the origin and expansion of pama–nyungan languages across ...10.1038... · supplementary figure...
TRANSCRIPT
![Page 1: The origin and expansion of Pama–Nyungan languages across ...10.1038... · Supplementary Figure 2: Inferred origin of the Pama-Nyungan language family tree under the standard Brownian](https://reader034.vdocuments.us/reader034/viewer/2022050503/5f95792fbdbd5e0915333819/html5/thumbnails/1.jpg)
Articleshttps://doi.org/10.1038/s41559-018-0489-3
© 2018 Macmillan Publishers Limited, part of Springer Nature. All rights reserved.
The origin and expansion of Pama–Nyungan languages across AustraliaRemco R. Bouckaert 1,2, Claire Bowern 3 and Quentin D. Atkinson 2,4*
1Center of Computational Evolution, University of Auckland, Auckland, New Zealand. 2Max Planck Institute for the Science of Human History, Jena, Germany. 3Department of Linguistics, Yale University, New Haven, CT, USA. 4School of Psychology, University of Auckland, Auckland, New Zealand. *e-mail: [email protected]
SUPPLEMENTARY INFORMATION
In the format provided by the authors and unedited.
NATuRe eCology & evoluTioN | www.nature.com/natecolevol
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Supplementary Figure 1: Map of Australia showing the overlaying graph usedfor the landscape aware geographical model. The 1446 nodes in the graph are drawnwith their neighbourhood structure showing up to eight neighbours per node, indicatingnon-zero transition rates. Grey edges are used to represent interior distances/rates, whileblue edges represent rates near water, which includes coastal areas as well as areas adjacentto the Murray-Darling river system. Background map credits: Esri, Garmin International,Inc. (formerly DeLorme Publishing Company, Inc.), U.S. Central Intelligence Agency(The World Factbook).
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0 10000 20000 30000 40000 50000 600000
Den
sity
Root age
a
b
c
Supplementary Figure 2: Inferred origin of the Pama-Nyungan languagefamily tree under the standard Brownian di↵usion model22,23. a) Map showingthe prior distribution on the root location under the standard Brownian di↵usion model- darker areas correspond to increased probability mass. Coloured polygons indicateorigins implied under the rapid replacement (red), early Holocene intensification (yellow),post-ACR (green), and initial colonisation (blue) hypotheses. b) As for a, showing theposterior distribution on the root location under the standard Brownian di↵usion model.c) Histogram showing the prior (light grey) and posterior (dark grey) distribution for theage of the family. Coloured bars indicate hypothesised ages as for panel a. Backgroundmap credits: Esri, Garmin International, Inc. (formerly DeLorme Publishing Company,Inc.), U.S. Central Intelligence Agency (The World Factbook).
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KarajarriKarajarriNW
NorthernNyangumartaNyangumartaMangalaMcK
NorthernMangarlaMangalaNWWarnmanKartujarra
MartuWangkaYulparija
WangkatjaPitjantjatjara
NgaanyatjarraPintupiLuritja
KukatjaBularnu
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YindjilandjiYanyuwaDhangu
RirratjinguDhayyi
DjambarrpuynguDhuwalDjapu
DhuwalaGupapuyngu
GumatjRitharrnguYannhangu
DjinangWesternArrarnta
AlyawarrAntekerrepenhe
NarrunggaKaurnaGuyaniNgadjuri
AdnyamathanhaParnkalaWiranguPittaPitta
WangkayutyuruArabana
WangkangurruYandruwandha
NhirrpiYawarrawarrka
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YarluyandiKungkariPirriyaBadjiri
WangkumaraWangkumaraMcDWur
KungadutyiGarlali
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Supplementary Figure 3: Comparison of current Pama-Nyungan maximumclade credibility tree topology with that from Bowern and Atkinson6. The cur-rent analysis includes 111 additional languages. Identical languages are joined; unjoinedlanguages appear in the current tree (on the right) but were not included in the original2012 tree. Major clades from Bowern and Atkinson’s tree6 are coloured to facilitate com-parison and nodes were labelled with the subgroup names. Note that whilst both treesare fully resolved, posterior support for some branches is low, particularly those deeperin the tree.
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Warluwaric
Bigambalic
Pama Maric
Ngayarta
Kulin
Paakantyi Region
Arabana Wangkangurru
Bandjalangic
Thura Yura
Yardli
Kalkatungic
Yuin Kuri
Supplementary Figure 4: The diversification of the Pama-Nyungan languagefamily through time. Maximum clade credibility tree showing the inferred timing andemergence of the major branches and their subsequent diversification. Values above eachbranch indicate posterior support for the descendent clade. This tree is available in nexusformat as the Supplementary Data File 2 – ‘PamaNyunganMCC.txt’.
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Supplementary Figure 5: Map showing the geographic range data for eachof the sampled Pama-Nyungan languages. Circled numbers indicate location oflanguages, and can be found in Supplementary Table 8. Background map credits: Esri,Garmin International, Inc. (formerly DeLorme Publishing Company, Inc.), U.S. CentralIntelligence Agency (The World Factbook).
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a
b
Supplementary Figure 6: Map showing the prior distribution on the rootlocation together with the geographic range implied under each of the previ-ously proposed origin hypotheses. a) Prior distribution on the root location underthe standard founder-dispersal model. b) Prior distribution on the root location underthe best fitting two-times-slower-near-water founder-dispersal model. Background mapcredits: Esri, Garmin International, Inc. (formerly DeLorme Publishing Company, Inc.),U.S. Central Intelligence Agency (The World Factbook).
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Supplementary Table 1 – Four prior proposals for the location and timing of origin of the Pama-Nyungan language expansion.
These proposals were gleaned from the published literature on Australian linguistics and archaeology. They are considered to be the most prominent and most testable contemporary hypotheses regarding the expansion of Pama-Nyungan, and that have received the most discussion and attention. We summarise the original location, putative time of initial diversification of the family, the mechanism of expansion, the basis of the evidence used by the author of the hypothesis, and the main references in the literature. † This range spans Evans and Jones7 (p185, p189) date estimates for the age of the family of 4-5kya and McConvell’s9 (p125, p129) 5-6kya estimates. ‡ - Williams et al’s11 radio-carbon date modeling shows an expansion following improved climate after 9kya, with sustained population growth rates until 7kya. Smith14 suggests an 8kya age for the family. * - Clendon12 (p. 46) “when the climate became warmer and wetter after ca. 13,000 BP, the continent was reoccupied from a relatively compact demographic base consisting mainly of people from the dividing range speaking a relatively small number of languages. In this sense, then, the glacial maximum constituted a bottleneck in time through which the Pama-Nyungan languages had to pass before attaining their later diversity.” # - Dixon16 (p89-90) argues the Australian languages spread within ‘a few thousand years’ of the initial colonization. Recent estimates put the initial colonization of Sahul at 48.8 (±1.3) kya4. ∆ - Since Pama-Nyungan languages are not found throughout most of Arnhem Land and the Kimberleys, we consider this hypothesis to also include Pama-Nyungan languages adjacent to this region. Excluding these languages from the hypothesis does not change our result in any way.
Hypothesis Timing Location Reason Evidence Main references
1. Rapid replacement
c. 4-6kya† Gulf of Carpentaria region, including southwest of Gulf and northwestern Queensland
Expansion linked to one or more of technological advantage (e.g. backed artefacts), ceremonial advantage or, for later stages of the expansion, the dingo.
Archaeological record from mid-late Holocene, and McConvell’s ‘back-tracking’ method.
5,7,8,9
2. Early Holocene c. 7-9kya‡ Likely expansion from Late Pleistocene refugia - Gulf Plains/Einasleigh Uplands, Brigalow Belt South, Murray Darling Depression
Expansion in Holocene Climatic Optimum; with further fragmentation following ENSO-onset.
Extrapolation from counts of carbon dates to a continent-wide model. Smith (2013) argues that a Pama-Nyungan boundary must have been in place well before 4.5 kya to impede spread of stone tools.
11,14,15
3. Post Antarctic Cold Reversal (ACR)
c. 10-13kya Dividing range* Pama-Nyungan expansion from refugia after ACR following a ‘bottleneck’ during the last glacial maximum.
Model based on the author’s synthesis of linguistic and archaeological data.
12
4. Initial Colonisation
c. 40-55kya# With initial colonization of Australia from the north (including Cape York, Arnhem Land, the Kimberleys). ∆
Expanding into uninhabited territory as original colonisers, with subsequent ongoing diffusion.
Argues it is implausible to assume widespread language shift and major population expansion into inhabited areas.
16,17
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Supplementary Table 2 – Bayes factors comparing support for the four origin hypothe-ses under the founder dispersal model with a relaxed and strict clock on rates of geo-graphic movement.
Bayes factors were estimated based on the ratio of posterior to prior frequency of the root location and age agreeing with each of the four hypotheses. H1 = rapid replacement, H2 = early-Holocene intensification, H3 = post-ACR, H4 = initial colonisation. Bayes factors for ‘Geography only’ do not consider the timing component of the hypotheses. We present only comparisons with respect to H1 since it is always favoured. Positive Bayes Factors support H1. A Bayes factor of 5 to 20 is taken as substantial support, greater than 20 as strong support, and greater than 100 as decisive78.
Analysis Full analysis Geography only
H1 vs H2
H1 vs H3
H1 vs H4
H1 vs H2
H1 vs H3
H1 vs H4
Standard Founder Dispersal Models
Standard Founder Dispersal Model (relaxed clock) 336.0 6163.0 153.0 6.2 76.7 31.0
Standard Founder Dispersal Model (strict clock) 1310.7 5831.4 145.2 12.2 172.2 86.5
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Supplementary Table 3 – Comparison of the standard homogeneous (equal rates) founder dispersal model with a range of heterogeneous founder dispersal models.
The first column denotes whether and to what extent the speed of movement is faster or slower near water. The second column denotes whether average rates across branches in the tree are set to be equal (strict) or allowed to vary across branches according to a relaxed random walk25,26 (relaxed). The third column gives the marginal likelihood for each model. The best fitting model is highlighted in bold.
Rates near water Rates across branches Log Marginal Likelihood
10 times faster Relaxed clock -157548.7
10 times faster Strict clock -157548.8
5 times faster Relaxed clock -157500.7
5 times faster Strict clock -157486.8
2 times faster Relaxed clock -157449.7
2 times faster Strict clock -157451.6
Equal Relaxed clock -157413.4
Equal Strict clock -157423.2
2 times slower Relaxed clock -157402.9
2 times slower Strict clock -157398.1
5 times slower Relaxed clock -157399.4
5 times slower Strict clock -157413.1
10 times slower Relaxed clock -157429.6
10 times slower Strict clock -157431.1
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Supplementary Table 4 – Bayes factors comparing support for the four origin hypothe-ses across the best-fitting heterogeneous founder dispersal models.
