the orientalizing revolution - near eastern influence on greek culture in the early archaic age

T H E O R I E N T A L I Z I N G

R E V O L U T I O N

Near Eastern Influence on Greek Culture in

the Early Archaic Age

Walter Burkert

T R A N S L A T E D BY

Margaret E. Pinder

and Walter Burkert

H A R V A R D U N I V E R S I T Y PRESS

C a m b r i d g e , Massachusetts

L o n d o n , England

Copyright © 1992 by the President and Fellows of Harvard College

All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America

First Harvard University Press paperback edition, 1995

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Burkert, Walter, 1931-The orientalizing revolution: Near Eastern influence on Greek culture in the early archaic age / Walter Burkert; translated by

Margaret E. Pinder and Walter Burkert. p. cm. — (Revealing antiquity; 5)

Translation of: Die orientahsierende Epoche in der griechischen Religion und Literatur.

Includes bibliographical references and index. I S B N 0-674-64363-1 (cloth) I S B N 0-674-643 6 4 - X (pbk.)

1. Greece—Civilization—to 146 B . C . 2. Greece—Civilization—Middle Eastern influences. I. Title. II. Series.

DF78.B85 1992 92-8923 938—dc20 C I P

C O N T E N T S

Preface ix

I n t r o d u c t i o n 1

i . " W h o A r e P u b l i c W o r k e r s " : T h e M i g r a n t C r a f t s m e n g Historical Background g

Oriental Products in Greece 14 Writing and Literature in the Eighth Century 23

The Problem of Loan-Words 33

2. " A Seer o r a Hea le r " : M a g i c and M e d i c i n e 41 "Craftsmen oj the Sacred": Mobility and [-'amity Structure 41

Hepatoscopy 46 Foundation Deposits 33

Purification 35 Spirits of the Dead and Black Magic 63

Substitute Sacrifice 73 Asclepius and Asgelatas 73

Ecstatic Divination 79 Lamashtu, Lamia, and Gorgo 82

3. " O r A l s o a G o d l y S inger" : A k k a d i a n and Ear ly

Greek L i t e r a t u r e 88 From Atrahasis to the "Deception of Zeus" 88 Complaint in Heaven: Ishtar and Aphrodite 96

The Overpopulated Earth 100 Seven against Thebes 106

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C O N T E N T S

Common Style and Stance in Oriental and Greek Epic Fables 120

Magic and Cosmogony 124

C o n c l u s i o n 128

A b b r e v i a t i o n s 131 B i b l i o g r a p h y 133

N o t e s 133 I n d e x o f Greek W o r d s 219

General I n d e x 221

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I L L U S T R A T I O N S

Map T h e M e d i t e r r a n e a n and the N e a r East i n the early archaic p e r i o d

Figure 1. B r o n z e t y m p a n o n f r o m the Idaean cave, Crete ; H e r a k l i o n M u s e u m ; d r a w i n g b y H i l d i Kee l -Leu

Figure 2, N o r t h Syr i an b r o n z e plaque f r o m horse harness, insc r ibed ; courtesy o f the Deutsches A r c h ä o logisches I n s t i t u t , A u f n a h m e D A I A t h e n , N e g . N r . 88/1022

Figure 3. L i v e r m o d e l s f r o m M e s o p o t a m i a and f r o m Piacenza, I t a l y : B r i t i s h M u s e u m , L o n d o n , and M u -seo A r c h e o l o g i c o , Florence; f r o m C. O . T h u l i n , Die etmskische Disziplin, v o l . I ( G ö t e b o r g , 1905), plate I I

Figure 4. B a b y l o n i a n b r o n z e f i g u r i n e f o u n d i n the H e r a sanctuary at Samos; Samos M u s e u m ; courtesy o f the Deutsches A r c h ä o l o g i s c h e s I n s t i t u t , A u f n a h m e D A I A t h e n , N e g . N r . 78/600

Figure 5. L a m a s h t u plate f r o m C a r c h e m i s h ; d r a w i n g b y

H i l d i K e e l - L e u

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Figure 6. Seal i m p r e s s i o n f r o m N u z i and b r o n z e shield 86 strap f r o m O l y m p i a ; d r a w i n g s f r o m Journal of Near Eastern Studies 21 (1961), 115; courtesy o f the U n i vers i ty o f C h i c a g o Press. Seal f r o m B a g h d a d : d r a w i n g b y C o r n e l i u s B u r k e r t ; courtesy o f the V o r d e r a siatisches M u s e u m , B e r l i n

Figure 7. C y p r i o t e si lver b o w l f r o m the B e r n a r d i n i 103 t o m b , Praeneste; courtesy o f the M u s e o d i V i l l a G i u -l ia , R o m e

Figure 8. O r t h o s t a t e re l i e f f r o m the palace at Guzana- 112 Tel l Halaf ; f r o m H . T. Bossert , Altsyrien ( T ü b i n g e n : E r n s t W a s m u t h Verlag , 1951), f i g . 472; courtesy o f Verlag E r n s t W a s m u t h , T ü b i n g e n

v i i i

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P R E F A C E

T h e o r i g i n a l ver s ion o f this b o o k was p u b l i s h e d i n 1984 i n Sit-zungsberichte der Heidelberger Akademie der Wissenschaften. I a m grate fu l to G l e n B o w e r s o c k for p r o m o t i n g an E n g l i s h translat i o n . W i t h a v i e w t o a larger p u b l i c and i n order to reflect the c u r r e n t state o f scholarship , I have revised the b o o k t h r o u g h o u t and i n some places expanded the a r g u m e n t .

M y thesis about the indebtedness o f Greek c i v i l i z a t i o n to eastern s t i m u l i m a y appear less provocat ive today than i t d i d e ight years ago. T h i s change may be p a r t l y an effect o f the o r i g i n a l p u b l i c a t i o n , b u t m a i n l y i t reflects the fact that classics has been l o s i n g m o r e and m o r e its status o f a so l i ta ry m o d e l i n o u r m o d ern w o r l d . Yet i t s t i l l seems w o r t h w h i l e to help b r i d g e the gaps between related fields o f scholarship and t o m a k e available m a terials o f ten neglected b y one or another. Such an exercise may convey the e x c i t e m e n t o f unexpected discoveries even w h e n i t necessitates a fair a m o u n t o f a n n o t a t i o n .

I o w e special thanks to Peter Frei , Paul H o s k i s s o n , Fr i tz Stolz, R o l f Stucky, and M a r k u s Wafler for their help o n matters o r i ental , and to Peter B l o m e for detai led archaeological advice.

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I N T R O D U C T I O N

"God ' s is the O r i e n t , God's is the O c c i d e n t " says the K o r a n . 1

Classical scholars have found i t d i f f i cu l t to m a i n t a i n such a ba l anced perspective and have tended instead to t r a n s f o r m " o r i e n t a l " and " o c c i d e n t a l " i n t o a po la r i t y , i m p l y i n g antithesis and conf l ic t . T h e Greeks had become aware o f their o w n i d e n t i t y as separate f r o m that o f the " O r i e n t " w h e n they succeeded i n rep e l l i n g the attacks o f the Persian e m p i r e . B u t n o t u n t i l m u c h later, d u r i n g the crusades, d i d the concept and the t e r m Orient actual ly enter the languages o f the West . 2 T h i s fact h a r d l y explains w h y even today i t s h o u l d be d i f f i cu l t t o undertake u n p r e j u d i c e d discussion o f connect ions between classical Greece and the East. B u t w h o e v e r tries w i l l encounter entrenched p o s i t ions , uneasiness, a p o l o g y i f n o t resentment . W h a t is f o r e i g n and u n k n o w n is he ld at a distance b y an a t t i tude o f w a r y defen-siveness.

T o a large ex tent this is the result o f an inte l lectual developm e n t w h i c h began m o r e than t w o centuries ago and t o o k r o o t especially i n Germany . Increas ing special izat ion o f scholarship converged w i t h ideo log ica l p r o t e c t i o n i s m , and b o t h constructed an i m a g e o f a pure , classical Greece i n sp lendid i so la t ion . U n t i l w e l l i n t o the e ighteenth century , as l o n g as p h i l o l o g y was closely connected w i t h theo logy , the H e b r e w B i b l e n a t u r a l l y s tood next to the Greek classics, and the existence o f cross-connections d i d n o t present any p r o b l e m s . Jephtha's daughter and Iphigenia were interchangeable mode l s even i n the r e a l m o f opera; Iapetos

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was traced to Japheth, the K a b e i r o i to a Semit ic des ignat ion for "great gods , " and the "Eas t " was f o u n d i n the name o f K a d m o s the Phoenic ian , the " W e s t " i n the name o f E u r o p a . 3 I n accordance w i t h the Odyssey and H e r o d o t u s , " P h o e n i c i a n s " were readi l y accepted as the l i n k between East and West.

T h e n three n e w trends erected their o w n boundar ies and c o l lect ive ly f ractured the O r i e n t - G r e e c e axis. P h i l o l o g y b r o k e free o f t h e o l o g y — F r i e d r i c h A u g u s t W o l f m a t r i c u l a t e d as studiosus philologiae at G o t t i n g e n i n 1777 4 —and at the same t i m e , w i t h Johann J o a c h i m W i n c k e l m a n n , a n e w concept o f classicism, one w i t h rather pagan tendencies, asserted i t se l f and came to attract h i g h regard . Second, b e g i n n i n g w i t h the w o r k o f Johann G o t t f r ied Herder , the i d e o l o g y o f r o m a n t i c n a t i o n a l i s m developed, w h i c h h e l d l i t e ra ture and s p i r i t u a l cu l ture to be i n t i m a t e l y c o n nected w i t h an i n d i v i d u a l people , t r i b e , o r race. O r i g i n s and organ ic d e v e l o p m e n t rather than rec iproca l c u l t u r a l influences became the k e y t o u n d e r s t a n d i n g . I n his react ion to F r i e d r i c h Creuzer 's m o r e universa l m o d e l , C a r l O t f r i e d M u l l e r gained considerable inf luence w i t h his idea o f " G r e e k t r i b a l c u l t u r e . " 5

Precisely at the t i m e w h e n Jews were b e i n g granted f u l l legal equa l i ty i n E u r o p e , n a t i o n a l - r o m a n t i c consciousness t u r n e d the t r e n d against " o r i e n t a l i s m " and thus gave a n t i - S e m i t i s m a chance. T h i r d , l ingu i s t i c s scholars ' d iscovery o f " I n d o -E u r o p e a n " — t h e d e r i v a t i o n o f m o s t E u r o p e a n languages t o gether w i t h Persian and Sanskr i t f r o m a c o m m o n a r c h e t y p e — a t that t i m e re in forced the alliance o f Greek, R o m a n , and Germ a n i c and thus banished the Semit ic t o another w o r l d . 6 I t rem a i n e d t o defend the independence o f the Greeks against the I n d i a n relatives w i t h i n the I n d o - E u r o p e a n f a m i l y 7 i n o rder t o establish the concept o f classical-national Greek i d e n t i t y as a se l f -conta ined and self-sufficient m o d e l o f c i v i l i z a t i o n w h i c h , at least i n G e r m a n y , was to d o m i n a t e the later n ineteenth c e n t u r y . 8

U l r i c h v o n W i l a m o w i t z - M o e l l e n d o r f f ' s scornfu l assessment i n 1 8 8 4 — " t h e peoples and states o f the Semites and the Egypt ians w h i c h had been decay ing for centuries and w h i c h , i n spite o f the a n t i q u i t y o f the i r c u l t u r e , were unable to c o n t r i b u t e a n y t h i n g to the Hel lenes o ther t h a n a f e w m a n u a l ski l ls , costumes , and i m -

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plements o f bad taste, ant iquated o r n a m e n t s , repuls ive fetishes f o r even m o r e repuls ive fake d i v i n i t i e s " — i s n o t representative o f his w o r k ; b u t even later he m a i n t a i n e d that the s p i r i t o f late a n t i q u i t y s t e m m e d " f r o m the O r i e n t and is the deadly e n e m y o f t rue H e l l e n i s m . " 9

B e h i n d the i r a s c i b i l i t y a certain insecur i ty seems to l u r k . I n fact the i m a g e o f p u r e , se l f -contained H e l l e n i s m w h i c h makes its m i r a c u l o u s appearance w i t h H o m e r had been overtaken i n the n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y b y three g roups o f n e w discoveries: the reemergence o f the ancient Near East and E g y p t t h r o u g h the d e c i p h e r m e n t o f c u n e i f o r m and h i e r o g l y p h i c w r i t i n g , the u n e a r t h i n g o f M y c e n a e a n c i v i l i z a t i o n , and the r e c o g n i t i o n o f an o r i e n t a l i z i n g phase i n the d e v e l o p m e n t o f archaic Greek art.

Classical p h i l o l o g y greeted these discoveries w i t h hesitancy. T h e M y c e n a e a n p e r i o d was g radua l l y accepted as Greek prehis t o r y , 1 0 and the f ina l d e c i p h e r m e n t o f L inear B as Greek c o n firmed this as fact. T h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f A s s y r i o l o g y w i t h the i n i t i a l di f f icult ies o f read ing c u n e i f o r m — G i l g a m e s h made his entrance i n the guise o f I z d u b a r 1 1 — c o u l d be v i e w e d f r o m a d i s tance and w i t h some condescension b y an established branch o f scholarship. W h e n a f e w u n m e t h o d i c a l studies t r i e d to p r o m o t e the f u n d a m e n t a l i m p o r t a n c e o f B a b y l o n i a n l i te ra ture i n re la t ion t o w o r l d h i s tory , i t was left to the theologians to refute the " p a n -B a b y l o n i a n i s t s . " 1 2 O n l y outs iders w r o t e about " H o m e r and B a b y l o n . " 1 3 H i s t o r i a n s , o n the o ther hand , had less d i f f i c u l t y o p e n i n g themselves to the n e w d imens ions o f w o r l d his tory . E d u a r d M e y e r began t o p u b l i s h his m o n u m e n t a l History of Antiquity i n 1884, a f u n d a m e n t a l and i n fact u n i q u e a c h i e v e m e n t . 1 4

T h e p u r s u i t o f this universa l a i m was c o n t i n u e d b y the col lect ive u n d e r t a k i n g o f The Cambridge Ancient History.

B y contrast , the a n t i - o r i e n t a l reflex was to preva i l i n the f ie ld w h i c h lay m u c h closer t o Hel lenis ts , i n the assessment o f the Phoenicians , w h o h a d o f o l d been regarded as the active i n t e r mediaries be tween the O r i e n t and Hel las . Jul ius B e l o c h , a scholar o f genius flawed b y his idiosyncrasies and overt a n t i -S e m i t i s m , p r o m u l g a t e d the t h e o r y that the significance o f the Phoenicians i n ear ly Greece was close to zero, that the " P h o e -

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n i c i a n " Herakles o f Thasos was no less o f a fantasy than the m y t h i c a l P h o e n i c i a n K a d m o s . 1 5 Instead, ancient As ia M i n o r was f o u n d t o be o f special i m p o r t a n c e , w h e r e soon I n d o - E u r o p e a n s were to appear, w i t h the d e c i p h e r m e n t o f the H i t t i t e language. A barr ier was erected against the Semit ic .

Yet the m a r k e d i m p a c t o f " t h e o r i e n t a l " o n Greek art between the g e o m e t r i c and the archaic p e r i o d s — a n i m p a c t made ev ident b y i m p o r t e d objects as w e l l as b y n e w techniques and characterist ic m o t i f s o f art is t ic i m a g e r y — c o u l d n o t be disregarded, at least after F r e d r i k Poulsen's b o o k was pub l i shed i n 1912. 1 6 Even expert archaeologists , however , somet imes appear t o feel u n c o m f o r t a b l e about th is fact and indeed advise against us ing the express ion " t h e o r i e n t a l i z i n g p e r i o d . " 1 7 T h e f o r e i g n elements re m a i n subject to a p o l i c y o f c o n t a i n m e n t : T h e r e is h a r d l y a standard t e x t b o o k that has o r i enta l and Greek objects depicted side b y side; m a n y o f the o r i e n t a l f inds i n the great Greek sanctuaries have l o n g r e m a i n e d — a n d some s t i l l r e m a i n — u n p u b l i s h e d . T h e fact that O l y m p i a is the m o s t s igni f icant l o c a t i o n for f inds o f eastern bronzes , r icher i n this respect than all the M i d d l e Eastern sites, is s e l d o m m e n t i o n e d .

I n G e r m a n y i n the p e r i o d between the t w o w o r l d wars a n e w h e r m e n e u t i c approach p r o m o t e d c o n c e n t r a t i o n o n the i n d i v i d ua l , " i n t e r n a l " f o r m and style i n the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f c u l t u r a l achievements, t o the d e t r i m e n t o f o u t w a r d inf luence. A r c h a e o l o g y thus achieved a deeper u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f the archaic style and i n fact discovered afresh the g e o m e t r i c style; h is tor ians such as H e l m u t Berve w i s h e d to renounce " u n i v e r s a l " h i s t o r y i n fav o r o f H e l l e n i s m . 1 8 T h e j o i n t w o r k o f Franz B o l l and C a r l B e -z o l d i n the arcane field o f a s t ro logy r e m a i n e d a h a p p y b u t i solated p h e n o m e n o n . A n o t h e r specialty w h i c h failed to attract general not ice was the discovery b y O t t o Neugebauer that the " P y t h a g o r e a n t h e o r e m " had been k n o w n and used i n B a b y l o n i a n mathemat ics a thousand years before P y t h a g o r a s . 1 9 A m o n g G e r m a n p h i l o l o g i s t s o n l y Franz D o r n s e i f f t o o k a close l o o k at eastern c u l t u r e f r o m Israel t o A n a t o l i a , b u t i n d o i n g this he had the air o f an outsider .

D o r n s e i f f was one o f the first to g ive credi t to the n e w d i m e n -

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s ion o f the i m p a c t o f the Near East o n classical Greece, w h i c h was discovered w i t h the d e c i p h e r m e n t o f H i t t i t e m y t h o l o g i c a l t e x t s . 2 0 H o w e v e r , the first announcements and studies o f " I l l u -yankas and T y p h o n " m e t w i t h o n l y a s l ight response. T h e breakt h r o u g h came w i t h the text o f Kingship in Heaven, publ i shed i n 1946, the m y t h w h i c h has the castrat ion o f the g o d o f heaven b y K u m a r b i , so s i m i l a r t o Hesiod's tale about U r a n o s and K r o n o s ; since t h e n the K u m a r b i - K r o n o s paral lel has been established and, l a rge ly as a result o f the efforts o f A l b i n Lesky, Kumarbi has become a standard reference t e x t for classical p h i l o l o g i s t s . 2 1 A n i m p o r t a n t factor o f acceptance, b r o u g h t o u t b y sympathet ic I n d o - E u r o p e a n i s t s , was that w i t h the H i t t i t e s an " I n d o -E u r o p e a n " people had e m e r g e d t o represent the " O r i e n t . " B u t i n the w a k e o f H i t t i t e epic and m y t h o l o g y s imi la r texts o f Sem i t i c U g a r i t came to the a t t e n t i o n o f classical scho lars , 2 2 and the Greek f ragments o f P h i l o n o f B y b l o s deal ing w i t h Phoenic ian m y t h o l o g y attracted fresh i n t e r e s t . 2 3 I n a d d i t i o n to m y t h o l o g i c a l m o t i f s the narra t ive techniques and the l i t e rary style o f epic became the subject o f c o m p a r a t i v e study, t o o . Since t h e n , H o m e r i c epic can n o l o n g e r be he ld to have existed i n a v a c u u m ; i t stands o u t against a b a c k g r o u n d o f comparable eastern l i t e r a r y f o r m s .

