the origin of samba as the invention of brazil

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British Forum for Ethnomusicology

The "Origin of Samba" as the Invention of Brazil (Why Do Songs Have Music?)Author(s): Rafael Jos de Menezes BastosSource: British Journal of Ethnomusicology, Vol. 8 (1999), pp. 67-96Published by: British Forum for EthnomusicologyStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3060852 .Accessed: 29/05/2011 19:20

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RAFAELOSE DEMENEZESBASTOSThe "originof samba" as the inventionof Brazil (why do songs have music?)*Tothememoryof AgostinhodaSilva,the firstperson o speak o me of Brazil.This is an ethnomusicological study of the song "Feitiode Orago " ("Made likea prayer") composed in 1933 by Noel Rosa (lyrics) and Vadico (music). Thesong is seen as a discourse about Brazilian identity, and it is implicated innegotiations of wide socio-cultural scope. Basing my discussion on the analysisof the song, I consider DaMattaI formulations about the "Brazilian dilemma",according to which Brazilian ethics are seen to stand between modernindividualism and traditional holism. The analytical approach draws on nativemodels for the understanding of Brazilian popular music, in an attempt toestablish a conversational articulation between lyrics and music, the universesthat constitute the world of song. I show how the lyrics evince a mythic-cosmological discourse, that is, a world view, while music creates anaxiological sphere that evaluates the lyrical content.

O cinema aladoE o grandeculpadoDa transformag~io..Tudoaquilo que o malandropronunciaCom voz maciaE brasileiro: a passoude portugues

ThetalkingfilmIs the greatguiltypartyFor thetransformation ..Everything hat the spiv saysIn a soft voiceIs in Brazilian: t's no longerinPortuguese.' (Noel Rosa, 1933)

* This is a slightly revised version of a paper publishedin 1996 in Revista brasileira deciencias sociais, 31:156-77. I thank Suzel Ana Reily for the English translationand hereditorialsuggestionsupon which the revisions were based,thoughI remainresponsibleforthe paper.The original paperwas first presentedin 1994 at the colloquium"As culturasmusicais urbanasdo seculoXX"(Theurbanmusicalculturesof the twentiethcentury),attheUniversityof Lisbon.1 Excerpt rom the song, "Ndo temtradupqdo""There'sno translation") or "Cinema falado"["Talkingilm"]),music andlyrics by Noel Rosa.

BRITISH JOURNAL OF ETHNOMUSICOLOGYVOL. 8 1999 pp.67-96


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68 BRITISH JOURNAL OF ETHNOMUSICOLOGY VOL.8 1999

IntroductionAlthough the category "popular music" may appear to be neutral, this isdefinitely not the case. By demarcatinga space for "thepopular"within music,it becomes defined in opposition to two other categories: art music and folkmusic. In relation to artmusic, it is distinguished from "the cultured" and "theerudite", which require the ability to read western musical notation. Popularmusic, then, is opposed to the "music of the masters", in that it does not pre-suppose such exclusionary knowledge; here the qualifier- "popular" takes onderogatory connotations that imply vulgarity. In relation to folk music, theboundaries of popular music become defined in opposition to "tradition",andcircumscribe a territory characterizedby a lack of authenticity. Here popularmusic parades as a phenomenon of fashion, linking it to the ideal of novelty; its"otherness"becomes located in alienation, or in the lack of a commitment totradition,the sphere of a presumed past (or of survivals). By transcendingthesenegative associations, however, "the popular" emerges in a positive light: itsvery vulgarity becomes the source of its popularity amongst modem urbanites.This is the trapembodied in this category, a trapwhich operates at the level ofvernacularusage andin musicological discourse:popularmusic is a negatively-defined interstitial type of music (a mezzo-music, one might say), situatedbetween high, art music - the universal Great Tradition- and low musics, themyraid of parochialized oral traditions of the world.Within this vast context of predications, an essential commercialism isattributedto - and embraced by - popular music, as though phonography -ratherthan musical notation and orality - and the market forces of productionand consumption were exclusive to it, never contaminatingthe purity either ofart music or of folk music. It is worth noting that at the core of the variousmusicologies (e.g. historical musicology, ethnomusicology, the sociology ofmusic etc.), this construction of popular music has resulted in its lack ofprestige and legitimacy as an object of study. Only Adorno's genius was able tobreakwith these attitudes.

Currently there is a generalized criticism of Adorno's bitterness towardpopular music. Such bitterness, however, was not unique to Adorno; it wasalso expressed in various ways by other intellectuals of his time, such as BelaBart6k, Mario de Andrade, Charles Seeger, Antonio Gramsci, Carlos Vegaamong many others. Furthermore,Adorno did not restrict his wrath to popularmusic, directing it also toward Stravinsky (Adomo 1974) and any othermusics that did not live up to his vision of the progressive rationalism ofwestern music (Menezes Bastos 1996:160-1). Yet, despite his bitterness,Adorno was the first intellectual to give popular music studies a sociologicalcontour, and this still in the 1930s and 40s (Adorno 1941 and 1983a). At thattime, Adorno and Horkheimer (1985) made a stand against the boastful masscultural vision of popular music (and popular culture generally) (MacDonald1973), a vision made possible by capitalist idealism - the "socialist realism"of the "free world". Indeed, they set about to understand it critically in termsof the culture industry, that is, as a manifestation that adds nothing to liberty


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MENEZEZ ASTOS The "originof samba" as the Invention of Brazil (why do songs have music?) 69and makes humans (specifically, the individual) stagnate in the mystificationof control and manipulation.

What is popularmusic?In some of my latest work (especially 1990, 1991, 1992, 1996), I have arguedthat that which is called popular music is anything but another type of musicwishing to insinuate itself into the perfect triangle constructedby (western) artmusic, primitive (and oriental) musics and folk musics. What is called popularmusic is, in fact, the third"musical universal" of the west, the nucleus of whichwas consolidated between 1930 and 1960 around the jazz-rock axis, and itpoints to a global system specifically linked to the entertainment ndustryand toshow business. I refer to a "universal" as a delimiting language of a specificsocio-cultural system, and not as agame only of consensus; conflict here is seenas constitutive. This, I believe, provides a useful way of approachingthe nativewestern vision of music as a universal language.If the first musical universal of the west was Gregorianchant, the symbolicmotor of the colonial process that took Christendom- that is, Catholicism2- tothe whole of Europe, the second was western music of the seventeenth to thenineteenth centuries, which defined Europe as a "concertof nations" within thecontext of the relations between modern nation-states andthe colonial world. InGregorianchant, music is embracedby the state-religious establishment,wherethe individual is placed "outside the world" (Dumont 1985). In western musicfrom the seventeenth to the nineteenth centuries, however, the individualcommits deicide, and re-invents the world of art in religious terms (Spengler1973), enthroninghim/herself as God, creatorex nihilo. Here society seems tohave robbedmusic from the church,society becoming constitutedby individualswho, being "in the world", attempt,nonetheless, to obscure - or even to conjureaway - the societal pertinence,throughan ideological framework that defines itsmost cherished values as liberty and equality. Note that the second universalencompasses the first, reconstructing t as its very origin.

When popular music emerges in the world, it does so as a whole,manifesting itself as a global phenomenon of recent modernity. It extends fromIndia to Mexico, from Brazil to England,from Italy to the USA , from Egypt toGermany,from Turkeyto Argentina, from Spain to Cuba, and so on, becomingparticularlyrelevant to the construction of the identity of modem nation-statesand as an expression of the concert of nations. I am speaking of musics thatwere not only disseminated, but effectively made possible and encompassed by,the technological-industrial establishment through phonography, beginningwith the record, the radio andthe talking cinema. Thus, I am not addressingthearchaeological phase of popular music, which is linked to sheet music, musichalls, parlours etc. Furthermore,I am referring to phonography not only as atechnical process, but also as one of the prime sites, in the west, of the2 The term "catholic" derives from the Greek for "universal" (kath6lon); in the context of thereformed Gregorian liturgy, it is specifically applicable to Gregorian chant (Leuchter 1946).


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encounter of practical and cultural reason (Sahlins 1976). In relation tophonography, this encounter is linked to Western ancestral mythological andcosmological native models, which construct sound recordings as the freezingof the words and the music of the "other".3The musics that invaded even the most remote fringes of the planet after the1930s attend to local, regional and national logics as well as to a global logic.This global logic, characterized at the economic-political level by the neo-colonial context, took jazz - and then rock - as its central fulcrum. Note that Iam dealing with jazz and rock as a single continuous language, which, likeGregorian chant and western music of the seventeenth to the nineteenthcenturies, is atopical in its process of global diffusion, but this does not excludethe original local realities or the diversity of these genres. In this language, theclassical-romantic tonal theory of western music, the theatricality and theoperatic way of singing and the centrality of interpretation(far more than thecomposition itself) are as importantas their local African-American base. Notealso that I see the nation as a total social fact, which is meaningless outside theinclusive/contrastive international frame to which each nation is inextricablylinked (Hobsbawm 1990). It is this frame that gives consistency - at onceglobal, local, regional and national - to such genres as the tango, the habanera,the samba, the fado, the blues etc.Popularmusic, however, is not just a new type of music to be added to theothers, and this is not simply because of its global ramifications. Rather,since itlets nothing escape, it does not only incorporate art and folk musics into itsmythology of origins, it also re-invents them. This is paradigmaticallyvisible inthe North American scenario from the 1930s onwards. Here Italian operatogether with dance jazz emerge as the first successes in the history of music(Gelatt 1977), while the ethnic musics of the USA also become massphenomena (Spottswood 1982, Greene 1992). This process relates to a search,amongst various ethnic groups of the country,of a way of imagining themselvesas Americans, in a manner that will allow them to construct their authenticityinrelation to their notions of their origins (Moloney 1982). Popularmusic, then,constitutes the third western kath6lon, and like the other two, it redefines thepast and postulates the future. This occurs within a movement in which thegeneral (the global) and the particular (the local, the regional and the national)are imbricated to form a single Hegelian totality (Adorno 1983b).Recently Pinheiro(1992) has shown that thereis much more to be said aboutthe notion of ajazz influence in the emergence of bossa nova, which for some hasbeen the measure of the American "alienation" of Brazilian music (Tinhorio1969) and for others of its "modernity" Campos 1978). Pinheiro'sclose musicalanalysis indicates that the rhythm of Jodo Gilberto's renowned guitar "beat"ishighly congruent with Brazilian patterns, particularlythose of the tamborim

3 I first addressed western mythic-cosmology related to phonography in 1990, departingfrom an important note by Tinhordo (1981:13), and I have since elaborated further upon thisissue (1991, 1995, 1996), on this issue, see also Grivel (1992). On the metaphor of theinternational system of modern nation-states conceived as a "concert of nations"', see mypublications cited above.


