug.5-6) provide about Romanfunerals,public

spectacles rich with ideological significance.

92 Wallace-Hadrill1997, 22.

93 Compare Velleius Paterculus'sassessment of Augustus

himself:"Thebest princeps eacheshis citizensto do rightbydoing, and though he is the greatestin power, he is greater

still as an example"(2.126.4).

94 Furthermore,Plinyremarkson the seemingly ost practiceof displayingtriumphalhonors on the exterior of Roman

houses: "Outsidethe houses and round the doorwaystherewere other presentationsof those mightyspirits, with spoils

taken from the enemy fastened to them, which even one

who bought the house was not permitted to unfasten, and

the mansions eternallycelebrated a triumph even though

they changed theirmasters.This actedas amighty ncentive,

when everydaytheverywallsreproachedanunwarlike wner

with intruding on the triumphs of another" (HN 35.2.7; H.

Rackham ranslation).







116 PETERJ.HOLLIDAY

Thetombs of the greatRepublicanamilieshadtraditionallyhared he imagerydecoratinghe

domus,both of whichdrew romgreatpublicmonumentso celebrate heirrole nRome's xpan-sion with scenesof warfare ndtriumph fig.13).95Bothsettingsprovided trategic itesto posi-

tionimagerynthefamily's uest o preservehe resgestae romoblivionn thepursuit fgloria.96They oinedwith templepediments,massivepillarsandbases,and theelogiaon honorific tatues

to createa visiblerecordof achievementhatprovidedmportantmaterial or Romanhistorians

(see Dion. Hal. 1.79.8).97

Butfollowing heproscriptions gainstnobilesviewedaspotentialhreatso imperial ower,theeraof such disastrouself-display asover.Theelite-both thesurviving ldfamilies ndthe

new-surrendered to an impressionof restrictionin domestic display.After the chaos caused by

the competitive ethos of the late Republic, they embracedthe practice so controversialamong an

earlier generation and used their houses as settings for private collections of originalsand copies

after Greek mastersratherthan for the displayof historicalcommemorations(which had assimi-lated the model of those masters).98 he trappingsof "culturalcapital"were safer than traditional

commemorativedisplaysthat laid claimto familial aus andgloria.99Wealthypatronsthus found it

saferto decoratetheir homes with paintingsdrawnfroma repertoireof mythandhistorical egend.

Scenesof Aeneas andAnchises,Mars andRheaSilvia,the twins, andothermoralisticexempla rom

the distantpast (rather han the contentious present) provided models for a traditionalRomanitas

(fig. 10). At the same time, the painted decorationsin tombs also came to featureless provocative

thematiciconographies.

The hyper-competitionof the Republic had brought about what Michel Foucault called a

"politics of truth": he constructionand attemptedmonopoly of truth ensuring that all norms arealwaysunstable.100 he Principatebroughtforward a manwho successfullymonopolized the truth

andtherebybroughtstability:Augustus.In publicmonuments ike his new Forum,10' ugustus nge-

niouslyfashioned himselfas the restorerof essentialRoman mores; hiswas the underpinningof his

restructuring f authorityon Romansociety.102ugustus's elocationof authoritywas not represented

as a strictly political solution; ratherhe fashionedhimself as a moral reformer,restoring ancestral

exempla o establishanew culturalorderthat defined tselfby reference o a carefully tructuredpast.

His genius was to make this look not like the programof an individual eader but like a collective

95 In thiscompetitivecontextCicero'sallusion n De republica

(5.1-2) to apaintingwhose colors hadfaded (quotedabove)was no mere rhetorical lourish:such testamentswere quiterealfor his audience.

96 Thus Livy's reference to "a conspicuous monument"

(l.praef.10) is not inadvertent.Like earlierannalists, play-

wrights, and poets who worked on the origins of Rome, he

drew from monumental as well as literarysources.

97 My previous discussion of this subject (Holliday 2002,

203-204) is deeplyindebted to the primary esearchof Wise-

man1986;editorialerroron my partdid not givehis work full

and proper credit, which I wish to acknowledgenow.

98 The crucial role played by the new elite-who couldnot draw upon generations of ancestralachievements-in

shifting strategies for domestic display is the subject of

anotherstudy.

99Ironically,writerssuch as Pliny in turnheld these display

strategiesto be furthermarksof enervatingRomandegen-

eration and profligacy,especiallyof luxuria mported fromthe East.

