the progressivism of america’s founding

8/8/2019 The Progressivism of Americas Founding

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The Progressivism of AmericasFoundingPart Five of the Progressive Tradition Series

Conor Williams and John Halpin October 2010


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The Progressivism of AmericasFoundingPart Five of the Progressive Tradition Series

Conor Williams and John Halpin October 2010


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Contents 1 Introduction

4 Individual rights and the public good in early America

8 Thomas Jeffersons influence on progressive thought

10 Alexander Hamiltons influence on progressive thought

12 Conclusion

14 Endnotes

15 About the authors and acknowledgements


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Wih he rise o he conemporary progressive movemen and he elecion o Presiden

Barack Obama in 2008, here is exensive public ineres in beter undersanding he

origins, values, and inellecual srands o progressivism. Who were he original pro-

gressive hinkers and aciviss? Where did heir ideas come om and wha moivaed

heir belies and acions? Wha were heir main goals or sociey and governmen?

How did heir ideas inuence or diverge om alernaive social docrines? How do

heir ideas and belies relae o conemporary progressivism?

Te Progressive radiion Series om he Cener or American Progress races he

developmen o progressivism as a social and poliical radiion sreching om he

lae 19h cenury reorm eors o he curren day. Te series is designed primarily or

educaional and leadership developmen purposes o help sudens and aciviss beter

undersand he oundaions o progressive hough and is relaionship o poliics and

social movemens. Alhough he Progressive Sudies Program has is own views abou

he relaive meri o he various values, ideas, and acors discussed wihin he progres-

sive radiion, he essays included in he series are descripive and analyical raher

han opinion-based. We envision he essays serving as primers or exploring progressiv-

ism and liberalism in more deph hrough core exsand in conras o he conserva-

ive inellecual radiion and canon. We hope ha hese papers will promoe ongoing

discourse abou he proper role o he sae and individual in sociey; he relaionship

beween empirical evidence and policymaking; and how progressives oday migh

approach specifc issues involving he economy, healh care, energy and climae change,

educaion, fnancial regulaion, social and culural aairs, and inernaional relaions

and naional securiy.

Par fve o he series examines he origin o progressive commimens o human libery,

equaliy, and he public good as expressed in he Declaraion o Independence, he U.S.Consiuion, and he poliical hough o Tomas Jeerson and Alexander Hamilon.


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Introduction

Conservaives have spen a grea deal o ime and eor in recen years disoring

he relaionship beween progressivism and Americas Founding. Progressives

hroughou hisory have veneraed he ideals o Americas Founding, paricularly

as expressed in he Declaraion o Independence and he Preamble o he U.S.

Consiuion, and have employed is inspiraional values o human libery, equal-

iy, and commimen o he general welare as he underpinnings o heir own

search or social jusice and reedom or all. Tere may no be a singular progres-

sive viewpoin on our naions ounding values, bu nearly all progressives agreeha he Unied Saes was creaed o ulll a promise o ree and equal poliical lie

or all o is ciizens. Te bulk o progressive acivism and poliical hough over

ime has ocused on bringing hese core ounding values ino realiy or all people.

Some o he original progressive hinkers, such as Herber Croly and Charles

Beard, were deeply skepical o he consiuional order hey inheried. Bu his

skepicism is oen misundersood as disdain or he Consiuion isel or a desire

o replace i wih some oher documen or se o values. Tis is misplaced. Early

progressives were quie clear ha heir skepicism o he consiuional order

resed on he predominan conservaive inerpreaion o he Consiuion as an

unbending deense o propery righs above all over values a a ime when millions

o Americans were suering rom he hardships o indusrializaion.

By he lae 19h cenury, newly ormed corporae eniies had acquired righs

originally inended solely or individual American ciizens. Cours in ha era

reaed commonplace reorms such as he ban on child labor and esablishmen o

minimum-wage laws as consiuional violaions o individual righs and he due

process clause o he 14h Amendmen. Progressives argued ha his approach o

he Consiuionexemplied inLochner v. New York, which sruck down limison work hours as unreasonable, unnecessary and arbirary inererence wih

he righ and libery o he individual o conracwas logically incoheren and

economically and socially disasrous.