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MENEZEZ BASTOS The "origin of samba" as the invention of Brazil (why do songs have music?) 71

(small single-headed frame drum) in samba school percussion ensembles. Inrelation to its harmonic structure,he furtherdemonstratedhow the characteristic"dissonances"of bossa nova echo harmonicroutinescommon to Brazilianurbanmusics of the 1930s and 40s. I have shown that these routines were typical oforchestral arrangementsin dance music, such as those of Severino Arauijo'srenowned OrquestraTabajara Menezes Bastos 1992). It is also worthnoting thatthe "cool" bossa nova way of singing harks back to what is perhapsthe oldestlyric song style of the country, he modinha(Menezes Bastos 1992).The intention here is not to override a truth of the 1960s, or, even worse, toinvert it and claim that it was Brazilian music that influenced American music,full stop (McGowan and Pessanha 1991:11-14), as though in the twentiethcentury there has been a nation, a colony or a "territory"capable of resistingthe temptations of the Great Satan. Rather, the totality which I propose toexplain is that that which we call "popularmusic" is not functional in type, inwhich the general is evinced solely as a privileged part of the whole; on thecontrary, what has been taking place in the global scenario throughout thiscentury - and the Brazilian case is paradigmatic in this respect - evokes withextreme felicity episodes in Borges's dialogic writings: the maxixe engageswith the tango, which speaks with the habanera, which converses with theblues and the foxtrot, which exchange ideas with Chopin, Satie, Ravel,Debussy, the flamenco, the fado, the waltz, the polka, the schottische, theopera and so on. The whole of these dialogues configure an endless series ofgenres, registers and conversant authors, in which the demarcation ofboundaries attends both to contrasting and inclusive operations. Thus, likeother "national"musics, Brazilian popular music can indeed be conceived asBrazilian, because, rather than dissolving "otherness", these interactions -made up within the context of an international dialogue - construct theinterlocutors as "others"in relation to one another.

Brazilianpopularmusic as a discursive formationEver since its emergence at the beginning of the century, Brazilian popularmusic has been constructed as a privileged discursive arena for debating thegreat national issues.4 This is especially evident in critical moments of the4 Althoughwhat could be called Brazilianpopularmusic hadalreadyemergedby the end ofthe eighteenthcentury- in such forms as the modinha, for example, a genre which hadalready become internationalized n 1877 through Domingos Caldas Barbosa and hisnotorioussuccess in Portugual here I am referring o it as a phonographicphenomenon.This places its emergencein the twentiethcentury,and 1917 is the convenientmarkerof itsinceptionin Brazil, as this was when the first successful samba- "Pelo telefone"("Onthetelephone"),by Ernestodos Santos,betterknown as Donga, and Mauro de Almeida(Moura1983:76-82) - was recorded. In this article I do not use "MPB" s a synonym for "muzsicapopular brasileira"(Brazilianpopularmusic);in native discourse "MPB" efersonly to thelineagesconstructedby bossa nova, protestsong, "tropicalismo" nd some of the genresthatcame afterthem (Pinheiro1992).


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country's history, when the society was divided by sometimes irreconcilablesocial positions. Here the government, the regime, the state, internationalrelations as well as specific social, political, cultural,economic and otherissueswere polemicized through songs that engaged in heated debates with oneanother. This musical dialogue - which constantly transcended the musicalsphere, encompassing literature, heatre,essay-writing, the visual arts and otherrealms - provided audiences with renewed substance for defining theirpositions on the issues in question. Transposedto the explicitly political plane,it impacted upon negotiations and decision-making related to conflicts betweenthe nation's various social sectors.In Brazil, discussions surrounding he origin of samba have not only been afavoured topic in musicological circles, but also a true passion of the society(Moura 1983, Tinhorao 1986, Vasconcelos 1977). A central theme in thisdebate has focused on competing claims made by Bahians and Cariocas (theinhabitantsof Rio de Janeiro)over where the genre was actually invented. Withthe abolition of slavery in 1888, the migration of African-Bahians to Rio deJaneiro became especially marked, accentuating a trend that had begun in thefirst half of the nineteenth century.In Rio, these migrants concentrated aroundthe wharf district and in Cidade Nova, a working-class neighbourhood thatencompassed the mythic Praga Onze, constituting what came to be known as"Pequena Africa" (Little Africa), a communal nucleus for shaping blackidentity, but it also served as a true laboratory of musical creation (Moura1983). In the 1930s samba reached the country's middle classes, and thediscussions about its origin were reconfigured around an opposition between"the hill" and "the city", polemicising the legitimacy of its social ascent.Amongst Cariocas, "the hill" referred to Rio's favelas (shanty towns). At thetime, Rio was the capital of Brazil, and it was undergoing massive urbantransformations;as the economic and political centre of the country,it attractedgreat waves of poor migrants. "The city", on the other hand, came to refer toRio's affluent sectors, its "noble" areas, the spaces that exerted power andinfluence over state affairs. The two poles in the discussions then currentoverthe birth of samba identify irreconcilable socio-cultural positions withantagonistic ideological-political postures. In the 1950s, the dispute over sambaand samba-cangdo (song-samba) displaced the geographical debate to thesphereof ethnicity, andsamba-cangdo was accused of being "whitenedsamba",in opposition to the supposedly more authentic"black samba" of the hills. Withthe bossa nova movement of the 1960s, the polemic took new routes, and thedichotomy between old and new became an importantmusical boundary, inwhich the issue of gender roles acquiredcentrality.5

5 In 1992 I discuss how the cool bossa nova vocal style consecrated by Joao Gilberto adoptsthe lyrical tradition of the modinha, pointing to a crucial change in the way the Brazilianurban middle classes came to represent the relationship between men and women, tentitivelyconstructing it in symmetrical terms. This vocal style is radically opposed to thatcharacteristic of the bolero and the samba-canqdo.


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In this study I shall be looking at a song called "Feitio de ora9dgo"In theform of a prayer),which was recorded in 1933. The lyrics were written by NoelRosa (or simply Noel, as he is known in Brazil), andhe put them to an existingmelody by Oswaldo Gogliano (who is better known as Vadico). This song canbe taken as a discourse about Brazilian identity, and it is implicated innegotiations of wide socio-cultural scope. As I shall point out later, thisdiscourse relates to what Roberto DaMatta (1978) has called "the Braziliandilemma", the problematic that emerges from the country's option to straddlethe half way mark between what Dumont (1970) refers to as individualism andholism. The analytic approach I shall be taking attempts to draw on nativeunderstandingsof Brazilian popular music, and it is premised upon the notionthat the world of song constitutes an interlocutorylink between a linguistic textand a configuration of properly musical elements. Brazilian native modelsdistinguish between these spheres by referringto the linguistic domain of songas "the lyrics" (a letra); to its properly musical elements as "music" (mtisica);while the combination of lyrics and music is also referred to as "music"(mnisica).To account for this dual usage of the term "music" in the vernacularmode, I shall refer to music proper as "music I" and the combination of lyricsand music as "music II". I shall argue that the lyrics evince a mythic-cosmological discourse (that is, a world view of a verbal-visual nature), whilemelody creates an axiological sphere that evaluates the lyrics (Menezes Bastos1977, 1982, 1990).

The process of song composition in BrazilianpopularmusicNoel de Medeiros Rosa was born on 11 December 1910 in Rio de Janeiro,thecity in which he died on 4 May 1937.6 He was musically productive for onlyseven years (1930-37), but despite this short meteoric career, he establishedhimself as one of the great names in Brazilian popular music. Today he is notonly considered to be one of the most centralbuilders of its archetypalpast, buthe is also seen as highly contemporary,his music constructed in true perennialfashion. Noel was born and raised within a middle-class family - his motherwas a primary school teacher and his father a book-keeper - in Rio's ZonaNorte (North Zone) in the neighbourhood of Vila Isabel, and his personal linksto this area undoubtedly enhanced the mythology connecting it to the world ofsamba. Noel produced an extensive body of work: around 250 compositions,including song lyrics and tunes (predominantly sambas), operettas and piecesfor musical theatre (Maximo and Didier 1990: 495-519). The scope covered byhis creations also encompasses a broad spectrum, ranging from pieces of themost refined irony, the sweetest lyricism and the sharpestsocial criticism (Joso

6 On the life and work of Noel Rosa, see Almirante(1977), Chediak(n.d.), JodoAnt6nio(1982), Marcondes 1977:670-73) andMxiximoand Didier(1990).