100 Foucault 1980, 131.

101The carefullyorderedsummiviri elidedperiodsof internal

conflict andcompetitionamong nobiles n favorof acontinu-

ously harmoniouspicture, offering exemplafrom a revised

historysuited to the purposes of AugustanRome, conveyed

equallyin image and text. On the program,see Nash 1961,

1:401-410; Zanker 1968 and 1988, 210-215; Hannestad

1986,83-90; Simon 1986,46-51; GanzertandKockel 1988;

Kleiner 1992, 99-102; Feldherr 1998,35-36.

102Walace-Hadrill1997 contendsthatAugustus's estoration

of moreswas the basis of his restructuringof auctoritas,andthatthe attribution o the imperialcourtof the role of moral

exemplar defined its authority.For the image of Augustusas a moral exemplar for his successors, see Zanker 1988,

esp. 301-302.








revolution ndertakenyotherright-thinkingomans,Romans f anewlyconstitutedlitewhohad

theirposition yvirtue ftheir uperiorirtus.103heconsciousethinkingndrevivingftraditional

Roman aluesandmoreswere hereforeentral o artistic rogramsike the columbariumrieze.

6. TheEsquilineColumbarium

In order o interpretproperly he ideological ignificance f the legendary hemesshown n the

Esquiline rieze, t is necessaryo returno the tomb tself, orits urban ontextmayprovide ome

cluesasto itsmeaning.As notedat theoutset, he sourceof thepainted riezewas acolumbarium

located in the horti Tauriani, part of the Esquiline ying outside the originalpomerium.The

Romanpracticeof burials n privategardensmay derive romGreekbeliefs "thatconflated he

Hesperideswiththeconceptof Elysium ssuper-terrestrialaradises,wheredeadheroes, uch asHerakles, lissfully xisted ngardens.104Morepractically,owever, uchsettings oncede he fact

thatfromRepublicanimesuntiltheImperial eriod ombs nthecityon privatepropertywerea

customreserved orpatrician amilies;n later imesthispracticebecame he prerogativef only

theemperor nd the Vestals.105TheEsquiline olumbarium asa collective omb.InearlierRomanpractice he unityof the

familia-sons anddaughters,lavesand reedmenogether:hoseboundbybirthandmarriagendalsoby law-and thepaternaltatusof thepatronhad made t customaryo buryallin the sametomb.Butby the lateRepubliche largesizeof householdsmadethe custom mpractical, hile

fashionmade t distastefulo theupperclasses.106 ostof the urbanpoor nthe lateRepublicwerethereforeelegatedomassburialpitsoutside hecity.Suchmassgraveswerecalledputiculi, word

VarroDeverb.Lat.5.25)associatedwithputescere:torot."The samecampaign n the Esquiline

that ound hetombwiththepaintedriezealsouncovered number f these renches, onfirming

Varro'stymology.naddition o rich amilieswith argenumbers f slaves ndex-slaveso bury, he

columbarium ype was also adopted by burial clubs (collegiafuneraticia)l07 and by individualswho

couldnot affordanexpensive rivate ravebutwereanxious o avoidendingna massburialpit.108Collective ombsand nscriptionsunfortunatelyotpreservedorthis chamber) ecame elativelysimplewaysof bothavoidinghedegradationf theputiculi ndpromoting ne'sRomanitas.'09

Therealmsof privateand public ntersectn the tombsof ancientRome.Certainlyhe greataristocraticombswithin he cityandmonuments longthe majorroadsoutside he walls,suchas the Tombof the CorneliiScipiones,eatured rnamentahatcouldbe seen by all. But eventhe

103As Galinsky 1996, 73 states, Augustus"provideda vision

that could be shared, resisted, and individually nterpreted

by many, hereforecallingforth the kind of creativity, itality,

and originality which made the age so vibrant."As shown

here, this group included both new men like Statilius and

supporters of Augustus drawn from older families like the

Aemilii.

104 Hartswick 2004, 19; see more generallyToynbee 1971,

94-100.

105Serv.adAen. 5.64, 6.152, 11.206, citedbyHartswick2004,

19.Monumental ombs on villa propertieswere characteristic

featuresalreadybythe secondcenturyB.C.: Verzar-Bass 998;

Hartswick 2004, 19.