Bayes factors were estimated based on the ratio of posterior to prior frequency of the root location and age agreeing with each of the four hypotheses. H1 = rapid replacement, H2 = early-Holocene intensification, H3 = post-ACR, H4 = initial colonisation. Bayes factors for ‘Geography only’ do not consider the timing component of the hypotheses. We present only comparisons with respect to H1 since it is always favoured. Positive Bayes Factors support H1. A Bayes factor of 5 to 20 is taken as substantial support, greater than 20 as strong support, and greater than 100 as decisive78. We include the best fitting heterogeneous founder dispersal model and two further models within 5 log likelihood units of the best fitting model. All other models were >10 log units from the best fitting model.
Analysis Full analysis Geography only
H1 vs H2
H1 vs H3
H1 vs H4
H1 vs H2
H1 vs H3
H1 vs H4
Best-fitting Heterogeneous Founder Dispersal Model
2 x slower near water Founder Dispersal Model (strict clock) 46.2 1930.4 1938.5 7.3 49.8 100.0
Close-to-best Heterogeneous Founder Dispersal Models
5 x slower near water Founder Dispersal Model (relaxed clock) 91.3 1854.4 1862.2 5.2 31.5 34.8
2 x slower near water Founder Dispersal Model (relaxed clock) 47.8 1885.7 1893.6 6.5 53.1 106.6
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Supplementary Table 5 – Bayes factors comparing support for the four origin hypothe-ses under the standard Brownian spatial diffusion model.
Bayes factors were estimated based on the ratio of posterior to prior frequency of the root location and age agreeing with each of the four hypotheses. H1 = rapid replacement, H2 = early-Holocene intensification, H3 = post-ACR, H4 = initial colonisation. Bayes factors for ‘Geography only’ do not consider the timing component of the hypotheses. We present only comparisons with respect to H1 since it is always favoured. Positive Bayes Factors support H1. A Bayes factor of 5 to 20 is taken as substantial support, greater than 20 as strong support, and greater than 100 as decisive78.
Analysis Full analysis Geography only
H1 vs H2
H1 vs H3
H1 vs H4
H1 vs H2
H1 vs H3
H1 vs H4
Standard Diffusion Model
Standard Brownian Diffusion Model (no founder effect) 859285 402218 9141 3.3 14.8 5.5
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Supplementary Table 6 – Model fit and log Bayes Factor comparisons for alternative cognate evolution models.
Cognate evolution model
Clock model
Rates across
meaningsLog marginal
likelihoodLog Bayes Factors
1 2 3 4 5 6
1 Covarion Relaxed Fixed -157136 - 70 274 5436 99 5162 CTMC + gamma Relaxed Fixed -157206 -70 - 204 5366 29 4463 CTMC Relaxed Fixed -157410 -274 -204 - 5162 -175 2424 Stochastic Dollo Relaxed Fixed -162572 -5436 -5366 -5162 - -5337 -49205 Covarion Relaxed Estimated -157235 -99 -29 175 5337 - 4176 Covarion Strict Fixed -157652 -516 -446 -242 4920 -417 -
Following prior work26,27,38, we compare each of four cognate evolution model variants under a relaxed clock and fixed rates across meaning classes. For the best-fitting covarion model we then evaluate support for a strict clock and estimated rates across meaning classes. Log marginal likelihoods calculated using stepping stone estimates (higher is better). The right hand side of the table shows log Bayes factors for models labelled in the rows against models labelled in columns, where a positive number indicates the model in the row is favoured. Log Bayes factors over 10 indicate decisive support for a model78. The covarion with a log normal uncorrelated relaxed clock and relative substitution rates fixed to 1 for all meaning classes fits best.
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Supplementary Table 7 – Bayes factors comparing support for the four origin hypotheses under a founder dispersal model with 5%, 10% and 15% false negatives and false positives (see Supplementary Text).
Bayes factors were estimated based on the ratio of posterior to prior frequency of the root location and age agreeing with each of the four hypotheses. H1 = rapid replacement, H2 = early-Holocene intensification, H3 = post-ACR, H4 = initial colonisation. Bayes factors for ‘Geography only’ do not consider the timing component of the hypotheses. We present only comparisons with respect to H1 since it is always favoured. A Bayes factor of 5 to 20 is taken as substantial support, greater than 20 as strong support, and greater than 100 as decisive78. We include the best fitting heterogeneous founder dispersal model and two further models within 5 log likelihood units of the best fitting model. All other models were >10 log units from the best fitting model.
Analysis Full analysis Geography only
H1 vs H2 H1 vs H3 H1 vs H3 H1 vs H2 H1 vs H3 H1 vs H3
Simulated false negatives
Replacing 5% of 1’s with 0’s – run 1 627.45 813,120.90 20,243.67 5.8 43.41 130.78
Replacing 5% of 1’s with 0’s – run 2 181.26 667,678.95 16,622.71 4.53 56.78 171.06
Replacing 5% of 1’s with 0’s – run 3 1,101.52 716,344.34 17,834.30 6.02 40.53 81.4
Replacing 5% of 1’s with 0’s – run 4 1,773,669 790,119.01 19,671.01 5 61.72 35.42
Replacing 10% of 1’s with 0’s – run 1 518.23 773,815.01 19,265.10 4.47 52.67 317.33
Replacing 10% of 1’s with 0’s – run 2 1,617.42 805,045.21 20,042.62 4.96 48.14 169.2
Replacing 10% of 1’s with 0’s – run 3 1,791,597.07 798,105.17 19,869.84 5.65 35.25 355,947.39
Replacing 10% of 1’s with 0’s – run 4 610.02 787,669.95 19,610.04 7.22 86.41 65.08
Replacing 15% of 1’s with 0’s – run 1 1,799,135.35 801,463.25 19,953.44 5.78 81.06 81.4
Replacing 15% of 1’s with 0’s – run 2 1,303.70 832,631.27 20,729.41 4.8 28.12 127.06
Replacing 15% of 1’s with 0’s – run 3 1,819.60 898,149.47 22,360.57 6.4 116.03 116.52
Replacing 15% of 1’s with 0’s – run 4 1,199,423.57 534,308.83 13,302.29 5.21 58.43 88.01
Simulated false positives
Merging 5% of cognate sets – run 1 1,432,307.75 638,052.07 15,885.11 6.68 217.25 109.08
Merging 5% of cognate sets – run 2 367.17 654,261.17 16,288.66 5.98 87.23 87.6
Merging 5% of cognate sets – run 3 185.45 640,393.99 15,943.42 4.96 108.63 54.54
Merging 5% of cognate sets – run 4 435.73 592,685.13 14,755.65 5.78 36.21 54.54
Merging 10% of cognate sets – run 1 119.68 494,029.38 12,299.49 5.53 28.39 19.96
Merging 10% of cognate sets – run 2 297.46 611,578.11 15,226.01 6.29 100.6 28.86
Merging 10% of cognate sets – run 3 268.41 639,830.36 15,929.39 4.59 89.29 53.8
Merging 10% of cognate sets – run 4 135.08 643,985.10 16,032.82 6.03 137.02 137.59
Merging 15% of cognate sets – run 1 983 678,913.93 16,902.42 5.99 57.09 114.66
Merging 15% of cognate sets – run 2 381.12 685,966.19 17,078.00 5.27 52.58 44.01
Merging 15% of cognate sets – run 3 522.87 627,408.10 15,620.12 5.56 135.78 136.35
Merging 15% of cognate sets – run 4 115.53 560,712.42 13,959.65 5.61 52.77 35.33
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Extended Data Table 8 – List of sampled Pama-Nyungan languages.
Language Ascii Name Abbreviation
Fig. 2
Latitude Longitude Subgroup Glottolog
ID
Date Extended
Fig. 1
Arabana Arabana Arabana -28.34 136.07 ArabanaWangkangurru arab1267 1970 250
Wangkangurru Wangkangurru Wangkangurru -25.35 137.01 ArabanaWangkangurru wang1290 1970 249
Alyawarr Alyawarr Alyawarr -21.89 135.74 Arandic alya1239 2000 246
Antekerrepenhe Antekerrepenhe Antekerrepen -22.07 137.43 Arandic ante1238 1970 247
Central Anmatyerr CentralAnmatyerr Cntr Anmatyrr -21.98 133.42 Arandic anma1239 2000 245
Kaytetye Kaytetye Kaytetye -21.05 133.60 Arandic kayt1238 1970 244
Western Arrarnta WesternArrarnta Wst Arrarnta -24.18 132.48 Arandic west2441 2000 177
Bandjalang Bandjalang Bandjalang -28.82 152.60 Bandjalangic band1339 1980 96
Githabul Githabul Githabul -28.36 151.94 Bandjalangic gida1240 1970 83
Minjungbal Minjungbal Minjungbal -28.75 153.22 Bandjalangic band1339 1900 94