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Ant6nio 1982). His work represents a country that is both deeply proud of itsgrandeur and strongly critical of its flaws. Noel was a great innovator of themusical and poetic (that is, lyrical) architectureof Brazilian popular music, andhe was possibly the first bourgeois popularmusician of the countryto take noteof - and ennoble - "the people", that is, the inhabitantsof that world which isviscerally divorced from the state, and which has been constructed as thecountry's purist originality, a kind of perennial colony of the eternalmetropoliswhich the staterepresentsin the country.Noel was a medical student, embarkingupon a professional career that, atthe time, embodied the respectability of the Brazilian establishment. Butbeing the great renouncer that he was, he abandoned medicine to embrace acompletely dissolute lifestyle - in his case, a fatal one, given his fragile health- and he entered the bohemian world of the most lumpen of the populace, ofthe malandro (spiv) and of the prostitute. Attempting to mediate between thehill and the city, Noel forged one of the most central connections in Brazilianpopular music: a simultaneous search for rooted authenticity, on one hand,and of sophisticated cultivation, on the other; in a nutshell, one could say thathe stands as a paradigm of the courtesan of the culture of poverty, a messianicencounter that signalled the independence of society (the "people") from thestate. Though he rejected foreign influences, be they in the form of"Americanizations" (he had an abhorrence of CarmenMiranda, whom he sawas a symbol of deviation) or of "Argentinianizations" (he frankly derided the"tango-ization" of samba), he could never be characterized as a nostalgic oras a creator closed within himself. On the contrary, his ideology drew aclearly modernist trajectory,but his modernist vision was premised upon therejection of foreign colonization and upon the firm belief in an essentialBrazilian-ness. Indeed, this is evident in the lyrics used as the epigraph of thisarticle.Noel followed a typical trajectory in the universe of popular music inBrazil, in terms of the "system" through which he acquiredhis musical skills.This system began with domestic-familial initiation, and was followed by auraland visual experiences of music-making through encounters with "masters" nboth live and recorded settings. During his childhood, Noel learned to play thebandolim (four double-coursed string instrument similar to the mandolin) fromhis mother, and at aroundthe age of 14 or 15 he took up the guitar (violdo),making it his principle instrument. From then on he began to follow theseresteiros (street musicians) of the city, while also attempting to acquire theguitartechniques employed in modinha circles (Uornaisde modinha) and houseparties (saraus caseiros), avidly drawing materialfrom the distinguished guitarplayers he encountered. At a later stage, Noel began making his way to therenowned music store called "O Cavaquinto de Ouro", located on the RuaAlffndega, where the best players of the Carioca guitar of the decadeestablished their base (Maximo and Didier 1990:65). At the store- which was amusic school - the celebrated Quincas Lavanjeiras gave guitar lessons,employing sheet music, and every afternoon the famous Joao Pernambucanoand other virtuoso guitarists showed up to play with Laranjeiras(Miximo and


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Didier 1990:65). Noel also made regular appearancesat "A Guitarrade Prata",the home base of Jose Barbosa da Silva (also known as Sinh6, or "Rei doSamba" [King of Samba]), and he was also a frequent visitor of other musicstores, such as "Carlos Wehrs", "Ao Pingtiim", "Carlos Gomes", "VieiraMachado" and "Phoenix". All of these stores were importantvenues in Rio forthe circulation of commodities associated with popular music: records, sheetmusic, instruments and musical accessories as well as guitar andgeneral musiclessons (Maximo and Didier 1990). By following this more-or-less informaleducation system, Noel came to be considered a good guitaristby the age of 16.In the Rio de Janeiroof his time, the acquisition of music skills in the world ofpopular music operated within a system in which the store was the school andvice-versa.The musical backgroundNoel acquiredin this way was so solid that it wasas a guitar player that he began his performance career at the age of 19,becoming a member of "Bando de Tangaras", a vocal and instrumentalensemble of strong north-eastern inspiration, created in 1929 under thedirection of Almirante. In the 1930s Noel's career became viscerally connectedto the radio and to carnival. If in the 1920s talking films were the mostimportant vehicles for the diffusion of popular music, during the followingdecade this space was slowly taken over by the radio, a medium whichincreasingly was being occupied by commercials for marketproducts and itemsof the record industry. Beginning in 1931 Noel began participatingas a singerand guitar player, and later also as a stage manager, for the Philips RadioStation's renowned "Programa Case". It was after this that his carnivalsuccesses began to appear. First there was the celebrated "Com que roupa?"(With what clothes?) (1931), which was followed by other classiccompositions, such as "0 orvalho vai caindo" (The dew goes falling) (1933/34)and "Pierro apaixonado" (Pierr6 in love) (1936).The 1930s were especially notable in Brazilian political life, which beganwith Getilio Vargas's ascent to power, after he deposed the constitutionalpresident, Washington Luiz, in 1930, setting up a dictatorship.In 1932 Vargaswon the Constitutionalist Revolution in Sao Paulo; in 1933, the fascist-inspiredBrazilian Integralist Party emerged; in 1935 Vargas smothered the CommunistRebellion, and in 1937 (the year that Noel died) he staged another coup,implanting the Estado Novo (New State) in the country. During these sevenyears, censorship of information and of the arts was harshly enforced by theinfamous DIP (Departamento de Imprensa e Propaganda [Press andPropaganda Department]), and for Noel this institution became a privilegedtargetof his refined irony and sharpcriticism.The encounter between Noel Rosa and Vadico, that graced the Brazilianrepertoirewith "Feitio de ora!Vdo",ccurredtoward the end of 1932 in the Riobranch of Odeon's recording studio (Maximo and Didier 1990:266-8). At theage of 22, Vadico had been contractedby the company as a pianist and arranger.In native vernacular, arrangers are known as "conductors" (maestros),indicating that the musician could read sheet music, a sign of classical musicaltraining (Menezes Bastos 1977, 1982). Vadico was born in Sio Paulo on 24


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76 BRITISH JOURNAL OF ETHNOMUSICOLOGY VOL.8 1999June 1910, and he died on 11 June 1962 in Rio de Janeiro.7He came from anItalian immigrant family that resided in Bras, a neighbourhood in Sio Paulothat is still markedby a strongpeninsular accent. Having undergone "classical"musical training, Vadico followed a trend common in Brazilian music, turningto popularmusic at the age of 18. By 1929 he had alreadyrecorded one of hisown compositions - the samba "Deixei de ser otcdrio" I have quit being asucker) - at the Sdo Paulo branch of Odeon. When he was contracted by thecompany in 1930, he moved to Rio in the hope of achieving national success. InSdo Paulo it would have been difficult for him to transcend the parochial stateboundaries,but in Rio his talents could be more easily recognized nationally, asindeed they were.8In their monumental piece on the life and work of Noel Rosa, Maximoand Didier (1990) provide a telling account of the famous 1932 Odeonmeeting between Noel and Vadico, narrating the creative process involvedin the composition of "Feitio". This process, summarized below, is one ofthe canonical trajectories in the invention of popular song as a verbal-musical art genre in Brazil. In an interval while he was working asconductor at Odeon, Vadico played one of his piano compositions toEduardo Souto, the artistic director of the studio who had been responsiblefor his contract with the company. Souto was enchanted with the piece, andhe immediately asked Vadico if he had lyrics for it. Vadico said he didn't, atwhich point Souto asked him to wait for a moment, while he went to theroom next door, soon to return with Noel, who was at the studio at the timeworking on one of his recordings. After the two were introduced to oneanother, Vadico played his composition one more time. Now it was apotential music I for a music II.When Vadico played the tune for the second time, Noel, who from thebeginning had remained attentive, took paper andpencil and started to create a"monster",that is, "a provisional text which is only meant to determine thenumber of syllables, the punctuation and the accentuation required for eachmusical phrase" (Maximo and Didier 1990:266). At the end of the meetingNoel said that he would try to put lyrics to the piece, and two days later heshowed them to Vadico at the same studio. Vadico accepted thementhusiastically, marking the first chapter in what was to become a fertilepartnershipbetween the two musicians.

7 On the life andwork of Vadico,see Marcondes 1977:775).8 Along with his considerablesuccess in Brazil, Vadico was also successful in the USAbetween 1940 and 1954. Besides being the political capitalof Brazil from 1863 to 1961,after 1808, when the Portuguesecourt was transferredhere, Rio de Janeiroalso emergedas its culturalcapital, and it was throughRio that Brazil looked to the world (MenezesBastos 1992). This, in fact, is yet another indication that the national - with all itslocalities, regions, states etc. - and the internationalare mutually constituted and incontinuous interaction,specifically in relationto popularmusic.


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MENEZEZ ASTOS The "originof samba" as the invention of Brazil(why do songs have music?) 77Figure 1 (overleaf) is my transcriptionof "Feitio de orayio", based on theoriginal 1933 recording, which was re-issued in 1977.9 Though it attends tocertain features usually placed in brackets on sheet music, the transcriptionisalmost as schematic (or prescriptive) as commercially published versions. Mytranscription is limited to the voice of the principal singer (the famousFrancisco Alves, or Chico Viola), omitting the instrumental accompanimentperformed by the OrchestraCopacabana,which is only represented by the mainmelodic line, played during the introductionand the conclusion of the piece.10For graphic convenience, I have presentedthe song in D major,that is, a minorsecond below the original tonality (ESMajor). I have also omitted the secondvocal part (which at that time was common), performed by the famous JoaquimSilverio de CastroBarbosa. For the harmony I have adopteda simplified cipherscheme, neglecting inversions and "strangenotes" (with the exception of themajor seventh). Special symbols used in the transcription nclude:

> = strong accent;x = melodic sound close to the note indicated;A = finalization on a sonorous glottal consonant;o = a "sound"transformed nto a pause.The piece is arrangedin an A B C B C B' C' B" A' form, which can beconceived in terms of the following six segments: (A) (B C) (B C) (B' C') (B")(A').