106 Treggiari1969, 215.

107 Such associationswere popular among men of modest

means (tenulores), mixing free, slave, and ex-slave. See

Treggiari 1969, 202-203; Hopkins 1983, 214 states that

growth of burial clubs "is to be understood against the

huge growthin the population of the city of Rome ... it was

an embryonicmass society,which threatenedto submergemen'sindividuality,n death as well as in life." See now also

Patterson 1992.

108 Hopkins 1983, 214; on the columbarium ype, see Toyn-

bee 1971, 113-118.

109Hopkins 1983, 217.








interiors f tombswereoccasionallyisible,110nd he collectiveombsofcommonersmaynothave

beenutterly estricted. amilies isited ombsonbirthdays,nniversaries,ndon themajor olidays

associatedwith rites of the dead, especiallyhe Parentialia,he dies Violaris, nd the Rosaria.111

Unquestionablyherewasa

largeraudience or the ornamentanside hesechambershan

usthe

entombed.As withtraditionalristocraticecorativeractice,herefore, nyattempto understand

the meaning f thefriezeshouldrecognizehat t wouldnotonlycallto mind he achievementsf

thedeadbut alsoprovidenspirationor thelivingvisitor.

The generaldecorationf collective ombs ell either o thepatronusf a family rto theentre-

preneur r collectivewhobuilt t fora club(althoughichesmightbedecoratedndividually,y their

occupants)."'2Therefore nowingwho builta tomb s essentialo determininghesignificancef its

decoration. hisbringsusback o the traditionaldentificationf thispainted riezewiththegens

Statilia.The mostrecentmuseumpublicationtates:"Thechoiceof a 'mythico-historical'ainting

relatingo thefoundingof Lavinium nd AlbaLongaand theTrojan riginsof Romemusthave

necessarilyespondedo quiteprecise elebratoryunctionsdeterminedythe ownerof the tomb,

T. StatiliusTaurus, nd of hisgens.113 In a recentmonograph n Romanpainting,however, da

Baldassarreasdrawn ttentiono the fact hat here sno evidencehatwouldallowus to securely

linkthepaintedcolumbariumo T.StatiliusTaurus.114xcavatorsoundno inscriptionsemain-

ing beneath heniches,and thoseon the urnsmentionedbyBriziocannotbe tied to this specific

chamber, ate to its lateruse,or again howno connectiono the Statilii seeCIL6.6150-6212).Baldassarrergues urtherhatthetomb's ocation n the hortiTaurianioes not point to anyre-

lationshipwiththegensStatilia.Nevertheless, believe hat n factthe sitingof this columbarium

inthe hortiTauriani,speciallywhenconsidered longwith the datingof its original onstruction

and decoration o theAugustan eriod-the momentwhenthe family ucceeded nto thehighest

ranksof Roman ociety-and the proximity f this chamberwith others n the mortuary omplex

thatareunquestionablyinkedwiththefamily as ndicatednthe plansmadeatits excavation;ee

fig. 1) argue tronglyor the traditional ssociationwith theStatilii.115

Lacking ecurenscriptionalvidence, owever,ny dentificationf the specific atron emains

completely onjectural. ertainlyt is not viable o claim hatT.StatiliusTaurus imselfcommis-

sioned hetombor itsdecoration, orcanwe determinerom he archaeologicalvidence and,as

noted, heinscriptionalvidence ound nthischambers irrelevant) hether his finelydecoratedtomb held the remains f members f gensStatiliatself.116 incefreedmenwere no longergiven

a place n thetombsof theirformermasters,helatteroccasionallyrovided eparate ombsfor

them;117t thevery east t seems ikely hat he Statilii ontributedhebuildingplot situatedwithin

10 See Holliday 2002, 124-125 for evidenceregardingaccess

to the great family tombs of the Republican period.

111Hopkins 1983, 214 describes how the feasts often took

place in banqueting rooms adjoiningtheir collective tombs;

on funerary feasts, see also Lindsay 1998; Holliday 2002,

124-125.

112 Hopkins 1983, 216.

113 Cappelli 1998, 58.

114 Baldassarre2002, 173, 177. I am grateful to the anony-

mous readerof an earlierdraft of this article fordrawingmy

attentionto this importantpublication,which has critically

affectedmy own work.

115 Similarly, he building of the columbarium n the horti

Tauriani t this time, and its small dimensions,hardly make

it a viable commission by a burial club without there being

some connection to the Statilii.

116 As Hopkins 1983, 206 states, from the late Republicbroaderkinshipunits,such as clans or clansegments(gentes)

played an increasinglyunimportant role in burials, thereby

leaving scant evidence for continuity in use of (nuclear)

familyburialchambers.