Nerang Creek NerangCreek Nerang Creek -28.75 153.22 Bandjalangic yugu1249 1900 95
Ng’goi Mwoi NggoiMwoi Nggoi Mwoi -28.75 153.22 Bandjalangic band1339 1880 91
Tweed River and
Point Dangar
TweedRiverandPointDangar Tweed River -28.75 153.22 Bandjalangic band1339 1880 92
Yugambeh Yugambeh Yugambeh -28.75 153.22 Bandjalangic yugu1249 1970 93
Bigambal Bigambal Bigambal -29.07 149.92 Bigambalic biga1237 1970 78
Glen Innes, New Eng-
land
GlenInnes Glen Innes -29.54 150.93 Bigambalic yuga1244 1880 81
Tenterfield Tenterfield Tenterfield -29.54 150.93 Bigambalic yuga1244 1880 82
Gamilaraay Gamilaraay Gamilaraay -30.35 150.27 Central NSW gami1243 1960 80
Kamilaroi Kamilaroi Kamilaroi -30.26 150.06 Central NSW gami1243 1820 79
Muruwari Muruwari Muruwari -29.18 146.90 Central NSW muru1266 1960 121
Ngiyambaa Ngiyambaa Ngiyambaa -31.44 146.41 Central NSW ngiy1239 1970 118
Wailwan Wailwan Wailwan -31.44 146.41 Central NSW wayi1238 1880 119
Wiradjuri Wiradjuri Wiradjuri -32.97 147.42 Central NSW wira1262 1970 117
Yuwaalaraay Yuwaalaraay Yuwaalaraay -29.12 148.31 Central NSW yuwa1242 1970 122
Coobenpil Coobenpil Coobenpil -27.51 153.46 Durubulic yaga1256 1900 89
Durubul Durubul Durubul -27.33 152.95 Durubulic yaga1256 1940 86
Guwar Guwar Guwar -27.20 153.41 Durubulic guwa1244 1900 88
Janday Janday Janday -27.67 153.42 Durubulic 1880 90
Yagara Yagara Yagara -27.66 152.67 Durubulic yaga1256 1940 84
Yugarabul Yugarabul Yugarabul -27.66 152.67 Durubulic yaga1256 1930 85
Garlali Garlali Garlali -28.27 143.63 EastKarnic kala1380 1965 130
Kungadutyi Kungadutyi Kungadutyi -26.22 142.04 EastKarnic ngur1261 1960 259
Kungkari Kungkari Kungkari -24.95 144.22 EastKarnic kuun1236 1900 263
Pirriya Pirriya Pirriya -25.61 143.17 EastKarnic pirr1240 1880 262
Punthamara Punthamara Punthamara -26.52 143.24 EastKarnic punt1240 1960 260
Wangkumara Wangkumara Wangkumara -27.95 142.25 EastKarnic wong1246 1960 131
Wangkumara (Gar-
lali)
WangkumaraMcDWur WangkumaraD -26.52 143.24 EastKarnic wong1246 1970 261
Gumbaynggir Gumbaynggir Gumbaynggir -30.11 152.57 Gumbaynggiric kumb1268 1970 98
Yaygirr Yaygirr Yaygirr -29.85 153.21 Gumbaynggiric yayg1236 1900 97
Kalkatungu Kalkatungu Kalkatungu -20.69 139.79 Kalkatungic kalk1246 1960 281
Yalarnnga Yalarnnga Yalarnnga -22.17 139.97 Kalkatungic yala1262 1970 268
Jiwarli Jiwarli Jiwarli -23.15 116.22 Kanyara-Mantharta djiw1239 1980 205
Payungu Payungu Payungu -22.65 113.94 Kanyara-Mantharta bayu1240 1980 208
Purduna Purduna Purduna -23.64 114.84 Kanyara-Mantharta burd1238 1970 207
Thalanyji Thalanyji Thalanyji -22.71 114.87 Kanyara-Mantharta dhal1245 2000 209
Tharrgari Tharrgari Tharrgari -23.88 115.68 Kanyara-Mantharta dhar1247 2000 206
Warriyangga Warriyangga Warriyangga -23.89 117.01 Kanyara-Mantharta wari1262 1980 204
Yingkarta Yingkarta Yingkarta -25.72 114.97 Kanyara-Mantharta ying1247 1970 198
Badjiri Badjiri Badjiri -28.18 145.60 Karnic badj1244 1960 127
Cooper’s Creek CoopersCreek Coopers Creek -28.26 140.33 Karnic 1880 254
Diyari Diyari Diyari -28.62 138.51 Karnic dira1238 1970 252
Guwa Guwa Guwa -22.20 142.99 Karnic guwa1242 1900 61
Karuwali Karuwali Karuwali -24.36 142.04 Karnic karr1236 1900 264
Mithaka Mithaka Mithaka -25.34 139.64 Karnic mith1236 1960 257
Mount Freeling Di-
yari
MountFreelingDiyari Mt Frlng Diyari -28.93 137.46 Karnic dier1241 1880 251
Ngamini Ngamini Ngamini -27.07 139.30 Karnic ngam1265 1970 255
Nhirrpi Nhirrpi Nhirrpi -28.10 141.57 Karnic yand1252 1950 132
Yanda Yanda Yanda -22.17 141.36 Karnic yand1251 1900 269
Yandruwandha Yandruwandha Yandruwandha -28.91 140.28 Karnic yand1253 1970 253
Yarluyandi Yarluyandi Yarluyandi -26.02 139.26 Karnic dier1240 1970 256
Yawarrawarrka Yawarrawarrka Yawarrawarrk -26.48 140.72 Karnic yawa1258 1970 258
Badimaya Badimaya Badimaya -28.34 117.34 Kartu badi1246 1990 200
Champion Bay ChampionBay Champion Bay -28.80 114.50 Kartu nhan1238 1930 195
Irwin and Murchison
River
IrwinMurchison Irwin Mrchsn -27.67 114.20 Kartu badi1246 1940 196
Kalaamaya Kalaamaya Kalaamaya -30.68 119.05 Kartu kala1401 1970 187
Malgana Malgana Malgana -26.44 113.94 Kartu malg1242 1970 197
Muliarra Tribe MuliarraTribe Muliarra Trb -26.90 118.90 Kartu waja1257 1886 201
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Language Ascii Name Abbreviation
Fig. 2
Latitude Longitude Subgroup Glottolog
ID
Date Extended
Fig. 1
Nhanta Nhanta Nhanta -27.58 115.19 Kartu nhan1238 1990 199
Wajarri Wajarri Wajarri -26.04 117.21 Kartu waja1257 1990 202
Bindjali Bindjali Bindjali -35.24 140.46 Kulin warr1257 1970 143
Bunganditj Bunganditj Bunganditj -37.22 140.61 Kulin bung1264 1870 165
Colac Colac Colac -38.36 143.51 Kulin cola1237 1860 158
Gunditjmara Gunditjmara Gunditjmara -38.16 142.24 Kulin west2443 1860 160
Hopkins River HOPKINSRIVER Hopkinsriver -35.24 140.46 Kulin warr1257 1880 144
Keerraywoorroong Keerraywoorroong Kraywooroong -36.36 142.32 Kulin warr1257 1900 162
Lake Hindmarsh LakeHindmarsh Lake Hindmar -35.90 141.43 Kulin 1900 163
Mathi-Mathi MathiMathi Mathi Mathi -34.62 144.12 Kulin west2443 1960 149
Piangil Piangil Piangil -34.69 142.27 Kulin west2443 1870 146
The Tatiarra Coun-
try
THETATIARRACOUNTRY The Tatiarra -35.90 141.43 Kulin west2443 1880 164
Tjapwurrung Tjapwurrung Tjapwurrung -37.39 142.71 Kulin west2443 1970 161
Warrnambool Warrnambool Warrnambool -38.16 142.24 Kulin warr1257 1970 159
Wathawurrung Wathawurrung Wathawurrung -38.09 144.08 Kulin wath1238 1900 157
Wathiwathi Wathiwathi Wathiwathi -34.95 143.01 Kulin west2443 1840 147
Wemba-Wemba WembaWemba Wemba Wemba -35.93 143.83 Kulin west2443 1960 150
Woiwurrung Woiwurrung Woiwurrung -37.80 145.22 Kulin woiw1237 1900 156
Yaraldi Balkurra Yaraldi -35.45 139.42 Lower Murray — 1840 167
Keramin Keramin Keramin -34.70 139.67 Lower Murray nort2756 1840 142
Ned’s Corner Station,
Murray River
NedsCornerStation Neds Corner -34.39 141.11 Lower Murray upper1415 1880 145
Ngaiawang Ngaiawang Ngaiawang -34.52 139.67 Lower Murray nort2756 1830 141
Ngarrindjeri Ngarrindjeri Ngarrindjeri -35.80 140.04 Lower Murray narr1259 1840 166
Pytu Reach PytuReach Pytu Reach -35.48 139.16 Lower Murray narr1259 1880 168
Wellington Wellington Wellington -34.59 138.87 Lower Murray lowe1402 1830 169
Yitha-Yitha YithaYitha Yitha Yitha -34.01 143.80 Lower Murray yara1253 1840 148
Karajarri Karajarri Karajarri -18.96 122.28 Marrngu kara1476 1990 222
Karajarri (Nekes and
Worms)
KarajarriNW Karajarri NW -18.96 122.28 Marrngu kara1476 1930 223
Mangala
(Bidyadanga)
MangalaMcK Mangala Mc K -19.38 123.51 Marrngu mang1383 1970 226
Mangala (Nekes and
Worms)
MangalaNW Mangala N W -19.38 123.51 Marrngu mang1383 1930 224
Northern Mangarla NorthernMangarla Nrth Mangrla -19.38 123.51 Marrngu mang1383 1970 225
Northern Nyangu-
marta
NorthernNyangumarta Nrt Nyngmrta -20.69 121.84 Marrngu nyan1301 1970 220
Nyangumarta Nyangumarta Nyangumarta -20.69 121.84 Marrngu nyan1301 1990 221
Mayi-Kulan MayiKulan Mayi Kulan -18.56 141.81 Mayi mayk1239 1920 272
Mayi-Kutuna MayiKutuna Mayi Kutuna -18.45 140.63 Mayi maya1280 1960 278
Mayi-Thakurti MayiThakurti Mayi Thakurti -18.45 140.63 Mayi mayk1239 1960 277
Mayi-Yapi MayiYapi Mayi Yapi -19.73 141.12 Mayi mayk1239 1960 279
Ngawun Ngawun Ngawun -19.51 142.18 Mayi ngaw1240 1900 271
Wanamara Wanamara Wanamara -20.92 141.73 Mayi 1970 270
Kariyarra Kariyarra Kariyarra -21.23 118.26 Ngayarta kari1304 1990 214
Kurrama Kurrama Kurrama -22.82 117.54 Ngayarta kurr1243 1990 213
Martuthunira Martuthunira Martuthunira -20.98 115.87 Ngayarta mart1255 1970 210
Ngarla Ngarla Ngarla -20.22 119.42 Ngayarta ngar1286 1990 215
Ngarluma Ngarluma Ngarluma -20.89 116.97 Ngayarta ngar1287 1990 211
Nyamal Nyamal Nyamal -21.15 119.86 Ngayarta nyam1271 1990 216
Panyjima Panyjima Panyjima -22.58 119.61 Ngayarta pany1241 1980 217