1 Section A: Instrumental ntroduction(measures 1 to 8 [until the pause]);2 Section B: 1st stanza of the lyrics (off-beat of measure 8 to measure 23);Section C: chorus (measures 25 to 40);3 Section B: and 2nd stanza of the lyrics (as in Segment 2); Section C:chorus (as in Segment 2);4 Sections B' and C': like Sections B and C (above), but performed as aninstrumental nterlude;5 Section B": 3rd stanza of the lyrics (off-beat of measure 8 to measure 24);6 Section A': Instrumentalconclusion (as in Section A, now in concludingposition).1

9 Fora recenttranscription f the song, see Chediak vol.3, n.d.:66-7).10 The orchestral ine-up andthe arrangement which was possibly writtenandconductedby Vadico - includes the following instruments(tentative listing): piano, acoustic bass,percussion(snare-drum,possiblydoubledby a tamborim),clarinet,flute,alto sax, tenorsax,(valve'?)trombone, trumpetand possibly tuba and baritonesax. I am grateful to SilviaBeraldoand DudaMachado orthe productiveconversationswe hadon this arrangement.11 Note that in the "instrumentalnterlude" he style is more ornamented hanimprovised.This was also a featureof jazz in the early 1930s, which was heavily elaboratedaroundthematicornamentation;mprovisationonly becameprevalent ater(Gridley1991:53).


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Figure 1

S= ca. 94Section A (Instrumental introduction andconclusion)i- -]lii I liii IFliv I Iv FlviEm Fo F#m B7 E7 A7 D

1 2 3 L 4 5 6 7/-

EndSectionB(Stanzas)Ivi' Rvii I Iviii I lixA D D#o Em E78 9 A 10> 11 12 13 A> A

I. quem a - cha vi-ve se per-den - do por is - sopa- go-raeu2. bea - tu -que um pri - vi-l16 - gio nin-guem a-pren- de3. o sam-ba na re-a - li-da - de nao vem do morro

Ix I Ixi Ilxii I IxiiiGm A7 D D7

vou me de-fen-den - do ddor to c:ru-eldes-ta sau-da - de queporsam-ba no co-le - gio sam-bar e cho-rar de a - le-gri - a e sor-nem lia da ci-da - de e quem su-por-taru-ma pai-xio .r sen-ti-

I lxivG Gm A7 D2021 22 23 A 24

i n-fe-li - ci - da - de meu po-bre pei- to n-va - deri r de nos-tal-gi - a den-tro da me - lo-di - are queo sam-ba.en-ta'o ,z nas-ce

no co - ra-9go6


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MENEZEZ ASTOS The "originof samba" as the invention of Brazil (why do songs have music?) 79

Section C(Chorus)xv I Ixvi I lxviiEmA A7 DS 25 26 27 28

poris - soa-go - ra la na Pe-nha you man-dar mi-nhamo-I Ixviii I lxixFO Em A7 D C729 30 31 32 33

re-napra can-tar corn a -tis - fa - ?go e cornhar- mo-ni-

Ixx I IxxiB7 Em34

i

35 36 1 37

a es - ta tris-te me - lo-di - a que e meusam-

IxxiiC#7 F#38 A39 t.i---40e

ba em fei - ti - o deo - re - 98`o


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Whydo songs have music?In a referential piece, capriciously entitled "Why do songs have words?",Simon Frith (1988) shrewdly showed how analyses of popular songs basedpurely on the study of their lyrics can be misleading. One notes that Frith'scontention in relation to the analysis of song texts does not indicate anindisposition on his parttoward the literary(poetic) aspects, so to speak, of thesong, but to the fact - very common in the song universes of many cultures -that the words of songs are frequently forgotten. I too have raised this point onseveral occasions, remarkingthat, at least in the universe of Brazilian popularmusic, lyrics are strongly pre-textual, usually being forgotten by listeners andeven by singers (Menezes Bastos 1977, 1982, 1992).It is worth noting that the serious question that Frithposes in his seminaltext disregards its inversion: "Why do songs have music?" What makes thisquestion strange, other than the fact that it queries the obvious, in that whatdefines a song is its musicality? But are there songs without music? "A lor quees / Ndo a que dds / Eu quero / Por que me negas / O0que te ndo pe9o?" (Theflower thatyou are/ Not the one thatyou give / I want / Why do you withhold /That which I do not ask of you?) (FernandoPessoa). Songs without music arecalled poems. And what of songs without words? Well, the Swingle Singersbecame famous for singing "instrumentalpieces" by Bach and othercomposerswith verbal syllables ("da-ba-da ..."). No doubtthey could have put the text ofany song in brackets, but here too the music would have been "instrumental".Finally, throughout the world people employ texts in their songs which theymay not understand, because they are in a foreign or archaic language, forexample. Why did Eduardo Souto ask Vadico if his composition (already) hadwords? What is the monstrosity of a monster? What is it that can be forgotten(or not understood), but is there, as an absolutely indispensable element? (Whydo chairs have seats?) Before I startedwriting this text I only knew fragments ofthe lyrics to "Feitio", even though I could whistle or hum the tune in its entirety(not, however, as it has been transcribedhere, with all the notes and pauses),and my rendition would have been recognized by any Brazilian as areproduction of "Feitio". If in a bar someone were to ask me: "Do you knowhow to sing "Feitio"?,"I could have respondedin true native fashion: "Yes, butI don't know the words." (I note, however, that at a show, a party,a concert or arecital, this could never happen:I would have to learnthe words.) Why is it thatthe sounds of birds - that don't appearto have words - are called songs? Whatis "to sing" that "to play" is not?Since that which is forgotten or not understood is just as fundamental asthat which is remembered, the only way to avoid a trivial response to thesequestions is to invoke the anthropological dictum that categories (anddiscursive genres are categories) are cultural arbitraries.They are, however,only arbitrary o those aliens who don't know how to read the cultural score towhich they belong. This, then, refers us to the sphere of native models. In otherwords, it is impossible to respond to such questions without asking the nativesabout their socio-cultural system, not so much to discover the ad hoc


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formulations that dominate their conscious models - though this can be anintermediate strategy - but to unveil the unconscious universe of rules - theghostly apparitions - that underlie this world of appearances. It is through adialogue with the partial theories that have emerged up to now that one mayfinally establish the general anthropological laws of song.Something extraordinaryoccurs in the analysis of Brazilian popular song:if at the level of the object of analysis (thatis, of what is analysed) the words arealmost irrelevant- following the argumentof the pre-textualityof song - whilethe music is glorified, since it is considered indispensable to constituting songas song, at the level of the subject of analysis, a curious inversion takes place:commonly the analysis of the content of song is reduced precisely to theanalysis of the lyrics, while for music I, even when it is dissected as aphonological-grammatical entity in the most atomic manner possible, theresults rarely add much to our understandingof its role as a carrier of content.This game of mirrorsreproducesthatwhich takes place in the sphere of westernnative norms (but not of native rules): while spoken language is seen as theprimary sphere of meaning, music is not; rather, music is constructed assomething that only "refersto itself'; at most it is qualified as an "expressive"language, a euphemism for the dismissal of musical semanticity in westernthinking (Menezes Bastos 1990), and, in the case of song, this places theanalytic emphasis upon the lyrics. This is why I contend that the generalproblem in the analysis of song is best addressed through a dialogicmethodology which embraces the constructionof meaning both in music andintext. In this way it may be possible to break with what could be called themusicological paradox:the dismissal of musical semantics in western thinkingvis-a-vis the enthroning of music as the supreme language of identityconstruction, a true science of sentiments ("pathology",etymologically). What,how, when, why, toward what does music express (that is, "press outwards")?In this short paper I can only make a limited contribution to this debate;furthermore,I am working with only one song. Yet, if it can be shown thatonesong from a specific cultural tradition constitutes a discursive unit of the "top-down" type, it is also a complex of other discursive units of the "bottom-up"type (Hanks 1989:117), such as musical motifs, phrases and so on. Moreover,one song is already a dialogue between music andtext, even if it is made by justone person. Indeed, it is a strange dialogue, which from the startbreaks withauthorialunity, to operate in a world of dialogic polyphony. A battle of scythestakes place in the darkness of song. Thus, to analyse just one song is not somuch a case of reductionism as it is a methodological limitation of scale.12According to Maximo and Didier (1990:266), Noel's ethnographicallyzealous biographers, a monster is "a provisional text which is only meant todetermine the number of syllables, the punctuation and the accentuationrequired for each musical phrase." Thus, a monster is a text, but it is12 I thank Hermenegildo Jose de Menezes Bastos for the conversations we had about therelationship between lyrics and music in the universe of Brazilian popular music, upon whichI have drawn heavily in writing this text. However, I take sole responsibility for the ideas thathave been developed here.