H o w e v e r , a n e w l ine o f defense q u i c k l y developed. I t is general ly and freely accepted that i n the B r o n z e A g e there were close contacts between A n a t o l i a , the Semit ic East, E g y p t , and the Mycenaean w o r l d , that some "Aegean koine'' can be f o u n d to characterize the t h i r t e e n t h c e n t u r y B . C . 2 4 O n e can refer to M y c e n a e a n i m p o r t s i n U g a r i t ; A l a s i a - C y p r u s is m e n t i o n e d as a nexus o f East-West connect ions ; H e s i o d and H o m e r are also v i e w e d f r o m this perspective. W h a t is m u c h less i n focus is the " o r i e n t a l i z i n g p e r i o d " o f the c e n t u r y between a p p r o x i m a t e l y 750 and 650 B . C . — t h a t is, the H o m e r i c epoch, w h e n , as w e l l as eastern ski l ls and images , the Semit ic art o f w r i t i n g was transm i t t e d to Greece and made the r e c o r d i n g o f Greek l i terature possible for the first t i m e . G e r m a n scholars i n part icu lar had a strange tendency t o lean t o w a r d an earlier d a t i n g o f the Greek s c r i p t , 2 5 thereby s h i e l d i n g H o m e r i c Greece f r o m the influence o f

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the East w h i c h was so notab le i n m a t e r i a l cu l ture a r o u n d 700. I t s h o u l d be clear a n y h o w that b o t h poss ibi l i t ies , B r o n z e A g e and later a d o p t i o n s , are n o t m u t u a l l y exclusive; the i m p o s s i b i l i t y o f always m a k i n g c lear-cut d i s t i n c t i o n s cannot be used to refute the hypothes i s o f b o r r o w i n g i n b o t h areas to an equal degree.

I n the m e a n t i m e , archaeological research has rendered the " d a r k ages" increas ing ly l eg ib le and has cast the e i g h t h c e n t u r y i n par t i cu lar i n ever-sharper relief . W h a t p r o v e d decisive were the discoveries o f Greek sett lements i n Syria and o n Ischia i n c o n n e c t i o n w i t h the excavations at L e f k a n d i and Ere t r ia o n E u -boea. T h e A s s y r i a n expans ion t o the M e d i t e r r a n e a n together w i t h the spread o f trade i n m e t a l ores i n the w h o l e area provides a persuasive h i s t o r i c a l f r a m e w o r k f o r the m o v e m e n t o f eastern craf tsmen t o the West, as w e l l as for the spread o f the Phoenic ian-Greek a l p h a b e t . 2 6 We n o w seem w i t h i n reach o f a balanced p i c t u r e o f that decisive epoch i n w h i c h , under the i n fluence o f the S e m i t i c East, Greek cu l ture began its u n i q u e flowe r i n g , soon t o assume c u l t u r a l h e g e m o n y i n the M e d i t e r r a n e a n . 2 7

T h i s v o l u m e pursues the hypothes i s that , i n the o r i e n t a l i z i n g p e r i o d , the Greeks d i d n o t m e r e l y receive a f e w m a n u a l ski l ls and fetishes a l o n g w i t h n e w crafts and images f r o m the L u w i a n -A r a m a i c - P h o e n i c i a n sphere, b u t were inf luenced i n the i r r e l i g i o n a n d l i t e ra ture b y the eastern m o d e l s t o a s igni f icant deg r e e . 2 8 I t w i l l be a rgued that m i g r a t i n g " c ra f t smen o f the sacred," i t i n e r a n t seers and priests o f p u r i f i c a t i o n , t r a n s m i t t e d n o t o n l y the i r d i v i n a t o r y and p u r i f i c a t o r y ski l ls b u t also elements o f m y t h o l o g i c a l " w i s d o m . " Indeed H o m e r , i n an o f t e n -q u o t e d passage o f the Odyssey, enumerates var ious k i n d s o f m i grant cra f t smen " w h o are p u b l i c w o r k e r s " : f i rs t , "a seer or a healer," o n l y t h e n the carpenter, a n d , i n a d d i t i o n , the " g o d l y s i n g e r . " 2 9 W h i l e the second chapter tries to f o l l o w the tracks o f "seers" and "healers , " the t h i r d chapter t u r n s t o the r e a l m o f these singers, p resent ing correspondences between eastern and Greek l i t e r a t u r e w h i c h m a k e i t p r o b a b l e to assume connect ions , even d i rect l i t e r a r y inf luence o f h i g h eastern c i v i l i z a t i o n s o n the

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final phase o f H o m e r i c epic, that is, the b e g i n n i n g o f Greek l i t eracy, w h e n w r i t i n g t o o k over f r o m ora l t r a d i t i o n .

T h e results w h i c h can be reached w i t h any degree o f certa inty r e m a i n l i m i t e d . T h e b r i d g e that once p r o v i d e d the direct c o n tact, the l i t e r a r y c u l t u r e o f ancient Syria , has i r r e v o c a b l y disappeared. O n the o ther h a n d we have the u n i q u e o p p o r t u n i t y to c o m p a r e c o n t e m p o r a n e o u s texts f r o m b o t h the Greek and the or i enta l sides. T h i s task b o t h enables and demands prec i s ion . B y contrast , i n the case o f the m o r e sensational connect ions bet w e e n K u m a r b i or I l luyankas and H e s i o d a t i m e gap o f five or six centuries has to be b r i d g e d , i n a d d i t i o n to the geographic distance between East and West. T h e Hes iod ic p r o b l e m s , w h i c h have been the subject o f m u c h scholar ly a t t e n t i o n i n recent decades, w i l l n o t be discussed i n detail h e r e . 3 0 T h e y c o m p l e m e n t the perspectives u n d e r cons iderat ion , especially i n v i e w o f the clear l i n k between H e s i o d and Euboea.

T h e studies presented i n this b o o k m a y s t i l l r u n up against a final and perhaps insuperable l ine o f defense, the tendency o f m o d e r n c u l t u r a l theories to approach cu l ture as a system e v o l v i n g t h r o u g h its o w n processes o f i n t e r n a l e c o n o m i c and social d y n a m i c s , w h i c h reduces a l l o u t w a r d influences to neg l ig ib le parameters . T h e r e is n o d e n y i n g the inte l lectual acumen and achievement o f such theories . B u t they m a y s t i l l represent j u s t one side o f the c o i n . I t is equa l ly va l id to see cu l ture as a c o m plex o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n w i t h c o n t i n u i n g o p p o r t u n i t i e s for l e a r n i n g afresh, w i t h c o n v e n t i o n a l yet penetrable f ront iers , i n a w o r l d o p e n t o change and expans ion . T h e i m p a c t o f w r i t t e n as o p posed t o o r a l c u l t u r e is perhaps the m o s t d r a m a t i c example o f t r a n s f o r m a t i o n w r o u g h t f r o m the outs ide , t h r o u g h b o r r o w i n g . I t m a y s t i l l be t rue that the mere fact o f b o r r o w i n g s h o u l d o n l y p r o v i d e a s t a r t i n g p o i n t for closer i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , that the f o r m o f selection and adapta t ion , o f r e w o r k i n g and r e f i t t i n g t o a n e w system is reveal ing and in teres t ing i n each case. B u t the "creative t r a n s f o r m a t i o n " b y the Greeks , 3 ' however i m p o r t a n t , s h o u l d n o t obscure the sheer fact o f b o r r o w i n g ; this w o u l d a m o u n t to yet another strategy o f i m m u n i z a t i o n designed to c l o u d w h a t is f o r e i g n and d i s q u i e t i n g .

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T h e modest a i m o f this b o o k is to serve as a messenger across b o u n d a r i e s , 3 2 to d i rect the a t t e n t i o n o f classicists to areas to w h i c h they have pa id t o o l i t t l e regard , and to m a k e these fields o f s tudy m o r e accessible even t o nonspecial ists . I t m a y also e n courage or ienta l i s ts , h a r d l y less p r o n e to i s o l a t i o n , t o keep o r r e n e w the i r contacts w i t h n e i g h b o r i n g f i e l d s . 3 3 M y emphasis is de l iberate ly o n p r o v i d i n g evidence for correspondences and for the l i k e l i h o o d o f b o r r o w i n g s . I f i n certain cases the materials themselves do n o t p r o v i d e i n c o n t r o v e r t i b l e evidence o f c u l t u r a l transfer, the establ i shment o f s imi lar i t i e s w i l l s t i l l be o f value, as i t serves to free b o t h the Greek and the or i enta l p h e n o m e n a f r o m the i r i s o l a t i o n and t o create an arena o f possible c o m p a r i sons.

T h i s is n o t to prec lude m o r e subtle in te rpre ta t ions o f Greek achievements as a consequence. Yet i n the p e r i o d at about the m i d d l e o f the e i g h t h century , w h e n direct contact had been establ ished between the Assyr ians and the Greeks, Greek cu l ture m u s t have been m u c h less self-conscious and therefore m u c h m o r e malleable and open t o f o r e i g n influence than i t became i n subsequent generat ions. I t is the f o r m a t i v e epoch o f Greek c i v i l i z a t i o n that exper ienced the o r i e n t a l i z i n g r e v o l u t i o n .

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C H A P T E R O N E

" W H O A R E P U B L I C W O R K E R S " The Migrant Craftsmen

Historical Background

A f t e r the upheaval a n d devastat ion w h i c h prevai led f r o m Greece t h r o u g h A n a t o l i a to Syria and Palestine about 1200 B . C . and w h i c h is general ly a t t r i b u t e d , o n the basis o f E g y p t i a n texts, to "peoples o f the s e a " — a m o n g w h o m the Phil ist ines are the m o s t t a n g i b l e — t h e k i n g d o m s , palaces, art ist ic ski l ls , and w r i t i n g systems w h i c h had made the g l o r y o f the B r o n z e A g e had largely disappeared. 1 I n the eastern M e d i t e r r a n e a n , outs ide E g y p t , u r ban c i v i l i z a t i o n and l i teracy s u r v i v e d o n l y i n the area o f C i l i c i a -Syria-Palestine. A s t r o n g t r a d i t i o n o f H i t t i t e c i v i l i z a t i o n c o n t i n ued t o d o m i n a t e C i l i c i a and extended as far as n o r t h e r n Syria. H i t t i t e style is m o s t d i s t inc t ive i n m o n u m e n t a l sculpture and other art o b j e c t s — i m p o r t a n t sites are Tel l Hala f -Guzana, Car -c h e m i s h , M a l a t y a - M i l i d , Sam^al -Z inc i r l i , K a r a t e p e 2 — a n d part i c u l a r l y i n the H i t t i t e h i e r o g l y p h i c scr ipt , w h i c h persisted at Karatepe u n t i l near ly the end o f the e i g h t h century ; i t was used for a language o f the H i t t i t e f a m i l y w h i c h is n o w called H i e r o g l y p h i c L u w i a n . C o n q u e r i n g A r a m a i c tr ibes , speaking a Sem i t i c language and us ing alphabetic w r i t i n g , w o n supremacy i n some places, f o u n d i n g p r i n c e d o m s such as Guzana and Sam'al . S o u t h e r n Syr ia , i n c l u d i n g the cities o f B y b l o s , S i d o n , and Tyre , h a d l o n g been affected b y E g y p t i a n style and influences. T h e

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" W H O A R E P U B L I C W O R K E R S "

western Semites based i n this area, called Phoinikes b y the Greeks, were c o n t i n u i n g t o expand the i r sea trade. E a r l y c o n nect ions reached n o t o n l y t o C y p r u s b u t also t o C r e t e . 3 Increasi n g l y i m p o r t a n t i n these act iv it ies was the search for copper and i r o n ores . 4

T h e m o s t p o r t e n t o u s achievement i n Syria-Palestine was the d e v e l o p m e n t o f the alphabetic scr ipt , w h i c h , t h r o u g h its i n g e n ious s i m p l i f i c a t i o n , m a d e reading and w r i t i n g m o r e w i d e l y accessible for the first t i m e . I t was used equal ly b y H e b r e w s , Phoenicians , and A r a m a e a n s . 5 T h e i n v e n t i o n goes back t o the B r o n z e A g e , b u t i t ga ined its u n i q u e p o s i t i o n o n l y w i t h the c o l lapse o f the B r o n z e A g e , w h i c h made m o s t o f the other w r i t i n g systems disappear.

T h e expans ion o f A s s y r i a i n t o this heterogeneous assemblage o f cities, k i n g d o m s , and t r i b a l centers f r o m the n i n t h century o n w a r d s b r o u g h t d y n a m i c change o f w o r l d - h i s t o r i c a l p r o p o r t ions . For the Assyr ians , t o o , the search for r a w materials , part i c u l a r l y metals , seems t o have been a d r i v i n g force. I n any event Assur b u i l t u p the strongest a r m y o f the t i m e , e m p l o y e d i t i n increas ing ly far - reaching raids w i t h ruthless demands for subm i s s i o n and t r i b u t e , a n d thus f o u n d e d the first w o r l d power. A s h u r n a s i r p a l (884-858) and Shalmaneser I I I (858-824) led the first successful advances t o Syria; i n 877 an A s s y r i a n a r m y s t o o d o n the shores o f the M e d i t e r r a n e a n for the first t i m e . I n 841 Tyre and S i d o n w e r e forced t o pay t r i b u t e , and i n 834 so was Tarsos i n C i l i c i a . T h e H i t t i t e city-states were forced t o f o l l o w suit or were destroyed. T h e Greeks m u s t have been aware o f this eastern power , at least o n C y p r u s , because i t was a r o u n d this t i m e — about 8 5 0 — t h a t Phoenicians f r o m T y r e were se t t l ing o n C y prus ; K i t i o n became a Phoenic ian c i t y . 6 Phoenic ian c o l o n i z a t i o n was also reaching b e y o n d to the far West: 814 is the t r a d i t i o n a l date for the f o u n d i n g o f Carthage .

A f t e r Shalmaneser, A s s y r i a n forces d i d n o t appear o n the M e d i t e r r a n e a n for a w h i l e . D u r i n g th is p e r i o d Greek traders first reached Syria . Greek merchants are present i n A l M i n a o n the O r o n t e s estuary f r o m the end o f the n i n t h c e n t u r y ; 7 f r o m there the connect ions reach to N o r t h Syria, t o U r a r t u , and

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a long the shortest caravan r o u t e to M e s o p o t a m i a . I n a p p r o x i m a t e l y the same p e r i o d the Greeks are i n evidence at Tarsos 8 and s o m e w h a t later at Tel l Sukas. 9 T h e r e are also Greek f inds f r o m Rash-al-Basid (Poseidonia) , Te l l Tainat , Tyre , and H a m a . C o n nect ions go to nearby C y p r u s , b u t above a l l to Euboea, w h e r e excavations at L e f k a n d i have b r o u g h t to l i g h t relics o f a relat i v e l y affluent c o m m u n i t y i n the t e n t h and n i n t h centuries w h i c h was open t o trade w i t h the E a s t . 1 0 I n the e i g h t h c e n t u r y Eretr ia a l o n g w i t h C h a l k i s reached its peak; b u t A t h e n s was n o t n e g l i g ib le either. F r o m C h a l k i s the Greeks reached the West even before the m i d d l e o f the e i g h t h century , as can be seen f r o m the set t lement o f traders and cra f tsmen discovered at P i thekoussa i -I s c h i a . " H e r e , t o o , the trade i n ores was c ruc ia l , above al l w i t h the Etruscans; the Phoenic ian r o u t e v ia C y p r u s to Carthage and then to Sardinia had t o compete w i t h that o f the Greeks f r o m Euboea via Ithaca t o Pi thekoussai . I t is i n c o n n e c t i o n w i t h these routes that the f irst examples o f Greek scr ipt appear, in Euboea, N a x o s , P i thekoussa i , and A t h e n s . 1 2 Place-names l i k e So lo i , " m e t a l i n g o t s " — a t t e s t e d b o t h i n C i l i c i a and o n C y p r u s — C h a l k i s , " b r o n z e - h o m e , " and Tarshish, " f o u n d r y , " 1 3 m a r k the e c o n o m i c interests, as does that verse o f the Odyssey w h i c h has the Taphian M e n t e s t r a v e l l i n g overseas to trade for bronze w i t h a cargo o f i r o n . 1 4

T h e renewed and strongest advance o f the Assyr ians began under T ig la th-p i l e se r I I I (745-727) , w h o crushed the p o w e r o f U r a r t u , made vassals o f T y r e and B y b l o s , and p e r m a n e n t l y anc h o r e d the A s s y r i a n forces i n the West. I t was i n his t i m e — s h o r t l y after 7 3 8 — t h a t a r e p o r t f i rst m e n t i o n s I o n i a n s — t h a t is, Greeks; an officer is r e p o r t i n g a counterat tack o n Syria: " T h e Ionians came. T h e y attacked . . . the cities . . . [ N . N . pursued them?] i n his ships . . . i n the m i d d l e o f the sea . " 1 5

I t has l o n g been a m a t t e r o f c o m m e n t and discussion that the easterners came to call the Greeks I o n i a n s 1 6 — J a w a n i n H e b r e w ,

Junan i n A r a b i c and T u r k i s h . T h e A s s y r i a n f o r m is Iawan(u) or, w i t h an i n t e r n a l change o f consonants , Iaman(u); i n the text q u o t e d above the des ignat ion is " ( c o u n t r y ) la-u-na-a-a"—that is, Iaunaia. I t has been established that this is n o t the name o f C y -

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prus , w h i c h the Assyr ians i n fact called ladnana.11 Greeks o n C y p r u s never called themselves Ionians . Nevertheless a reference a r o u n d the m i d d l e o f the e i g h t h century can h a r d l y be t o Ionians f r o m Asia M i n o r either, to M i l e t o s or Ephesos. Those Ionians c o m i n g b y sea w h o encountered the Assyr ians m u s t rather have been Greeks f r o m Euboea, A t h e n s , or b o t h , as the archaeological evidence and the spread o f w r i t i n g s u g g e s t — n o t e x c l u d i n g islands such as Samos or N a x o s . T h i s conc lus ion is c o n f i r m e d b y the Iliad: I n the one passage i n w h i c h Iacmes are referred t o , they are f i g h t i n g alongside the O p u n t i a n L o k r i a n s , and the A t h e n i a n s are g iven p r o m i n e n c e i m m e d i a t e l y after t h e m . Clear ly , n e i g h b o r i n g tribes are referred t o ; i t is a p p r o pr iate that Iaones f r o m Euboea s h o u l d be placed between the O p u n t i a n s and the A t h e n i a n s . 1 8

Assyr ia reached the h e i g h t o f its p o w e r under Sargon I I ( 7 2 2 -705). N o t o n l y the smal l H i t t i t e states o f C a r c h e m i s h and Z i n -c i r l i , b u t also C i l i c i a became provinces o f Assyr ia . I n 708 the k ings o f C y p r u s , i n c l u d i n g those o f Greek cities such as Salamis and Paphos, pa id h o m a g e t o Sargon. I n K i t i o n Sargon left a stele attest ing his deeds. B u t w h e t h e r the usurper I a m a n i o f A s h d o d , w h o was d r i v e n o u t by Sargon i n 711, was " t h e I o n i a n , " as his n a m e w o u l d suggest, has been d i s p u t e d ; 1 9 and the c o m m o n v i e w that M i t a , k i n g o f the " M u s h k i , " w h o pa id h o m age t o Sargon i n 709, was k i n g M i d a s o f Phryg ia , celebrated by the Greeks, and hence that the Assyrians were i n contact w i t h a great P h r y g i a n k i n g d o m i n the e i g h t h century , seems n o longer t e n a b l e . 2 0

Sennacherib (705-681) p u t d o w n an u p r i s i n g i n Tarsos i n 696. A c c o r d i n g t o Greek accounts t r a n s m i t t e d b y Berossos the Greeks f o u g h t the Assyr ians at sea and were defeated. 2 1 Even A l M i n a was destroyed a r o u n d 700, b u t was a lmost i m m e d i a t e l y r e b u i l t anew. O n the w h o l e the n u m e r o u s v i o l e n t inc idents and catastrophes d i d n o t destroy East-West connect ions , b u t rather intens i f ied t h e m , perhaps because n o w streams o f refugees were m i n g l i n g w i t h the traders. I n any event o r i enta l i m p o r t s and domest i c i m i t a t i o n s o f t h e m appear m o r e and m o r e i n Greece a r o u n d 700, and a l i t t l e later i n E t r u r i a . B y then c u n e i f o r m w r i t -


i n g is f o u n d i n Tarsos a longs ide ceramics f r o m Rhodes , Samos, and C o r i n t h . O n C y p r u s the p e r i o d o f A s s y r i a n d o m i n a t i o n is also a m a r k e d l y " H o m e r i c " epoch .