Yindjibarndi Yindjibarndi Yindjibarndi -22.03 117.44 Ngayarta yind1247 1970 212
Yinhawangka Yinhawangka Yinhawangka -24.02 118.69 Ngayarta pany1241 1980 203
Bilinarra Bilinarra Bilinarra -16.77 130.80 Ngumpin-Yapa ngar1235 1990 238
Gurindji Gurindji Gurindji -17.60 130.56 Ngumpin-Yapa guri1247 1990 239
Jaru Jaru Jaru -18.16 128.46 Ngumpin-Yapa jaru1254 1990 233
Jaru-McC JaruMcC Jaru McC -18.16 128.46 Ngumpin-Yapa jaru1254 1990 234
Jiwarliny Jiwarliny Jiwarliny -20.10 124.39 Ngumpin-Yapa walm1241 1990 227
Malngin Malngin Malngin -16.97 129.45 Ngumpin-Yapa maln1239 1990 236
Mudburra Mudburra Mudburra -17.07 131.90 Ngumpin-Yapa mudb1240 1990 241
Mudburra (Mc-
Convell)
MudburraMcC Mudburra McC -17.07 131.90 Ngumpin-Yapa mudb1240 1990 240
Ngardily Ngardily Ngardily -18.20 128.57 Ngumpin-Yapa nort2753 1990 235
Ngarinyman Ngarinyman Ngarinyman -16.51 130.50 Ngumpin-Yapa ngar1235 1990 237
Southern Walmajarri SouthernWalmajarri Sth Walmajri -20.07 126.39 Ngumpin-Yapa walm1241 1970 230
WalmajarriBilliluna WalmajarriBilliluna Walmajarri B -20.07 126.39 Ngumpin-Yapa walm1241 1990 229
Walmajarri (Hudson
and Richards)
WalmajarriHR Walmajarri HR -20.07 126.39 Ngumpin-Yapa walm1241 1980 231
Walmajarri (Nekes
and Worms)
WalmajarriNW Walmajarri NW -20.07 126.39 Ngumpin-Yapa walm1241 1930 228
Warlmanpa Warlmanpa Warlmanpa -18.36 132.52 Ngumpin-Yapa warl1255 1990 242
Warlpiri Warlpiri Warlpiri -20.83 130.74 Ngumpin-Yapa warl1254 2000 178
Warumungu Warumungu Warumungu -19.13 134.21 Ngumpin-Yapa waru1265 1990 243
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Language Ascii Name Abbreviation
Fig. 2
Latitude Longitude Subgroup Glottolog
ID
Date Extended
Fig. 1
Bibbulman Bibbulman Bibbulman -34.43 116.08 Nyungar 1900 190
Eucla Eucla Eucla -31.24 128.46 Nyungar mirn1243 1880 174
Kaniyang Kaniyang Kaniyang -33.82 116.82 Nyungar kani1276 1970 189
Mirniny Mirniny Mirniny -31.24 128.46 Nyungar mirn1243 1950 175
New Norcia and
Leschenault Bay
NewNorciaandLeschenaultBay New Norcia -29.92 115.76 Nyungar nyun1247 1880 194
Ngadjumaya Ngadjumaya Ngadjumaya -32.12 122.94 Nyungar ngad1258 1950 186
Nyungar Nyungar Nyungar -31.66 118.55 Nyungar nyun1247 1930 188
Pinjarra Pinjarra Pinjarra -32.84 115.92 Nyungar nyun1247 1970 192
Wardandi Wardandi Wardandi -33.87 115.45 Nyungar nyun1247 1900 191
Watjuk Watjuk Watjuk -32.00 116.07 Nyungar nyun1247 1900 193
Kurnu Kurnu Kurnu -29.97 145.68 Paakantyi darl1243 1960 120
Paakantyi Paakantyi Paakantyi -31.02 142.77 Paakantyi darl1243 1960 134
Aghu-Tharrnggala AghuTharrnggala Aghu Thrngala -15.26 143.43 PamaMaric aghu1254 1970 34
Alngith Alngith Alngith -12.58 141.93 PamaMaric alng1239 1970 10
Aminungo Aminungo Aminungo -23.62 147.58 PamaMaric east2716 1880 66
Ayapathu Ayapathu Ayapathu -14.55 142.73 PamaMaric ayab1239 1970 19
Barna Barna Barna -21.98 147.98 PamaMaric east2716 1880 67
Barrow Point BarrowPoint Barrow Point -14.59 144.09 PamaMaric barr1247 1960 36
Belyando Belyando Belyando -21.76 145.93 PamaMaric east2716 1880 58
Bidyara-Gungabula BidyaraGungabula Bdyra Gngbla -25.89 147.69 PamaMaric bidy1243 1970 124
Bindal Bindal Bindal -19.71 146.77 PamaMaric bind1237 1970 54
Biri Biri Biri -21.11 146.80 PamaMaric biri1256 1970 56
Coonambella Coonambella Coonambella -18.80 146.06 PamaMaric wulg1239 1920 52
Dharawala Dharawala Dharawala -23.68 146.93 PamaMaric bidy1243 1970 65
Dharumbal Dharumbal Dharumbal -22.42 150.12 PamaMaric dhar1248 2000 69
Djabugay Djabugay Djabugay -16.70 145.55 PamaMaric dyaa1242 1970 43
Dyirbal Dyirbal Dyirbal -17.79 145.68 PamaMaric dyir1250 1970 45
Flinders Island FlindersIsland Flinders Isl -14.09 144.27 PamaMaric flin1247 1960 37
Gangulu Gangulu Gangulu -23.01 148.54 PamaMaric gang1268 1970 68
Granite Range GraniteRange Granite Range -16.46 144.26 PamaMaric 1885 42
Gudang Gudang Gudang -11.01 142.62 PamaMaric guda1244 1970 5
Gudjal Gudjal Gudjal -19.23 144.83 PamaMaric gudj1237 1990 49
Gugu-Badhun GuguBadhun Gugu Badhun -18.83 145.01 PamaMaric gugu1253 1970 48
Gugu-Mini Gugumini Gugumini -16.13 143.95 PamaMaric gugu1257 1980 40
Gunggari Gunggari Gunggari -26.30 146.73 PamaMaric kung1258 1950 125
Gunya Gunya Gunya -26.89 146.56 PamaMaric guny1241 1970 126
Guugu-Yimidhirr GuuguYimidhirr Guugu Yimidh -14.95 144.91 PamaMaric guug1239 1970 38
Guwamu Guwamu Guwamu -27.61 149.03 PamaMaric guwa1243 1950 123
Ikarranggal Ikarranggal Ikarranggal -14.48 143.54 PamaMaric gurd1238 1970 35
Injinoo Injinoo Injinoo -11.01 142.62 PamaMaric urad1238 1970 4
Kaanju Kaanju Kaanju -13.38 142.99 PamaMaric kanj1260 1970 16
Kala Kawaw Ya KKY KKY -9.38 142.44 PamaMaric kala1377 1980 1
Kala Lagaw Ya KLY KLY -10.41 142.23 PamaMaric kala1377 1980 3
Kok-Nar KokNar Kok Nar -16.27 141.77 PamaMaric kokn1236 1970 29
Koko-Bera KokoBera Koko Bera -15.44 141.76 PamaMaric gugu1254 1970 28
Kugu Nganhcara KuguNganhcara Kugu Nganhca -14.30 141.88 PamaMaric wikn1246 1980 25
Kukatj Kukatj Kukatj -17.83 141.15 PamaMaric guga1239 1980 276
Kuku-Wura KukuWura Kuku Wura -15.19 144.28 PamaMaric gugu1256 1970 39
Kuku Yalanji KukuYalanji Kuku Yalanji -16.46 144.26 PamaMaric kuku1273 1980 41
Kunjen Kunjen Kunjen -16.37 142.59 PamaMaric kunj1245 1970 30
Kurtjar Kurtjar Kurtjar -16.99 141.52 PamaMaric kung1262 1970 275
Kuuk Thaayorre KuukThaayorre Kuuk Thaayor -14.85 141.85 PamaMaric thay1249 1970 26
Kuuku-Ya’u KuukuYau Kuuku Yau -12.57 143.04 PamaMaric kuuk1238 1990 15
Linngithigh Linngithigh Linngithigh -13.23 141.80 PamaMaric leni1238 1960 23
Lower Burdekin LowerBurdekin Lwr Burdekin -19.98 147.98 PamaMaric 1885 55
Mabuiag Mabuiag Mabuiag -9.94 142.20 PamaMaric kala1377 1905 2
Margany Margany Margany -26.58 144.80 PamaMaric marg1253 1970 128
Mbabaram Mbabaram Mbabaram -17.48 144.72 PamaMaric mbab1239 1970 46
Mbakwithi Mbakwithi Mbakwithi -12.15 141.99 PamaMaric angu1242 1980 9
Mbiywom Mbiywom Mbiywom -13.01 142.32 PamaMaric mbiy1238 1970 22
Mpalityan Mpalityan Mpalityan -12.31 142.50 PamaMaric mpal1237 1970 13
Natal Downs NatalDowns Natal Downs -20.96 145.56 PamaMaric east2716 1880 59
Nggoth Nggoth Nggoth -12.58 141.93 PamaMaric ngko1236 1970 11
Ntra’ngith Ntrangith Ntrangith -12.49 142.07 PamaMaric tyan1235 1970 12
Nyawaygi Nyawaygi Nyawaygi -18.80 146.06 PamaMaric nyaw1247 1970 51
Olkola Olkola Olkola -16.37 142.59 PamaMaric oyka1239 1970 32
Pakanh Pakanh Pakanh -15.50 142.68 PamaMaric paka1251 1990 33
Tagalag Tagalag Tagalag -18.20 143.02 PamaMaric taga1279 1900 273
Tambo Tambo Tambo -25.19 146.19 PamaMaric tamb1252 1886 64
Thaynakwith Thaynakwith Thaynakwith -11.79 142.16 PamaMaric urad1238 1970 8
Umpila Umpila Umpila -13.41 143.38 PamaMaric umpi1239 1980 17
Umpithamu Umpithamu Umpithamu -14.05 143.28 PamaMaric umbi1243 2000 18
Upper Paroo UpperParoo Upper Paroo -26.58 144.80 PamaMaric 1880 129
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Language Ascii Name Abbreviation
Fig. 2
Latitude Longitude Subgroup Glottolog
ID
Date Extended
Fig. 1
Uradhi Uradhi Uradhi -11.55 142.33 PamaMaric wuth1237 1970 7
Uw Oykangand UwOykangand Uw Oykangand -16.37 142.59 PamaMaric oyka1239 1970 31
Wadjabangayi Wadjabangayi Wadjabangayi -24.71 145.60 PamaMaric – 1880 63
Walangama Walangama Walangama -17.65 142.29 PamaMaric wala1263 1970 274
Wargamay Wargamay Wargamay -18.59 146.01 PamaMaric warr1255 1970 50
Warungu Warungu Warungu -18.37 145.01 PamaMaric waru1264 1970 47
Wik Muminh WikMuminh Wik Muminh -13.87 142.29 PamaMaric kuku1283 1970 20
Wik Mungkan WikMungkan Wik Mungkan -13.87 142.29 PamaMaric wikm1247 1970 21
Wik Ngatharr WikNgatharr Wik Ngatharr -13.64 141.60 PamaMaric wika1238 1970 24
Wulguru Wulguru Wulguru -19.41 146.23 PamaMaric wulg1239 2000 53
Yadhaykenu Yadhaykenu Yadhaykenu -11.14 142.54 PamaMaric yadh1237 1970 6
Yambina Yambina Yambina -21.75 146.96 PamaMaric east2716 1930 57
Yidiny Yidiny Yidiny -17.26 145.79 PamaMaric yidi1250 1975 44