117 Treggiari1969, 216.







THE RHETORIC OF ROMANITAS 119

theirhorti.Thus t is feasiblehata member f thegensStatilia ommissionedhecolumbariumor

a favored reeman ndhisextendedfamiliao ensureaworthyburialandthecustomaryites.118

If this ombwas n factbuilt orthe freedmen f the Statilii, columbariumiscoveredn 1830

on the ViaLatina, ustoutside he PortaLatina,mightprovidean instructive arallel.Anaediculawitha panel n coloredmosaicwithaninscriptiondentifies heprobablebuilderasPomponius

Hylas,a freedman f Tiberius, nd hiswife, PomponiaVitalinisCIL .5552).119Thereareniches

for thecinerary rnsof others,probably lso mperialreedmen.The tomb'sdecorative aintings

andstuccowork estify o the resources vailable o the high-rankingreedmenof the imperialfamily.nthe latefirstcentury .C.thefreedmen f the influentialensStatiliawereon a nearequalfootingwithimperial reedmen, nd t maybe that awell-placedmember f thathouseholdbuilt

theelaboratelyecoratedombanalyzed ere.

It is evident herefore hatanyattempto determine nideological rogramorthefriezewill

needto remain penabout tsownership. thereforeuggest woalternative-yetcomplementaryandnot mutually xclusive-readingsof thefrieze,one that apatronus rawn romthe new no-

bilitasmighthave dentifiedwithandone thatwouldhaveappealedo theinfluentialreedmen f

Rome's uling lite.

7. TheFoundationsf Romanitas

Justwhat t meant o be a Roman itizenwas a central ssue o thepoliticalife of the lateRepublic

andearlyEmpire.The preceding enturyhad witnessedan unprecedentedncreasen the Ro-manpatria.Scholars stimate hat,afterall Italians btainedRoman itizenship,he enfranchised

populationhad swollen rom395,000in 115B.C. to almost1.5million n 28 B.C.120Throughout

the Republican period Roman law had evolved in a way that institutionalized the recognition of

including diverse cultures.12' As W. B. Saddington observed, "The Romans themselves were not a

staticpeople intent on preserving heirown identity.The Romans of the Socialor ItalianWarat the

beginning of the firstcenturyB.C. were verydifferent from those of the early Empire, and even the

Romans of Augustus's day were different from those of the time of Hadrian. Since Roman society

itself was so mobile, the accommodation of former subjects was hardly aproblem."1122 Yet the vast

numbers of newly enfranchised citizens did raise critical questions about individual and groupidentity. Feldherr discusses how these new Romans, who were alreadycivesof their native cities,

had to think of themselves as members of the Roman patria, "butin the face of such expansion,

the verytermcZves,which had originallydescribed a participant n a tangible community of peers,

requiredredefinition for all citizens."1123 ike political factionalism, allegiance to one's native city

118 In this contextfamilia is perhaps better understood as

"household": ee Hope 1997,who discusses he continuation

of familialrelationshipsafterdeath.

119Nash 1961,2:346-348. Interestingly,ike the columbarium

with the painted frieze, this tomb was also used for later

burials: nscriptions found there (CIL6.5539-5557), which

can be dated up to the second half of the second century

A.D., include later imperial freedmen that show no family

connection with Pomponius Hylas.

120 For the statisticalevidence, see Brunt 1971, 13-14. The

census figure for 28 B.C. is given at Res Gestae 8.2 as over

fourmillion,which Bruntargues s possibleonlyif it includes

women and children.

121 See Crook 1967.

122 Saddington1975, 135.

123Feldherr1998, 114.He then cites Cicero (Balb.27): "our

rightof changingcitizenship ... depends not onlyon publiclaws, but also on the will of the private citizen." See also

Sherwin-White1973; Nicolet 1988,21-23; Jongman2003.