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Progressives righly saed ha corporaions are no ciizens and ha he

Consiuion was no writen o deend a laissez-aire approach o he economy

or o preven Congress rom aking necessary seps o secure he well-being

and opporuniy o all Americans. Progressives argued ha he Consiuion

explicily grans Congress he power o lay and collec axes, o regulae oreign

and inersae commerce, and o do wha is necessary and proper in order oprovide or he common deense and general welare o he naion. Tey used his

consiuional auhoriy o ackle a whole range o social problems associaed wih

indusrializaionrom workplace saey and labor regulaions o proecions o

he naions ood and medical supply and our naural resources.

Tis is a crucial disincion in undersanding he relaionship beween progressivism

and he Founding. Progressives believe in ullling he revoluionary values embed-

ded in he American ounding and he U.S. Consiuion. Tey do no believe in

wising hese values or misapplying he Consiuion o serve he ineress o he

wealhy and powerul a he expense o he reedom and equaliy o he res o us.

Much o he conservaive rheoric agains progressive reamens o Americas

ounding revolves around criicism o he belie ha he Consiuion is liv-

ing law, as we address in par one o his series, Te Progressive Inellecual

radiion in America. Progressives have argued since he days o Tomas

Jeerson ha he Consiuion is no a xed, saic documen ha locks uure

generaions o Americans ino lae 18h cenury consiuional inerpreaions.

Te genius o he Consiuion lies in is abiliy o adap o he changing norms

and knowledge o new eras. Te Founders waned ciizens o draw on he bes

available evidence and evolving undersandings o democracy o keep he spiri

o individual libery and poliical equaliy alive. Ta is exacly wha he Founders

did in rs pressing or separaion rom Briaindrawing on exising values o

build new arrangemens o sel-governmen ha beter suied he menaliy and

siuaion o he early American coloniss.

Jeerson argued ha laws and insiuions mus evolve wih he progress o

he human mind. Our increased undersanding abou sociey and he world

around us requires us o consanly apply consiuional rules o new siuaions.

Progressives believe ha a dogmaic opinion o he Consiuion as a xed docu-men requires no only he suspension o advanced knowledge colleced over

ime, bu also a bizarre acquiescence o illiberal opinions rom cenuries pas.

reaing he Consiuion his way would mean reviving he Founders original

inen regarding slavery and excluding mos men and all women rom voing and

oher orms o democraic lie.


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Te original progressives argued ha he Consiuionand he Founding more

generallywas a powerul momen no simply because i provided sable rules o

poliics, bu also because i represened an enduring commimen o libery, equal-

iy, and jusice under represenaive poliical insiuions. Americas Founding was

a criical ime ha promised he goods o democraic governmen o presen and

uure Americans. Te goal o successive generaions o Americans was o urnhose values ino concree laws and social arrangemens ha honored ha com-

mimen o human reedom and poliical equaliy.

Conservaives mainain ha he original rules o he Consiuion, and he inen

o is draers, are adequae and sucien measures or evaluaing complex con-

emporary issues and should no be reinerpreed based on changing acs and

socieal norms. Progressives disagree. Te lineage o early consiuional hough

is clear in some cases, bu enirely murky and indeerminae in many ohers. Tere

is oen no way o know or sure which ideas matered mos o he Founders when

hey draed he Consiuion, whose inen was mos imporan, or how heyexpeced us o decide among conficing inenions. And why should he inen o

lawmakers rom long ago mater more han our deliberaive democraic process

oday? Tese are no ligh quesions or progressives.

Progressives also ake issue wih he conservaive view ha Americas rue

ounding values are locaed exclusively in he 18h cenury Consiuion.

Progressives believe ha he draing and adopion o he Consiuion was a

unique and undamenal momen in American hisory. Bu rom he perspec-

ive o our naions poliical values and public philosophy, i should no dis-

place he imporance o he Declaraion o Independence, he radicalism o he

Revoluionary War, or longsanding colonial social conrac radiions, which oer

addiional and someimes compeing values.