Yiningay Yiningay Yiningay -21.14 143.91 PamaMaric sout2765 1900 60
Yinwum Yinwum Yinwum -12.40 142.74 PamaMaric yinw1236 1970 14
Yirandali Yirandali Yirandali -23.05 144.70 PamaMaric yira1239 1880 62
Yir Yoront YirYoront Yir Yoront -15.10 142.07 PamaMaric yiry1247 1975 27
Junction of King’s
Creek and the
Georgina River
KingsCreekandtheGeorginaRiver Kings Creek -23.83 140.47 PittaPittic 1885 267
Pitta-Pitta PittaPitta Pitta Pitta -23.83 140.47 PittaPittic pitt1246 1970 265
Roxburgh Downs,
Lower Georgina
RoxburghDowns-LowerGeorgina Roxburg Dwns -23.83 140.47 PittaPittic 1885 266
Wangkayutyuru Wangkayutyuru Wangkayuturu -24.00 138.58 PittaPittic wang1289 1970 248
Ganggalida Ganggalida Ganggalida -18.17 138.62 Tangkic gang1267 1970 285
Kayardild Kayardild Kayardild -17.06 139.43 Tangkic kaya1319 1970 289
Lardil Lardil Lardil -16.62 139.38 Tangkic lard1243 1970 291
Minkin Minkin Minkin -17.86 139.72 Tangkic mink1237 1970 286
Nguburindi Nguburindi Nguburindi -17.86 139.72 Tangkic ngub1238 1970 288
Yangarella Yangarella Yangarella -17.86 139.72 Tangkic nyan1300 1970 287
Yangkaal Yangkaal Yangkaal -17.06 139.43 Tangkic nyan1300 1970 290
Adnyamathanha Adnyamathanha Adnyamathnha -30.28 139.03 Thura-Yura adny1235 1975 137
Guyani Guyani Guyani -30.40 137.74 Thura-Yura guya1249 1870 138
Kaurna Kaurna Kaurna -34.52 138.47 Thura-Yura kaur1267 1820 170
Narrungga Narrungga Narrungga -34.32 137.61 Thura-Yura naru1238 1840 171
Ngadjuri Ngadjuri Ngadjuri -32.89 139.32 Thura-Yura ngad1257 1850 140
Nukunu Nukunu Nukunu -32.65 138.27 Thura-Yura nugu1241 1970 139
Parnkala Parnkala Parnkala -33.22 136.37 Thura-Yura bang1339 1840 172
Wirangu Wirangu Wirangu -31.58 133.53 Thura-Yura wira1265 1960 173
Batyala Batyala Batyala -25.23 153.15 Waka-Kabi east2717 1950 72
Bayali Bayali Bayali -23.55 150.72 Waka-Kabi baya1257 1970 70
Dalla Dalla Dalla -25.59 152.34 Waka-Kabi east2717 1880 73
Dawson River DawsonRiver Dawson River -26.34 151.35 Waka-Kabi waka1274 1880 74
Duungidjawu Duungidjawu Duungidjawu -26.85 153.04 Waka-Kabi duun1241 1950 87
Gooreng Gooreng GoorengGooreng Gooreng Goor -24.52 151.25 Waka-Kabi gure1255 1960 71
Mary River and
Bunya Bunya Coun-
try
MaryRiverandBunyaBunyaCountry Mary River -26.34 151.35 Waka-Kabi east2717 1880 75
Upper Brisbane River UpperBrisbaneRiver Upr Brsbne Rvr -27.67 150.97 Waka-Kabi east2717 1880 77
Waka-Waka WakaWaka Waka Waka -26.29 151.06 Waka-Kabi waka1274 1970 76
Bularnu Bularnu Bularnu -19.50 139.69 Warluwaric bula1255 1970 280
Wakaya Wakaya Wakaya -19.65 136.64 Warluwaric waga1260 1980 283
Warluwarra Warluwarra Warluwarra -20.33 138.63 Warluwaric warl1256 1970 282
Yanyuwa Yanyuwa Yanyuwa -15.66 136.33 Warluwaric yany1243 1970 292
Yindjilandji Yindjilandji Yindjilandji -19.06 137.71 Warluwaric yind1248 1950 284
Kartujarra Kartujarra Kartujarra -23.76 124.21 Wati kart1247 1990 183
Kukatja Kukatja Kukatja -20.18 127.23 Wati kuka1246 1990 232
Manjiljarra Manjiljarra Manjiljarra -22.27 124.75 Wati mart1256 1970 182
Martu Wangka MartuWangka Martu Wangka -23.76 124.21 Wati mart1256 1990 184
Ngaanyatjarra Ngaanyatjarra Ngaanyatjrra -27.14 122.83 Wati ngaa1240 1990 185
Pintupi-Luritja PintupiLuritja Pintupi Lrtj -22.75 127.84 Wati pint1250 1990 180
Pitjantjatjara Pitjantjatjara Pitjantjatja -26.58 130.79 Wati pitj1243 1990 176
Wangkajunga Wangkajunga Wangkajunga -21.84 126.29 Wati wang1288 1980 181
Wangkatja Wangkatja Wangkatja -21.22 128.96 Wati wang1300 1990 179
Warnman Warnman Warnman -22.41 122.18 Wati wanm1242 1990 218
Yulparija Yulparija Yulparija -21.51 123.60 Wati yul1238 1980 219
Malyangapa Malyangapa Malyangapa -30.98 141.01 Yardli yarl1236 1950 135
Wadikali Wadikali Wadikali -29.21 141.56 Yardli yarl1236 1940 133
Yardliyawarra Yardliyawarra Yardliyawarr -31.08 139.38 Yardli yarl1236 1900 136
Dhangu Dhangu Dhangu -12.33 136.69 Yolngu dhan1270 2000 298
Dhayyi Dhayyi Dhayyi -12.47 135.82 Yolngu djar1245 2000 302
Dhuwal Dhuwal Dhuwal -12.47 135.82 Yolngu marr1258 2000 304
Dhuwala Dhuwala Dhuwala -12.76 136.41 Yolngu mada1281 2000 299
Djambarrpuyngu Djambarrpuyngu Djambarrpuyn -12.47 135.82 Yolngu marr1258 2000 303
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Language Ascii Name Abbreviation
Fig. 2
Latitude Longitude Subgroup Glottolog
ID
Date Extended
Fig. 1
Djapu Djapu Djapu -12.47 135.82 Yolngu djap1238 2000 305
Djinang Djinang Djinang -12.45 134.94 Yolngu djin1253 2000 294
Golpa Golpa Golpa -11.68 136.22 Yolngu yann1237 2000 296
Gumatj Gumatj Gumatj -12.76 136.41 Yolngu guma1253 2000 300
Gupapuyngu Gupapuyngu Gupapuyngu -12.76 136.41 Yolngu gupa1247 2000 301
Rirratjingu Rirratjingu Rirratjingu -11.94 136.37 Yolngu rirr1238 2000 297
Ritharrngu Ritharrngu Ritharrngu -13.09 135.46 Yolngu rita1239 1980 293
Yan-nhangu Yannhangu Yannhangu -11.90 135.52 Yolngu yann1237 2000 295
Zorc Zorc Zorc -12.47 135.82 Yolngu dhuw1249 1980 306
Dhudhuroa Dhudhuroa Dhudhuroa -37.37 147.25 Yotayotic dhud1236 1850 155
Pallanganmiddang Pallanganmiddang Pallanganmid -36.38 146.63 Yotayotic pall1243 1860 153
Yabula Yabula YabulaYabula Yabula Yabul -35.69 145.32 Yotayotic yort1237 1880 151
Yorta Yorta YortaYorta Yorta Yorta -36.51 145.51 Yotayotic yort1237 1880 152
Awabakal Awabakal Awabakal -33.05 151.53 Yuin-Kuri awab1243 1830 103
Birrpayi Birrpayi Birrpayi -31.43 152.37 Yuin-Kuri sydn1236 1870 101
Darkinyung Darkinyung Darkinyung -32.80 150.46 Yuin-Kuri awab1243 1880 106
Dharawal Dharawal Dharawal -34.38 150.55 Yuin-Kuri thur1254 1870 110
Dharuk Dharuk Dharuk -33.34 150.24 Yuin-Kuri sydn1236 1790 108
Dhurga Dhurga Dhurga -36.36 149.93 Yuin-Kuri dhur1239 1960 113
Gundungurra Gundungurra Gundungurra -35.13 149.51 Yuin-Kuri nort2760 1850 112
Hawkesbury river Hawkesbury Hawkesbury -33.34 150.24 Yuin-Kuri 1885 107
Iyora Iyora Iyora -33.52 151.08 Yuin-Kuri sydn1236 1790 105
Jaitmatang Jaitmatang Jaitmatang -37.62 147.71 Yuin-Kuri sout2771 1840 154
Karree Karree Karree -33.05 151.33 Yuin-Kuri awab1243 1880 104
Katthang Katthang Katthang -31.99 152.07 Yuin-Kuri wori1245 1880 102
Moneroo Moneroo Moneroo -36.08 148.86 Yuin-Kuri sout2771 1886 114
Ngarigu Ngarigu Ngarigu -36.08 148.86 Yuin-Kuri sout2771 1890 115
Ngunawal Ngunawal Ngunawal -34.76 148.77 Yuin-Kuri nort2760 1890 116
Port MacQuarie PortMacQuarie Port McQuari -31.43 152.37 Yuin-Kuri sydn1236 1880 100
Steele’s Gadang SteeleGDG Steele G D G -34.38 150.55 Yuin-Kuri wori1245 1790 109
Thanggati Thanggatti Thanggatti -30.82 152.41 Yuin-Kuri dyan1250 1970 99
Thurrawal Thurrawal Thurrawal -34.38 150.55 Yuin-Kuri thur1254 1970 111
Columns represent the language name, the ascii name as used in BEAST XML files, abbreviation
used in Figure 2, the location, subgroup a�liation used to make entries monophyletic, Glottolog ID
(if any), approximate date of attestation, and number used in Supplementary Fig. 5.
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Supplementary Methods
The following provides additional detail regarding the Bayesian phylogeography model
specification and priors. First, we provide background about Bayesian inference of phyloge-
nies and provide details regarding the tree prior (section 1). Then we describe three models of
cognate evolution (section 2) - the continuous time Markov Chain (CTMC) model, the covarion
model and the stochastic Dollo model. We then describe the treatment of rate heterogeneity
(section 3), how to augment phylogenetic inference with geographical information (section 4),
matrix exponentiation (section 5) and specifics on MCMC proposals (section 6). All of these
topics are covered elsewhere in the literature in more detail, and we provide references through-
out the text. In addition, we describe two follow-up analyses evaluating the robustness of our
findings under a simple Brownian diffusion model (section 7) and to errors in cognate coding
(section 8).