120 PETERJ.HOLLIDAY

mightdisallow ullidentification ith andparticipationn the respublica.Thestability f Rome

therefore emandedhethoroughncorporationf thosewithoutaswell as thosealreadywithin,24

and perhaps ustascrucially,he security f new bonds of loyaltyamong nsiders.Exemplawere

neededto reinforce oththe interdependencendparallelismmong he interests f individual,family, action, and state.125

The nternal thematic)vidence f the paintedrieze vokes he deologicaltrategieseployed

bythe eliteduringhePrincipate, erhaps ne reason ts traditionaldentification iththe"Tomb

of the Statilii"aselicited o fewobjections.t hasbeenshown hat he erawitnessed hecontinued

domination ya smallgroupof elite ndividuals ndfamilies vermassesof slaves, reedmen, nd

poorercitizens romgenerationo generation, lthough he composition f thisgoverning lass

was fluid.As members f the new elite thatsupplanted lderRepublican obiles, ome families

undoubtedlyuffered nxiety ver heir tatusasrelative ewcomers. omememberswereanxious

abouttheirnewpositionnot onlyin respect o the older nobilitas ndimperial ourt126ut alsoin relationo an otherwisemarginalr transitionallass romwhich heyhad recently isen.They

therefore stablished heir egitimacyn partby adoptinghe ethosof a traditional ristocracy.127

That s to say,althoughhe elite recruitedts new members ofwhom t had constantneed,what-

ever tsorigins),t was characterizedy "anaristocratic,ot aprofessionalthos,"28that s,adeep

concernwith honorandshame,129ith iberalpursuits, ndwith reference o an authorizingast,realorimaginary.

The greatestadvantagef the nobilitashadbeen the Romans' bsessionwith mosmaiorum,

theirbelief hat"whats doneby precedents donebyright."'130ut he worthynewmenof the ate

Republicpreached hesuperiorityf virtus vernobilitas, laiminghat "their irtusand ndustriamade hemmorally uperioro aneffeteandpamperedristocracy."'31he dealof competitiveloria

was now obsolete.Whereasprogramsnartistic ommissions f the greatRepublicanamilieshad

usually ommemoratedecenthistorical vents hatbrought loria o thedeceased,whichaccrued

to his descendantsaself-glorificationhat also oftendenigrated olitical ivals),programs ating

to theAugustan eriodstressednagenericwayexemplary ualitieshatwereapplicableo many

different ndividuals ndsituations.132hiswasespecially rucialor members f a newgoverning

classwho weretryingo secure heirstatusandfashionan appropriateublic mage.Thetaskof a

124 Nicolet 1988, 44, 47 argues that the new allegiancetoRome presented no conflicts for new citizens because it ex-

istedon a different evel from theirpreviouscitizenship o the

nativestate.Thus Cicero(Leg.2.5): "everyone rom the towns

has two patriae, one of nature, and one of citizenship."

125 For two analysesof processes by which Augustus encour-

aged the construction of an inclusive national identity,see

Syme 1939, 440-458 and Eder 1990, esp. 118-122.

126 The instabilityof the elitewent hand in hand with persis-

tent, albeit fraught, oyaltyto the emperor.It is the emperor,

more than the collective traditions of a diminished aristoc-

racy,who, when the system is runningsmoothly,guarantees

the authorizingconnection with the past requisite to rule

over a traditionalsociety and who mobilizes the ideological

resources of the present;see Habinek 2000, 278-279.

127 The Principate culminated in the transition from

dominance by an (inherited) aristocracy o dominance by

a (replicated) elite. On the difference between these struc-tures, see Kautsky 1982. On the social transformation of

the dominant sector between Republic and Principate,see

Gelzer 1969; Garnseyand Sailer 1987;Holkeskamp 1996;

Wallace-Hadrill1997.

128 Garnsey and Saller1987, 113.

129 Cf. Livy, l.praef.10, quoted above. Shame could be a

consequenceof being perceivedas not belonging, and during

the era of proscriptionsthe gravest charge was treason: the

betrayalof Rome itself.

130Cic. Fam.4.3.1: namquod exemplo it, id etiam lure ieri

putant.

131 Wiseman 1971, 181;see also Galinsky1992, 98.

132Galinsky 1996,23. ForRepublicanpractice,see Holiday

2002, 142-152.








newmanwastofindanalogous ncient xemplao whomhemightappeal nd orwhosereputation

he mightclaim ome affinity,133hereby nserting imself nto the tradition f Romanitas. xempla

drawn rom he Primordiarbis inkedcontemporaryiguresothefounding eroesof theRepublic

and thereby ustified heirplace n society,and n so doingalso constituted refoundation f thecityand tsleaders.134

Following iftyyearsmarked y bloodycivilstrifeandproscriptions,he victors ought hemes

ofunityandorder.As demonstratedbove, hecolumbariumriezemusthavebeenpainted hortly

after he BasilicaAemiliawascompleted,whichwasprobablyntheyears ollowingheCivilWarof

Caesar ndPompey ndafter heturmoilollowingCaesar'sssassination-thats,from43to34B.C.