Te remainder o his paper will explore he progressive naure o he Founding

Era and explain how progressives came o combine he egaliarian and individual

righs-based ideals o Tomas Jeerson wih he naional greaness radiion o

Alexander Hamilon.


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Individual rights and the public

good in early America

Many people orge ha he pre-Revoluionary Era had long-sanding progres-

sive values cenered on represenaive democracy, poliical equaliy, and he

necessiy o civic communiy. Tese values are eviden in documens such as he

Fundamenal Orders o Connecicu, enaced in 1639, which opens wih he

provision ha he Inhabians and Residens o he sae ener ino combinaion

and conederaion ogeher, o mainain and pursue he libery and puriy o he

gospel o our Lord Jesus. Te documen specied ha local magisraes and he

governor were o be eleced by he people.1

Te Massachusets Body o Liberies, enaced in 1641, claimed similar righs or

all men:

Te ree ruiion o such liberies, immuniies, and privileges as human-

iy, civiliy, and Chrisianiy call or as due o every man in his place and

proporion we hold i hereore our duy and saey while we are abou

he urher esablishing o his governmen o collec and express all such

reedoms as or presen we oresee may concern us, and our poseriy aer

us, and o raiy hem wih our solemn consen.2

Te Massachusets Body o Liberies was a crucial documen or colonial govern-

mens given Massachusets imporance in early colonial imes. Te Massachusets

compac argued, jus like he Fundamenal Orders o Connecicu, ha govern-

men is ounded on individuals joining ogeher o devise public insiuions

and o consen o laws under a ramework o sel-governmen. Nearly all o he

colonies had such documens.3

Tis colonial poliical radiion inspired he proess ha evenually culminaed inhe American Revoluionary War. American coloniss challenged Briish poliical

auhoriy on a variey o grounds, bu he cenral claim was ha American individ-

uals were burdened wih duies ha were ou o balance wih he promised righs

and benes exended o he coloniss as par o he Briish poliical communiy,


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and pu orh in heir own compacs and charers. Te coloniss complained mos

amously ha hey were required o pay new axes imposed upon hem by insiu-

ions ha did no include represenaives rom he colonies. I is imporan o noe

ha he coloniss were no opposed o axaion as a general rule, bu o axaion

imposed by nonrepresenaive insiuions.

Briish imperial insiuions were no only nonrepresenaive; hey were no longer

adequae or he colonies emerging economy. Briish economic policy atemped

o exrac raw resources rom he colonies a minimum cos o eed he manu-

acuring secor in England. Briain would conver hese resources ino more

valuable nished goods so ha hey could sell hem back o he colonies, hus

srenghening Englands rade balance in relaion o he colonies. Te growh o

he American manuacuring secor made his arrangemen increasingly unsais-

acory or many classes o Americans, no jus wealhy elies. Changing economic

condiions in he colonies implied a need or changed poliical insiuions.

Te implicaion o his unenable economic and poliical arrangemen was

maniesly progressive. Early Americans believed ha poliical communiies have

he righ o deliberae on he economic rules and insiuions shaping heir lives.

Te colonies decried axaion wihou represenaion rom he Boson ea

Pary on. New insiuional relaionships were necessary o resore ree and equal

governmen o he colonies. Laer progressives would use he same reasoning o

claim ha exising poliical rules and insiuions were ou o sep wih changing

economic condiions.

Poliical changes were necessary as he counrys indusrial developmen ueled

explosive economic growh in he lae 19h cenury in order o comba widening

wage inequaliies and ourigh exploiaion o he underprivileged. Argumens

or implemenaion o an income ax, housing regulaions o enemen slums,

and exending universal surage o all Americans all ook his orm. Progressives

hus drew on he Founders posiion ha governmen responsiveness o public

economic concerns is one o is cenral asks.4

Te American Revoluion and he Consiuion were in some ways coninuaions

o Briish radiions, bu hey also included imporan breaks. Te Founding wasin general erms a combinaion o a number o hreads wihin Enlighenmen

philosophy. Mos well known, o course, was he early American adherence o

classical liberal poliical heory as expressed in he wriings o John Locke and

Tomas Paine.