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"monstrous"because it is composed of syllables ("na,na, na ..."), which do notrequire but do not necessarilypreclude lexical referentiality.ndeed,the"monstrosity"f the monsterderivesfrom its disregardor lexical-linguisticintelligibility.A monster, hen,could be viewed as a rhythmic rameworkorthe lyrics, which is compatible(but not necessarily congruent)with therhythmic tructures f musicI, fromwhichit is derived.Indeed, his is trueofany text that is put to an existingmelody, and it points to an obvious,butcrucial,characteristicf song:the role of music in defining ts identity.Thisbecomes even more obvious if one imagines the reverseprocess of songproduction,n which one beginswiththe lyrics.Is it now possibleto createa(musical)monster?That is, can one move from provisionalmusic (thoughalreadyanonsensicalmusicalchain) owardmusicI,oris it simplynotpossiblefor music to existprovisionally?Does a distinction etweenmusicI andmusicIImakeanysense atall,except throughan effortof the imagination?Whyis itthatin many styles of song, the music seems to steal fromlanguage ts verynature,placingit in the realmof the forgotten?Why is it thatJodo CabraldeMelo Neto wasneveragainableto see hispiece"Morte vidaS/severina"Lifeanddeathof S/severina)as apoemafterChicoBuarquede Hollanda urned tinto a song (H. MenezesBastos,personalcommunication)?Why is it that,inthe universeof Brazilianpopularmusic, one canuse the "samemusic" with"differentwords" recognizedas suchby thenatives),while the"samewords"cannotbe sungto "differentmusic"?What then is the monster, his rhythmicframeworkor the lyrics,whichis compatible butnot necessarilycongruent)with the rhythmicstructures f music I from which it is derived?What isrhythm?s itpossibleto "play"he mouth or,better, hevoice)?Although the analytic notion of rhythm evoked here transcendsitsconceptualization ithinthe universeof Brazilianpopularmusic, I will nowdealwith it inrelationo this context.Theconceptbeinghighlighted ereseemsto be extremelybroad and strategic,as it not only captures he durational-prosodicaspectsof the soundingmusicalchain,but also those thatreferto its"orchestration",o to speak.This becomes evidentwhen one hearsa sambaschool percussionensemble, in which the rhythmic ines are sophisticatedrhythmic-timbral-melodic-harmoniclaborations.This is not only clear to theobserver, ut alsoto thenative,especially o the director f theensemble Pintoand Tucci 1992: 41-89, McGowan and Pessanha1991:43-44). Indeed,thenative expression - "rhythmsection" (seqidoritmica) - encompasses not onlythepercussionnstrumentshemselves,butalso the bassline, thepianoand heelectric guitar - that is, the harmony- of the country'spopularmusicensembles.Furthermore,herhythmic ection(alsocalled "thebase"[base])iscommonlyreferredto as "the kitchen"(cozinha). If this epithetmakes adiscriminatory llusion to the blacknessof Brazil'srhythmicconstructions(MenezesBastos 1992), the use of the culinarymetaphoralso highlights heroleof rhythmn constructinghe infrastructuref the music.While native theory in Brazilianpopularmusic attributeso rhythmastructuralrole that lets almost nothing escape, it is also articulatedin a morespecific andtopical way: "Shall we sing the National Anthem in a samba(bolero


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etc.) rhythm?"n such an expression which is entirelyacceptablewithin theuniverse n question rhythm eemsto refer o a morespecificaspectof music,indicating,by stylistic ype,whatdurational-prosodicspects hemusicalchainshouldacquire.These become the variablesof an equation n whichmelody,harmonyandotherelementsremainconstant:hough ts characterhanges, heNationalAnthemcontinues o be theNationalAnthemevenif it is performed sa samba,a bolero or some other"rhythm".While these variablesmarktheidentityof eachgenre(samba,boleroetc.), theydo not affect he identityof thesong. By demarcatinghe boundaries etweengenres,thesevariables eem toembodyall othermusicalparameters;hus,oneperformsn a rhythm. n otherwords, n Brazilianpopularmusic,thecategory"rhythm"s bothall-embracing(ororchestral),nthat t defines he musicalunityof apiece,andspecific, n thatit defines the genreof a piece, highlightingts character.13n one hand,tonal"orchestration"includinghatof rhythm), reatesa holisticuniverseconstitutedby tensional elationswithregardo atensional entre thetonic),whichdefineswhatmakes apieceof music"music".On theother,durationalmensuration ndaccentuationmark heparticular enreof musicaldiscourse its "character").tseems, then, that the rhythmicframeworkcreatedthroughthe monster ispremisedon thespecificnativenotionof rhythm,nthat t is compatible, utnotcongruent,with therhythmic tructures f musicI. Whenthe words arefinallyputto musicI (aboveallthroughts durationalefinition)o formmusicII,theydissolvewithin herhythmicwhole of theorchestration,hat s, into theproperlymusical.Thus,the lyrics constitute he means of entry through he mode ofverbalsignification that s, themythic-cosmological)ntothemusicalone (theaxiological),which immediatelyencompasses he first: songs (poems)musthave music (I) if they areto be transformednto music (II),and vice-versa.Ishallnow attempto showhow this takesplaceinthesong"Feitiodeoraq7o", amasterpiece f poetic-musicalntegration.1413 For a Brazilianaudiencethe (specific) conceptof rhythmemergesas self-evident,becauseeach genre is identifiedby the batida(beat),which is typicallyprovidedby the guitar,or bythe "kitchen's"evada (rhythmicpattern). n using such termsas "discourse","discussion","conversation","dialogue", "polyphony","genre"etc., my writing may seem to refer toBakhtin(1986), butthis is not necessarily he case. Out of prudence wish to maintain omedistance from this association.The Bakhtinian model was derived from linguistic-literaryanalysis,where,curiously,eventhoughmusic itself is neverdealtwith,musicalmetaphors reconstantlydrawnupon.Furthermore,my prudence s meantto signal my non-affiliation odiscursivistextremism, n which the inappropriate ppropriations f the model do little morethan proposethat discoursetheorydismantlesthat of language(see Urban1991:1-28,for adiscussion of these theories - to which I feel a close affinity- where he advocatesthat amutually fertilizing relationship hould exist between the two theoreticalapproaches).Thus,when I use this terminology,I am drawingmore on a musical and musicologicalanalyticarsenal MenezesBastos 1990)thanon the metaphors o brilliantly mployedbyBakhtin; dothis in Levi-Strauss's entury,or his use of ingeniousmusicalmetaphorswill certainlyremainmemorable.14 For an extendeddiscussion of the theoretical-methodological ssumptionsand analytictechniquesemployedin the analysisof "Feitio",I referthereader o Menezes Bastos (1990).


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A musical analysis of "Feitio"The introduction o "Feitio" s a typical intermediary egmentbetween somethingprior to the song and, since the segment is repeated at the end, somethingfollowing it. As an introductory phrase, the segment ends on an unresolveddominant chord with the augmentedfifth (bar8), but for the conclusion it has acontinuous finalization (untranscribed series of chords rising by conjunctdegrees); thus, the piece would not close were it not for the cut in the recording.The introductionconcludes with a pause in measure eight (motive vi), in whichthe piano plays a dominant arpeggio (A) with an augmented fifth. For theconclusion, the motion is abruptlyterminatedby the cut in the recordingbeforeit reaches vi. The tonal texture of this segment is particularly oose, weak even;it begins to solidify only after measure four, througha progression of dominantchords (B, E, A) leading to the tonic (D). This frailty is furtherreinforcedby theuse of relative minor chords (in plagal positions) of the subdominant(Em) andthe dominant (F#m),mediated by the dominant of the latter (FP).This is placedover a chromatic melodic line through to measure 3. Thus, up to here - whenthe note of the future tonic (d) is only heard as the seventh of the dominant ofthe dominant (E) - there is uncertaintyas to where one should locate the centreof gravity of the system. This pathology pertains especially to the introductoryuse of this segment, while the song proper (sections B+C) is still in the future.Yet, its characteris sufficiently plagal that even as conclusion, that is, after ithas been established in the listener's tonal memory, it dissolves the resolution ofthe song into a new future,which is outside the recording.In terms of its motifs, the fragile harmonic characterof section A (and A')is capriciously engineered: it is made up of small motifs that - despite iv - arepractically reducible (without the ornamentationof the appoggiaturas)to singlenotes, each lasting for a whole measure. These motifs are sequenced in apredominantlyascending melodic line. The introductioncontrasts strongly withsections B and C, which are large sections made up of short notes in step-wisemovements or in arpeggios. I suggest that sections A and A' create a framearound the song (sections B+C), mediating its interaction with the song'sexteriority.Even though the frailty of these sections would indicate a pathologyof sadness, the framethey create defines itself as neutralin relation to the worldoutside the song, as well as in relation to the song itself, such that the frameconstructs yet another exteriority. For the listener, this frame attempts topromote a sense of continuitybetween the "outside"(the passed and the future)of the whole arrangementand of the song (B+C), placing itself between thesetwo realms. Note, however, that the two stakes in the frame are not identical, inthat they function firstly as an entrance and then as an exit to the song. Theintroduction has an inquisitive ending while the conclusion is continuous.During the conclusion, the work of memory transforms the surprise of theintroductioninto an act of recollection; the extraordinarysound engineering ofthe conclusion awakens the listener and announces:"This is a recording!"Thematically,section B is made up of two parts:vii-x and xi-xiv. The firstmotifs of each part (vii and xi) can be identified with one anotherthroughtheir