Publicprogramsike the BasilicaAemilia riezeundoubtedly layeda vitalrole nthis ideological

agenda. olyvalentntheirmeaning, pisodesdrawn rom hePrimordiarbis reespeciallyedolent

of suchweightyssuesasthe reestablishmentf essentialRomanmores nd he mportancefanew

saeculum.131cenes uchas thebuildingof the wallsofLaviniumwouldhaveheraldedhepoliciesof the mansomehailedasa "NewRomulus"Suet.Aug.2.7)who claimed o havere-erected new

Romeof marblerom he old oneof brick Suet.Aug.2.28).

As hasbeenshown, xemplarom he distant astwerea standardourceordefiningraditional

Romanitas, ut during he Principatehosesameeventsmayalsohavegivenan mpression f con-

forming o new deasaboutwhatconstitutedRomanness. hehazards ndclashes f Rome's istant

pastclosely esembledhedangers f its recenthistory.36Therefore,naddition opropagatinghe

specificAugustanocialpoliciesnotedabove,manyviewersmighthaveheld imagesof foundationto announce call or unityafter actional trife.Furthermore,ucha prominentriezepossesseda

performativeimension, power o effect he bondsof citizenship mongtsviewers,tsnarrativeprovidingxemplaof patriotic articipation, hich nturnbecamean agentof civicregeneration.

Suchreadings olsteringheir dentification ith an inclusiveRomanitasrobablyxertedamuch

stronger ndmoregeneral ppeal hanmeremoralizingtrategies.

Scenesofwarfarenthepainted rieze, uchasAeneas's attlewith heRutuli nd hatof Julus's

alliedTrojansndLatinsagainstheRutuli,mayhaveevoked he horrifyingnternal trugglesrom

which Romehadjust emerged. n recounting he strugglebetweenRomeand Alba Longa,Livy

(1.23.1)madesucha comparison xplicit,describingt as "most ike a civilwar"andeven "almost

like a warbetween athers ndsons.1137 The onging or unionamongwarring eoples s voicedby

Anniusn Livy'sHistory:

... there hould eonepeople ndonestate; nd hatwe mayhave hesame eatof empireand hesamename orall,byallmeansetthisrather e ourcity, inceonesidemustmakeconcessions,-and ay ood ome f it to bothpeoples and letus allbeknown sRomans.(8.5.6;B. 0. Foster ranslation)

133 Wiseman 1971, 107.

134 Examplesof this sort can be multiplied:collectivelythey

establish alongstandingpattern,deeplyingrained n Roman

culture, whereby leading figures gain and maintainpowerbased on the public performanceof socially authoritative

roles.

135 Cf. Galinsky1996, 34-37.

136 Moles 1993, 150 reveals how Livy constructed the rela-

tion between past and present in his preface:"thepast will

be a mirrorfor the present, the present for the past-Livy

will not in fact be shying away from full engagementwith

contemporaryhistory."

137 As Feldherr 1998, 115 notes, this "last description not

only conjures up the most terrifying mage of the civil strife

of the author'sown daybut also extends the significanceof

the conflict from the level of national identity to the more

intimate sphere of the family, ust as the civic conflicts of the

first century were shown to disrupt society at every level."

See also Appian'slist of the atrocitiesof the proscriptions:

B Civ.4.17-29.








TheseepisodesprovidedhetypeofexemplaAugustus esiredorhis visionof a Romereborn.

Working nder henewdictates f thePrincipate,herefore,writers-poetsaswellashistorians-compliedwith the newpolity. f in theRepublichistoryhadbecome hemythof Rome,under he

Principatehe twogenres onverged sneverbefore.Virgil omposed national piccontrived nmythologicalpisodes,andLivy ncorporateduchmatter ntohishistorical arrative,ven houghneitherbelieved n theirexistence.138