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John Lockes infuence on he American Consiuion is well esablished. Locke

argued ha governmen exiss o proec individuals libery and securiy, and ha

is legiimacy ress upon he consen o hese individuals. Such a governmen ress

upon his conrac wih individuals, and his conrac species he appropriae

relaionship beween ciizens and poliical insiuions. Te social conrac radi-

ionexemplied by Lockes mos amous work, woreaises on Governmenhad enormous sway a he Founding and would laer inspire progressives who

believed ha oudaed, ineecive poliical insiuions were ailing 20h cenury

American ciizens jus as he inheried radiion o Briain had ailed he early

coloniss.5 Early American liberals, and heir progressive counerpars in he 20h

cenury, mainained ha exising guaranees or poliical libery had become insu-

cien and were in need o subsanial reorm.

Tis brand o liberalism was also combined wih egaliarian democraic ideas rom

he French wing o Enlighenmen philosophy. Many American Founders, includ-

ing Tomas Jeerson and Benjamin Franklin, admired he humanis ideals and hedirec challenge o monarchical rule ha drove he French Revoluion.6 Tere are

imporan dierences bu he parallels beween American challenges o Briish

colonial rule and French unres under Louis XVI were clear o he Founders.

Boh believed ha any remnan o he supposed divine righ o monarchs mus

be ossed aside in avor o increasing economic and poliical egaliarianism.

Americans also drew upon he ideas o Monesquieu in designing heir own

poliical insiuions. Federaliss and Ani-Federaliss alike cied his ideas on he

separaion o powers and oher areas as he supreme auhoriy on rules o poliical

organizaion during debaes over adopion o he Consiuion.7

Mos o he infuences lised above had deep roos in he American colonies

beore he Revoluionary War, bu he adopion o he Consiuion refeced a

signican heoreical advancemen ha was also progressive in orienaion. Many

o he Founders believed ha humaniy was enering an age where individual

human reason would challenge monarchs arbirary privilege. Absolue power,

wheher by coercive orce or religious decree, was no longer a legiimae source

or poliical righ. Te American Consiuion atemped o insiuionalize he

implicaions o his core premise. I assered ha he power o poliical insiuions

would have o be harnessed or he good o a counrys ciizens and ha heseinsiuions needed o be predicable, reliable guaranors o equal legal reamen

or all members o he body poliic.

Locke argued that

government exists t

protect individuals

liberty and security,

that its legitimacy re

upon the consent o

these individuals.photo: portrait oF John locke, public domain


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Te colonies organized a cenral poliical auhoriy aer winning he war under

he Aricles o Conederaion. Te cenral governmen had very litle power o

se naional policy under his arrangemen, and his oen led o chaoic naional

poliics and a chronic inabiliy o address collecive problems. Te ramers o he

Consiuion and he auhors oTe Federalis Papers recognized ha public insi-

uions wihou eecive power would do more harm han good. Founders such asJames Madison, John Adams, and Alexander Hamilon were animaed by argu-

mens over he belie ha eecive governmen matered as much as he principles

o limied governmen in designing he new ederal consiuion.

Conrary o conemporary conservaive argumens, he Consiuion isel

represens a deeply held American belie in he necessiy o properly uncion-

ing and responsive naional governmen over more atenuaed orms o sae

rule. Te Consiuion isel would no have been raied i he majoriy o early

Americans were ruly devoed o ideals o severely limied ederal governmen

rule. Progressives would laer draw on many similar argumens in response olaissez-aire ideology in lae 19h and early 20h cenury poliics. Progressives, like

heir ounding oreahers, believe ha a governmen wih insiuions incapable

o perorming heir duies and proecing he reedoms and equaliy o all people

is no governmen a all.8

Progressives argued jus over a cenury aer he Founding ha American poliics

should also be guided by he liberal democraic ideals promised in he Preamble

o he Consiuion: We he People o he Unied Saes, in Order o orm a more

perec Union, esablish Jusice, insure domesic ranquiliy, provide or he com-

mon deence, promoe he general Welare, and secure he Blessings o Libery

o ourselves and our Poseriy do ordain and esablish his Consiuion or he

Unied Saes o America.