1 Bayesian phylogenetics
Let there be n languages and let T be a bifurcating tree with n leaf nodes x1, . . . , xn
associated with the n languages. The internal nodes of the tree are xn+1, . . . , x2n�1 and by con-
vention the root node is x2n�1. For each of the n languages we have sequences of cognate data
such that for language i we have a sequence Si of k binary data points si1, . . . , sik. Together, the
sequences Si (i 2 1, . . . , n) form the data D. Using Bayes’ theorem, the posterior probability
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of a tree T given cognate data D consisting of cognate sequences S1, . . . , Sn is then given by
P (T |D, ✓) / P (T, ✓)P (D|T, ✓) (1)
where P (T, ✓) is the prior on the tree and the set of parameters ✓ governing the evolutionary and
dispersal models, P (D|T, ✓) the likelihood of the data given the tree and model parameters, and
P (T |D, ✓) the posterior probability of the tree, given the data and set of parameters. Following
prior work1–11, we assume that cognates evolve independently and Eq (1) reduces to the more
tractable
P (T |D, ✓) / P (T, ✓)kY
j=1
P (S.j|T, ✓) (2)
where S.j = {s1j, . . . , snj} is the cognate data at site j consisting of cognates s1j to snj . Let ⇡i
be the index of xi’s parent, then the site probability P (S.j|T, ✓) is calculated as
P (S.j|T, ✓) =
1X
vn+1=0
. . .1X
v2n�1=0
nY
i=1
P (xi = sij|x⇡i = v⇡i , ✓)⇥
2n�2Y
i=n+1
P (vi = sij|x⇡i = v⇡i , ✓)⇥ p(x2n�1 = v2n�1, ✓) (3)
where p(xi = vi|x⇡i = v⇡i , , ✓) is the probability of ending in value vi at node xi over the branch
into xi starting at the parent of xi with its parent value v⇡i . This probability is determined by
a substitution model (see below) and can be efficiently calculated using Felsenstein’s pruning
algorithm12.
To account for the fact that cognates were not included in D unless they were present in at
least one of the languages, instead of P (S.j|T, ✓) in Eq (3) we use an ascertainment correction12
P (S.j|S.j 6= 0, T, ✓) =P (S.j|T, ✓)
1� P (S.j = 0|T, ✓) (4)
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where S.j = 0 indicates a cognate vector with all zero entries. Following Chang et al2, for
those languages where S.j includes missing data we substitute a question mark (representing an
unknown state). Note that missing data can change across cognate sets, since languages have
different sets of missing meaning classes. P (S.j = 0|T, ✓) is the same within a meaning class
and for efficiency is only calculated once. Both probability terms in the fraction of Eq (4) can
be calculated using Felsenstein’s peeling algorithm12.
As can be seen in equation 1, the above requires some prior distribution on the probability
of a tree. The pure birth (also known as Yule) tree prior13 commonly used to model species di-
versification cannot be applied to our data because it assumes all lineages have been sampled at
the same time, whereas our languages are sampled over a range of 210 years. To accommodate
this stratified sampling, we use the birth-death skyline model14 to account for the proportion
of languages sampled at the various sampling times (so called rho sampling), where the rho
parameter was set to be proportional to the number of languages at a particular sample time. As
for a pure birth prior we assume a constant birth rate through time (with a uniform(0,1) prior
on birth events and death events set to zero) but allow one rate before and one rate after 210
years BP to account for the fact that all attested languages were sampled in the last 210 years.
The model also requires an origin age, which was sampled with a uniform(0, 55Kya) prior so
as to span the age ranges of our four candidate hypotheses.
We note that whilst we assume a strictly bifurcating tree (lineages can only give rise to
two daughter lineages), we can in practice accommodate multifurcations (lineages splitting into
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many descendent lineages over a short time period) because the time between diversification
events can be arbitrarily small if the data support this.
2 Models of Cognate Evolution
We considered three models of cognate evolution, as outlined below.
2.1 CTMC model
The simplest model describing cognate evolution along a branch of a tree is the continuous
time Markov chain (CTMC) model3, 5 over two states: a cognate being present and a cognate
being absent. The CTMC model is specified by an infinitesimal time rate matrix (governed by
a single parameter �) defined as
0 1
0 :
1 :
2
664� �
1 �
3
775= Q (5)
Note that in principle it is possible to specify two parameters, but since the rate matrix is nor-
malised in BEAST such that the expected number of mutations per unit of time is 1, there is
only 1 degree of freedom. Therefore, we fix one rate to 1 and estimate the other. By convention,
the diagonal entries are the rates of leaving a state and are left blank in the matrix since they can
be calculated as minus the sum of all other entries in the same row.
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The finite-time transition probabilities for this CTMC model satisfy the Chapman-Kolmogorov
equation
˙P (t) = �tP (t)Q with initial conditions P (0) = I
where �t a small time step and I is the identity matrix. The solution is P (t) = exp (tQ). So,
we calculate the transition probability of going from character j to character k over time span t
as the exponent of t times Q, i.e.
P (xi = j|x⇡i = j, t, ✓) = etQj,k
In our analyses, we used a Dirichlet(1,1) prior over frequencies for the binary CTMC model.
2.2 Covarion model
The covarion model3, 4, 15 extends the CTMC model by allowing cognates to be in either
a ‘fast’ or ‘slow’ state. Hence, for the binary cognate present (1) and absent (0) data, there is a
fast 0, a fast 1, a slow 0 and a slow 1, totalling four states. The infinitesimal time rate matrix has
two rate parameters: the switch rate s, which determines the rate of moving from slow to fast
and vice versa, and transition rate ↵, which determines the rate at which a slow 0 transitions into
a slow 1 and vice versa. The rate at which fast 0s transition into fast 1 and vice versa is fixed
to 1. The base frequencies (f0, f1) represent the number of 0s and 1s present at the stationary
distribution, and the rate matrix Q is defined as
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fast
8>><
>>:
0 :
1 :
slow
8>><
>>:
0 :
1 :
0
BBBBBBBBBB@
� 1 s 0
1 � 0 s
s 0 � ↵
0 s ↵ �
1
CCCCCCCCCCA
⇥
0
BBBBBBBBBB@
f0
f1
f0
f1
1
CCCCCCCCCCA
=
0
BBBBBBBBBB@
� f1 sf0 0
f0 � 0 sf1
sf0 0 � ↵f1
0 sf1 ↵f0 �
1
CCCCCCCCCCA
= Q (6)
In our analyses, we used the following priors: a Gamma(0.5, 10) prior on the switch rate,
and a uniform(0,1) prior on the mutation rate. Hidden frequencies, which reflect the proportion
of fast and slow evolving sites, were fixed at (1/2,1/2) ensuring the BEAST implementation
forms a reversible substitution model, and cognate frequencies have a uniform(0.001,0.999)
prior to ensure numerical stability, though the estimated values never came close to these bound-
aries.
2.3 Stochastic Dollo model
The stochastic Dollo model16–18 assumes each cognate can only arise once (with Poisson
rate �) but can be lost multiple times with death rate µ. Once the cognate is lost, it cannot arise
again. The infinitesimal rate matrix of this process is
0 1
0 :
1 :
2
664� 0
µ �
3
775= Q
We used a uniform(0,1) prior on the death rate in our analyses.
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3 Rate variation
We considered two forms of rate variation: variation across branches in the tree and vari-
ation across sites (here, cognate sets).
The strict clock model is the simplest model of rate variation across branches. This as-
sumes no rate variation and uses a single parameter, the clock rate c, which serves as a scale
factor for all branches in the tree. In our experiments, we used a uniform(0,1e-4) prior on c.
The upper bound is never reached in practice but does reduce the number of samples required
for burn in. The uncorrelated relaxed clock model19 allows rate variation across branches by
sampling a rate multiplier for each branch where the distribution of rates is drawn from a log
normal distribution with mean c (the average clock rate) and standard deviation �. Both c and
� were estimated, using a uniform(0,1e-4) on c and an exponential prior with mean 1/3 on �.
We also considered rate variation across cognate sets. The rate used for a particular cog-
nate set on a particular branch is equal to the overall clock rate c times the branch specific rate
times the site rate. Previous applications of the CTMC model of cognate evolution have consid-
ered rate variation across cognate sets modelled using a gamma distribution3–5 with mean 1 and
shape parameter ↵ after the method proposed by20. We considered gamma distributed rate vari-
ation under the CTMC model, using an exponential prior with mean 1 on ↵. In addition, since
meaning classes can evolve at different rates21 we compared model fit for a single rate across
all meaning classes versus fitting one rate paramater for each meaning class, as described in2.
When estimating seperate rates for each meaning class we used a Dirichlet(1,. . . ,1) prior over
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the 200 meaning classes in our data set.
4 Bayesian phylogeography
D in Eq (1) above can include geographic information in addition to cognate data. We
can add location data for each language xi represented by a location posi = (lati, longi) with
latitude lati and longitude longi giving a vector pos1,...,n of locations. This can then be incor-
porated into the analysis alongside the cognate data, so that Eq (1) becomes
P (T |D,pos1,...,n, ✓) / P (T, ✓)P (D,pos1,...,n|T, ✓) (7)
Consistent with previous phylogeographic modelling approaches3, 22, 23, we assume that the ge-
ographical dispersal process is independent of cognate evolution, hence P (D,pos1,...,n|T, ✓) =
P (D|T, ✓)P (pos1,...,n|T, ✓), so Eq (7) can be written as
P (T |D,pos1,...,n, ✓) / P (T, ✓)P (D|T, ✓)P (pos1,...,n|T, ✓) (8)
and P (pos1,...,n|T, ✓) is calculated through Eq (2) in the Methods.
The likelihood of observing the set of tip locations pos1...n given a tree T , with precision
b governing the diffusion process, and other parameters ✓ (including branch length, cognate
model parameters, and hyper parameters of priors) is
p(pos1...n|T, b, ✓) =Z
posn+1
. . .
Z
pos2n�1
Y
i=1...2n�2
f(xi = posi|x⇡i = pos⇡i , ✓, b)
f(pos2n�1|✓, b)dposn+1 . . . dpos2n�1 (9)
where the first density f(xi = posi|x⇡i = pos⇡i✓, b) represents the migration from parent node
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x⇡i to node xi and the second density represents the root location prior.
Since this integral is intractable, we approximate it using MCMC by augmenting the state
space with locations of internal nodes in the tree using the following density:
p(pos1...n|T, b, ✓) =
✓ Y
i=1...2n�2
f(xi = posi|x⇡i = pos⇡i , ✓, b)
◆f(pos2n�1|✓, b) (10)
sampling the locations posn+1 . . . pos2n�1 of all internal nodes in the tree.
5 Matrix exponentiation
We used matrix exponentiation of the landscape-aware rate matrix R to obtain the prob-
ability of arriving at node j after time t when starting in node i. Whilst there are well-known
pitfalls of matrix exponentiation24 we found using eigendecomposition of R into L⇤M , where
⇤ is a diagonal matrix of eigenvalues and L and M the left and right eigenvectors, resulted in
numerically stable exponentiation using P (i|j, t) = Le⇤tM(i, j). Decomposition, then multi-
plying L⇤M , showed that the largest absolute difference for an entry did not exceed 10
�12. If
only entry (i, j) of the matrix is required, this can be calculated in O(N2).