Thosethingsrecorded bout he time before hefounding f thecityandabout ts foundingthat remore uitedopoeticegendsfabulaelhan othe ncorruptibleonumentsfhistory,I intend eithero affirm orrefute. hispardonsgivenoantiquitynorderhat,bymixinghuman nddivinehings,t mightmake heoriginsfcitiesmore ugustaugustiora];nd fit ought o begrantedo anypeopleo consecratetsoriginsndcarryhemback o divineparentsauctores],uchmartiallory elongso theRomaneople,othatwhenheyclaimMars s heir wnparent nd he ather f theirounder,hehumanaceswill oleratehiswithequanimitysthey olerateur mperi'um.utI do notconsidertvery mportantow heseand imilaralesareregardedndevaluated;ather,et each eaderaykeenattentiono thefollowinghings: hat he ifeand ustoms ere,hrough hatmenandbywhat rts, thomeandabroad,ur mperiumasbothcreatedndncreased.praef.-9)

ThusLivydid not mind thatmanyof his storiesaboutearlyRomehad no historicaloundationand nstead reatedRomulus ndtheearlykingswith areverentialerisimilitude.39Feldherr asshownthat the languageusedto describe he influenceof such stories"additionallyecalls heprocessesby which mperiumtself s transmitted. egends hatthegods are heRomans' uctores

makethe originsof the cityaugustiora."140 ikepoets,paintersareless boundby fact; ndeed,myth can even be the principal ocus for theircreations.Therefore he columbariumrieze'ssupernaturalcenesshould not be held asviolating he historiographictandardsLivyappealsto in his preface;ratherboth narratives eekto provide nspiringexempla,hroughwhich, byimitating hemRomans ouldregenerate ndperpetuateheirrespublica.Their ormativenflu-enceon Roman dentity s more mportanthanthe factual ruthfulness f theRoman raditionfromwhichtheyweredrawn.

Just as muchof the earlierhistorical ndepicwritingn RomehadunderscoredheRomans'multiculturalescentandtraditions, o too thelegends llustratedn thepainted riezerecognize

the realityof Rome'sorigins romthe unionof differentpeoples.The Latinswereonlyone ofthe numerouspeoples who inhabited arlyItaly.Rome'smythicalounderRomulus amefromAlba,and hisfellowcitizens,allexilesandfugitives, ventuallymixedwiththeSabines.After heconquestof the ItalianpeninsulaRomeabsorbedotherpopulations,ncluding he OscansandEtruscans, honeverthelessetainedheirculturaldentity nddialectswhile hewidespreadro-cess of intermarryingradually roduceda commonculture.EventheTarquinsame o the cityasimmigrants.They, owever, ailed o makeconnection o the state n that undamentalmanneressentialo secure heircontinuedposition n the respublica.)t is not untilthe firstcenturyB.C.,

however, fter heincorporation f theItalianallies, hatwe canspeakof a trulyRoman ulture

138 Livy even echoes the epic Virgilemulated. He modeledthe encounter between Marcus Valerius and the youngTarquiniuson the duel between ParisandMenelaus(2.20.1;

Hom. II. 3.15), the battle of Lake Regillus is distinctly Ho-meric (2.19; see Briscoe 1971, 13), and Cannaebecomes a

series of unconnected Homeric engagements (22.47; seeUsher 1969, 171).

139Forinterpretations f thispassage,see Miles 1995, 16-19;Feldherrl998, 75-77.

140Feldherr1998,76, who continues:"The alesaboutdivine

parentagemay be pure fictions, from a historian'spoint ofview, but even fictionalgods canbe auctoresn the sensethatthey contribute to the city'scumulativeauctoritas."








in Italy,butits primaryharacteristicasthat t remained distinctlymixedculture."4'irgilhas

Jupiterproclaimto Juno:

AusonianolkwillkeepTheir athers'anguage ndwayof life,And,thatbeingso, theirname.The TeucriansWillmingleandbe submerged,ncorporated.Rituals ndobservancesf theirsI'lladd,butmake hemLatin,onein speech.The race o come,mixedwithAusonian lood,Willoutdomen andgods n itsdevotion,Youshall ee ...

Aeneid 12.834-839 (R.Fitzgeraldtranslation)

The painted riezealsodrewon mythologicalersions hat describedRome'sdescent romTroy.TheTrojansouldbeviewedeitherasGreeksor as Asiatics Dido'sAfrican uitorJarbas escribes

Aeneasunflatteringlyn suchterms:Aen. 4.215-217).42 Thus,asin contemporarypoetry, he painted

frieze interweavesthe myths of Trojanancestrywith the native Italic legends both of Latinusand

of Romulus and Remus,castingwider the nets of Rome'sgrowingethnic diversity.Whereasin the