Progressives assered ha conservaive or more radiional inerpreaions o

specic pars o he Consiuion were inadequae o secure he blessings o libery

in a modern indusrial democracy. In doing so, progressives proclaimed ha new

inerpreaions o elemens o he Consiuion were needed o preserve is revolu-

ionary promise. Tis new inerpreaion would aim o preserve he Jeersonian

ends o ree people paricipaing equally in sel-governmen by incorporaingHamilonian means o naional and ederal governmen srengh o uphold

hese values in changing imes.


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Thomas Jeffersons influence on

progressive thought

For many progressives, Tomas Jeersons works are he cleares and mos

inspiring ouline o he core poliical ideals o American sociey and governmen.

Progressives believe ha he Declaraion o Independence is he one documen

ha has mos sirred he American soulhe undamenal saemen o Americas

poliical religion, in Abraham Lincolns words.9 No single senence in American

hisory has had as much meaning o hose seeking progressive change and social

advancemen han Jeersons elegan resaemen o classical liberalism: We

hold hese ruhs o be sel-eviden, ha all men are creaed equal, ha hey areendowed by heir Creaor wih cerain unalienable Righs, ha among hese are

Lie, Libery and he pursui o Happiness. Progressivism has always been abou

he search or libery, equaliy, and happiness or all wihin a sysem o democraic

governmen and social and economic opporuniy.

Jeersons civic republican vision is less discussed oday, bu his emphasis on

poliical sel-deerminaion and paricipaion in governing has also served as an

inspiraion or progressives. Jeerson undersood ha democracy is more han

he orm o our consiuion; i is ounded upon he he spiri o our people.10

Jeerson believed men needed o be independen, sel-sucien, and publicly

atuned o he issues o he day in order o be eecive ciizens. He asked hese

ciizens wih keeping wach over public insiuions, which required hem o be

compeen, capable members o heir communiies. His vision o limied govern-

men was direcly ied o his civic republican vision o ree and enabled ciizens

ready and able o ake on he dicul ask o governing.

Jeersons ideal yeoman armer may have seemed oudaed o laer progres-

sives pushing o reorm massive urban indusries, bu many o heir eors were

inspired by his vision o a civically engaged, poliically compeen naion.11

Teseprogressives also embraced his vision o robus communiies as he very essence

o American democraic lie. Progressive poliical leaders ound i easy o assume

he Jeersonian manle. Teodore Roosevel, someimes a criic o Jeerson,

echoed his words by aking up he crusade agains he unscrupulous maleacors

Jeferson understoo

that democracy is

more than the orm

our constitution; it iounded upon the t

spirit o our people.

photo: portrait oF thomas JeFFerson by rembrandpublic domain


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o grea wealh who hreaened he sabiliy o American democracy by degrad-

ing and exploiing he masses. Roosevel also believed ha public insiuions

should secure jusice and air dealing as beween man and man here in he Unied

Saeshrough he join acion o all o us, alhough he also joined Jeerson

in claiming ha we can never aord o orge ha in he las analysis he all-

imporan acor or each o us mus be his own characer. Several decades laer,Franklin Delano Roosevel would describe Jeersons vision o democracy as he

uopia guiding American poliics. Achieving his endgame required Americans

o recognize he new erms o he old social conrac, a dream which had o be

brough o realizaionles a rising ide o misery engendered by our common

ailure engul us all.12 Boh Roosevels and oher progressives during ha ime

essenially saw Jeerson as he sage who rs recognized he meaning o American

democraic lie.