Essarhaddon (681-669) also treated the k i n g s o f C y p r u s as his u n d e r l i n g s . 2 2 H i s successor A s h u r b a n i p a l ( 6 6 9 - 6 2 9 ) , the m o s t s p l e n d i d k i n g o f N i n e v e h , e n d u r e d forever i n the m e m o r y o f the Greeks as " S a r d a n a p a l l o s . " 2 3 Essarhaddon and A s h u r b a n i p a l f o u g h t the C i m m e r i a n s i n As ia M i n o r , as d i d the Greeks. B u t the centers o f g r a v i t y were s h i f t i n g b y t h e n . S i d o n , w e l l k n o w n to the Greeks as a center o f P h o e n i c i a n trade, was t o t a l l y des t royed b y the Assyr ians i n 6 7 7 . 2 4 B y 663, however , K i n g Psam-m e t i c h u s had been able to ent rench his forces i n E g y p t and to shake o f f the A s s y r i a n y o k e at last. W i t h the e n r o l l m e n t o f Greek mercenaries i n t o his service E g y p t became m o r e i m p o r t a n t f r o m the Greeks ' p o i n t o f v i e w t h a n the r u i n e d cities o f Syria . A t near ly the same t i m e K i n g Gyges , i n his s t rugg le against the C i m m e r i a n s , had f o u n d e d the k i n g d o m o f the Lydians w i t h its center i n Sardis and established d i rect contact w i t h Assyr ia b y 6 6 5 . 2 5 T h u s the " R o y a l R o a d " was opened u p w h i c h led f r o m Sardis t o the E a s t . 2 6 I t was this above al l w h i c h b r o u g h t Ionians i n t o d i rec t contact w i t h the eastern trade, and thus ensured the r a p i d rise o f the Ionians o f As ia M i n o r . M e a n w h i l e , o n Euboea, C h a l k i s and E r e t r i a los t the i r forces i n the Le lant ine war, h a v i n g been o u t s t r i p p e d i n the western trade b y the rise o f C o r i n t h , w h i c h c o l o n i z e d K e r k y r a i n the e i g h t h century . I n this n e t w o r k o f c h a n g i n g in ter re la t ions Greek c u l t u r e gained supremacy and eclipsed the o r i e n t a l i z i n g inf luence.

Oriental Products in Greece

I t is n o t Greek texts , b u t rather archaeological f inds w h i c h offer a so l id f o u n d a t i o n for t r a c i n g Eastern c u l t u r a l influences i n Greece i n the e i g h t h and early seventh centuries and for eva lua t i n g the i r s ignif icance. O b j e c t s o f o r i e n t a l provenience appear at Greek sites i n increas ing n u m b e r s , especially i n the r a p i d l y e v o l v i n g Greek sanctuaries, and at the same t i m e Greek representat ional style is u n d e r g o i n g basic m o d i f i c a t i o n s b y t a k i n g u p ,

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i m i t a t i n g , and t r a n s f o r m i n g the m o t i f s o f eastern art . T h i s is n o t the place for a deta i led s t u d y o f sites and objects, contexts and proveniences. A f t e r F r e d r i k Poulsen and T. J . D u n b a b i n , J o h n B o a r d m a n has p r o v i d e d a comprehens ive t rea tment ; a w e a l t h o f m a t e r i a l has also been presented b y H a n s - V o l k m a r H e r r m a n n and b y W o l f g a n g H e l c k , and a r i c h survey has recently been added b y G u n t e r K o p c k e . 1 T h e d e t e r m i n a t i o n o f local styles and hence the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n o f the o r i g i n o f i n d i v i d u a l pieces is s t i l l i n progress. M a n y sites i n the N e a r East r e m a i n u n e x p l o r e d o r p a r t i a l l y e x p l o r e d , and archaeologists are c u r r e n t l y o p e r a t i n g i n the m o s t unfavorable c ircumstances amidst incessant t u r m o i l , warfare , and p l u n d e r i n g . Nevertheless the out l ines o f c u l t u r a l and e c o n o m i c d e v e l o p m e n t seem to be f i r m l y established, w h i l e the central c o n n e c t i n g r o l e o f Syria between the Late H i t t i t e , U r a r t i a n , A s s y r i a n , and E g y p t i a n c u l t u r a l influences has bec o m e increas ing ly clear.

As for Greece, trade w i t h the East never c o m p l e t e l y s topped. T h e r e are i n d i v i d u a l i m p o r t e d pieces f r o m the t e n t h and n i n t h centuries ; the i r n u m b e r s increase s ign i f i cant ly i n the e i g h t h century , and even m o r e so i n the first h a l f o f the seventh. T h e exot ic o r i g i n is clear i n the case o f i v o r y c a r v i n g — a l t h o u g h this s k i l l was subsequent ly adopted b y the G r e e k s 2 — a n d even m o r e so i n the case o f o s t r i c h eggs or the tr idacna shells f r o m the Red Sea, w h i c h appear i n the seventh c e n t u r y . 3 J ewe l ry is m o r e f requent ly f o u n d , g o l d i n m a n y f o r m s , faience beads, and also beads o f glass—Hera's ear o r n a m e n t s as described b y H o m e r , " t h r e e -eyed and m u l b e r r y l i k e , " are ident i f iab le as such a set. 4 T h e use and spread o f gems and seals offer even m o r e s igni f icant e v i dence o f the connect ions w i t h the East . 5 N e a r l y one h u n d r e d S y r i a n - C i l i c i a n seals have been f o u n d at Pithekoussai- Ischia ; 6

a m u l e t - t y p e o r n a m e n t s o f Syr ian and E g y p t i a n style occur i n the t o m b s o f L e f k a n d i , and the pr ince w h o was i n t e r r e d i n the H e r o o n at E r e t r i a was c a r r y i n g a Phoenic ian scarab i n a g o l d s e t t i n g . 7 C y l i n d e r seals, the t y p i c a l M e s o p o t a m i a n f o r m o f seal, have been unear thed at O l y m p i a as w e l l as o n Samos and D e l o s . 8

T h e evidence i n m e t a l w o r k is m o r e impress ive . Phoenic ian

'5


bronze and silver b o w l s were w i d e l y t raded as special cost ly o b jects . As w e l l as o n C y p r u s , they have been f o u n d i n A t h e n s , O l y m p i a , and D e l p h i , i n s o u t h e r n Italy , Praeneste, and E t r u r i a . T h e y have l o n g been i d e n t i f i e d w i t h the krateres f r o m S i d o n m e n t i o n e d b y H o m e r ; 9 the i r t echnique and style also appear to present the closest analogy to the shie ld o f Achi l les as described i n the Iliad. A t least three o f these b o w l s , f o u n d i n O l y m p i a , s o u t h e r n Italy , a n d Praeneste, carry A r a m a i c - P h o e n i c i a n i n scr ipt ions ; one , f r o m Faler i i , has an i n s c r i p t i o n i n c u n e i f o r m . 1 0

A t O l y m p i a i n about 670 B . C . bronze re l i e f vessels f r o m the Late H i t t i t e c i t y Tabal were r e w o r k e d to f o r m the drapery o f large statues fabricated f r o m b r o n z e f o i l . 1 1 O t h e r m e t a l objects a r r ived i n Greece f r o m the same r e g i o n , or f r o m N o r t h Syria , or even f r o m U r a r t u v ia N o r t h Syria: embossed stands and above al l a n e w f o r m o f large t r i p o d cauldrons , decorated w i t h sirens o r snakes. Greek craf tsmen were q u i c k to adopt the technique and to create the i r o w n masterp ieces . 1 2 A u n i q u e set o f o r i e n t a l i z i n g w o r k s o f art is the b r o n z e t y m p a n o n and the b r o n z e shields f r o m the Idaean cave o n Crete ; the t y m p a n o n i n par t i cu lar ( F i g ure 1) has a p l a i n l y A s s y r i a n l o o k . A g r e e m e n t o n the d a t i n g o f these objects has yet t o be achieved, b u t i t is h a r d l y t o be d o u b t e d that they served the cu l t o f Zeus i n the sacred cave o f I d a . 1 3 F inal ly , there are pieces o f horse harness s k i l l f u l l y w o r k e d i n m e t a l , prest ige objects for the ar istocracy l i k e m a n y other i t e m s . 1 4 O u t s t a n d i n g a m o n g these are the beaut i fu l bronze plates i d e n t i f i e d b y the i r i n s c r i p t i o n s as g i v e n t o K i n g Hazael o f Damascus b u t subsequent ly dedicated t o A p o l l o o f Ere t r ia and to H e r a o f Samos, at w h o s e sanctuaries they were f o u n d (Figure 2). K i n g Hazael is k n o w n t o have been active t o w a r d s the end o f the n i n t h century , and the d e d i c a t i o n at Ere t r ia can be dated ar-chaeologica l ly to the m i d d l e o f the e i g h t h — a rare case o f p r e c i s ion as to the provenience and c h r o n o l o g y o f the o r i e n t a l i m pact.

C y p r u s and also C r e t e are i n a special p o s i t i o n ; they have been " o r i e n t a l i z i n g " al l the t i m e . Rhodes becomes i m p o r t a n t i n the e i g h t h c e n t u r y as w e l l . I n contrast t o Beloch's theses there is

16


Figure 1. Bronze tympanon from the Idacan cave, Crete, eighth century B.C.: "Master of Animals" holding up a lion, two demons: Zeus

and kouretes?

n o w clear evidence that Phoenicians were m a n u f a c t u r i n g perfumes o n Rhodes even before 7 0 0 . 1 5 O n Samos, t o o , the i n f l u x o f o r i e n t a l goods seems t o beg in before 7 0 0 . 1 6 A l l the great sacred sites w h i c h came t o flourish by the e i g h t h century, Delos , D e l p h i , and above al l O l y m p i a , have p r o d u c e d substantial f inds o f o r i enta l objects ; and n e x t to Eretr ia A t h e n s deserves special n o t i c e . 1 7 E t r u r i a started its o w n o r i e n t a l i z i n g p e r i o d t h r o u g h i n dependent contacts w i t h Phoenic ian trade w h i c h spread t o

17

THE ORIENTALIZING REVOLUTION

Figure 2 . North Syrian bronze plaquefrom horse harness, ninth century B. c., found in the Hera sanctuary at Samos . Aramaic inscription:

"What (god) Hadad has given to Lord Hazael from Umqi il1 the year whel1 the Lord crossed the ri vel'. "

. 18 .


n e i g h b o r i n g I ta ly , i n c l u d i n g L a t i u m ; 1 8 i t f inds marve l lous express ion i n the rich t o m b s o f Praeneste excavated l o n g a g o . 1 9

D o m e s t i c cra f t smanship and p r o d u c t i o n developed f r o m these i m p o r t s , i n i v o r y c a r v i n g as w e l l as i n m e t a l w o r k . 2 0 O r i ental p i c t o r i a l m o t i f s also appear i n other f o r m s o f manufacture , above a l l i n the m o s t e n d u r i n g and therefore the best preserved k i n d o f p r o d u c t s , ce ramics . 2 ' A g a i n a few references m u s t suffice: T h e t h e m e o f the Mistress o f the A n i m a l s and the Mas te r o f the A n i m a l s , w h i c h goes back to B r o n z e A g e t r a d i t i o n s , is g iven a n e w lease o n l i f e ; 2 2 i n a d d i t i o n there are characteristic representations o f a n i m a l h u n t i n g and , i n part icular , the l i o n f i g h t . 2 3 F e w Greeks w o u l d ever have actual ly seen a l i ve l i o n : I t was f r o m pictures that the l i o n became such a f ami l i a r concept t o al l (even i f l ions and panthers were occasional ly confused i n the images) . A n older, H i t t i t e style o f represent ing l ions is superseded i n the seventh c e n t u r y b y an A s s y r i a n m o d e l . T h e m o r e exot i c ga l le ry o f c o m p o s i t e beasts—gri f f ins , sphinxes, and s i r e n s — l i k e w i s e has B r o n z e A g e ancestors, b u t was rev ived and adapted to the n e w f a s h i o n . 2 4 T h e chimaera can clearly be l i n k e d t o H i t t i t e r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s , 2 5 w h i l e the T r i t o n — a m a n w i t h fish's ta i l—seems t o c o m e s t ra ight f r o m M e s o p o t a m i a . 2 6 F i n a l l y the m o t i f o f the Tree o f L i f e s h o u l d be m e n t i o n e d , and i n general the a n i m a l friezes, the lo tus and the p a l m e t t e f r iezes . 2 7 B u t the prothesis scenes and the representations o f the s y m p o s i u m w i t h revellers r e c l i n i n g o n couches also have an or i enta l pedigree, as the c u s t o m i t s e l f apparent ly evo lved i n the East . 2 8

Rel ig ious i c o n o g r a p h y p r o p e r shows c o r r e s p o n d i n g changes: T h e M y c e n a e a n heritage gives w a y before the eastern examples. T h u s i n d i v i d u a l b r o n z e statuettes o f the w a r r i o r g o d b r a n d i s h i n g his w e a p o n i n his r i g h t h a n d , o r i g i n a t i n g i n the S y r o - H i t t i t e r e g i o n , had appeared i n Greece already i n the Late Mycenaean p e r i o d ; m o r e are f o u n d n o w , and they are cop ied i n the e i g h t h c e n t u r y . 2 9 W h e t h e r gods o r h u m a n w a r r i o r s are be ing represented i n the Greek c o n t e x t is a m a t t e r o f d ispute ; b u t there is n o d o u b t that those later " t y p i c a l l y G r e e k " images o f Zeus and Poseidon, b r a n d i s h i n g respectively t h u n d e r b o l t or t r i d e n t , are u l t i m a t e l y der ived f r o m these statuettes. T h e representat ion o f

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the t h u n d e r b o l t i n the h a n d o f the weather g o d , i n part icular , remains clearly dependent o n the eastern m o d e l . 3 0 Q u i t e di f ferent is the i m a g e o f a n a k e d goddess, s tand ing , o f ten t o u c h i n g her breasts, w h i c h had been c o m m o n i n Syria for a l o n g t i m e ; i t is presented to the Greeks b o t h i n the f o r m o f m e t a l reliefs, espec ia l ly o f g o l d j e w e l r y , and o f s i m p l e clay tablets made f r o m m o l d s . She is usual ly called A s t a r t e - A p h r o d i t e , t h o u g h o n s l ight ev idence . 5 1 O t h e r types o f d i v i n e images were occasional ly i m p o r t e d , t o o . 3 2 I n Greece the goddess was q u i c k l y p r o v i d e d w i t h c l o t h i n g , b u t the i m a g e o f the s tanding goddess c o n t i n u e d to pro l i fe ra te ; and the statues o f goddesses—now of ten made o f local w o o d t o f i n d the i r place i n the n e w l y erected t e m p l e s — were c l o t h e d i n robes that s t i l l i m i t a t e d the l u x u r y o f the East, j u s t as Hera's ear o r n a m e n t s i n the Iliad d i d . A s ignal example is A r t e m i s o f Ephesos, w i t h the rectangular d iv i s ions o f her robe , the f i l l e t at the back o f her headdress, and the w o o l l e n r i b b o n s i n her h a n d s . 3 3 Even closer t o cu l t i c act ivit ies seem to be those cur ious masks w h i c h w e find dedicated i n Greek sanctuaries, o n Samos and, above a l l , at Orthe ia ' s p r e c i n c t i n Sparta. T h e g r o tesque f o r m o f some o f t h e m e v i d e n t l y imitates o r i e n t a l H u m -baba m a s k s . 3 4 B u t even the f o r m o f the o m p h a l o s b o w l w h i c h became universa l l y e m p l o y e d for l i b a t i o n i n Greek w o r s h i p is o f o r i enta l t ype . M o s t o f a l l , f rankincense, genera l ly i n t r o d u c e d d u r i n g this t i m e i n t o the w o r s h i p o f the gods, r e m a i n e d an o r i ental i m p o r t , as its names, libanos and myrrha, c o n t i n u e d t o i n d i c a t e . 3 5

O n e area o f m o r e p r o f o u n d eastern influence o n the practice o f Greek r e l i g i o n at the t i m e can o n l y be t o u c h e d u p o n : the c o n s t r u c t i o n o f large altars for b u r n t offerings and above al l the b u i l d i n g o f temples t o serve as houses for d i v i n i t i e s , represented b y cu l t statues. T h e r e seems t o be n o Greek t e m p l e p r o p e r ant e d a t i n g the e i g h t h century , the p e r i o d o f the i m p e t u s o f eastern cra f tsmanship . A m o s t pecul iar i n t e r m i n g l i n g o f i n d i g e n o u s , Phoenic ian , and Greek c u l t is attested at K o m m o s , o n the s o u t h coast o f C r e t e . 3 6 T h i s was e v i d e n t l y a place w h e r e passing ships used to anchor, t o take o n p r o v i s i o n s and t o do h o m a g e to local d i v i n i t i e s . Use o f the cu l t site is d o c u m e n t e d f r o m the tenth

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century o n , w i t h var ious structures s t i l l ident i f iab le , remains o f ritual meals and v o t i v e figurines; b u t i n the later n i n t h century there is a d i s t i n c t i v e l y Phoenic ian shr ine , w i t h three pi l lars represent the sacred center, between w h i c h offerings were c r a m m e d . I t is in tegra ted later w i t h m o r e G r e e k - l o o k i n g s t ructures. K o m m o s thus is one o f the m o s t remarkab le m e e t i n g po int s o f Phoenic ian and Greek re l ig ious practice.