6 MCMC proposal
In addition to the default operators in BEAST25 we developed several novel proposal
mechanisms to improve the efficiency with which the MCMC algorithm explores the state
space. First, we introduced additional nearest-neighbour interchange and subtree-prune-regraft
proposals that only propose changes to the tree involving nodes above the sub-family level spec-
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ified by the monophyletic constraints on the sub-family (see Supplementary Table 8). Second,
we introduced a meta-operator that works by first applying any proposal that changes the tree
topology. Then, for every internal node xi that has the potential of having been affected by the
topology proposal, we randomly sample hi such that the location of xi is randomly assigned to
one of its children. The Hastings ratio1, 26 for the meta proposal (which corrects for biases of
the random walk) is 1, so the Hastings ratio for the combined tree topology and meta proposal
is the same as the Hastings ratio of the tree topology proposal. Finally, we added an operator
that randomly selects a node, then randomly samples hi. We otherwise used default operators in
BEAST25 for the tree and parameters of the covarion, clock model and tree prior (see BEAST
XML files for details).
7 Phylogeography based on standard Brownian diffusion
In the main text we introduce and report results based on a new founder-disperal model
of language expansion, in which one lineage migrates while the other remains. Standard dif-
fusion based phylogeographic models3, 9–11, 22 assume that, following a lineage split, descendent
lineages disperse at equal rates. This assumption is biased towards a posterior distribution on
ancestral nodes (and hence the origin) near the centre of the geographic range of the descen-
dent languages, inconsistent with proposed Pama-Nyungan homelands. However, in order to
ensure our findings are not contingent on the assumptions of the founder-dispersal model, we
repeated the main set of analyses using the standard Brownian diffusion model. This model,
described in detail in Bouckaert et al3, has previously been applied to test hypotheses regarding
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the expansion of Indo-European3, Arawakan10, Ainu9 and Bantu11 language families. In order
to correct for distortion due to projection onto a plane, we implement this model on a sphere
23. Supplementary Fig. 2 and Supplementary Table 5 show that our findings remain essentially
unchanged under the standard Brownian diffusion model, indicating our analysis is robust to
variation in these spatial diffusion model assumptions. Bayes Factors again reveal support for
the origin implied under the rapid replacement hypothesis over the three alternative hypotheses.
8 Robustness to errors in cognate coding
In order to evaluate the robustness of our findings to errors in cognate assignment, we
injected noise into the binary data matrix in the form of both false negative and false positive
errors. False negatives are cases in which a truely cognate form is wrongly judged to be non-
cognate. False positives are cases in which words from two distinct cognate sets are wrongly
judged to be cognate. We model false negatives by randomly selecting 1’s in the binary version
of our matrix and reassigning them to be falsely non-cognate 0’s. False positives are modelled
by randomly selecting a cognate set in the binary matrix and merging it with another cognate
set for the same meaning class to form a single cognate set that is the union of the two previ-
ously distinct sets. We introduced false negatives and false positives at rates of 5%, 10% and
15%, and analysed four replicates of each of these using the same procedure as in our main
analysis. Supplementary Table 7 shows Bayes Factor support for H1 (the rapid replacement
hypothesis) remains consistent across all of these datasets. These additional analyses, together
with the low observed error count and general agreement between our 20126 and current Pama-
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Nyungan datasets (Supplementary Note 2; Supplementary Fig. 3), demonstrate the robustness
of our findings to any potential errors in the cognate coding.
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Supplementary Note 1 - Correlations between the archaeological record
and our Pama-Nyungan tree
In order to provide an approximate absolute time scale, we used the Wati separation and
subsequent divergence to calibrate rates of cognate replacement in our analysis. We selected
this calibration for several reasons. First, the Wati group is well-defined, providing a clear
point on the tree to attach a calibration. Second, the calibration is made more secure by the
fact that the Western Desert is one of the best studied areas of Australia in terms of Holocene
and Pleistocene settlement. Further, our constraints are conservative in that they span a broad
date range and are based on work by scholars who’s own speculation regarding the origin of
Pama-Nyungan as a whole is earlier than is supported by our analysis27–30, supporting the use
of the Wati calibration as an independent a priori assumption and highlighting the value of
a quantitative, model-based approach to historical inference. Genetic evidence has also been
argued to support a relatively late presence of Wati languages in the Western Desert31, 32, further
supporting this choice of calibration and making it more difficult to argue for a substantially
older age for the group (which would be required to increase support for hypotheses 2, 3 and
4).
As with any absolute chronology derived using phylogenetic inference, our time estimates
are dependent on the chosen rate calibrations. We reviewed the literature for additional calibra-
tion points and evaluated a number of other potential links between the archaeological record
and our language phylogeny. We did not identify further calibration points that ex ante provide
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uncontroversial links between archaeology and language, due to ambiguity in the archaeologi-
cal record about the timing and movement of people and/or ambiguity about how any signature
in the archaeological record could be tied to specific nodes in the tree, including uncertainty
in the tree itself. However, there are numerous points in the archaeological record that can be
alligned ex post with our linguistic findings. These multiple connections in multiple, diverse,
regions of the country, based on data that were not considered in our initial analysis, lend further
support to our inferred chronology. In addition, these links provide insight into the linguistic
and cultural identity of the peoples represented in the archaeological record.
In the following sections we discuss the most promising links between the archaeological
record and linguistic subgroups occupying different parts of the country, as well as the impli-
cations of our dated findings for interpretting these potential links. All clade ages are means
derived from the maximum clade credibility tree (Supplementary Fig. 4).
Central Australia
Karnic – Hercus and Clark33 state for the Southeastern Simpson Desert that sites are less
than 5000 years old - Veth34 quotes 2840 ± 80 BP but does not specify which site. This region
is contemporary Wangkangurru Country, in the western part of the Karnic area and could be
associated with the spread of Karnic or Western Karnic, unless the groups diversified elsewhere
and the Wangkangurru expansion into the Simpson Desert is recent. We infer an age for the
breakup of Western Karnic of 2800 years.
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Thura-Yura – Walshe35 finds dates from 1500–600BP for stone hearths in Adnyamath-
anha territory in the Flinders Ranges. The site has been disturbed, making it a controversial
calibration point, but these dates are consistent with our findings, where the most recent com-
mon ancestor of Adnyamathanha and its nearest neighbour Parnkala is 1552 years.
Arandic – There is evidence for human incursion into the north-west edge of Simpson
Desert (Therreyerte), base layer estimated at 3,040 BP (Smith, 198836, p279, cited in Smith,
201328, p112), in contemporary Arandic country. This could correspond to the breakup of
Arandic but has also been linked to the Karnic subgroup Arabana-Wangkangurru (cf. discussion
in 37). The archaeological dates fall between our inferred breakup of Arandic and Karnic (c.
4800 BP) and the later the breakup of Arandic (c. 1900 years).
Warluwaric – The Bunnengalla 1 site on Musselbrook Creek, near Bourketown is de-
scribed by Slack et al. 38. They claim that ‘the site provides a record of Late Holocene occupa-
tion from at least 6000 years BP with a considerable increase in occupation debris from 1300
BP’ Bunnengalla 1 (in the Boodjamulla National Park) is on the border of Waanyi (Garrwan,
Non-Pama-Nyungan) and Warluwaric (Wakaya) territory, 250 km northwest of our hypothe-
sised origin point for the Pama-Nyungan dispersal. This archaeological finding puts people
in the relevant area for initial separation of the Warluwaric group c. 5500BP, and is broadly
consistent with a separation of Wakaya from it’s closest relative c. 1150BP.
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Eastern Australia
Paman – Turney and Hobbs39 identify an increase in human-based activity in inland
Queensland sites (defined as >1km from the coastline) after 4860BP (±15 years). They also
suggest (p1745) that this is ‘possibly as a result of a significant expansion in the Aboriginal pop-
ulation. Prior to this time, relatively little activity is recognised, which we interpret to reflect a
low population density. Activity along coastal locations occurs significantly later in time, how-
ever.’ This is consistent with our tree, which has the entrance of speakers of Paman languages
into Queensland after 5076 years BP. David and Cole40 (p801-802) in a more localised study,
identify a transition of rock art style (to simplify, from engraving styles to ochre paintings) in
the eastern Cape York Peninsula region between 3000 and 2000 years ago. This coincides with
the break-up of the main clades of southeastern Paman.
Durubalic – Walters41 finds intensification of use of marine resources in the Moreton Bay
region starting about 1000 years ago. This is highly consistent with the breakup of the Durubalic
subgroup in the region (the Durubalic group is dated to approximately 1018 BP in our consensus
tree).
Yuin-Kuri – Hiscock42 discusses a ‘dramatic increase’ in archaeological finds between
4000BP and 2000 BP in the Hunter River Valley, pointing to increased population in that region.
This is consistent with our estimate for the separation of the Yuin-Kuri lineage 3700BP and
subsequent breakup from 2500BP. It would also fit with the expansion of Yuin-Kuri from north
to south, and the break-up of Central NSW (the sister subgroup to Yuin-Kuri) and Yuin-Kuri
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around this time.
Lower Murray and Lake Mungo – The Willandra Lakes region, including Lake Mungo,
has featured prominently in the literature on Pleistocene Australian Aboriginal life, because
of the wealth of footprints preserved in lake sedimentation. Fitzsimmons, Stern and Murray-
Wallace43 find a hearth at Lake Mungo dated to 5-3.2Kya, and note hearths from other Willandra
Lakes sites from about the same period, with occupation extending to the present. This overlaps
with the time (4kya) proposed by our tree for the breakup of Lower Murray and other Victorian
subgroups; assuming a migration path down the Murray River and then into Victoria (consistent
with the order of branching for these languages) would place the relevant group in this region
at the relevant time.
St George et al.44 provide new dates for the coastal middens at Long Point in the Coorong
(contemporary Ngarrindjeri territory). They find no evidence for middens older than 2500 years.
Our dates suggest an older breakup of the Lower Murray group – 3300 years. However, given
that St George et al’s findings are at the southern end of the Lower Murray region, it is possible
that the difference in dates reflects the time that speakers took to move to the Coorong from
further north; that is, that the Lower Murray subgroup broke up as speakers migrated down the
Murray River, beginning about 3300 years ago and reaching the Coorong by 2500 years ago.
Western Australia
Pilbara groups – the Mandu Mandu rock shelter has both Pleistocene and Terminal Holocene
36
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dates (the latter is most relevant; after 2,420 ± 50 BP; 34, p110). The linguistic affiliation of
these people is unclear - for example they could represent the Pilbara and SW Western Aus-
tralian clades as a whole or just the Kartu subgroup. Veitch, Hook and Bradshaw45 describe ‘an
abundance’ of archaeological finds dating to within the last 2000 years BP for the Hamersley
Plateau, which could correspond to the Ngayarta breakup or Pilbara languages more generally.
Our findings support the former - we infer a separation of the Ngayarta languages after 2400
BP and subsequent break up after 1900 BP.