Progressive inellecuals also ook cues rom Jeerson. John Dewey admired

Jeerson as one who was atached o American soil and who ook a consciouslyaler par in he sruggles o he counry o atain is independence, and conse-

quenly undersood ha consan empering o heory wih pracical experience

which also kep his democraic docrine wihin human bounds.13

Ye early progressives recognized as he naions economic siuaion changed

ha he original ends o Jeersonian hough would have o be adaped o new

orms o governmen. As Dewey wroe, []he ineress originally represened by

Jeersonhave now changed places wih respec o exercise o ederal power. For

Jeersonian principles o sel-governmen, o he prime auhoriy o he people, o

general happiness or welare as he end o governmen, can be appealed o in sup-

por o policies ha are opposie o hose urged by Jeerson in his day.14


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Alexander Hamiltons influence

on progressive thought

Progressives may have adoped Jeerson as our rs grea democra, bu hey

admired Alexander Hamilons naionalis poliics, as well.15 Hamilon was one

o he leading advocaes o sronger naional insiuions aer he abjec ailure o

he decenralized Aricles o Conederaion. He argued in he Repor on he Public

Crediand Te Federalis Papers or a ederal power capable o holding ogeher

saes wih disinc ineress. He believed ha he ormer colonies would only be

able o unie ino a single naion i here was a sronger cenral power o ie hem

ogeher. Hamilon was no one o hose who held ha American naional pros-periy would develop o is own accord; he advocaed or he ederal governmen

o assume responsibiliy or building a reliable economic inrasrucure o suppor

growh. He undersood he world o commerce, capial, and indusry ar beter

han many o his agriculural-minded colleagues, Jeerson included.16

Hamilons suppor o ederal invesmen in public works inspired many progres-

sives during uncerain economic periods in he early 20h cenury. Herber Croly,

he mos prominen progressive wrier o his ime, argued in his 1909 book,

Te Promise o American Lie, ha Hamilonian naionalism showed Americans

he poenial or collecive poliical acion o consruc insiuions supporing

individual reedom.17 Dewey agreed wih Hamilon ha, insead o awaiing an

even o know wha measures o ake, we should ake measures o bring he even

o pass.18 Hamilon showed progressives ha democraic insiuions can acively

work wih he common good in mind, since hey are designed o represen and

proec ciizens. Progressives agreed ha a powerul Naional governmen was

no only consisen wih ounding American principles, bu oen necessary o

secure a democraic lie.19

Progressives hroughou hisory have worried ha Hamilon preerred poliicalhierarchy o democracy, bu hey have also acknowledged his genius or address-

ing poliical confics. Woodrow Wilson wroe ha Hamilon had ha deep and

passionae love o libery, and ha seadas purpose in he mainenance o i

[no one else] could have done he grea work o organizaion by which he esab-

Hamilton advocated

the ederal governm

to assume responsib

or building a reliableconomic inrastruc

to support growth.

photo: portrait oF alexander hamilton by John trpublic domain


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lished he naional credi, and wih he naional credi he naional governmen

isel.20 Wilson, along wih eddy Roosevel and Herber Croly, believed ha

Hamilons unique conribuion o American poliics was making pursui o he

naional purpose a primary goal.

Hamilon, like Jeerson, recognized he danger o economic dependence. Hewroe ha in poliical, economic, or social lie, and in he general course o

human naure, a power over a mans subsisence amouns o a power over his

will.21 Democraic poliical leaders necessarily have o consider how social and

economic condiions aec individual independence. Progressives noed dur-

ing he indusrial revoluion when corporae ineress made common pracice o

exploiing individual laborers, ha a srong naional governmen was necessary o

enhance and proec individual poliical libery.

Tis belie conrass sharply wih he radiional conservaive accoun o Americas

oundaional values. Conservaives by he end o he 19h cenury used heir iner-preaion o he Consiuion o build an unsusainable deense o he privilege o

capial and he accepance o economic exploiaion. Progressives believed ha

proecing he economic saus quo no only violaed he Consiuions original

meaning, bu also ignored he longsanding American radiion o using ederal

power o deend individuals rom hreas o heir sel-deerminaion.22

Presiden Woodrow Wilson recognized, ollowing Hamilon, ha he ederal

governmen would need o make isel an agency or social reorm o proec

equaliy o opporuniy or all individuals. Wilson said a he end o he 19h cen-

ury ha, he cones is no longer beween governmen and individuals; i is now

beween governmen and dangerous combinaions and individuals.23 Hamilons

legacy o naional acion in pursui o he collecive good provided progressives

wih a model or adaping he naions poliical insiuions o sui new economic

realiies in he indusrial age.