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MENEZEZ ASTOS The "originof samba" as the invention of Brazil (why do songs have music?) 85common ascending leap of a fourth,from the dominantnote (a) to the tonic (d).This identification,however, is counterbalancedby differences in their endings:while vii ends with a descendingleap of an octave, which is pronounceddryly (instaccato)by the singer througha soundedglottal consonant(^ in the transcription)reachedthrougha glide (\), xi ends on a plain figure, without a single cut or slide.The contrastin the heads of these two partsis taken even further n their bodies:while the first is markedby a series of arpeggios, the second moves step-wise. Interms of their motifs, then, the two partsmaintain a relationshipof contrastandopposition, markedby qualitativelysignificant differences.In harmonic terms, the relationship between these two parts is furtherreinforced, beginning with the fact that their heads and tails are tonallyconstituted in particularlymarked ways: the tonic is employed at their heads(vii and xi) - which points to another aspect of their affinity to one another-while the minor subdominant-dominantsequence (Gm-A) is left suspended inthe first part (which thus ends in the air), it is resolutely closed on the tonic inthe second. The analysis of the bodies of the two sections also confirms theircontrastingrelationship to one another:in the first part,the harmonic sequenceis defined by the relative of the subdominant (Em), prefaced by its individualdominant(D#'), and followed by the dominantof the dominant(E), in which thethird (g#)maintains a "false relation"to the g naturalof the melody in measure14. In the second part, this fluctuation is cancelled; here the journey to theregion of the subdominant is achieved through the subdominant itself (G),preceded by its individual dominant (D). All of this takes place in the dialoguebetween these two parts of section B, as though they were almost equal, yetdifferentiatedthrough significant subtleties, which set them against each other(in opposition): "0Oque dd pra rir / Da pra chorar / Questio s6 de peso / Emedida Questdo s6 de hora / E lugar" (What can produce laughter / Canproduce crying / A question of weight / And measurement/ A question of time /And of place).15It is worth considering a contextual (musical-political) aspect of vii, whichis particularlyrelevant to characterizingthe mode of signification of music I in"Feitio" as patho-logical, an axiology in which feeling (pathos) is a unit ofvalue. The public of Brazilian popular music is quite able to discern thedirection toward which vii moves, since it is a common well-marked shortarpeggio that is played by the instrumentalensemble after the tonal centreof thepiece has been established, "giving the note" to the singer. Following thetonally fragile introduction, the sentiment constructed at the beginning of"Feitio" suggests a highly subversive ridiculing of the singer by the"musicians" (that is, the instrumentalists). It is through this mockery that themusicians - who proudly see themselves as the retainers of knowledge inpopular music, even though they occupy a subalternposition in its system ofprestige andeconomic stratification- direct themselves to the singer, who is thecentral character;although it is the singer who occupies the central position inthe stratification system, the musicians typically consider him/her to be a15 Excerpt from a samba by an unknown author.


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musically inept "ownerof the voice" (merely of word); afterall, s/he can't even"get the note" (Menezes Bastos 1977). Toward the end of the 1930s (aroundfive years after the first recording of "Feitio"), Raul de Barros (born in 1915 inRio de Janeiro) consecrated this motif in a famous choro ("Na gldria" [Inglory]), which from then on was taken as a hilarious musical prefix embodyingthe musicians' derisive judgement of the "star". Furthermore, in laterrecordings of "Feitio" - typically in the one made in 1965 by Maria Bethainia,who is famous for her austerity - the introductory motif is radicallytransfigured, losing not only its original glide, but also the terminalglottolization; moreover, the ascending leap of the fourth is changed to adescending fifth, which is no longer followed by the low octave.In my opinion the centralmeaning of section B is opposition and contrast;it marks subtle - but profound- differences createdthrough similitude. In thisequation, vii seems to emerge as an unknown; yet, by taking on a certainmeaning - thatof mockery - it ends up defining the meaning not only of B, butof "Feitio" as a whole. It seems to me that "Feitio" makes a mockery - a sadone - of the stars' (rational)debates on the origin of samba, inventing Brazil insadness, in longing and in the melancholy of a supplicating passion. Thissadness, this longing and this melancholy, however, are elegantly contained,smiling courtesans, or "Cariocas".If one analyses motifs vii-x, the sense of opposition is evident yet again. Ifviii and x form ascending arpeggios that are transpositionally almost identical,finalized by long notes, vii and ix evince a descending movement, workedthrough glides followed by sonorous glottal stops (staccatos) that interruptthemusical chain. In opposition to vii-x, xi-xiv moves by degrees: pendularmovement in xii andxiii, but purely descending in xiv. Thus, this partabandonsthe binarymotifs of the first (vii/viii//ix/x) for step-wise movements based on avariation of xi. Here the ascending fourth of xi (a-d) gives way to a third (b-d)at the head of xii; from then on, mediated by a pendular design that is soonrepeated in transposition, the scale of d major with an initial chromaticization(from d to b flat) is heard,until it reaches the low octave.Section C is also divided in two parts (xv-xviii and xix-xxiii), andcompositionally it has the mark of genius: note how xv, xix and xx areremarkablysimilar, given the conjunct ascent of the fourth(f#-b),followed by adownward leap of an octave with a glide. This ending is done with a terminalglottal stop in xv and xix, which expressly does not occur in xx. Melodicallythese threemotifs are(tentative)transpositionsof vii - the a of vii is natural,notsharpened - in the relative tonality (Bm), in which the ascent is made byconjunct degrees, and not through leaps. Whatever else section C might be, itrefers to B (through its head), and is constituted through it transpositionally,ratherthan oppositionally.Regarding xv-xviii, I have noted that the head (xv) is a transpositionof viithat calls for a modulationto the relative minor.With the only exception of xvii,all the othermotifs of this section are constructedthroughthis transposition:xvipendularizes it emphatically (two times), emerging as a regression of itsascending branch (f#-b), which is in turn also transposed down a second; and


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MENEZEZ ASTOS The "originof samba" as the Invention of Brazil(why do songs have music?) 87xviii refers only to this last transposition (e-a). Harmonically, the section tendsstrongly toward Bm, specifically in xvii, when the dominant(FO)of this relativeis heard. The sequence, however, does not reach Bm, returningto the tonic (D),even though the relative tonality insinuates itself as the section's most probabletonal centre. In xix-xxi, this is taken to excess: xix and xx are motivicreiterations of the transposition of vii (xv), the first (xix) in a practically ipsislitteris form, and the second (xx) reinforces its memory even more throughpendularmovement. Moreover, this motif (xx) does not end with a glottal stop,as it is substituted by a continuous, smooth terminus. The harmony of thesection progresses frankly toward Bm, stopping at xx, which is already itssubdominant (Em). This preparation- which appearsto remove "Feitio" fromthe territory of mockery to place it in the realm of supplication - reaches itsheight in xxi-xxii. Here, througha progression of dominant chords (C#, F#),Bmalmost takes charge of the future of the song, but it is only just prevented fromdoing so, perhaps feebly held back by the "false relation" between a and a# nmeasures 39 and 40. The motivic elaboration of this section is also atranspositionof vii, throughxv: xxii pendularizesthe transpositionof xv on theupper second, for which xxi is a typical preparation.Finally, in xxi a glottal stoppreceded by a descending octave glide returnsto reign in the song once again.Summing up, music I of "Feitio" can be understood through thearticulationof three basic sections: the introduction/conclusion(A/A'), B and C.The first section is a mediatorof the othertwo, and it strives to construct a senseof continuity between the outside and the inside of the song (B+C). Thiscontinuity defines the song as a sphere of "discussion", of "polemic", of"confrontation". In other words, section A attempts to define B+C as anintervention in a discussion which began before and continues after the song. Iremind the reader that the tonal-motivic architectureof section A embodiesfrailty, which I have defined as "sad".In the introductoryposition, A closes asthough it were posing a question to B (on the dominant with the augmentedfifth), while as a conclusion it is continuous, ending only because of the cut inthe recording. The fragility of A is profoundly different from B (and C), whichcannot be thus reduced.

The general idea embodied in B is of contrast andopposition, understoodinterms of subtle difference (and not just any difference), for it is achievedthrough similitude. This contrast is especially marked in vii-x (vii/viii//ix/x),being elaboratedthroughvariation in xi-xiv. The core of B (and C) is vii, whichconstructs a "pathology of mockery" achieved in the song throughthe musical-political context. Itmarks the pathology of the vertical relationshipbetween thesubaltern and the star. Motif vii responds to the question posed by A in theintroduction. Possibly the descending octave glide followed by the staccato isthe clearest observable element of this pathology, and the plain note ending(with or without a slide), on which there is no glottal stop, seems to indicate asignificant change in the song's scornful derision. I contend that this changeconstructs a sense of supplication, sustaining the song's pathology of relationalasymmetry. Section C is constructed as an eternal search which is never fullysuccessful - though not fully unsuccessful either - in conducting B (basically


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through vii) to the realm of the relative minor and to an ending on vii whichonly slides (without a staccato). That is, C attempts to transform B into anexpression of sadness, that is, a closed, contrite, supplicating and respectfulpathos. In the arrangementC is not repeated in segment 5, where B appearsisolated, and it soon leads into the conclusion (segment 6), seemingly indicatinga victory of B over C. Since segment 4 of the arrangement, a purelyinstrumental embellishment of B+C, has not been transcribed, it cannot betreated here. But its mere presence in the general context of the arrangementindicates a marked predominance of music I over the lyrics. I note, however,that the instruments of the orchestra emerge simultaneously as both highlyindividualized, an indication of radical polyphony, and extremely gregarious,producingjust ornamentationsof the song's melody.How might one now establish a dialogue between the analysis of music I of"Feitio"and its lyrics?How mightthis axiology, in which sentiment s the measureof everything, engage with the verbal-cognitivemythic-cosmology of the lyrics?In attemptingto explain the modality throughwhich the music is semanticallyconstructed,that is, what pathology it embodies, I was also able to show howmusic I constructsmeaning, a project which, according to Agawu (1991:5), issufficient andnecessary to the semiology of music, since for him the questionofwhat music means is irrelevant. However strategicallyrelevant such a purely"formalist"programmemight be, the analysis itself automatically ranscendssuchboundaries, leaping into the sphere of content. Thus, in analysing "Feitio",indicationsemergepertaining o whatthe native hearsin the music I of the song aswell as to the way the rules areappliedto generatethese meanings.