T h e Phoenic ian merchants had always been regarded as the carriers o f o r i e n t a l c u l t u r e , the suppliers o f o r i enta l i m p o r t s t o the Greeks, i n accordance w i t h the image presented b y the Odyssey: H o m e r m e n t i o n s Phoinikes, m e n o f S idon , as producers o f cost ly m e t a l vessels, t r a d i n g b y sea and occasional ly i n d u l g i n g i n piracy. B e l o c h t r i e d t o force the Phoenicians o u t o f the A e gean p i c t u r e , asserting a lack o f clear archaeological p r o o f o f the i r presence, especially the lack o f Phoenic ian ceramics. B y n o w , however , Phoenicians are clearly attested even t h r o u g h their ceramics o n K o s and Rhodes , and traces o f the i r presence have been f o u n d at Ephesos, t o o . 3 7 B u t w i t h the excavations at A l M i n a , the spontaneous advance o f the Greeks t o the East has been w i d e l y recognized . T h e expansion o f the Greeks and the Phoenicians i n the M e d i t e r r a n e a n appears f r o m early o n t o develop i n m u t u a l c o m p e t i t i o n . B o t h seem t o start b y establ ishing f o r e i g n t r a d i n g faci l i t ies , f o l l o w i n g earlier Assyr ian practice, b u t subsequent ly b e g i n t o f o u n d independent cities, colonies as we call t h e m ; for the Phoenicians these were p r i m a r i l y K i t i o n o n C y p r u s and Car thage i n A f r i c a , w h i l e Greek cities came i n t o be ing i n s o u t h e r n I t a l y and S ic i ly ; these deve lopments led to n e w f o r m s o f c o m p e t i n g p o w e r p o l i t i c s .

H o w e v e r , the t r a d i n g connect ions set i n m o t i o n , first b y the Phoenicians and t h e n b y the Euboeans, were n o t the o n l y channels f o r m u t u a l contact . M o r e i n t i m a t e c u l t u r a l contacts and exchanges t o o k place o n the level o f sk i l l ed craf tsmanship . I t has l o n g been suggested that , f r o m the end o f the n i n t h century, eastern craf tsmen m i g r a t e d t o Greek cities and passed o n the i r ski l ls t o the Greeks. I n the h a r d t imes o f the A s s y r i a n conquests, m i g r a t i o n s o f refugees m a y readi ly be assumed. J o h n B o a r d m a n

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has d e m o n s t r a t e d this m o v e m e n t i n deta i l , especially i n the case o f Crete . H e po int s t o three g r o u p s o f evidence: A f a m i l y o f g o l d s m i t h s and g e m cutters i n Knossos began to reuse a M i n o a n T h o l o s t o m b and consecrated i t b y a f o u n d a t i o n deposi t i n o r i ental style , a r o u n d 800 B . C . ; a special w o r k s h o p o f b r o n z e s m i t h s p r o d u c e d the t y m p a n o n w i t h p l a i n l y A s s y r i a n i c o n o g r a p h y and the b r o n z e shields for the Idaean cave; f inal ly , Syr ian-sty le t o m b s c o m p a r a b l e to those near C a r c h e m i s h are f o u n d at A f r a t i , i n centra l Crete , i n the f i rs t h a l f o f the seventh century . These t o m b s as w e l l as the ha l f - f in i shed goods i n the T o m b o f the G o l d s m i t h s at Knossos are c o n v i n c i n g indicators that i m m i g r a t i o n had taken place; and the t w o phases o f i m m i g r a t i o n , before 800 and again a r o u n d 700, c o r r e s p o n d closely t o the A s s y r i a n c a m p a i g n s . 3 8

T h e actual p r o o f that , connected w i t h the appearance o f eastern p r o d u c t s , there was n o t j u s t trade t h r o u g h var ious i n t e r m e diate contractors b u t also l e a r n i n g a n d teaching t h r o u g h direct contact , lies i n the a d o p t i o n o f n e w technical ski l ls w h i c h d o n o t arise f r o m s i m p l y b u y i n g f in ished p r o d u c t s . T h i s applies t o the art o f g o l d s m i t h s and g e m c u t t e r s 3 9 as w e l l as to i v o r y c a r v i n g and, i n part icular , to the var ious f o r m s o f b r o n z e w o r k i n g , be i t h a m m e r i n g (sphyrelaton) o r casting w i t h the " los t c o r e " m e t h o d ; the replacement o f the asphalt core o f eastern technique w i t h one o f resin and b r a n shows j u s t h o w craf tsmen adapted creat i v e l y to n e w r e q u i r e m e n t s . 4 0 E v e n the s i m p l e yet e x t r e m e l y p r o d u c t i v e t e c h n i q u e o f m a k i n g clay f igures i n m o l d s came f r o m M e s o p o t a m i a and Syria; i t appears at G o r t y n and C o r i n t h s h o r t l y after 7 0 0 . 4 1 I t w o u l d o f course be possible t o assume that some Greeks entered i n t o apprenticeships under native craftsm e n i n the East, w h e t h e r at A l M i n a i n Syria or at Tarsos; this w o u l d , i n p r i n c i p l e , lead t o the same results. N e i t h e r case i n volves distant contacts , b u t rather intens ive c o l l a b o r a t i o n w i t h detai led c o m m u n i c a t i o n at least for the p e r i o d o f an apprent iceship . T h e C r e t a n f inds t i p the scale m o r e towards the l i k e l i h o o d o f i m m i g r a n t cra f tsmen i n the Greek s p h e r e — w h i c h does n o t ru le o u t the p o s s i b i l i t y o f i n d i v i d u a l j o u r n e y s i n the oppos i te d i r e c t i o n .

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T h e p r e s u m p t i o n o f the existence o f m i g r a n t or ienta l craftsm e n occasional ly meets w i t h c r i t i c i s m b o t h f r o m classical archaeologists and f r o m or iental is ts . Whereas the former , b y reason o f m e t h o d , t e n d t o be re luctant t o consider o p p o r t u n i t i e s for personal , a l m o s t anecdotal c o i n c i d e n c e , 4 2 to the latter the image o f free enterprise pro jected i n t o the " d a r k ages" appears i n c o m p a t i b l e w i t h the roya l p o w e r and bureaucracy that characterized eastern c i v i l i z a t i o n s . 4 3 H e r e indeed is a clear d i s t i n c t i o n between western and eastern t r a d i t i o n s . T h a t craftsmen are n o table for m o b i l i t y , thanks to the i r ski l ls , i n contrast to resident peasants or l a n d o w n i n g n o b i l i t y , is clearly stated i n that verse o f H o m e r o n the " p u b l i c w o r k e r s , " demioergoi (Od. 17.383-385). S o l o n , a c c o r d i n g t o P l u t a r c h , realized this and encouraged the i m m i g r a t i o n o f cra f t smen to A t h e n s : " t o change residence for the sake oftechne" is the t e r m used here for such m i g r a t i o n . 4 4 A t the same t i m e the tyrants o f C o r i n t h had sought after such craftsmen; later T h e m i s t o k l e s attracted technitai w i t h the offer o f i m m u n i t y f r o m taxes "so that as m a n y people as possible s h o u l d take up re s idence . " 4 5 To j u d g e b y the i r names—-such as Amas i s , Lydos , and B r y g o s — p o t t e r s and vase painters o f the s i x th cent u r y seem to have i m m i g r a t e d f r o m E g y p t , L y d i a , o r P h r y g i a . 4 6

For A r i s t o t l e i t is pract ica l ly the ru le that craftsmen are i m m i grant nonc i t izens ; he also speaks o f slaves as c r a f t s m e n , 4 7 b u t i t is certain that w h e r e h i g h l y qual i f ied craft ski l ls are concerned there can be n o q u e s t i o n o f slavery. I n He l len i s t i c t imes " m i g r a n t c r a f t s m e n " is a c o m m o n t e r m . 4 8 A t least b y this t i m e they were taken for g ranted i n the Semit i c East, t o o . Jesus Sirach wr i tes o f cra f tsmen: " a n d even w h e n they l ive i n a fo re ign place, they do n o t need to s t a r v e . " 4 9 A t e n t m a k e r f r o m Tarsos became one o f the h i s t o r i c a l l y m o s t i n f l u e n t i a l o f these travellers: the apostle Paul .

To r e t u r n to the archaic epoch: A s s y r i a n craftsmen are pres u m e d to have been present i n U r a r t u ; 5 0 and i n the same w a y m e t a l w o r k spread to the Scythians and thence far o n i n t o Asia . A n c i e n t t r a d i t i o n traces the encroachment o f Greek cra f tsmanship i n t o E t r u r i a to D e m a r a t o s o f C o r i n t h , the p u r p o r t e d father o f K i n g T a r q u i n i u s Priscus; he was f o l l o w e d , i t is said, b y a host

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o f c r a f t s m e n . 5 1 E v e n w i t h o u t the s u p p o r t o f this anecdotal t r a d i t i o n i t is certa in that Greek potters and vase painters establ i shed themselves i n var ious n o n - G r e e k areas i n Italy. I n the East, o n the o ther h a n d , g o o d craftsmen had l o n g been m u c h s o u g h t after and h i g h l y va lued . I t was precisely f o r th is reason that the rulers a t t e m p t e d t o keep c o n t r o l over t h e m as far as was possible b y bureaucrat ic means. S o l o m o n had a w h o l e t r o o p o f cra f tsmen, w h o were e m p l o y e d i n the service o f K i n g H i r a m o f Tyre , sent t o h i m for t e m p l e c o n s t r u c t i o n . 5 2 I n a s i m i l a r ve in the Ahiqar n o v e l recounts that the k i n g o f E g y p t o r d e r e d an a r c h i tect f r o m the ru le r o f N i n e v e h . 5 3 W h e n K i n g Sargon b u i l t his palace i n K h o r s a b a d after the m o d e l o f a " H i t t i t e H i l a n i , " as he states i n his i n s c r i p t i o n s , 5 4 he p r o b a b l y d i d n o t hesitate to r e q u i s i t i o n the a p p r o p r i a t e cra f tsmen f r o m N o r t h Syria . D o c u ments f r o m M a r i s h o w that cra f tsmen were organ ized b y k i n g s as m o b i l e teams and k e p t ready f o r d e p l o y m e n t as r e q u i r e d . 5 5 I n M e s o p o t a m i a n m y t h , the hero o f the f l o o d d i d n o t fai l t o reserve a place for cra f t smen i n the a r k . 5 6 A H i t t i t e t reaty expressly s t i p ulates that f u g i t i v e cra f t smen are t o be e x t r a d i t e d . 5 7 Yet even this c lear ly demonstrates the l i m i t s o f the centra l o r g a n i z a t i o n : a cra f tsman w h o deserted w o u l d have calculated his chance o f bec o m i n g i n d e p e n d e n t l y e m p l o y e d i n any n e w place. Letters f r o m M a r i speak o f an archi tect o r a s m i t h s i m p l y " g o i n g a w a y " app a r e n t l y o f his o w n free w i l l and w i t h the state t a k i n g n o steps against h i m . 5 8 T h i s is notab le p r o o f that , de facto, qua l i f i ed specialists c o u l d n o t be denied a certain m o b i l i t y a lready i n the B r o n z e A g e O r i e n t . N o t t o o di f ferent are the adventures o f the phys ic ian D e m o k e d e s i n the t i m e o f D a r i u s , as related b y H e r o d o t u s : he r e t u r n e d to his h o m e l a n d against the w i l l o f the Great K i n g , and the k i n g was n o t able t o get h i m b a c k . 5 9 B y that t i m e other Greek specialists, cra f tsmen o f a l l k i n d s as w e l l as m e r c e n aries, h a d l o n g f o u n d the i r w a y t o the or i enta l courts , t o N e b u chadnezzar i n B a b y l o n 6 0 as w e l l as to D a r i u s i n Persepol is . 6 1

T o s u m u p : For cra f t smen i n the East, at least the chance for free m o v e m e n t h a d existed for some t i m e , since the influence o f the despots was l i m i t e d i n extent . I n the West this m o b i l i t y was f u l l y deve loped b y the o r i e n t a l i z i n g p e r i o d . I t can be presumed

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that precisely this factor c o u l d act as a s t r o n g incent ive for e m i g r a t i o n to the freer West. We f i n d the eastern craftsmen o r g a nized i n the f o r m o f f a m i l y gu i lds , as Sons o f the Cra f t smen (mare ummani) i n B a b y l o n i a , as Sons o f the F o u n d r y m e n (bn nsk) i n S y r i a . 6 2 Such organ iza t ions guarantee f o r m s o f m u t u a l supp o r t w h i c h m u s t have operated very m u c h to the benefit o f emigres . E v e n i f free enterprise i n craftsmanship was an i n v e n t i o n o f the early o r i e n t a l i z i n g p e r i o d , the " o r i e n t a l s " were cert a i n l y i n v o l v e d t o o .

A n o t h e r m o b i l e e lement that s h o u l d n o t be o v e r l o o k e d is the t r o o p s o f mercenaries w h o c o u l d make a pro f i tab le l i fe amidst the rise and fall o f empires . We k n o w o f the I o n i a n and the Car -ian mercenaries o f P s a m m e t i c h u s ; 6 3 A n t i m e n i d a s the b r o t h e r o f Alcaeus served as a mercenary for B a b y l o n , as d i d Sappho's brother , Charaxos , for E g y p t . 6 4 W h e t h e r Krethi and Plethi i n Dav id ' s b o d y g u a r d means Cretans s e r v i n g together w i t h P h i l i s tines is less c e r t a i n . 6 5 I t is m o r e l i k e l y that the Karim attested i n the n i n t h c e n t u r y at Jerusalem were i n fact Carians f r o m Asia M i n o r ; at any rate C a r i a n soldiers subsequently played an i m p o r t a n t ro le i n seventh- and s i x t h - c e n t u r y E g y p t . 6 6 N o r w o u l d there have been a shortage o f Greeks t r y i n g the i r l u c k i n the East at that t i m e , even i f the case o f the I a m a n i o f A s h d o d remains u n c e r t a i n . 6 7 T h e h o p l i t e w e a p o n r y w h i c h came i n t o use at the end o f the e i g h t h c e n t u r y i n Greece is closely l i n k e d to A s s y r i a n and U r a r t i a n arms. T o i l lus t rate a G o r g o n shie ld such as is descr ibed i n the Iliad, one can use an example f r o m O l y m p i a side b y side w i t h one f r o m C a r c h e m i s h o n the E u p h r a t e s . 6 8

Writing and Literature in the Eighth Century

For the general h i s t o r y o f c u l t u r e , b y far the m o s t i m p o r t a n t achievement o f the o r i e n t a l i z i n g p e r i o d is the a d o p t i o n o f the Phoenic ian scr ipt b y the Greeks and its s k i l l f u l adaptat ion to Greek p h o n e t i c s . ' I t can a l m o s t stand as a m o d e l for c u l t u r a l t ransm i s s i o n at the t i m e : A s the b o r r o w i n g f r o m the Semit ic is bey o n d a l l d o u b t , the creative d e v e l o p m e n t b y Greek inventors is n o less clear; and a date s i g n i f i c a n t l y after the collapse o f M y c e -

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naean c u l t u r e , b u t n o later t h a n the m i d d l e o f the e i g h t h century , is n o w w e l l established.

For us, the Greek scr ipt is the f irst perfect w r i t i n g system, be ing the earliest a lphabetic scr ipt t o use signs for b o t h vowels and consonants consistently , whereas Semit ic w r i t i n g was, and is, basically concerned w i t h consonants . Its per fec t ion is c o n f i r m e d b y its success i n the West. Nevertheless the apparent i n v e n t i o n , the n o t a t i o n o f vowels , arose i n fact f r o m m i s u n d e r s tanding i n a di f ferent p h o n o l o g i c a l system: As the alphabetic sequence o f the Semit ic system was learned and the acrophonic p r i n c i p l e u n d e r s t o o d b y Greeks, they f o u n d a w o r d such as alpha t o beg in w i t h an a s o u n d and n o t w i t h a g u t t u r a l g l o t t a l s t o p — d e n o t e d b y Semit i c aleph.2 Just the del iberate creat ion o f an a d d i t i o n a l letter f o r the f i f t h v o w e l , Y , w h i c h is n o t present i n the Semit ic m o d e l and thus was placed at the end o f the series, is evidence o f a conscious creat ion b y some Greek " i n v e n t o r . " T h e letter Y appears i n al l Greek alphabets and all alphabets derived f r o m t h e m , i n c l u d i n g P h r y g i a n 3 and L a t i n .

For the t i m e and place o f the a d o p t i o n o f the Phoinikeia, as H e r o d o t u s says the letters were o r i g i n a l l y ca l l ed , 4 there are m a n y clues b y n o w , b u t n o fewer o p e n quest ions ; n e w f inds c o u l d s t i l l alter the p i c t u r e . T h e earliest Greek letters recognized to date o r i g i n a t e i n N a x o s , Ischia, A t h e n s , and Euboea and appear a r o u n d or a l i t t l e before 750 . 5 T h i s date fits per fect ly the t r a d i n g connect ions o f the lawones f r o m Syria v ia Euboea to the West. O n Ischia Greek gra f f i t i are f o u n d i n c o n j u n c t i o n w i t h P h o e n i c i a n - A r a m a i c gra f f i t i so that i n one case even the l i n g u i s t ic i d e n t i f i c a t i o n is d i sputed ; and finally a Greek graf f i to has been discovered o n an e i g h t h - c e n t u r y sherd f r o m A l M i n a . 6

C o m p l i c a t i o n arises w i t h the a d d i t i o n a l letters inserted i n Greek alphabets after Y ; i t is precisely Cha lk i s /Euboea and A t h e n s that differ i n this r e s p e c t — t h e letter X conveys the s o u n d kh i n A t t i c , b u t x at C h a l k i s and hence i n the western colonies and f ina l l y i n L a t i n ; i t seems n a t u r a l that b o t h the C h a l c i d i a n and the A t t i c alphabets s h o u l d have been preceded b y one o f those " r e d " ones w h i c h have n o n e o f the a d d i t i o n a l letters , w h i c h is the case o n Crete , M e l o s , and T h e r a ; b u t there are no e i g h t h - c e n t u r y d o c -

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uments o f w r i t i n g f r o m these places so far, and the inference can be called i n t o q u e s t i o n . 7 T h e r e is m u c h t o substantiate the idea that C y p r u s had a ro le to play as an i n t e r m e d i a r y s tat ion i n the t ransmiss ion o f w r i t i n g : T h e d i s t inct ive des ignat ion o f the Greek letters as Phoinikeia seems to presuppose that o ther " s c r i b b l i n g s " (grammatd) were k n o w n f r o m w h i c h the P h o e n i cian were di f ferent . T h i s was the case o n l y o n C y p r u s , w h e r e a l inear scr ipt o f Mycenaean type had been adapted t o the Greek and persisted to He l len i s t i c t imes ; the f irst d o c u m e n t n o w k n o w n for its use i n w r i t i n g Greek dates f r o m the eleventh cent u r y . 8 I t is r e m a r k a b l e that the l inear scripts had taken the direct i o n f r o m left t o r i g h t , the d i r e c t i o n that was to preva i l i n Greek and subsequent w r i t i n g , i n contrast to Semit ic use; however, the change o f d i r e c t i o n f r o m l ine to l ine , called bustrophedon, as often pract iced i n early Greek w r i t i n g , is also f o u n d i n some P h o e n i cian d o c u m e n t s and is c o m m o n i n Late H i t t i t e h i e r o g l y p h s . 9 O f course the Greek scr ipt c o u l d also have been developed i n Syria, a l t h o u g h there is j u s t one g r a f i t t o f r o m A l M i n a so far. We m i g h t s t i l l l o o k to Crete , n o t so m u c h because o f the Phoenic ian i n s c r i p t i o n o n a b o w l that ended up i n a t o m b i n Knossos a r o u n d 900, b u t rather because o f the p a r t i c u l a r l y close connect ions w i t h o r i e n t a l craf tsmanship and craftsmen f r o m a r o u n d 800; i t was also o n Crete that laws were recorded i n w r i t i n g earlier than elsewhere i n Greece. 1 " Nevertheless there is n o e v i dence f r o m Crete so far to r i v a l the early gra f f i t i f r o m the sphere o f the Iaones. I n any case, the a r g u m e n t e m p l o y e d w i t h great success at one t i m e , that the great differences w h i c h appear f r o m the start a m o n g local Greek alphabets presuppose a " l o n g develo p m e n t " s t r e t c h i n g over m a n y decades, i f n o t centuries, has been f i r m l y re futed b y L i l i a n Jeffery. 1 1 T h e so-called deve lopm e n t , or rather the process o f t ransmiss ion , i n c l u d i n g some errors i n c o p y i n g , idiosyncrasies o f "hands , " and some i n t e n t i o n a l add i t ions d i d happen e x t r e m e l y fast, w i t h i n a f e w decades, i f n o t years, reaching even the Phryg ians i n one d i r e c t i o n and the Etruscans i n the o ther near ly s imultaneous ly .