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Conclusion

Progressives hroughou hisory have argued ha here is no need o choose

beween individual reedom and a srong naional governmen. Tose who see he

relaionship beween libery and naional acion as a zero-sum gamewhere

a srong governmen necessarily means a negaion o human liberyare gener-

ally hose who believe ha ormal consrains on governmen are he only way o

mainain poliical libery.

Progressives rejec his perspecive, arguing ha a narrow ocus on negaivelibery is a hollow concepion o human reedom ha is inconsisen wih our

ounding values. Te Founders commimen o individual libery and equal rea-

men by public insiuions inspired progressive inellecuals, grassroos aciviss,

and poliical leaders alike. Tey believed, as Lincoln said, ha new circumsances

were always esing wheher a naion conceived in libery, and dedicaed o he

proposiion ha all men are creaed equal can long endure.24

Tomas Jeerson augh progressives ha individual sel-deerminaion and

public equaliy are he prizes o ree poliical insiuions, while Alexander

Hamilon made i clear ha hese insiuions need o be srong enough o ensure

hese goals. Progressives ook up he work o renewing American democracy and

human libery by pushing or equal poliical reamen or women, he direc elec-

ion o senaors, an end o exploiaive child labor, environmenal proecions, and

a pro-democracy approach o oreign policy.

Ten-candidae Franklin Delano Roosevel explained in his amous

Commonwealh Club Address in 1932 ha changes in American economic lie

had come o hreaen individual libery in new ways. Corporae economic eniies

made i possible or he Unied Saes o indusrialize, bu equaliy o opporuniyas we have known i no longer exiss.25 Te naions rapid economic developmen

resuled in vas inequaliies ha were now providing a drab living or our own

people, wih he resul ha more han hal o our people do no live on he arms

or on lands and canno derive a living by culivaing our own propery.26


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Progressives recognized ha corporaions had become as grea a hrea o indi-

vidual libery as any public insiuions could ever be. American poliical insiu-

ions, designed or an 18h-cenury economy, were overwhelmed by he new asks

beore hem.

Progressives recognized ha he soluions o he naions problems, and he hrea-ened economic condiion o millions o is ciizens, lay wihin he American radi-

ion, no beyond i. Americas Founding was a undamenal hisorical momen

ha began an experimen in ree and represenaive governmen. Te promises o

his legacy arrived o he 20h cenury somewha rayed and worn, bu progres-

sives made is revializaion cenral o heir poliical objecives.


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Endnotes

1 t F o c, J 14, 1639 [g v ]. i b F, ., The AmericanRepublic, Primary Sources (l F, 2002), . 12.

2 t m b l, d 1641 [g v ]. i b F, ., The AmericanRepublic, Primary Sources (l F, 2002), . 15.

3 c l F Gv pv pv a, m 5, 1682 [g v]. i b F, ., The American Republic, PrimarySources (l F, 2002), . 23.

4 c. ew J. p, The Economy o Colonial America (nw y:c p, 1988).

5 b b, The Ideological Origins o the American Revolution(cg: hv uv p, 1992), . 2730.

6 t F rv 1789.

7 a h, F 9. i Gg W. c J m-c, ., The Federalist(i: l F, 2001), . 3740;J m, F 47. i Gg W. c J mc-, ., The Federalist(i: l F, 2001), . 250252.

8 aw c. mlg,A Constitutional History o the United States (nw y: d. a-c, 1935), . 155.

9 J dw, Liberalism and Social Action, J a b, .,The Later Works o John Dewey, 19251953, Volume 2: 1935 1937(c-, il: s i uv p, 2003) . 64; al, t p o p i: a b

yg m l sg, i. i r p. b, ., Abraham Lincoln: His Speeches and Writings (cv: W p-g, 1946), . 8082.