Yolngu and Offshore Islands
Yolngu – Bourke et al.46 review archeological findings in the Arnhem Land region, in
both contemporary Pama-Nyungan (Yolngu) speaking areas (Blue Mud Bay) and non-Pama-
Nyungan areas. They find evidence for human habitation in coastal areas from 3500 years ago
(Blyth River, Central Arnhem Land) and 3000 years ago (Blue Mud Bay). These dates are more
recent than our trees, which suggest Yolngu’s separated around 5300 years ago; the breakup of
Yolngu languages is about 2200 years ago.
Sir Edward Pellew Islands – Vanderlin Island in the Sir Edward Pellew Group in the Gulf
of Carpentaria is currently inhabited by Yanyuwa language speakers. Sim and Wallace47 note
a hiatus in occupation of the island group following the marine transgression (6700BP) until
4200BP, suggesting a possible arrival of Pama-Nyungan (possibly Yanyuwa or a parent group)
at this time. However, a later hiatus from 2500BP to 1700BP could also represent Yanyuwa
arrival. The islands are also relatively close to the coast (just 2km), and Yanyuwa is spoken on
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the mainland. Given the ease of access, periods of occupation or apparent abandonment on the
island do not necessitate the presence or absence of the Yanyuwa language on the mainland. We
infer an age for the separation of Yanyuwa of c. 3400BP.
Torres Strait Islands –The Torres Strait Islands are inhabited by mainly Pama-Nyungan
speakers, including speakers of the KKY (Kalaw Kawaw Ya), KLY (Kala Lagaw Ya) and
Mabuiag varieties. The Eastern Torres Strait islands are inhabited by speakers of Meryam
Mir, a Papuan (Eastern Trans Fly) language. The Western Torres languages form a clade in
our analysis; however, the timing and identity of colonisers is unclear. Initial dating indicated
occupation from 2500BP48, but more recent work has revealed evidence for earlier occupation.
For example, western Torres Strait occupation may date to more than 7000BP, with a hiatus
between 3000-1800BP49. Complicating claims about the identity of any colonists, the Torres
Strait settlement is also thought to have been influenced by an Austronesian incursion from
3500BP50 and Papuan maritime horticultural people between 3800 and 2600BP51. The islands
were also a way point for trade between Papua New Guinea and the Australian mainland and
their low elevation means settlements have long been at risk from cyclones. The general picture
then is that there is not a secure link that can be made between nodes on the Pama-Nyungan
tree and any particular arrival event in the archaeological record on these islands. Our anal-
ysis suggests that Western Torres split from its nearest neighbour about 3650 years ago, with
the internal diversification of Western Torres varieties being much more recent (a few hundred
years).
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Wellesley Islands – The Wellesley Islands in the Gulf of Carpentaria are currently inhab-
ited by languages from the Tangkic sub-group. Our sample includes the Kayardild language
on Bentinck Island (South Wellesley Islands) and the Lardil and Yangkaal languages on Morn-
ington and Forsyth Islands respectively (North Wellesley Islands). The earliest evidence of
occupation on the islands goes back more than 3000 years, which could represent the initial
separation of these languages from their mainland relatives. However, evidence of settlement
increases from 2000BP (particularly at Mornington Island) and most sites occur within the last
300-500 years52, raising the possibility that the current inhabitants arrived more recently. This
is further complicated by proposals for an earlier origin of the Tangkic group as a whole on
Mornington island, with back migration to the mainland and subsequent recolonisation of the
South Wellesleys52. This makes it difficult to assign an age to any particular split in the group.
Our analysis indicates Kayardild and Yangkaal diverged very recently, between 244 and 480 BP.
This is significantly younger than the earliest archaeological dates and in line with colonisation
with the increased occurrence of sites from 300-500BP.
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Supplementary Note 2 - Comparison between our tree topology and prior
work
Here we compare our cognate assignments and tree topology to Bowern and Atkinson’s6
Bayesian phylogenetic classification of 194 Pama-Nyungan languages, based on an earlier ver-
sion of the data and analysed without spatial or temporal information. In addition to high-
lighting noteworthy features of the new tree, this comparison allows us to quantify the error
rate in cognate judgments and evaluate the robustness of our inferences following five years
of improvements to the data (as well as increased language coverage and more realistic, tem-
porally and spatially explicit modelling assumptions). While there are numerous classifica-
tions of Pama-Nyungan languages (see Koch53 for summary and discussion), only Bowern and
Atkinson6 provides an explicit proposal for groupings beyond the approximately 28 lower level
subgroups that are now established in the literature. These 28 groupings are generally agreed;
even Dixon30, whose classification rejects the notion of a Pama-Nyungan family and who does
not accept the validity of genetic classifications in many cases, uses mostly the same lower level
groups (calling some linguistic areas, others ‘small families’, without providing evidence).
First, we consider the difference in data/coding between the 2012 and current analyses.
111 languages were added between the two studies, as new data became available in Chirila54,
especially for languages in the Kulin and Paman subgroups. A number of additional wordlists
from 19th century sources were also included, where the degree to which they differed from
other languages in the region was not certain. 17 additional cognate meaning classes were also
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coded, adding to the number of forms used for each language. 200 meaning classes were used
in the final analysis (compared to 187 in the 2012 analysis). Due to improvements in the Chirila
database over the 5 years between the present and the 2012 analysis, more forms were available
for languages already in the tree. Among the 38,570 cognate sets represented by languages that
occur in both datasets, 1209 ‘missing’ cognate codes were replaced with actual forms. In ad-
dition, 1034 changes to individual existing cognate codes were made. These changes corrected
a combination of typographical errors, cognate coding errors (spurious similarities which were
detected in the light of more data), updates to understanding about cognacy markers in the lan-
guages (that is, previously overlooked cognates), and a more consistent treatment of marginal
judgement cases. In summary, leaving aside the addition of new languages and meaning classes,
5.8% of the data changed between 2012 and 2017, of which 2.7% was correcting errors and the
remaining was adding previously missing data.
Next, we compare the 2012 tree topology to the topology of our current tree - the 2012
analysis did not include time estimates or a spatial component, so this aspect of the analysis can-
not be compared. Supplementary Fig. 3 plots the two maximum clade credibility trees facing
one another with tips aligned. The tree comparison figure was made using the plot.cophylo
command in the R package phytools55. This function takes two phylogenetic trees in nexus
format and optimally positions nodes so as to align the tips, making visual comparison of phy-
logenies more straightforward.
The two trees are highly consistent in most respects. The low-level subgroups are all
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recovered, as are the well supported intermediate groupings. Bowern and Atkinson6 (here-
after B&A2012) found five main groups of Pama-Nyungan languages. Northern, Southern,
and Eastern were well supported; Western and Central were less confident (.88) and the West-
ern and Central combined clade did not receive strong support (.54); neither did the (North-
ern(Western,Central)) clade (also .54). Within Western Pama-Nyungan, two groups (Yolngu
and Warluwaric) split first, with low support, while the rest of Western Pama-Nyungan received
strong posterior support. B&A2012 described these findings but did not regard the largest
groupings as conclusively demonstrated. We note that all previous trees of Pama-Nyungan
were at best agnostic about higher level structure, with the exception of O’Grady’s proposal
for Nyungic (broadly, what we call Western Pama-Nyungan). While Bowern and Atkinson re-
garded their findings as rebutting ‘rake’ models of Pama-Nyungan (e.g., 56) in toto, conclusions
about the initial breakup of the family were tentative. Below we discuss differences across each
region.
The Southern group is congruous in the B&A2012 and current trees, with the exception
of the internal structure of Kulin. It is not surprising that adding 9 Kulin varieties to the sample
changed the internal classification of this group. The current classification more closely reflects
Blake’s57 classification, which was based mostly on morphological and phonological evidence.
There are several changes among the Northern group. Guwa moves out of the group. Its
nearest phylogenetic neighbor, Yanda, was not included in the 2012 tree; Yanda, Guwa, and
Badjiri now form a group within Karnic, with reasonable support (0.75). In the 2012 tree,
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Karnic was not monophyletic, with Eastern Karnic languages a sister to Yardli (compare 58). In
the current tree, Yardli is a sister to an expanded Karnic that also includes the ‘Karnic fringe’
(see 59 for the term) languages Yanda, Guwa, and Badjiri. Bowern has previously59 argued that
Badjiri is not Karnic but this was based primarily on pronoun and scant morphological case
data. A full lexical comparison had not been undertaken at that time. We consider this result
suggestive but not proven.
Compared to B&A2012, Kalkatungic (Kalkatungu and Yalarnnga) moves out of the North-
ern group to be a sister (with Warluwaric) of the Central + Western languages, but with low
support. Lexical data are not decisive for classification here; there are few cognates shared with
other groups, and those that are shared provide conflicting evidence for classification. For exam-
ple, Kalkatungu has rnuku ‘ankle’, shared with both languages of the Pama-Maric and Ngayarta
groups (60 reconstructed *nukal to Proto-Paman, for example), but we are not aware of other
groups that share this word in this meaning. Another example is Yalarnnga tatya ‘bite’, shared
with Yardli, Wangkumara, and Paakintyi. These languages are too far away for this word to be
a loan, but the word is not found elsewhere. Other cognates, like ngama ‘breast’, are so com-
mon across Pama-Nyungan that they are not diagnostic for subgrouping. In this case, the low
posterior support for placement of this group accurately reflects the difficulties in classification
based on this data.
The Central group of B&A2012 does not appear in this current tree. Instead, the three
groups that comprised it (Arandic, Thura-Yura, and a macro-Karnic-Yardli group) are suc-
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cessive sisters to Western Pama-Nyungan. These nodes are very poorly supported (posterior
support 0.26 - 0.36). We consider this question unresolved at present, pending more detailed
analysis of these groups, with additional lexical and other material.
The internal grouping of Western Pama-Nyungan changes in the following manner. In
B&A2012, the Yolngu and Warluwaric subgroups were sisters in the first clade to split from
Western Pama-Nyungan (posterior probability of 0.66). In the 2017 tree, Yolngu is the first
branch to split from the rest of Pama-Nyungan. Warluwaric splits from the Western-Central
group several nodes down, but still very early in the breakup of the family.
A finding noted in B&A2012, but not studied directly, was the striking congruence be-
tween the sequence of subgroup and language breakup in the tree and the geographical distri-
bution of languages. That is, in a number of different parts of the country, the tree is consistent
with a migration/spread along coast or inland waterways, with the languages splitting as they
spread. Examples include the North-to-South axis of Yuin-Kuri, the South-to-North axis of
Gumbaynggir-Bandjalangic-Durubalic-Waka-Kabic, East-to-West split within Lower Murray
(along the Murray River), the North-to-South breakup of Karnic along the Diamantina and Bul-
loo Rivers, the West-to-Northeast spread of Thura-Yura inland, and the north to south spread of
Western Pama-Nyungan. Note crucially that these inferences were made – in the 2012 paper –
without any information from geography. Such results attest to the strong geographic signal in
the data.
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