An analysis of the lyrics of "Feitio"In previous publications (1977, 1982, 1992) I suggested that in the universe ofBrazilian popular music, music I and the lyrics in music II stand in asubject/object relationshipto one another. From a logical point of view, such arelationship would imply that music I encompasses the lyrics in a mannersimilar to that of a translation:"How does one say 'house' in Portuguese?"Inmy doctoral thesis (Menezes Bastos 1990), in which I looked at the songs of theKamayurai,an Amerindian group of the Xingu River region, I was able toadvance this perspective further, since these people hold an absolutelyenchanting and fertile theory of inter-semiotic translation. For them, musicwithin ritual is the means used to translate the mythic-cosmology contained indance (and in other systems of bodily expression, such as body painting andornamentation).That is, in ritual,myth is in music, just as this text is in English.For the Kamayura,however, everything is in dance. (There are no more turtlesafter this.) Remembering Levi-Strauss's (1964) point - that music is the onlylanguage that is simultaneously understandable and untranslatable- I suggestthat song is an attemptto translatelanguage into music. (I ratherdoubt that onecan take the inverse path,but I shall investigate this in the future.)A translation,however, always involves betrayal.


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MENEZEZ BASTOS The "origin of samba" as the Invention of Brazil (why do songs have music?) 89

If music I in music II is the means of translating lyrics - a subject whichencompasses the lyrics, its object - how is this achieved? I am convinced that ittakes place pathologically; that is, music I translates the lyrics using all itsintelligible arsenal, in which the motifs are the significant atoms. Paradoxically,music I removes the lyrics from their mythic-cosmological substantiality andplaces them in the sphere of the aspectual, the modal and the tensional, that is,in the realm of tonality. This is why music is a holistically axiological language,in which ideas give way obsessively to value or understanding (to judgement orthe lack thereof) (Menezes Bastos 1990). I contend that musical value issubstantiatedin taste or sentiment; thus, aesthetics determine all musical ethics.Let us, then, turn to the lyrics of "Feitio", which have been reproducedbelow.1st StanzaQuem acha vive se perdendo He who finds always loses himselfPor isso agora eu vou me defendendo That is why I now attemptto defendmyselfDa dor tdo cruel desta saudade Fromthe cruel pain of this longingQue por infelicidade Which infelicitouslyMeu pobre peito invade Invades my poor chestChorusPor isso agora That is why nowLa na Penha you mandar In PenhaI will haveMinha morena pra cantar My dark-skinnedwoman singCorn satisfaqgo With satisfactionE com harmonia And harmonyEsta triste melodia This sad melodyQue e meu samba Which is my sambaEm feitio de oraqgo In the form of a prayer2nd StanzaBatuque e um privilegio Rhythmis a privilegeNinguem aprendesamba no colegio No one learns sambain schoolSambare chorar de alegria To dance the samba is to cry ofhappinessE sorrirde nostalgia It is to smile with nostalgiaDentro da melodia Within the melody3rd StanzaO samba na realidade In reality sambaNao vem do morro nem la da cidade Does not come from the hill or therefrom the cityE quem suportaruma paixao And anyone who carries a passionSentiraque o samba entao Will then feel that sambaNasce no coraqio Is born in the heart


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Section B is dominated by pairs of oppositions. The first line revolvesaround the opposition: achar (to find) and perder-se (to lose oneself). InPortuguese, achar can also mean to think; thus, here achar connotes "havingan opinion in a polemic", pointing to the realm of rationality. In contrast,perder-se suggests the loss of significance or of identity with regard to abroadly defined ethos. In the second line the opposition is constructed aroundbatuque (rhythm) andprivilegio (privilege). The batuque alludes to a mythic-archaeological form of African-Brazilian music. This is followed by anopposition between samba and realidade (reality). These three pairs ofoppositions pertain to motifs vii to viii. In ix to x, there is a sense of encounterin the oppositions: por isso (that's why) not to lose oneself / defender (todefend), not to find; samba / colkgio (school), the universe of the whites, ofrationality; morro (hill) / cidade (city). The word city is prefaced by theadverb "there" (lca).Depending on the intonation used, the term "there" caneither approximate or distance the subject from the object in terms of taste.Here it appearsto be neutral, seeming to embody both the notion of the city as"the world of the whites" and as Cidade Nova, the neighbourhood of poorblack migrant Bahians. From xi to xiv the oppositions seem to be constructedaround paradoxes: dor (pain) = cruel (cruel) in opposition to saudade(longing), the absence of the loved one; sambar (to dance the samba) =chorar (to cry) in opposition to alegria (happiness), which is immediatelyfollowed by an opposition between sorrir (to smile) andnostalgia (nostalgia).In B there is an important inter-semantic link in relation to samba as musicand samba as dance: the dance is in the music (melody).16 Finally coracrio(heart) attempts to neutralize the opposition "hill / (there from the) city" infavour of the primacy of amorous passion.Section C seems to want to flee from the oppositional frame created byB. To do this the male author of the lyrics - a participant in the heateddiscussion into which B intervenes - sends his dark-skinned woman(morena) to sing in Penha, a neighbourhood of Rio famous for its Catholicreligious festivals and its samba circles. There she will sing "Feitio", ametaphor of a prayer (a supplication), which was made with harmony andsatisfaction, but also in sadness.All of this takes place between music I andthe lyrics of "Feitio", as thoughthey were logical copies of one another.This is surely a testament to Noel'sgenius as a lyricist, evincing his ability to perceive the deep structureof themusic I of the piece: opposition with opposition (B), transposition with flight(C). And now, how might this song be viewed as an inter-semiotic encounter?Does it simply rescue the music from the tactility of instrumentalperformanceto give it vocal distanciation? Besides evincing an extraordinary logical-propositional compatibility, I intend to demonstrate that the music I and thelyrics of "Feitio" work differentlyto produce music II: althoughthe lyrics were

16 Interestingly, this view returns us to the Kamayura understanding of the world, wheredance is the lowest common denominator in the ritual inter-semiotic chain.


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MENEZEZ BASTOS The "origin of samba" as the Invention of Brazil (why do songs have music?) 91

created for the melody, they end up being encompassed by the pathology of themusic.Section B begins soon after the sad texture of A, which ends with an

interrogation. Its response to the question is itself a mocking question (vii):"Who finds (thinks)? / Batuque? / Samba?",to which it provides a sad answer:"Is always losing oneself! / Is a privilege! / In reality!"If the oppositions in the lyrics are elaborated in a typically categoricalmanner, in which each is distinct from the others, it becomes difficult to makethe discursive distinction between the questions and the answers. Thus, theopposition (only one, which is repeated in the various verses of the song) ofmusic I leads, from the very beginning, to their equalization, merging theminto a single opposition. The distinction between the responses and thequestions are made evident by an evaluation which places them either in aderisive or in a sad register. If one disregards for a moment the way in whichthe responses and the questions are constructed, the music I mode of textualtreatment in vii-viii emerges in the form of a variation in ix-x. If theneutrality of the adverb "there"appendedto "city" is preserved at the level ofcategorical definition, Noel is able to meld the distinction between "the worldof the whites" (city) and of the "Bahians" (Cidade Nova) to a generalizedprocess of "othering", and it ceases to exist from the pathological point ofview: x. as I have already shown, is situated in opposition to scorn (that is, insadness). I suggest, then, that in this partof the song, music I classes all formsof social distance as sad. In xi-xiv, something just as profound takes place:the paradoxes in the lyrics - instances in which the oppositions are addedtogether, so to speak, not to construct an encompassing synthesis, but tohighlight their irreducible contradictions - undergo a variational treatment inmusic I based on xi (in opposition to vii), which places them in a non-paradoxical, single, integral territory (in opposition to scorn). Thus, music Iof "Feitio" seems constantly and globalizingly to use opposition, contrast andcontradiction to construct unity.In section C, the lyrics's escape from the oppositional frame created by Bto mark a sense of religious-amorous supplication is countered by thepathology of music I. Here supplication once again makes reference to vii,which, through their vertical parallels, equates the relations between thesubaltern and the star to those of the lover and God, a metaphor for thewoman. The search for the relative minor tonality in section C, along with itsmotivic elaboration (over vii) is so strong here that the singer of "Feitio",parked on measure 40 just as he is about to returnto vii, remains uncertain asto whether he should return to vii in D major or in B minor: "Should I laughor cry" ("a question only of weight and of measurement")? Music I of C isconstructed more as a confrontation than a flight from B, whose victory overC is characteristically double-edged.