10 l s kv: t Jf (J 12, 1816), v- ://../jf/v.( m 11, 2010).

11 r b. b, Thomas Jeerson (nw y: o uvp, 2005), . 192.

12 t rv, s pvw, m,rv W d t W, New York Times, ag 21, 1907. i , rv , i g vg w, g ; g v g q v z; F d r-v, cw c s F. i J G, .,Great Speeches, Volume 1 (m, ny: c dv p,1999), . 1827.

13 J dw, Freedom and Culture. i J a b, ., The LaterWorks o John Dewey, 1925-1953, Volume 13: 1938-1939 (c,il: s i uv p, 2003), . 173.

14 i., . 107.

15 J dw, pg t Jf. i J a b,., The Later Works o John Dewey, 1882-1953, Volume 13: 1938-1939 (c, il: s i uv p, 2003), . 2 02.

16 J J. e, Founding Brothers: The Revolutionary Generation (nwy: Vg b, 2002), . 6065; a w -z, : Ww W, A History o the Ame rican People, VolVI: The Founding o the Government (nw y: h b,

1918), . 17, 4448.

17 h c, Progressive Democracy(nw y: t mmc, 1915), . 5455.

18 J dw, s s s c. i J a b,., The Later Works o John Dewey, 1882-1953, Volume 6: 1931-1932 (c, il: s i uv p, 2003), . 67.

19 t rv, The Rough Riders: An Autobiography(nw y:t mm c, 1913), . 73.

20 Ww W, a c G a. i r J.p, ., Woodrow Wilson: The Essential Political Writings (l,md: lg b, 2005), . 82.

21 a h, F 79. i Gg W. c Jmc, ., The Federalist(i: l F, 2001), . 408.

22 t s, Diminished Democracy(n, ok: ouv p, 2003), . 11, 40, 290291.

23 Ww W, s d. i r J. p,., Woodrow Wilson: The Essential Political Writings, . 79.

24 a l, q J m. mp, Drawn With theSword: Refections on the American Civil War(o: o uvp, 1996), . 188.

25 rv w w a b; F d. rv,cw c a. i G l, ., The Two Faces oLiberalism: How the Hoover-Roosevelt Debate Shapes the 21st Century(s, ma: m&m sv p, 2007), . 120.

26 i.
http://classicliberal.tripod.com/jefferson/kercheval.htmlhttp://classicliberal.tripod.com/jefferson/kercheval.html


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About the authors

John Halpin is a Senior Fellow a he Cener or American Progress ocusing on

poliical heory, communicaions, and public opinion analysis. He is he co-direc-

or and creaor o he Progressive Sudies Program a CAP, an inerdisciplinary

projec researching he inellecual hisory, oundaional principles, and publicundersanding o progressivism. Halpin is also he co-auhor wih John Podesa

oTe Power o Progress: How Americas Progressives Can (Once Again) Save Our

Economy, Our Climae, and Our Counry, a 2008 book abou he hisory and uure

o he progressive movemen.

Conor P. Williams is pursuing a Ph.D. in governmen a Georgeown Universiy,

wih a ocus on hisorical oundaions o liberal rheoric. Aer graduaing rom

Bowdoin College in 2005, he augh rs grade or wo years as a each For

America Corps member in Crown Heighs, Brooklyn.

Acknowledgements

Te auhors would like o hank Megan Slack, Ed Paisley, Lauren Ferguson,

Mara Cook, and Ruy eixeira or heir valuable insighs and assisance in shaping

his paper.


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The Center for American Progress is a nonpartisan research and educational institute

dedicated to promoting a strong, just and free America that ensures opportunity

for all. We believe that Americans are bound together by a common commitment to

these values and we aspire to ensure that our national policies reflect these values.

We work to find progressive and pragmatic solutions to significant domestic and

international problems and develop policy proposals that foster a government that

is of the people, by the people, and for the people.

the progressivism of america’s founding

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