Some Semitists s t i l l t e n d t o plead that the Greek alphabet is s ign i f i cant ly older, o n the basis o f certain details o f the letter

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formations.12 T h e f inds o f P h o e n i c i a n - A r a m a i c i n s c r i p t i o n s i n Syr ia , h o w e v e r — a n d one s h o u l d p r o b a b l y l o o k t o N o r t h Syria rather t h a n to Palest ine—are s t i l l t o o scanty to p e r m i t a def ini te sequence o f let ter f o r m s t o be established; every n e w f i n d m a y change the p i c t u r e . 1 3 F r o m the Greek side, o n the o ther h a n d , the argumentum ex silentio has become ever m o r e o v e r w h e l m i n g : I n the increasing q u a n t i t y o f Greek g e o m e t r i c ceramics w h i c h can be classified and dated w i t h a reasonable degree o f prec i s ion , n o t a s ingle s c r i b b l i n g has so far been discovered that l o o k s l i k e a Greek letter before, say, 770, w h i l e i n the decades f r o m 750 t o about 700 there are n o w dozens and dozens o f d o c u m e n t s . A c u l t u r a l e x p l o s i o n has happened here; there is n o t h i n g t o suggest that the Greek alphabet had been i n h i d i n g for centuries before that date. T h u s the existence o f Greek scr ipt i n the t e n t h and even i n the n i n t h c e n t u r y appears, f r o m the state o f t h i n g s , to be v i r t u a l l y i m p o s s i b l e . T h e place o f a d o p t i o n c u r r e n t l y remains open . T h e Greek reference t o " P h o e n i c i a n s " cannot be taken t o mean that Phoenicians i n the n a r r o w e r sense—that is, the i n h a b itants o f B y b l o s , S i d o n , a n d T y r e — m u s t have been the source. Phoenicians o r Aramaeans f r o m N o r t h Syr ia r e m a i n an equ iva lent o p t i o n .

For the m a n n e r i n w h i c h the t ransmiss ion o f w r i t i n g o c c u r r e d there is an inva luable clue, even i f i t is o f ten o v e r l o o k e d : the Greek names o f the letters (alpha, beta, gamma, and so on) w i t h the i r unalterable order . These are Semit ic w o r d s — b u l l , house, and so o n — w h i c h have n o sense at al l i n Greek. T h e y were preserved for one par t i cu la r reason: A l l teaching o f read ing and w r i t i n g began w i t h l e a r n i n g this sequence b y heart . T h i s explains also w h y m u c h earlier the standardized sequence appears i n t w o c o m p l e t e l y di f ferent Semit ic alphabetic scripts , i n the U g a r i t i c c u n e i f o r m alphabet attested i n the t h i r t e e n t h cent ury and i n the " P h o e n i c i a n " alphabet, evidence o f w h i c h has n o w been uncovered f r o m as early as the t w e l f t h c e n t u r y . 1 4 E v e n across language barr iers , the same m n e m o n i c sequence was learned b y r o t e i n the same way. W i t h the alphabetic scr ipt , for the first t i m e a sys tem o f w r i t i n g had c o m e i n t o b e i n g w h i c h was so s i m p l e that i t c o u l d be used b y al l people o f n o r m a l i n -

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tel l igence even outs ide the circles o f learned professional scribes; they need to be t a u g h t for o n l y a shor t t i m e and to get some practice i n h a n d w r i t i n g . We m a y f o r m some p ic ture o f the teaching o f w r i t i n g i n the Syro-Palest inian r e g i o n . 1 5 W h e n m u c h later w e read i n Josephus that " o f all those w h o dealt w i t h the Greeks, the Phoenic ians used w r i t i n g the m o s t , for pr ivate business as w e l l as for the i r p u b l i c a f f a i r s , " 1 6 he was re fe r r ing to a school t r a d i t i o n g o i n g back a thousand years. T h e inference is that the " i n v e n t o r " w h o f irst used these letters for the n o t a t i o n o f the Greek language had par t i c ipated i n at least one school lesson, w h e t h e r o f the A r a m a i c or the Phoenic ian t y p e , w h e t h e r i n Syria or o n C y p r u s , perhaps even s o m e w h e r e else w i t h some e m i g r a n t w h o h a d received an e lementary educat ion . T h i s gives cause to reflect o n the sheer coincidence that rules the evidence available to us: T h e Semit i c letter names alpha, beta, and so o n occur i n Greek l i t e r a t u r e i n the f i f t h century at the ear l ies t , 1 7 b u t they m u s t have been i n c u r r e n t use ever since the e i g h t h century, as they had been adopted a l o n g w i t h the o r i g i n a l alphabet; that those meaningless w o r d patterns s h o u l d have been i n t r o d u c e d i n t o Greek at any later t i m e is q u i t e imposs ib le . T h e L a t i n a l phabet can serve as a c o u n t e r p r o o f : Wr i ters o f L a t i n d i d n o t adopt the ancient Phoenic ian m n e m o n i c sequence; rather, they let the vowels s o u n d for themselves and added an e-vowel to the consonants , as the Greeks had already done w i t h their a d d i t i o n a l letters Y O o n the one hand and $ X f , p r o n o u n c e d "phee, " " k h e e , " "psee," o n the o t h e r ; b u t even so the Lat ins and the R o mans started school b y l ea rn ing their a be ce—as we s t i l l d o t o day. I t is r e m a r k a b l e that i n this respect the Greek practice has r e m a i n e d closer t o P h o e n i c i a n - A r a m a i c school t r a d i t i o n than the L a t i n d i d t o the Greek .

T h u s i t is clear that the a d o p t i o n o f the Phoenic ian scr ipt b y the Greeks was m o r e t h a n the c o p y i n g o f letter f o r m s ; i t i n c luded the t ransmiss ion o f the technique o f teaching and learni n g h o w t o read and w r i t e . T h i s presupposes a certain i n t i m a c y o f contacts , as is also ind ica ted b y those objects w h i c h a lmost never s h o w u p i n the archaeological d o c u m e n t a t i o n and yet are m u c h m o r e s ign i f i cant for the t r a d i t i o n o f w r i t i n g than i n d i v i d -

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ua l g ra f f i t i : w r i t i n g tablets and leather scrolls together w i t h the appropr ia te w r i t i n g too l s . These indeed m u s t have accompanied the use o f the Greek scr ipt f r o m the start. T h e w r i t i n g tablet , deltos i n Greek, has even k e p t its Semit ic name, daltu—daleth i n H e b r e w — t o g e t h e r w i t h the name o f the special w a x w i t h w h i c h i t is covered, malthe. Daltu o r i g i n a l l y means d o o r b u t is used for a w r i t i n g tablet already i n t h i r t e e n t h - c e n t u r y U g a r i t , as i t is i n H e b r e w later o n . 1 8 W o o d e n w r i t i n g tablets were i n use i n M e s o p o t a m i a as w e l l as i n Syria and Palestine; the f i n d o f one e x e m p l a r i n the f o u r t e e n t h - c e n t u r y w r e c k at U l u B u r u n near K a § , T u r k e y , is cons idered sensational, even i f n o trace o f the w r i t i n g for w h i c h i t was used has been preserved; some w r i t i n g tablets o f i v o r y f r o m Sargon's palace i n N i m r u d have been k n o w n for a l o n g t i m e . 1 9 I n Greek the " f o l d i n g t a b l e t " o n w h i c h t o w r i t e makes its appearance w i t h the Be l l e rophontes s t o r y i n H o m e r , i n the c o n t e x t o f the " fatal l e t t e r " m o t i f . 2 0 I t is t rue that the oldest d i rect test imonies f o r the w o r d deltos occur i n A e s c h y lus, b u t the reference to " b r o n z e deltoi" as a t e r m for ancient sacral laws s h o u l d p o i n t back to the seventh o r s i x t h c e n t u r y . 2 1

W h a t is r e m a r k a b l e is that the w o r d deltos cons is tent ly carries the v o w e l e i n n o r m a l Greek, as opposed to a i n Semit ic daltu; s l ight d i s t o r t i o n s o f v o w e l c o l o r i n g are n o t s u r p r i s i n g w i t h b o r r o w e d w o r d s , b u t the e is equa l ly characteristic o f the Greek letter name delta, w h i c h reproduces the same Semit ic w o r d . I n contrast , i n the C y p r i o t sy l labic scr ipt , w h i c h remains unaware o f the s tandard Greek alphabet, the expected f o r m for the w r i t i n g tablet is attested, daltos, closer to the Semit ic , j u s t as the Phoenicians were so close o n C y p r u s . 2 2 T h a t the n o r m a l Greek t e r m for the w r i t i n g tablet and the letter n a m e s h o w exact ly the same m e t a m o r p h o s i s indicates that b o t h b e l o n g together f r o m the s t a r t — i n o ther w o r d s , that the deltos i n Greece is as o l d as the Greek alphabet.

B o o k s were i n general use i n the P h o e n i c i a n - A r a m a i c r e g i o n i n the f o r m o f leather scrolls ; i n the special case o f the Israelite T o r a h , this f o r m has r e m a i n e d m a n d a t o r y . A r a m a i c " s c r o l l scribes" made the i r way t o M e s o p o t a m i a and became v i r t u a l l y indispensable to the A s s y r i a n a d m i n i s t r a t i o n , even w h e n the

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" tab le t scribes" o f the m u c h less pract ical yet o l d and venerable c u n e i f o r m scr ipt ins isted o n the i r pr iv i leges and s t i l l enjoyed h i g h e r rank . T h u s the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n o f the Assyr ian e m p i r e was based o n t w o languages, or rather, t w o s c r i p t s . 2 3 A r a m a i c as an a d m i n i s t r a t i v e language came de f in i te ly to the fore w i t h the Achaemenids o f Persia; b y t h e n i t is called " i m p e r i a l A r a m a i c " (Reichsaramaisch) b y m o d e r n specialists. B u t even Dar ius deferred to the o lder t r a d i t i o n and deemed i t necessary to have Persian c u n e i f o r m created. For pract ical purposes the Persians c o n t i n u e d to use the scrol ls ; there was a l i b r a r y o f leather scrolls i n Persepolis, b u r n t d o w n b y A l e x a n d e r . 2 4 I n Greece the leather scro l l , w r a p p e d a r o u n d a w o o d e n st ick , is already referred to i n the seventh c e n t u r y b y A r c h i l o c h u s , as he introduces his o w n p o e m w i t h the cur ious t e r m skytale, s t i c k — a d m i t t e d l y this t e r m was obscure even for Greek readers i n later a n t i q u i t y . 2 5 We have the w o r d o f H e r o d o t u s that the Ionians s t i l l called papyrus b o o k s diphtherai, skins, as this w o r d had become established to designate books i n the beg inn ings o f l iteracy. For c o n f i r m a t i o n even m o r e ancient evidence has c o m e u p : I n s i x t h - c e n t u r y b u s i ness letters f r o m the M i l e s i a n c o l o n y O l b i a , diphtherion as the "master b o o k " is seen to contrast w i t h single lead sheets used as letters , molibdion.26 T h u s i t is h a r d l y a coincidence that , i n the f i f t h century , oracle b o o k s are referred to as diphtherai,27 as these p r o b a b l y c o n t i n u e one o f the earliest uses o f w r i t i n g . As c o n tacts w i t h E g y p t became m o r e f requent , papyrus , be ing so m u c h cheaper and l i ghter , became the d o m i n a n t w r i t i n g m a t e r i a l . I t was called byhlos f r o m the Phoenic ian t r a d i n g post Gubla/ B y b l o s , o r chartes, a fo re ign w o r d o f u n k n o w n o r i g i n . I t seems that papyrus became available at the earliest i n the era o f Psam-m e t i c h u s , about 660, or m o r e p r o b a b l y o n l y w h e n the Greeks settled at N a u k r a t i s a r o u n d 600. T h e b r e a k t h r o u g h to l i teracy precedes this date even i n Ion ia ; this is reflected i n the local d i a lect w h i c h adhered t o the t e r m for leather scro l l , diphthera.

A k k a d i a n c u n e i f o r m side b y side w i t h A r a m a i c , Phoenic ian , and Greek alphabetic scr ipt produces a c o n t i n u u m o f w r i t t e n c u l t u r e i n the e i g h t h c e n t u r y w h i c h stretches f r o m the Euphrates t o Italy . C u n e i f o r m tablets are f o u n d n o t o n l y as far as Syria b u t

3 i


also o n C y p r u s and i n Tarsos, w h e r e the Greeks were de f in i te ly present. A l i t t l e farther east, at Guzana-Te l l Hala f , a businessm a n w o u l d c o n d u c t his correspondence p a r t l y i n c u n e i f o r m , p a r t l y i n A r a m a i c , whereas an A r a m a i c - s p e a k i n g c o m m u n i t y such as H u z i r i n a - S u l t a n t e p e near H a r r a n k e p t a l i b r a r y o f cunei f o r m l i te ra ture . T h e practice o f w r i t t e n contracts can be f o l l o w e d f r o m c u n e i f o r m t h r o u g h A r a m a i c and H e b r e w d o w n t o the Greeks o f the classical and H e l l e n i s t i c p e r i o d s . 2 8 C a r l Wendel has d r a w n a t t e n t i o n to connect ions that go b e y o n d business d o c u m e n t s ; I t is the practice o f the subscriptio i n par t i cu la r that connects the l a y o u t o f later Greek b o o k s w i t h c u n e i f o r m practice, the i n d i c a t i o n o f the n a m e o f the w r i t e r / a u t h o r and the t i t l e o f the b o o k r i g h t at the e n d , after the last l ine o f the text ; this is a detai led and exclusive correspondence w h i c h proves that Greek l i t e r a r y pract ice is u l t i m a t e l y dependent u p o n M e s o p o t a m i a . I t is necessary t o postulate that A r a m a i c leather scrolls f o r m e d the c o n n e c t i n g l i n k . 2 9

H e r e , however , w e are c o n f r o n t e d w i t h the catastrophic state o f preservat ion : T h e w h o l e o f A r a m a i c and P h o e n i c i a n l i te ra ture has been lost together w i t h the perishable mater ia ls o n w h i c h i t was w r i t t e n , w o o d o r leather, w i t h the e x c e p t i o n o f that offshoot i n Israel w h i c h was t o deve lop i n t o the B i b l e and thus r e m a i n e d preserved as a sacred tex t . T h e r e are, nevertheless, t w o pieces o f evidence to s h o w that c u n e i f o r m l i t e r a r y texts i n deed exerted inf luence o n A r a m a i c sc ro l l - l i t e ra ture . T h e sole extant scraps o f an ear ly A r a m a i c l i t e r a r y tex t f o u n d so far are the Ahiqar f ragments f i o m E lephant ine . T h e Ahiqar n o v e l — l o n g k n o w n i n its later, A r a m a i c - S y r i a n f o r m and i n var ious versions i n o ther languages—is set i n Syria i n the t i m e o f K i n g Sennacher ib and makes use o f names that m a y be h i s tor i ca l . T h e piece i t s e l f was, i n al l p r o b a b i l i t y , w r i t t e n after the catastrophe o f N i n eveh, b u t the A s s y r i a n p e r i o d is felt t o l o o m large i n the p i c t u r e . T h e t ransmiss ion o f this t e x t is r e m a r k a b l e p r o o f for a c o n t i n u ous t r a d i t i o n f r o m M e s o p o t a m i a v ia Syria to Palestine and E g y p t . 3 0 A n o t h e r tale about A s h u r b a n i p a l is extant i n A r a m a i c , 3 1 and G i l g a m e s h appears as a m y t h i c a l g iant a m o n g the remains o f A r a m a i c leather scrolls f r o m Q u m r a n , i n a f r a g m e n t

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o f the A r a m a i c B o o k o f H e n o c h : T h e m a i n character o f the m o s t b r i l l i a n t w o r k o f c u n e i f o r m l i terature has left his echo i n A r a m a i c w r i t i n g s o f the t h i r d c e n t u r y B . C . B y some route or other, the name G i l g a m o s even penetrated i n t o Greek l i t e ra t u r e . 3 2

N o t al l connect ions between A r a m a i c , Phoenic ian , or H e b r e w b o o k scrolls and Greek l i te ra ture were necessarily made t h r o u g h diphtherai o f the e i g h t h cent ury B . C . For a m u c h later contact the Septuagint is a m e m o r a b l e piece o f evidence, and even the Greek vers ion o f the Ahiqar novel w h i c h appears i n the Life o f Aesop was p r o b a b l y p r o d u c e d i n Hel lenis t ic t i m e s . 3 3 T h e merchants and cra f tsmen at Ischia were h a r d l y m u c h concerned w i t h b o o k s i n the l i t e r a r y sense—and yet the i n s c r i p t i o n o n the N e s t o r cup e v i d e n t l y was made b y someone w h o k n e w w h a t a b o o k o f Greek verse l o o k e d l i k e . I n any event, the fashionable c l a i m that the Greeks adopted o n l y the alphabet f r o m so-called Phoenicians a n d created al l the f u r t h e r achievements o f their w r i t t e n c u l t u r e o n the i r o w n 3 4 s h o u l d be approached w i t h caut i o n . W r i t i n g tablets and leather scrolls at the v e r y least came w i t h the scr ipt and m o l d e d the techniques and the concept o f the b o o k . T h e r e was n o tabula rasa. So m u c h o f Semit ic w r i t t e n c u l t u r e has been c o m p l e t e l y lost that general p r o b a b i l i t y w o u l d suggest rather that there were far m o r e n u m e r o u s , richer, and denser connect ions than can be d e m o n s t r a t e d b y the meager remains available. I n fact every n e w f i n d this century , w h e t h e r f r o m E lephant ine o r Q u m r a n , f r o m Karatepe o r D e i r c AUa, has b r o u g h t t o l i g h t n e w and o f ten unexpected c o n n e c t i o n s . 3 5

The Problem oj"Loan-Words

T h e clearest and m o s t e n d u r i n g evidence o f c u l t u r a l influences is e m b o d i e d i n language. W h a t C h r i s t i a n i t y , R o m a n c i v i l i z a t i o n , and Greek in te l l ec tua l and art ist ic c u l t u r e have meant for the West s t i l l speaks t o us f r o m o u r present language. T h e d i f ferent p i c t u r e presented b y the Greek l a n g u a g e — t h e impress ion o f i n d i g e n o u s p u r i t y u n t r o u b l e d b y external inf luences—is used, w i t h some apparent j u s t i f i c a t i o n , as an a r g u m e n t against

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the existence o f p r o f o u n d eastern influences: Close c u l t u r a l c o n tacts w i t h the Semit ic East, i t is a rgued , w o u l d be betrayed i n an abundance o f f o r e i g n and b o r r o w e d Semit ic w o r d s . 1 T h e lack o f Semit ic b o r r o w i n g s i n Greek is offered as p r o o f o f the lack o f any such contact .