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A closing note: about the heart of "Feitio"In his referential study of Brazilian national rites, DaMatta (1978) arguedthatthe Brazilian ethic is marked by a dilemma, remaining half way between themodem - or the bureaucratic ethic and the traditional- holistic or hierarchical- ethic. This key text draws on Dumont's (1970) paradigmatic work on theIndian caste system, where the empirical individual does not become a value;rather, ndividuals areconstituted as partsof a hierarchicalwhole, dominatedbyrepresentations of purity and impurity. According to Dumont (1985), thissystemis stronglyopposedto the modemwesternsystem,composedof "in-dividuals"who see one anotheras totalities; in their attemptto escapesubmission o an inclusive socialorder, heyherald ibertyandequalityas thefulcrumof theirvaluesystem.Accordingo DaMatta,heBrazilian thic standsbetween these two poles, in that the countryaccommodatesa fluent co-existenceof boththe "individual" ndthe "person";his allows fornavigationbetweenbureaucraticationality nd helogic of thedomestic-familialphere.Convinced - as I am - that "Feitio" deals with an absolutely fundamentaldiscourse aboutwhatBrazil is, the analysisof the song would indicatethatthereis consistencyto DaMatta's timulatingwritings.It is, however,worthconsideringhis workin a way that removes the ambiguities hroughwhich itcanbe read."Feitio"clearlyrefuses to engagein discussionsabout he originof samba, a metaphorof the nation itself. It does not only refuse suchdiscussions; t sees themas scornful,definingthem as thepointlessrhetoricofthe elites, which,within the song, areequatedwiththe singer,who is unableto "get the note". UndoubtedlyNoel was fully aware of the polemicsurrounding discourses on the origins of Brazil - and particularly of popularmusic - that took root in the intellectual scenario of the country with thefamous Week of Modem Art (Semana de Arte Moderna) in 1922 (JoaoAnt6nio 1982, Menezes Bastos 1992). I contend that the song's refusal of therationality of the elites was directed at the Brazilian state. The state to whichit refers, however, is not the modern nation-state, but the state as themetropolis (government) of society, its original colony. This state isimpregnated with the logic of the domestic-familial sphere. Thus, the critiqueembodied in "Feitio's" rejection of rationality is targeted directly at thisambiguous and clientelistic state, and Noel could, under no circumstances,identify himself with it.But just as "Feitio" scornfully rejects this rationality, t also makespostulations.It postulatesunity, and in so doing, it neutralizesconflictualcontradiction.Within hesong,contradictions aninversionof therationality fthe star. But then what is the "heart"of "Feitio"? Is it a heart that strives toeliminate conflict and mockery (see B), to replace it (according to C) withamorous-religious supplication, electing the latteras the origin and teleology ofBrazil (samba)'?The heart of "Feitio"- I re-affirm- is courtesan and stoic. It issad and it smiles elegantlyin sadness: t is Carioca.The Brazilof "Feitio"remains audible to this day. It can be heard in comrnerars, in shows, in recitalsandin colloquiums, whether one is in Rio de Janeiroor in such distantplaces as


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MENEZEZ ASTOS The "originof samba" as the invention of Brazil(why do songs have music?) 93

Jiparana. Thus, it does indeed seem to embody a dilemma. Its dilemma,however, is not an inability to choose between the modem andthe traditional-polarities which, in any case, it so carefully strives to extinguish; rather itpostulates a unity of a differentorder,one which, up until now, does not seem tohave worked, but it is certainly "no longer in Portuguese".

ReferencesAdorno, Theodor W. (1941) "On popular music." Studies in philosophy andsocial sciences, 9:17-48.

(1974) Filosofia da nova mutsica.Sao Paulo: Perspectiva.(1983a) "O fetichismo na muisicae a regressao da audigao."In TheodorAdorno: ospensadores, 47, pp. 165-91. Sao Paulo: Abril Cultural.(1983b) "Ideias parauma sociologia da muisica." n TheodorAdorno: ospensadores, 47, pp. 259-68. Sao Paulo: Abril Cultural.Adorno, Theodor and Max Horkheimer (1985 [1947]) DialOtica doesclarecimento:fragmentosfilos6ficos. Rio de Janeiro:JorgeZahar.Agawu, V. Kofi (1991) Playing withsigns: a semiotic interpretation of classicalmusic. Princeton: PrincetonUniversity Press.Almirante (1977) No tempode Noel Rosa. Rio de Janeiro:Francisco Alves.Bakhtin, Mikhail M. (1986) "The problem of speech genres." In C. Emerson

and M. Holquist (eds) Speech genres and other later essays, pp. 60-102.Austin: University of Texas Press.Campos, Augusto de (1978) Balango da bossa e outras bossas. Sao Paulo:Perspectiva.Chediak, Almir, ed. (n.d.) Noel Rosa: songbook. 3 volumes. Rio de Janeiro:Luminar.DaMatta, Roberto (1978) Carnavais, malandros e herois.:para uma sociologiado dilema brasileiro. 2nd edition. Rio de Janeiro:Zahar.Dumont, Louis (1970) Homo hierarchicus: ensayo sobre el sistema de castas.Madrid:Aguilar.

(1985) O individuo: uma perspectiva antropol6gica da ideologiamoderna. Rio de Janeiro: Rocco.Frith, Simon (1988) "Why do songs have words?" In S. Frith (ed.) Music forpleasure, pp. 105-28. New York:Routledge.Gelatt, R. (1977) The fabulous phonograph, 1877-1977. New York:Macmillan.Greene, Victor (1992) A passion for polka. old-time ethnic music in America.Berkeley: University of California Press.Gridley, Mark C. (1991) Jazz styles: history and analysis. Upper Saddle River,New Jersey: Prentice Hall.Grivel, Charles (1992) "The phonograph's homed mouth." In D. Kahn and G.Whitehead (eds) Wirelessimagination: sound, radio, and the avant-guard,pp. 31-61. Cambridge,Mass.: MITPress.


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Hanks, W.F. (1989) "Text and textuality." Annual review of anthropology,18:95-127.Hobsbawm, Eric (1990) Nations and nationalism since 1780: programme,myth,reality.New York:CambridgeUniversityPress.JoaoAnt6nio 1982)NoelRosa. Sao Paulo:AbrilEducaqgo.Leuchter, Erwin (1946) La historia de la mu'sicacomo reflejo de la evolucidncultural.BuenosAires:Ricordi.Levi-Strauss,Claude 1964)Lecru et le cuit.Paris:Plon.MacDonald,D. (1973)"Uma eoriadaculturademassa." nB. Rosenberg ndD. M.White(eds)Culturademassa,pp.77-93. Sao Paulo:Cultrix.McGowan,ChrisandRicardoPessanha 1991) TheBraziliansound:samba,bossa and thepopular music ofBrazil. New York:Billboard Books.Marcondes, Marcos Ant6nio, ed. (1977) Enciclopedia da mutsicabrasileira. 2volumes. Sao Paulo:Art.Maximo,Joao andCarlosDidier(1990) Noel Rosa: umabiografia.Brasilia:EditoraUnB.MenezesBastos,RafaelJ. de (1977) "Situacion el musico en la sociedad." nI.Aretz(ed.)AmericaLatinaen sumzusica,p. 103-38. MexicoCity:SigloXXI.

(1982) "Musique et societe au Bresil: introduction au langage musicalbresilien. Cultures, 8.2:54-73.(1990) Afesta dajaguatirica: umapartitura critico-interpretativa. PhD

thesis,Universidade e SaoPaulo.(1991) "Phonographic recordings as 'our' emblem of the music of the'other': toward an anthropologyof the musicological juncture -vergleichende Musikwissenschaft, ethnomusicology and historicalmusicology." In M.P Baumann (ed.) Music in the Dialogue of cultures:traditional music and cultural policy, pp. 232-41. Wilmhelmshaven:FlorianNoetzel.

(1992) "0 que faz o Brasil, Brasil brasileiro? Sobre a invengao do Brasilpelamu'sica rasileira." npublishedmanuscript.(1995) "Esbogo de uma teoria da musica: paraalem de uma antropologiasem muisica de umamusicologiasem homem."Anuarioantropol6gico,1993:9-73.

(1996) "Musicalidade e ambientalismo: ensaio sobre o encontro Raoni-Sting."Revista de antropologia, 39.1:145-89.Moloney,M.(1982)"Irish thnicrecording nd heIrish-Americanmagination."In P. Seitel andP.L. Sharma(eds) Ethnic recordingsin America: a neglectedheritage,pp.85-102.Washington: ibraryf Congress.Moura, Roberto (1983) Tia Ciata e a pequena Africa no Rio de Janeiro. Rio deJaneiro:Funarte.Pinheiro, Luis Roberto M. (1992) Ruptura e continuidade na MPB: a questdo

da linha evolutiva. MA dissertation,UniversidadeFederal de SantaCatarina.Pinto, Tiago de O. and D. Tucci (1992) Samba und sambistas in Brasilien.Wilhelmshaven: Florian Noetzel.


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Note on the authorRafael Jose de Menezes Bastos was born in 1945 in Salvador,where he beganhis Bachelor's degree in music at the FederalUniversity of Bahia, concluding itat the University of Brasilia in 1968, where he majored in acoustic guitar. Hecompleted his master's and doctoral degrees in Social Anthropology, the first atthe University of Brasilia (1976), the second at the University of Sdo Paulo(1990). His publications include: A Musicol6gica Kamayura: para umaantropologia da comunicaQilono Alto Xingu (1978, with a second edition in1999) and an edited volume, Dioniso em Santa Catarina: ensaios sobre afarrado boi (1993). He currently holds a professorship at the Department ofAnthropology of the FederalUniversity of Santa Catarina.His researchinterestsinclude: music, cosmology, power and philosophy in Lowland South America;music, culture and society in Latin America and the Caribbean.E-mail address:rafael(acfh.ufsc.br.

the origin of samba as the invention of brazil

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