Atheniannationalmyth the firstkings are autochthonous,andbirth remains he principalcriterion

for citizenship, significantly,"Romansaremade, not born."'143

Although these exemplamay have servedthe political agendaof the new rulingelite through

their rhetoricof peaceful inclusion of citizensdrawn from both contentious factionsand people of

mixed descent (especiallyengagingto novi hominesof diversebackgrounds,such as the Statiliiwith

theirpossible Lucanianorigin), the same themes of foundation could also exert a strong appealto

the lower orders, including freedmen associatedwith those rivalfamilies,who now sought burial

in collective tombs. Funeralrites gave the freedmanhis primarychance to portrayhis Romanness

publicly,andhis tomb was his one public monument. These classes formed the majorityof Rome's

swelling population. Extant inscriptionsof the late Republic, althoughmore limited in their scope

than those of the Empire, show a city population made up predominantlyof freedmen and their

families.The ratio of libertini o freebornwas roughly hree to one.144 akenat facevalue,the figures

suggestthat freedmen far outnumberednativeRomans n theirown city.145he frequentemancipa-

tion of Romanslaves, especiallyurbanslaves, at the end of theiruseful life or before, resulted n the

right to intermarry,f not outrightcitizenship, within two generations.The consequence was that

the body of Romancitizenswas constantly enlargedby the inclusion of non-Romans.146

The themes decoratingthis collective tomb, though built for freedmen,were still, of course,

conditioned by the expectations of elite practice and discourse and thus in no sense constitute

unmediated access to the thoughts and feelings of Rome's lower classes, but their presence here

may give us some sense of what aspectsof elite culturefreedmenand slaveschose to emulate-or,

14 Galinsky 1992, 142.

142 Galinsky 1992, 142-143.

143 Feldherr 1998, 113-114.

144 Treggiari 1969, 32, who cites CIL 1.1202-1422 for a

group consisting mainly of monuments of the well-to-do

and collegia, where there are approximately380 libertini

to 90 ingenul.

145 Taylor 1961, 113-114 contends that libertini were es-

pecially proud of their citizenship and were more inclined

than ingenuito commemoratethemselves, thus inflating he

numbers; but cf. also Treggiari1969, 33.

146 Galinsky 1992, 143.








alternatively,ereencouraged y apatronuso emulate.147n addition,we shouldnotforget hatfreedmen's lose affiliationwith the familiesof theirformermasters wepttheminto the same

currents f socialandpolitical ontention.Theexperience f the slavewasone of uprootingrom

connections f placeandcommunity nd,overtime,the circumstancesf manumission,mobility,and ntegration-dislocationsvengreaterhan hoseexperienced ythenewlyelevated lite.

Tracking own he collection fliterary nd igurativearallelsorvarious pisodesnthefriezecould nitiatemanyhoursof pleasurableesearchnlibrariesorancientandmodern cholars, utacommand f allthedifferent ourceswasundoubtedly eyondeither heability rdesireofmostancient iewers, egardlessftheir tatus.Determining ow theartist dapted hescenes romothermodels,arranginghemaccordingo compositionalchema o createnarrativemeaning nd ormalharmonies, ertainly hallengeshe modernarthistorian ndmayhaveenhancedhe enjoymentof ancientRomans isiting he tomb, but it wassecondary o the affectivepurposeof the imag-

ery.Whether ommissionedor elite or non-eliteburials, hecolumbarium'sainteddecorationsfacilitated he fashioning f the deceased'smemoria,he ultimateambitionof allRomans.Theirimageryllustratesheshift ound n private atronaget that imeawayromprogramselebratingindividual chievemento thosewith a broaderpatriotic ppeal,nowdemonstratedere forthevisualarts n addition o thebetter-documentediteraryradition.Thefoundationmythsdepictedinthisparticularriezeofferanextraordinarylea or nclusion ntheenergizing isionof aunifiedRome,apowerfulnewrhetoric f Romanitas.

147 Although MacMullen 2000 focuses on the provincesrather than Rome itself, this approach would provide a

corollary for his contention that during the PrincipateRomanizationwas primarilydrivenfrom below ratherthanfrom above. As Galinsky 1992, 111 argues,when searching

forwhere the initiativerested n the creationof a culturalandpoliticalprogramthat laid a strongemphasis on values, theanswer s that we are not dealingwith an ideologicalsystembut with a texture of interactions and multiple inspirationsthat have the princepsat their center.








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SHA ScriptorusHistoriae Augustae

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