B u t the s i t u a t i o n is n o t so clear-cut. T h e r e are at least some recognized Semit i c l o a n - w o r d s i n pre -He l l en i s t i c Greek, i n c l u d i n g such i m p o r t a n t ones as mnea/mna, m i n a , the basic u n i t o f w e i g h t and hence o f cur rency ; kanon, m e a s u r i n g r o d , hence ru ler and standard i n general ; deltas, w r i t i n g tablet , w i t h its w a x , malthe. T h e y p r o v i d e the clearest evidence one c o u l d w a n t for the traffic o f trade, c ra f t smen, and w r i t i n g i n the o r i e n t a l i z i n g p e r i o d .

Greek l inguis t i cs has been the d o m a i n o f Indo-European i s t s for near ly t w o centuries ; yet its success threatens t o d i s t o r t rea l i ty . I n al l the s tandard lex icons , to g ive the e t y m o l o g y o f a Greek w o r d means per definitionem t o give an I n d o - E u r o p e a n ety m o l o g y . Even the remotes t references—say, to A r m e n i a n o r L i t h u a n i a n — a r e f a i t h f u l l y recorded ; possible b o r r o w i n g s f r o m the Semit ic , however , are j u d g e d u n i n t e r e s t i n g and either d i s carded o r m e n t i o n e d o n l y i n passing, w i t h o u t adequate d o c u m e n t a t i o n . I t is w e l l k n o w n that a large par t o f the Greek vocabu l a r y lacks any adequate I n d o - E u r o p e a n e t y m o l o g y ; b u t i t has become a fashion to prefer connect ions w i t h a putat ive Aegean s u b s t r a t u m o r w i t h A n a t o l i a n parallels, w h i c h involves deal ing w i t h large ly u n k n o w n spheres, instead o f p u r s u i n g connect ions t o the w e l l - k n o w n Semit i c languages . 2 B e l o c h even w a n t e d t o separate the R h o d i a n Zeus A t a b y r i o s f r o m M o u n t A t a b y r i o n = Tabor , the m o u n t a i n i n Palestine, i n favor o f vague A n a t o l i a n resonances. 3 A n t i - S e m i t i s m was manifest i n this case; elsewhere i t was of ten o p e r a t i n g o n an unseen level . E v e n f i r s t - r a n k I n d o -Europeanists have made as tonish ing m i s j u d g m e n t s : T h e n u m ber o f Semit i c l o a n - w o r d s i n the Greek language is " q u i t e i n s i g n i f i c a n t l y s m a l l " ( D e b r u n n e r ) ; " i n d e e d they d o n ' t even reach d o u b l e f i gures " ( M e i l l e t ) . 4 T h e y seem to have f o r g o t t e n even the f i fteen Semit ic letter names. E m i l i e M a s s o n , i n her h i g h l y res t r ic t ive c r i t i ca l w o r k (1967), has nevertheless established t h i r t y -

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" W H O A R U P U B L I C W O R K E R S "

seven def ini te and t w e l v e possible Semit ic w o r d s i n the Greek language; us ing less r i g i d parameters O s w a l d Szemerenyi was able t o add another dozen; there is n o shortage o f fur ther att e m p t s . 5 Some o f this mater ia l requires careful check ing ; b u t add i t i o n a l f i n d i n g s also are by no means to be exc luded. T h i s m u c h is certain: T h e r e is a m a r k e d presence o f Semit ic l o a n w o r d s i n Greek.

It is t rue that di lettantes eager to make n e w discoveries have been g u i l t y o f carelessness and rash speculat ion i n this f ie ld , w h i l e the negat ive statements o f crit ics en joy the advantage o f seeming c a u t i o n and s t r ic t m e t h o d o l o g y : L ingu i s t s can keep t o wel l -establ ished laws o f p h o n e t i c e v o l u t i o n w i t h i n a closed syst e m , whereas b o r r o w i n g s are m o s t l y in fer red f r o m s imi lar i t ies o f sounds that m a y be f o r t u i t o u s . B u t i t is precisely m e t h o d o l o g y w h i c h is the p r o b l e m . Greek language, at any rate the l i t erary Greek that we k n o w , absolute ly rejects the use o f u n -adapted f o r e i g n w o r d s ; they are accepted o n l y i n perfectly assimilated f o r m as to phonet ics and i n f l e x i o n . T h u s there can be n o m e t h o d to discover b o r r o w e d w o r d s : T h e y i m i t a t e and go i n t o h i d i n g , a d a p t i n g themselves t o the roots and suffixes o f nat ive Greek. I n general , l o a n - w o r d s can be established d e f i n i t i v e l y o n l y o n the basis o f detai led d o c u m e n t a t i o n f r o m b o t h sides. 6 T h e w o r d hammock, der ived f r o m some A m e r i c a n I n d i a n language, has b e c o m e Hängematte, h a n g i n g m a t , i n G e r m a n , w h i c h l o o k s per fect ly i n d i g e n o u s — u n t i l w i t h a second or t h i r d l o o k one m a y realize that there is n o t , i n fact, a m a t w h i c h is h a n g i n g . Popular e t y m o l o g y plays its ro le i n m e t a m o r p h o s i s ; no rules o f p h o n e t i c e v o l u t i o n can be established. Even the correspondence o f m e a n i n g is s e l d o m perfect; par t ia l m i s u n d e r standings take place all the t i m e . T h u s the s i tuat ion as far as the e i g h t h c entury B . C . is concerned appears to be hopeless: Greek d o c u m e n t a t i o n is sparse, l i m i t e d a lmost exclus ively to the h i g h l y specialized sphere o f Greek epic d i c t i o n . T h e n e i g h b o r i n g languages, A r a m a i c and Phoenic ian , are k n o w n m a i n l y t h r o u g h casual i n s c r i p t i o n s ; the rest o f the d o c u m e n t a t i o n is lost . For a consc ient ious j u d g e , acqui t ta l b y lack o f evidence w i l l be the result again and a g a i n — a n d yet the o u t c o m e o f m i n i m a l -

35


i s m , a r r i ved at i n this fashion, m u s t be absolute ly false, as a general cons idera t ion o f p r o b a b i l i t i e s w i l l show. T h e u n d e r w o r l d o f l o a n - w o r d s is s t i l l there , camouf laged b u t i n f l u e n t i a l .

We can a t t e m p t to penetrate b e y o n d r h y m i n g games w i t h external assonances b y t a k i n g i n t o account necessary connect ions e i ther between names and concrete objects and sk i l l s , o r bet w e e n groups o f t e r m s w h i c h b e l o n g together . I n a d d i t i o n , very specific, p a r t i c u l a r l y m u l t i s y l l a b i c p h o n e t i c uni t s and specific s tructures o f m e a n i n g are ind ica t ive o f c u l t u r a l transfer, even i f m o r e c o n t e x t cannot be p r o d u c e d , because the p r o b a b i l i t y o f c o i n c i d e n t a l h o m o n y m y becomes exceedingly s m a l l .

I f we l o o k over the l i s t o f recognized Semit ic l o a n - w o r d s i n the Greek language, another stereotype makes its appearance: T h e Semit ic o r i g i n o f certa in terms o f trade and t raded goods is g l a d l y c o n c e d e d , 7 f o l l o w i n g , i t is t o be suspected, that once-prevalent n o t i o n o f " t y p i c a l l y J e w i s h " act iv i t ies ; w h a t r e m a i n ob l i t e ra ted are the areas o f cra f tsmanship , warfare , and w r i t t e n c u l t u r e , a l t h o u g h , g i v e n h i s tor ica l c i rcumstances , these are l i k e l y t o have been n o less i m p o r t a n t .

T h e l ist o f t r a d e d goods w i t h Semit ic names is impress ive i n d e e d . 8 Chrysos, g o l d , and chiton, g a r m e n t (related to the w o r d cotton), are the t w o i m p o r t a n t b o r r o w i n g s w h i c h are already i n evidence i n the M y c e n a e a n L inear B d o c u m e n t s and w h i c h therefore offer p r o o f o f business traffic i n the B r o n z e A g e . O t h e r k i n d s o f fabric , such as sindon, othone, bussos, s i m i l a r l y penet ra ted i n t o Greek as, natura l l y , d i d A r a b i a n specialties such as libanos a n d murra, f rankincense a n d m y r r h , and o t h e r spices such as nardos, kasia, kannabis, kinnamomon, minera l s such as naphtha and nitron, and plants such as krokos and sasamon, crocus and sesame. T h e express ion lipa aleiphesthai, " t o a n o i n t onesel f r i c h l y w i t h o i l , " m a y easily g o w i t h nitron.9 T h e A k k a d i a n w o r d for f ine ly g r o u n d flour, samidu, became semidalis i n Greek and is s t i l l c u r r e n t i n m o d e r n G r e e k . 1 0 I n a d d i t i o n there are the names o f containers and vessels such as kados, sipye, a n d — q u i t e a f req u e n t w o r d — l e k a n e , c o r r e s p o n d i n g to A r a m a e a n laqna; here p o p u l a r e t y m o l o g y has p r o d u c e d the m i r a g e o f a suffix i n c u r rent use i n Greek , -ane.n I f alabastron belongs together w i t h the

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A k k a d i a n algameshu and the H e b r a i c dlgabish, there is o n l y very par t ia l correspondence ; w i t h smaragdos, smaragd , w h i c h is bar-raqtu i n A k k a d i a n , pa-ra-ku i n M y c e n a e a n , bar'qa i n A r a m a i c , and marakatam i n Sanskr i t , i t seems pointless t o t r y to f o l l o w the path o f the w o r d t h r o u g h the or i enta l bazaars . 1 2 M o r e clear seems to be kalche for a f o r m o f p u r p l e , w h i c h po ints t o craftsm a n s h i p as w e l l as t o t r a d i n g ; 1 3 b y contrast kuanos, a b lue substance used for c o l o u r i n g , is traced to H i t t i t e kuwanna.u H o w c o m p l e x in ter re la t ions can be is s h o w n i n the case o f kaunakas, w o o l l e n robe : the w o r d is Persian and passed i n t o A k k a d i a n as w e l l as i n t o Greek i n w h i c h the resonances o f nakos, sheepskin, m a y w e l l have played a p a r t . 1 5

F r o m the act iv i t ies o f traders w e find, n e x t to the c o m m o n w o r d gaulos, sh ip , also the irreplaceable sakkos, sack; the m a r k e t , makellon;16 and above al l the u n i t o f w e i g h t already m e n t i o n e d , the m i n a — A k k a d i a n mana, G r e e k mnea, mna;17 ha rd l y less i m p o r t a n t is the t e r m for d o w n p a y m e n t o r deposit , arrabon, n o w attested b y a c o m m e r c i a l l e t ter (SEG 38, 1036) f r o m the fifth century . T h e m i n a became one o f the m o s t c o m m o n l y used G r e e k names for w e i g h t a n d c u r r e n c y w i t h o u t l o s i n g the s t a m p o f its M e s o p o t a m i a n o r i g i n s : I t is here and , for the archaic p e r i o d , o n l y here that the B a b y l o n i a n sexagesimal system was adopted b y the Greeks, as s i x t y minas m a k e u p one talent. T h i s t e r m for the h i g h e r u n i t , the talent (talantori), has an ancient Greek and i n fact I n d o - E u r o p e a n name; at least i n d i r e c t l y i t is attested i n M y c e n a e a n . Yet there is n o trace o f the m i n a and the sexagesimal system i n the w e l l - k n o w n Mycenaean system o f we ights and measures. T h u s w e m a y be conf ident that i n this case w e are dea l ing w i t h p o s t - M y c e n a e a n b o r r o w i n g o n the t r a d i n g r o u t e f r o m C a r c h e m i s h o n the Euphrates t o N o r t h Syria , reach ing the L u w i a n s and finally the Greeks.

P r e s u m a b l y the connect ions reach f u r t h e r than can s t r i c t l y be p r o v e d . T h e m i n a was, above a l l , the u n i t o f w e i g h t used for m e a s u r i n g silver. T h e r e are silver i n g o t s o r i g i n a t i n g f r o m Z i n -c i r l i , minas o f apparent ly standardized w e i g h t w h i c h bear the incised n a m e o f K i n g B a r r a k i b o f S a m ' a l - Z i n c i r l i (732-72o) ; 1 R

these are n o t e w o r t h y antecedents o f m i n t e d money , w h i c h came

37


i n t o use about one c e n t u r y later. T o scratch, to incise, is harasu i n A k k a d i a n , charaxai i n G r e e k . 1 9 T h i s then became the t e r m for the m i n t i n g o f Greek coins , a l t h o u g h i n that case i t was n o t actual ly the c o i n b u t rather the m o l d , n o w called charaktet; w h i c h was incised d i rect ly . T h e t e r m scratcher seems to p o i n t back to a practice w h i c h precedes the s t r i k i n g o f coins, a practice w h i c h is s h o w n m o s t c lear ly i n the talents o f Z i n c i r l i . B o r r o w i n g o r coincidence? A k k a d i a n uses the same r o o t to designate ent renchments f o r t i f i e d w i t h palisades, harisu, w h i l e the palisade w a l l o r even the i n d i v i d u a l palisades are called charax i n Greek. T h a t the same r o o t is used t w i c e i n t w o n o t n a t u r a l l y n e i g h b o r i n g areas o f m e a n i n g i n t w o dif ferent languages is s t r i k i n g . A n other o b s e r v a t i o n w o r t h a d d i n g here is that the d i s t r i b u t i v e use o f the Greek p r e p o s i t i o n ana i n c o n j u n c t i o n w i t h n u m b e r s , ana dyo, " t w o each," seems s o m e w h a t r e m o v e d f r o m the o r i g i n a l m e a n i n g o f this p r e p o s i t i o n , " u p w a r d s , " b u t corresponds exact ly to the A k k a d i a n p r e p o s i t i o n ana.20 Is this a k i n d o f Syr ian business slang, s i m i l a r t o the French a used i n a s i m i l a r sense i n G e r m a n account ing?

To r e t u r n to w h a t is def in i te and general ly recognized: I n the sphere o f the craf tsman the w o r d kanon appears as the clearest example o f b o r r o w i n g . O f course the general w o r d for reed o r cane, canna, is c u r r e n t i n the w h o l e o f the M e d i t e r r a n e a n w o r l d ; b u t the specialized use o f this t e r m for m e a s u r i n g st ick , qan min-dati i n A k k a d i a n , q'neh hammiddah i n H e b r e w , is less n a t u r a l , b u t so w e l l attested that n o one w i l l hypothes ize that the Greeks h i t u p o n this use o f " reeds" e n t i r e l y o n their o w n . 2 1 T h e appearance o f the t e r m i n Greek, however , means that a basic t o o l and c o n cept o f b u i l d i n g c o n s t r u c t i o n has been i m p o r t e d . I n a d d i t i o n there are the t e r m s titanos, l i m e , 2 2 andgypson, p laster , 2 3 b u t above all even the clay b r i c k , plinthos, w h i c h seems t o c o m e f r o m the A k k a d i a n *Hbintu, libittu.24 T h u s the basic t e r m o f M e s o p o t a -m i a n archi tecture has made its w a y to Greece. Just as the Germans apparent ly f i rst learnt h o w to b u i l d a so l id w a l l f r o m the R o m a n s , Mauer der ived f r o m L a t i n mums, as opposed t o a loose p a r t i t i o n , Wand, made f r o m wands , so the Greeks learnt the art o f b u i l d i n g wal ls t o measure f r o m b r i c k s , l i m e , and plaster f r o m

38


the eastern craf tsmen. E v e n the w o r d for axe, axine, coincides w i t h A k k a d i a n hassinnu;25 and that w o r d for b o o t h , barracks, or tent w h i c h was t o have a b r i l l i a n t career, skana/skene—hence scene—is m o s t p r o b a b l y an A s s y r i a n - A r a m a i c maskanu2b f r o m the m o s t c o m m o n r o o t sakanu, " t o set u p " ; w h e t h e r the w o r d was i n t r o d u c e d i n the sphere o f the craftsman or the soldier remains i n ques t ion . A s t o cra f tsmen, the characteristic expression "sons o f c r a f t s m e n " const i tutes another c o m m o n e l e m e n t . 2 7 I t is also possible that the n o b l e - s o u n d i n g w o r d cheironax for the cra f tsman, l i t e r a l l y " l o r d o f hands , " is b o r r o w e d ind i rec t ly , be ing translated f r o m H i t t i t e . 2 8 T h e name solos for the meta l i n g o t po int s i n a s i m i l a r d i r e c t i o n , to " L a t e H i t t i t e s " o f C i l i c i a . 2 9

T h u s i n the sphere o f craf tsmanship a p i c ture arises even f r o m l i n g u i s t i c data w h i c h ties i n w i t h the archaeological ly d e m o n strable i n f l u x o f o r i e n t a l ski l ls and products i n the e i g h t h century . For the inf luence o f o r i e n t a l i c o n o g r a p h y one s h o u l d bear i n m i n d that n o t o n l y the l i o n — l i s 3 0 — b e a r s a Semit ic name, b u t also the b u l l — t a u r o s — h a s a clear Semit ic correspondence . 3 1 S t i l l the example plinthos-libittu shows h o w m u c h t r a n s f o r m a t i o n , even b o w d l e r i z a t i o n can occur w i t h l o a n - w o r d s : I t is the object rather than the p h o n e t i c correspondence w h i c h makes the b o r r o w i n g plausible . M u c h remains i n the gray area o f the u n p r o v able, especially as the technical vocabulary o f early craftsmen is o n l y p a t c h i l y k n o w n to us even i n Greek.

T h e same is t rue o f another area i n w h i c h there were p r o l o n g e d and close contacts: the m i l i t a r y sphere o f mercenaries. I n the p e r t i n e n t v o c a b u l a r y there are a n u m b e r o f suggestive resonances, b u t none o f the supposed b o r r o w e d w o r d s has m e t w i t h general r e c o g n i t i o n . O n e c o u l d name the w o r d for sc imitar , harpe, next to the A r a m a i c harba, s w o r d ; 3 2 o r perhaps skylon for l o o t e d w e a p o n a n d sylan for l o o t i n g , 3 3 o r even macha, batt le , w i t h machessasthai, " t o f i g h t , " c o r r e s p o n d i n g to the general Sem i t i c w o r d for " t o h i t , " mahasu i n A k k a d i a n , together w i t h A r amaic maha, batt le : T h e h i g h l y i r regu lar f o r m a t i o n o f the r o o t , i r r e g u l a r f r o m the p o i n t o f v i e w o f the Greek, c o u l d indicate external in f luences . 3 4 I n a d d i t i o n the Greek w a r c r y alala c o u l d be categorized w i t h the c o r r e s p o n d i n g A k k a d i a n cry o f alala—and

39


f i n a l l y even w i t h H a l l e l u j a h . 3 5 These are serious poss ib i l i t ies , b u t they w i l l genera l ly meet w i t h der i s ion ; for m a n y i t w o u l d be unacceptable to t h i n k o f H e l l e n i c w a r r i o r s d e p e n d i n g o n Semit ic p r o t o t y p e s even i n the i r language. S t i l l , f r o m a h i s t o r i c a l p o i n t o f v iew, the m i l i t a r i z a t i o n o f the Assyr ians preceded the Greek polis, and , as far as the t e c h n o l o g y o f w e a p o n r y is concerned, i n par t icu lar the h o p l i t e shie ld , the inf luence o f the East is o b v i o u s . 3 6

T h e search for o r i e n t a l b o r r o w i n g s i n names f r o m Greek m y t h stands, as is t o be expected, o n p a r t i c u l a r l y uncer ta in g r o u n d . 3 7 Great c a u t i o n s h o u l d also be exercised w i t h the ter m i n o l o g y o f r i t u a l practice. References t o possible b o r r o w i n g s i n this f i e ld w i l l be g i v e n i n the next chapter as suggestive poss ibi l i t ies , for the sake o f i l l u s t r a t i o n , as i t were ; they cannot be used as independent a r g u m e n t s . 3 8 T h e r e r e m a i n unclear relat ionsh ips , such as Greek pallake, concubine , n e x t t o H e b r e w pi-Idgds, A r a m a i c palqta.39 I n any case, the k i n d o f m i n i m a l i s m that rejects a l l connect ions w i t h the Semit ic w h i c h are n o t crystal clear remains , o n the w h o l e , the m o s t u n l i k e l y o f possible h y potheses.

40

C H A P T E R T W O

" A SEER O R A H E A L E R "

Magic and Medicine from East to West

"Craftsmen of the Sacred": Mobility and Family Structure

Seers and doctors are the f irst enumerated b y H o m e r as m i g r a n t " c r a f t s m e n , " i n d i v i d u a l s w h o m a c o m m u n i t y w o u l d be c o n cerned to attract . T h e y are specialists o f a par t icu lar k i n d , havi n g the i r a r t — t e c h n e — w h i c h n o one else can master. Seers and doctors appear closely connected , at least i n the p e r i o d precedi n g the " H i p p o c r a t i c " era. T h e change is d o c u m e n t e d i n the fifth-century treatise On the Sacred Disease a t t r i b u t e d t o H i p p o c rates, w h i c h scorns the cathart ic healer i n the n a m e o f nature ; before that caesura, seer and healer m i g h t even be ident ica l , as the concept o f a l i fe characterized b y i n i t i a t i o n and d i v i n a t i o n , telestikos kai mantikos bios, indicates . 1 A m o d e r n - d a y pre judice against al l charlatans s h o u l d n o t obscure the i m p o r t a n c e i n ancient societies o f therapies based o n r i t u a l and r e l i g i o n . Even today i t is h a r d l y d i s p u t e d that , i n i n d i v i d u a l cases, a s t o u n d i n g success can be achieved b y such means, and seers w i t h a var iety o f technai en joy g o o d business.

" H e w h o makes the sacred his craft [techne]" is the m e m o r a b l e d e s c r i p t i o n g iven i n the D e r v e n i papyrus o f people w h o specialize i n p r i v a t e i n i t i a t i o n s . I n a s i m i l a r ve in Strabo refers t o " t h e D i o n y s i a c and O r p h i c crafts ," whereas for the H i p p o c r a t i c p o l e m i c i s t such a technic ian is rather " b a n a u s i c . " 2 B u t even this

4 i


a u t h o r a d m i t s that m i g r a n t seers and healers pose as bearers o f some special k n o w l e d g e . I n fact successful char i smat ic specialists became, as they can today, w i d e l y sought-af ter personalit ies ; they c o u l d cross f ront ie r s even m o r e easily and m o r e o f ten than o ther cra f tsmen w i t h s i m p l e r ski l ls . B e i n g the m o b i l e bearers o f c ross-cul tura l k n o w l e d g e , the m i g r a n t charismatics deserve part icu lar a t t e n t i o n as t o c u l t u r a l contacts . 3 I n fact they represent the in te l l ec tua l el i te o f the t i m e w i t h a chance to achieve i n t e r n a t i o n a l status.

T h e r e is evidence o f the m o b i l i t y o f m a g i c - w i e l d i n g seers a l ready i n the ancient O r i e n t . T h e k i n g o f M o a b s u m m o n e d B i -leam f r o m the Euphrates to c o m e and to curse Israel, b u t the s p i r i t o f G o d w h i c h came u p o n the seer made h i m p r o n o u n c e blessings ins tead . 4 I n the A m a r n a correspondence b o t h p h y s i cians and seers are requested to be sent, b y the k i n g o f U g a r i t as w e l l as b y the k i n g o f the H i t t i t e s ; one k i n g o f A l a s i a - C y p r u s has need o f an "eag le -d iv iner , " a b i r d augur f r o m E g y p t . 5 K i n g M u w a t a l l i s o f H a t t u s a o r d e r e d a con jurer f r o m B a b y l o n . 6 I n the m o r e m a r g i n a l reg ions w h e r e the p o w e r o f the k i n g s was less, the independence o f the seer was c o r r e s p o n d i n g l y enhanced. H e c o u l d travel freely o n his o w n i n i t i a t i v e , as is seen i n b o t h Greece and Israe l . 7 A s was the case w i t h local cra f tsmen, free enterprise developed i n the Greek w o r l d i n part icular . T h e special status a seer c o u l d achieve i n a c i t y is impress ive ly s h o w n i n the case o f Teisamenos, w h o c l a i m e d descent f r o m the m y t h i c a l seer M e -l a m p u s : H e c o u l d enforce his c o n d i t i o n s o n Sparta even against ancestral c u s t o m — a n d was f i n a l l y considered the " v i c t o r " i n the batt le o f Plataea (479 B . C . ) . 8 P la to , b y contrast , speaks i n tones o f c o n t e m p t o f those "beggar-pr iests and seers" w h o tendered the i r sevices "at the doors o f the r i c h " ; and yet he reveals that they c o u l d convince " w h o l e c i t i e s . " 9 I n about 600 B . C . A t h e n s s u m m o n e d E p i m e n i d e s the C r e t a n d i v i n e r to purge the c i t y o f the C y l o n i a n sacr i lege ; 1 0 s i m i l a r l y after 466 Sparta s u m m o n e d necromancers f r o m Phiga l ia because the inauspic ious death o f Pausanias had p o l l u t e d the prec inc t o f A t h e n a . 1 1 A l r e a d y a r o u n d 670 Thaletas o f G o r t y n h a d del ivered Sparta f r o m a p l a g u e . 1 2

H i s teacher O n o m a k r i t o s the L o k r i a n , w e are t o l d , had w a n -

42

" A S E E R O R A H E A L E R "

dered as far as Cre te , " s t a y i n g there o n account o f his m a n t i c c r a f t " 1 3 — t h e t e r m for a t e m p o r a r y s o j o u r n , epidemia, t y p i c a l l y used o f m i g r a n t physic ians , can equal ly be appl ied t o seers. A c c o r d i n g to P lato , D i o t i m a came to A t h e n s f r o m M a n t i n e a and, " f o r those w h o made sacrifices as she d i rected , she achieved a delay o f the advent o f the plague for ten years . " 1 4 I n the p u r i f i cat ion p o e m o f Empedoc les the m i g r a n t l i fe o f the seer is g iven a basic ex istent ia l d i m e n s i o n : "Ban i shed f r o m the gods and w a n d e r i n g a b o u t , " this is Empedocles ' o w n s i t u a t i o n , and j u s t for this reason he can pose as a g o d . 1 5

E v e r y o n e w h o chose t o take u p a career o f i n i t i a t i o n and d i v i n a t i o n d i d so o n his o w n account and at his o w n r i sk . T h e r e was n o m o n a s t i c i s m , there were n o re l ig ious orders . A n d yet these people en joyed a certain status recognized b y t r a d i t i o n ; they also c l a i m e d to r e l y o n some def ini te filiation o f d o c t r i n e o r technique : Each o f the m i g r a n t charismatics has his " father ," be i t his n a t u r a l father o r his teacher w h o , t h r o u g h the a p p r e n t iceship, has made h i m his son, indeed, w h o of ten f o r m a l l y adopted h i m . Greek seers tend t o present themselves i n f a m i l y g r o u p s . T h e m o s t famous were the M e l a m p o d i d a e , to w h o m Teisamenos was r e l a t e d . 1 6 T h e Iamidae f r o m O l y m p i a and the K l y t i a d a e connected w i t h t h e m were n o less p r o u d o f their ancestry, and the i r act iv it ies lasted for centuries. T h e Telmissians i n K a r i a , t o o , were a " m a n t i c f a m i l y " (genos)." E v e n m o r e e n d u r i n g was the success o f the pr iest- famil ies i n Eleusis, the E u -m o l p i d a e and the K e r y k e s , w h o off ic iated for about one m i l l e n n i u m u n t i l the myster ies were f i n a l l y o u t l a w e d b y the C h r i s t i a n e m p e r o r . 1 8 I t was possible for a m e m b e r o f the f a m i l y to t u r n t o t r a v e l l i n g and t o b e c o m e successful i n f o r e i g n parts as a specialist i n sacred mat te r s , as T i m o t h e o s d i d w i t h the first P t o l e m y i n A l e x a n d r i a . 1 9 B u t w e see f a m i l y lines d e v e l o p i n g even outs ide the established clans. A few details are suppl ied b y the t r ia l speech Aiginetikos o f Isocrates : 2 0 Polemainetos the successful seer—"Praised i n War, " a t e l l i n g n a m e ? — h i m s e l f childless, chose T h r a s y l l o s t o be his successor and bequeathed h i m his " a r t , " his b o o k s , and his money . Thrasy l los " m a d e use o f the a r t , " became v e r y h i g h l y regarded, and amassed such a large

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fortune that the c h i l d r e n f r o m his var ious marriages c o n t i n u e d t o l i t i g a t e over i t l o n g after his death. H e had m a r r i e d i n t o a nob le f a m i l y o n S iphnos , and this was apparent ly the end o f the seer t r a d i t i o n i n his l i n e . B u t such an art c o u l d be r e v i v e d w h e n necessary: T h e m o t h e r o f Aeschines the orator , car icatured b y his b i t t e r e n e m y D e m o s t h e n e s as a w i t c h l i k e priestess o f arcane myster ies , was, a c c o r d i n g t o an i n s c r i p t i o n , descended f r o m a f a m i l y o f seers i n the t r a d i t i o n o f A m p h i a r a o s ; b o t h father and brothers were p r a c t i c i n g seers, and e v i d e n t l y she herse l f d i d w h a t she c o u l d to s u p p o r t the f a m i l y f inanc ia l l y t h r o u g h her special " c r a f t . " 2 1 A decree o f K i n g P t o l e m y P h i l o p a t o r a r o u n d 210 B . C . s u m m o n e d al l those w h o pract iced the D i o n y s i a c m y s teries i n E g y p t t o register i n A l e x a n d r i a and t o declare " f r o m w h o m they have received the sacred t h i n g s , up to three generat i o n s . " 2 2 We see that a p r a c t i t i o n e r o f the telestic craft n o t o n l y had t o l e g i t i m a t e h i m s e l f b y g i v i n g the name o f his i m m e d i a t e teacher, b u t also h a d t o k n o w w h o his sp i r i tua l grandfather and great -grandfather were . O n e m a y also c o m p a r e the fact that the c i t y Magnes ia o n the Maeander s u m m o n e d three maenads f r o m Thebes , f r o m the f a m i l y o f I n o — t h a t is, a c c o r d i n g t o m y t h , the o r i g i n a l maenads w h o had tended D i o n y s u s — t o organize the n e w D i o n y s i a n m y s t e r i e s . 2 3

T h e r e q u i r e m e n t that secret k n o w l e d g e be passed o n o n l y t o an actual son appears i n a lchemica l w r i t i n g s and i n the magica l p a p y r i . 2 4 H o w e v e r , this mandate already appl ied t o the o r g a n i zations o f the early Greek physic ians . Best k n o w n is the " f a m i l y " o f the A s c l e p i a d s , 2 5 a l t h o u g h i t was h a r d l y u n i q u e . T h e fam o u s H i p p o c r a t i c O a t h has o b l i g a t i o n s for the p u p i l w h i c h are the equiva lent o f a de facto a d o p t i o n . 2 6 N o less s igni f icant ly , the H i p p o c r a t i c nomos makes the t ransmiss ion o f the k n o w l e d g e an i n i t i a t i o n i n t o myster ies : " H o l y th ings are s h o w n to h o l y m e n ; such th ings are n o t p e r m i t t e d for the profane u n t i l they are i n i t iated t h r o u g h the rites o f k n o w l e d g e . " 2 7

Precisely this c o n n e c t i o n o f sacred ski l ls w i t h f a m i l y t r a d i t i o n and the mandate o f esoter ic i sm can already be f o u n d i n c u n e i f o r m d o c u m e n t s . These c o n t a i n extensive i n f o r m a t i o n about m a n y k i n d s o f seers and prac t i t ioners o f magic . E v e n i n the o r -

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d i n a r y crafts the son takes over the art f r o m the father so that the t rue craf tsman is called the " s o n o f the master c ra f t sman" (mar ummani); the C o d e x H a m m u r a p i makes the l earn ing o f a craft a de facto a d o p t i o n . 2 8 O n the T y s k i e w i c z b o w l f o u n d i n Italy , P h o e n i c i a n artists s ign as "sons o f the f o u n d r y m e n . " 2 9 C o r r e s p o n d i n g l y , a t r u e seer is a " s o n o f a seer"; i n his i n c a n t a t i o n he presents h i m s e l f as " t h e k n o w i n g one, son o f the master c r a f t s m a n . " 3 0 " T h e secrets o f asipu-zvt, the k n o w i n g one shall s h o w t h e m t o the k n o w i n g one; he w h o does n o t k n o w does n o t see t h e m ; to y o u r son w h o m y o u love, m a k e h i m p r o n o u n c e the n a m e o f g o d A s a l l u h i and g o d N i n u r t a , and s h o w h i m " : this is the p r e s c r i p t i o n for the t r a d i t i o n o f esoteric w i s d o m i n i n c a n t a t i o n t e x t s ; 3 1 or, i n o ther w o r d s : " T h e wise one makes his son . . . take the o a t h ; he makes h i m l e a r n . " 3 2 T h u s the peculiar practice o f t a k i n g an o a t h t o ensure that k n o w l e d g e remains w i t h i n the f a m i l y is c o m m o n to the B a b y l o n i a n magic ians and t o the H i p p o c r a t i c s . D i o d o r u s reports that w i t h the Chaldaeans, t o o , the secret art o f a s t r o l o g y is r e g u l a r l y acquired b y the son f r o m the f a ther . 3 3

A s i m i l a r craft is f o u n d i n the West i n w h i c h the father-son l ine was preserved w i t h par t i cu la r zeal even w h e n spreading t o f o r e i g n areas, and this was part o f its success: that o f Etruscan haruspices.34 I n R o m e this art was always left to the specialists f r o m n e i g h b o r i n g E t r u r i a . Tacitus states expressly that the noble Etruscan famil ies reserved this k n o w l e d g e for themselves and passed i t o n o n l y w i t h i n the f a m i l y ; already C i c e r o takes this for g r a n t e d . 3 5 I t cannot ser iously be d o u b t e d , even i n the absence o f d i rect d o c u m e n t a t i o n , that this practice goes back to the great p e r i o d o f E t r u r i a — t h a t is, back to the archaic p e r i o d . A c c o r d i n g to the R o m a n his tor ians , the haruspices of f ic iated even i n the age o f the k ings ; they te l l h o w A t t u s N a v i u s t o o k an apprenticeship w i t h the E t r u s c a n s . 3 6 T h i s u l t i m a t e l y leads back to the o r i e n t a l i z i n g p e r i o d o f E t r u r i a .

I t is t rue that such fami ly -based practice can c o m e i n t o be ing i n m a n y places and cultures w i t h o u t contacts or dependence. S i m i l a r ties w i t h i n the " f a m i l y " are r e p o r t e d for E g y p t i a n priests as w e l l as for I ranian magi b u t m a y also easily be f o u n d

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e l sewhere . 3 7 Nevertheless there is a l i n g u i s t i c p e c u l i a r i t y that appears t o p o i n t t o a n a r r o w e r c o n n e c t i o n between Semit ic and Greek usage: I n the r e a l m o f craf tsmen and o f seers, o f healers and physic ians , there appears i n A k k a d i a n , Phoenic ian , and H e b r e w o n the one h a n d and i n Greek o n the other , the express ion "sons o f . . . " to designate the col lect ive g r o u p : 3 8 "sons o f Asc le -p i u s " b u t also "sons o f p a i n t e r s " i n P l a t o ; 3 9 "sons o f p h i l o s o p h e r s " became a c o m m o n , s l i g h t l y i r o n i c express ion later o n . T h a t the agreement between the Semit ic and the Greek i d i o m a t i c express ion is n o t j u s t n a t u r a l b u t s igni f icant can be measured b y the fact that an express ion such as " t h e c h i l d r e n o f I s rae l " w i l l s t i l l be recognizable as a S e m i t i s m . I t is t rue that w e also f i n d "sons o f the Achaeans" i n H o m e r , hence also "sons o f the L y d i a n s " and s i m i l a r t e r m s i n H e r o d o t u s and later to des ignate nat ions . T h i s t o o is f u l l y equiva lent t o eastern p r a c t i c e . 4 0

T h e C h r i s t i a n Gnost ics b o r r o w e d a c o r r e s p o n d i n g express ion afresh f r o m the Semit i c s ide . 4 1 We have m u c h less d i rect e v i dence for the earlier per iods ; b u t the general s i t u a t i o n s t r e n g t h ens the hypothes i s o f c u l t u r a l transfer even at that t i m e .

Hepatoscopy

T h a t the Et ruscan disciplina o f t a k i n g omens f r o m l iver inspect i o n (hepatoscopy, haruspicina) shows r e m a r k a b l y close c o r r e s p o n dence t o the f o r m o f d i v i n a t i o n developed i n M e s o p o t a m i a and that this can best be exp la ined as the t ransmiss ion o f a " s c h o o l " f r o m B a b y l o n t o E t r u r i a has been established since the d e c i p h e r m e n t o f c u n e i f o r m . 1 H o w e v e r , this correspondence has bare ly been discussed w i t h i n the general f r a m e w o r k o f a c u l t u r a l exchange. T h e r e are indeed specific p r o b l e m s o f c o m p a r i s o n even here: T h e c u n e i f o r m m a t e r i a l is overabundant , b u t m u c h o f i t s t i l l lacks d e f i n i t i v e p u b l i c a t i o n . 2 T h e Et ruscan m a t e r i a l , o n the o ther h a n d , is lost and can be reconstructed o n l y piecemeal f r o m L a t i n and Greek texts . T h e correspondence between E t r u s can and A s s y r i a n hepatoscopy became ev ident as soon as the Et ruscan b r o n z e l i v e r f o u n d at Piacenza 3 was c o m p a r e d w i t h the A s s y r i a n clay m o d e l o f a l i ver i n the B r i t i s h M u s e u m (Figure 3) ; 4

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A S E E R O R A H E A L E R "

Figure 3. TOP: Liver model in clay, with cuneiform inscription, from Mesopotamia, eighteenth century B. C. B O T T O M : Liver model in bronze,

with Etruscan inscription, from Piacenza, third century B. C.

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f u r t h e r examples have subsequent ly c o m e t o l i g h t . T h e age-old practice o f a n i m a l s laughter b r i n g s w i t h i t m a n y unforeseeable and u n c a n n y details ; the l i ver i n part icular , w i t h its c o m p l i c a t e d and c h a n g i n g f o r m , seems t o i n v i t e a t tempts at oracular i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . For this reason the d irect c o n n e c t i o n between the o r i ental and Etruscan l o r e has been b r o u g h t i n t o d o u b t a g a i n . 5 A n d yet t o b u i l d a system specif ical ly o n the s laughter o f sheep, to manufac ture d e m o n s t r a t i o n m o d e l s o f sheep l ivers f r o m clay and m e t a l and t o p r o v i d e t h e m w i t h i n s c r i p t i o n s f o r the sake o f e x p l a n a t i o n , is s o m e t h i n g pecul iar f o u n d precisely a l o n g the c o r r i d o r f r o m the Euphrates v ia Syria and C y p r u s t o E t r u r i a . I t can even be s h o w n that b o t h the A s s y r i a n and the Etruscan mode l s d iverge f r o m nature i n a s i m i l a r w a y ; 6 that is, they are der ived n o t d i r e c t l y f r o m observa t ion b u t f r o m c o m m o n t r a d i t i o n a l lo re .

M o d e l s o f l ivers are the concrete archaeological evidence for the d i f fus ion o f M e s o p o t a m i a n hepatoscopy. Besides M e s o p o tamia such m o d e l s have been f o u n d since the B r o n z e A g e w i t h the H i t t i t e s o f As ia M i n o r ; i n A l a l a k h , Te l l el H a j j , and U g a r i t i n Syria; i n H a z o r and M e g i d d o i n Palestine; and also o n C y prus . A s s y r i a n hepatoscopy was pract iced at Tarsos i n C i l i c i a i n the t i m e o f the A s s y r i a n s . 7 B y contrast , the Etruscan examples , so far as is k n o w n , date f r o m the t h i r d and second centuries B . C . T h u s , the p r e s u m p t i o n that w e are dea l ing w i t h contacts i n H e l lenist ic t i m e s 8 cannot be r u l e d o u t . Nevertheless , the balance o f p robab i l i t i e s speaks against i t : A t that t i m e , the g o l d e n age o f E t r u r i a lay far i n the past. B u t the i n t e r n a l t r a d i t i o n o f the E t r u s can disciplinae goes back t o the seventh century , as is seen f r o m the i r system o f saecula9—that is, t o precisely that p e r i o d w h o s e g l o r y is reflected i n so m a n y or i enta l i m p o r t s . 1 0 T h e esoteric f a m i l y t r a d i t i o n o f the haruspices guaranteed the preservat ion o f the k n o w l e d g e una l tered . I f that k n o w l e d g e ever a r r i ved f r o m elsewhere, i t m u s t have d o n e so at an early p e r i o d w h i c h was s t i l l receptive, before the discipline! became fixed.

T h i s fact is c o n f i r m e d f r o m the Greek side. I t seems that h e p atoscopy had n o place i n the o lder strata o f H o m e r i c epic, b u t i t makes its appearance i n the final vers ion we have, d a t i n g to

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a r o u n d 700 B . C . : Calchas, A g a m e m n o n ' s seer, is the best o f the " b i r d - d i v i n e r s , " and b y v i r t u e o f this art he has " l e d " the a r m y . " B u t a " s a c r i f i c e - d i v i n e r " (thyoskoos) is m e n t i o n e d i n the t w e n t y -f o u r t h b o o k o f the Iliad and has his ro le i n the Odyssey.12 O f course there are var ious ways to practice d i v i n a t i o n at sacrifice, b u t the o b s e r v a t i o n o f the l iver is b y far the m o s t p r e d o m i n a n t ; the name o f the Etruscans, Tusc i , was subsequently der ived f r o m thyoskoos b y Greek s p e c u l a t i o n . 1 3 Greek i c o n o g r a p h y shows the seer e x a m i n i n g the l iver f r o m about 530 B . C . ; 1 4 after the Persian Wars Greek l i te ra ture has hepatoscopy f u l l y devel oped as the d o m i n a n t f o r m o f d i v i n a t i o n . F r o m Plato we learn that hepatoscopy en joyed greater prestige than b i r d a u g u r y . 1 5

I t is in te res t ing e n o u g h that there is a special t r a d i t i o n w h i c h po ints t o C i l i c i a and C y p r u s : T h e priest clan o f the Tamiradae at Paphos c l a i m e d t o have b r o u g h t this art w i t h t h e m f r o m C i l ic ia , and t o have passed i t o n to the C inyradae t h e r e . 1 6 W i t h the oracle priests o f C a r i a n Telmessos l iver a u g u r y enjoyed a special s ta tus ; 1 7 this t o o m a y p o i n t t o that epoch w h e n Car ian m e r c e n aries w e n t t o the O r i e n t , j u s t as Greeks w o u l d d o soon after t h e m .

For a l l we k n o w , l i v e r mode l s d i d n o t get as far as Greece itself. B u t another cur ious object related t o the e x a m i n a t i o n o f entrai ls is the " H u m b a b a face," a grotesque h u m a n visage that can be made e n t i r e l y f r o m lengths o f i n t e s t i n e . 1 8 I t is f ami l ia r f r o m finds, made i n M e s o p o t a m i a , b u t a characteristic example has also been unear thed at the acropol is o f G o r t y n , i n a sanctuary w h e r e the presence o f o r i e n t a l craf tsmen and seers i n the e i g h t h c e n t u r y is ev ident f r o m the archi tecture as w e l l as f r o m the relics o f f o u n d a t i o n sacri f ices . 1 9 T h e H u m b a b a face is also i m i t a t e d i n some o f the grotesque masks f r o m the O r t h e i a sanct u a r y at Sparta, c o n f i r m i n g the spread o f paraphernal ia o f the eastern art o f d i v i n a t i o n t o the West.

W h a t is m o r e , there is a remarkab le correspondence between the B a b y l o n i a n a n d the western t e r m i n o l o g y o f hepatoscopy. T h e Etruscan language has been lost , so for us, Greek and L a t i n m u s t take its place. T h e systems are n o t exact ly ident ica l : T h e r e is a s t r ic t o r d e r o f e x a m i n a t i o n o f ten parts o f the l iver i n the

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A s s y r i a n s c h o o l 2 0 w h i c h has n o paral lel i n the West. H o w e v e r , a w h o l e s t r i n g o f Greek terms l o o k s l i k e a t rans la t ion f r o m the A k k a d i a n . H e r e as there, the l iver has a "gate , " a "head , " a " p a t h , " and a " r i v e r . " 2 1 I f one l o o k s at the n a m i n g o f the v a r i o u s l y shaped lobes o f the l i ver as a k i n d o f Rohrschach test, the m o s t d i v e r g e n t pro jec t ions and i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s m i g h t c o m e t o the fore: T h e correspondence between East and West can h a r d l y be accidental . I n a d d i t i o n , there is a special b i n a r y l o g i c i n the system w h i c h can be s h o w n to exist i n the A k k a d i a n as w e l l as i n the Greek, and above al l i n the E t r u s c a n - L a t i n branch o f the science: T h e r e are " a u s p i c i o u s " and " h o s t i l e " sections o f the l iver a c c o r d i n g t o w h i c h the i m p o r t o f the observat ions alters: w h a t is n o r m a l is g o o d i n the auspicious sect ion and dangerous i n the host i le sect ion; m a l f o r m a t i o n i n the host i le section is g o o d , and vice versa . 2 2 Less t e l l i n g proofs for in terconnect ions are general i m a g i n a t i v e associations, such as a m i s s i n g " h e a d , " i n d i c a t i n g catastrophe o f leader, k i n g , or c o u n t r y ; o r t w o "heads" i n d i c a t i n g t w o r i v a l powers . E v e n this paral le l connects the factual M e s o p o t a m i a n reports to fantastic scenes elaborated b y R o m a n p o e t s . 2 3

W h a t w o u l d seem t o be the strongest a r g u m e n t for the A s s y r i a n - E t r u s c a n axis is, i n fact, the m o s t uncer ta in : that o f l i n guis t ic b o r r o w i n g . A l f r e d Boissier, w h o was the f irst to w o r k systemat ica l ly o n B a b y l o n i a n l i v e r - o m e n texts , saw that liver i n these texts was cons is tent ly w r i t t e n w i t h the S u m e r i a n ideog r a m HAR; and he at once c o n c l u d e d that this was the e t y m o l o g y for the L a t i n w o r d haruspex, the f i rst part o f w h i c h had always defied e x p l a n a t i o n , w h i l e the second par t m u s t mean "seer o f " ; "seer o f l i v e r " w o u l d per fect ly m a t c h its use i n reference t o those Et ruscan specialists o f f i c i a t ing i n R o m e . 2 4 T h i s is as suggestive as i t is s u r p r i s i n g ; b u t serious d o u b t s m u s t r e m a i n . E v e n i f the t ransmiss ion o f k n o w l e d g e f r o m M e s o p o t a m i a to E t r u r i a seems to be b e y o n d d ispute , there was n o t ransmiss ion o f c u n e i f o r m scr ipt a n y w h e r e i n the West. I n ora l i n s t r u c t i o n , however , s o m e t h i n g such as HAR was m o s t u n l i k e l y to have been p r o n o u n c e d . T h e s ign HAR is used as an i d e o g r a m for w h a t , i n A k k a d i a n , s h o u l d s o u n d amutu.25 M o r e o v e r the E t r u s -

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cans, the actual specialists, had the i r o w n , c o m p l e t e l y dif ferent w o r d for this t y p e o f seer, netsvis26 H o w s h o u l d the Romans come b y a S u m e r i a n n a m e for s o m e t h i n g w h i c h was pract iced b y the Etruscans? O n e is thus forced t o take Boissier's e t y m o l o g y as an example o f h o w a coincidence o f l i n g u i s t i c h o m o n -y m y can lead us astray. I t is perhaps n o less suggestive that the s ign w h i c h the seer had t o i n t e r p r e t is called tertu i n A k k a d i a n ; its p l u r a l , teretu, sounds r e m a r k a b l y l i k e the terata/teirata w i t h w h i c h a seer such as Teiresias was to d e a l . 2 7 B u t even here a cur ious coinc idence cannot be r u l e d o u t .

C i c e r o w r i t e s that i t is u n t h i n k a b l e that Etruscan, Greek, E g y p t i a n , and Punic d iv iners s h o u l d meet for consu l ta t ion and reach a c o m m o n consensus i n p r o b l e m s o f hepatoscopy; they w o u l d never agree, because " there is n o t a single science for al l o f t h e m , " b u t o n l y d i v e r g i n g sectarian v i e w s . 2 8 Skeptics c o u l d d r a w the c o n c l u s i o n that the w h o l e t h i n g was nonsense; the h i s t o r i a n , however , f inds the clearest evidence o f c u l t u r a l d i f fus ion precisely i n correspondences o f details that seem m o s t absurd and u n n a t u r a l , and hence least l i k e l y t o be a r r i ved at i n d e p e n dently . I t is o n l y t o be expected that i n d i v i d u a l aberrations w i l l creep i n , and o f course i n d i v i d u a l f o r m s tend to adapt t h e m selves t o the p r e v a i l i n g c u l t u r a l contex t . T h u s Greek d i v i n a t i o n character ist ical ly proceeds far m o r e f r o m a visual-associative basis, w i t h o u t the a l m o s t scholar ly ballast o f the Etruscan disci-plina, w h i c h , o n the o ther h a n d , has preserved m o r e o f its eastern o r i g i n s . T h e s imi lar i t i e s are nevertheless indicat ive o f a c o m m o n source, o f some h i s tor ica l connect ion w h i c h binds al l the i n d i v i d u a l f o r m s together. T h e spread o f hepatoscopy is one o f the clearest examples o f c u l t u r a l contact i n the o r i e n t a l i z i n g p e r i o d . I t m u s t have been a case o f East-West u n d e r s t a n d i n g o n a re la t ive ly h i g h , technica l level. T h e m o b i l i t y o f m i g r a n t char-ismatics is the n a t u r a l prerequis i te for this d i f fus ion , the i n t e r n a t i o n a l role o f sought-a f ter specialists, w h o were , as far as their art was concerned, nevertheless b o u n d to their father-teachers. We cannot expect t o f i n d m a n y archaeological ly ident i f iable traces o f such people , o ther than some except ional instances: a m o d e l l iver or a H u m b a b a face.

5 i


S t i l l the m i g r a n t d i v i n e r s have left the i r m a r k i n Greek m y t h o l o g y . O n e n a m e w h i c h l i n k s the O r i e n t a n d Greece is that o f the seer M o p s o s . A c c o r d i n g t o the Greek vers ion , w h i c h was f i xed above a l l i n the H e s i o d i c M e l a m p o d i a , 2 9 he was a n e p h e w o f Teiresias; he f i rs t f o u n d e d the oracle o f C laros and eventua l ly e m i g r a t e d t o C i l i c i a , w h e r e the c i t y o f M o p s u e s t i a carr ied his name. S u r p r i s i n g l y , the n a m e M o p s o s appears i n a H i t t i t e r e p o r t , as Muksus;30 i n a d d i t i o n , the famous b i l i n g u a l i n s c r i p t i o n f r o m Karatepe i n C i l i c i a f r o m the e i g h t h c e n t u r y in t roduces a K i n g A z i t a w a d d a f r o m the "house o f M o p s o s " ; 3 1 the h i e r o g l y p h i c L u w i a n t e x t indicates the n a m e t o be Moxos, a name preserved also i n L y d i a n t r a d i t i o n , 3 2 whereas the Phoenic ian vers ion has Mopsos (mps). H o w these t e s t i m o n i a s h o u l d be c o m b i n e d to reconst ruct the real h i s t o r y o f one K i n g M o p s o s and his p r o g e n y i n As ia M i n o r is a p r o b l e m w h i c h cannot be d i s cussed here. I t suffices t o state that a name f r o m the H i t t i t e -C i l i c i a n t r a d i t i o n is used i n Greek m y t h t o i d e n t i f y one o f the great seers w h o was, i n the Greek v iew, connected w i t h C i l i c i a . T h e C i l i c i a n o r i g i n s o f the seers o f Paphos s h o u l d n o t be f o r g o t t e n . N e x t to M o p s o s there stands, w i t h a p u r e Greek n a m e , A m p h i l o c h o s , the son o f A m p h i a r a o s . M o p s o s and A m p h i l o -chos together are h o n o r e d as the f o u n d i n g heroes o f the famous oracle o f M a l l o s i n C i l i c i a , a place w h e r e , once m o r e , o r i e n t a l and Greek t r a d i t i o n s meet i n a special w a y . 3 3 I n any case, Greek m y t h establishes a c o n n e c t i o n between Greece and C i l i c i a p r e cisely a r o u n d the f i g u r e o f the m i g r a n t seer. N o t t o o far away is Tarsos, w h e r e Greek ceramics as w e l l as c u n e i f o r m d o c u m e n t s w i t h d i v i n a t o r y contents have been f o u n d . T h e " H e s i o d i c " tex t about M o p s o s m a y c o m e close i n t i m e t o the Karatepe i n s c r i p t i o n , that is, to the A s s y r i a n p e r i o d . T h e spread o f the art o f the seer f r o m the Euphrates t o Greece and the Etruscans as ind icated b y the o ther evidence presents the plausible b a c k g r o u n d for the d e v e l o p m e n t o f the M o p s o s m y t h . I t is t rue that the Greek narrat ive has reversed the c i rcumstances , as the Greek M o p s o s is made to e m i g r a t e t o C i l i c i a , a l t h o u g h a c c o r d i n g to the local d o c u m e n t s his " h o u s e " had been established there and n o t i n Greece. I t is i n t e r e s t i n g that the m y t h has M o p s o s defeat C a l -

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chas " t h e best b i r d a u g u r " i n a contest o f seers; the f o r e i g n o r i g i n o f the art is, however , suppressed.

Let us n o t f o r g e t that a w h o l e range o f o ther f o r m s o f d i v i n a t i o n are c o m m o n t o the H i t t i t e and Semit ic O r i e n t and the Greeks; n e x t t o the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f m a n y o ther p o r t e n t s , 3 4 b i r d a u g u r y played a notab le ro le i n B a b y l o n . D i f f e rent k i n d s o f le -canomancy also c o n s t i t u t e d a special art , w h e t h e r i n the p o u r i n g o f o i l o n t o water o r the s p r i n k l i n g o f flour o n t o l i q u i d . 3 5 " T o p o u r v inegar and flour i n t o the same glass" and to w a t c h their m o v e m e n t s is m e n t i o n e d once b y Aeschylus ; Farnel l t o o k this to be a clear e x a m p l e o f M e s o p o t a m i a n i n f l u e n c e . 3 6 Such practices d i d n o t , however , become as p r o m i n e n t as l iver augury. T h e fact that lekane is an A r a m a i c w o r d is p r o b a b l y j u s t another coincidence.

Foundation Deposits

T o m a k e offerings o n the occasion o f the c o n s t r u c t i o n o f b u i l d ings o n the v e r y spot is a widespread practice, w e l l k n o w n to b o t h e thnolog i s t s and f o l k l o r i s t s . H o w e v e r , there are c u l t u r a l l y specific f o r m s w h i c h can develop i n t o f i x e d t r a d i t i o n s . I n the Near East, w h e r e there are p e r t i n e n t texts as w e l l as archaeological f inds , var ious f o r m s emerge accord ing t o place and p e r i o d . T h e r e are g u a r d i a n f igures w h i c h are i n t e r r e d under the b u i l d i n g ; there are stone tablets w i t h inscr ip t ions b u r i e d l ikewise . T h e r e are also less specific sacrif icial r i tuals i n v o l v i n g an imal sacrifice and l i b a t i o n s . I n a d d i t i o n there is the practice, p a r t i c u l a r l y w idespread a m o n g the Assyr ians , o f i n t e r r i n g valuable o b jects , di f ferent k i n d s o f precious meta l and precious stones, u n d e r temples o r palaces. 1 O n e relevant r i t u a l tex t for the erect i o n o f a n e w house has been preserved i n H i t t i t e ; i t specifies h o w g o l d , silver, a n d bronze and other objects are t o be deposi t e d i n specific places t o the a c c o m p a n i m e n t o f prayers . 2

T h e r e are c o m p a r a b l e albeit n o t ident ica l f o u n d a t i o n offerings i n the M i n o a n w o r l d : c o l o r e d pebbles f r o m the sea, smal l vessels, seals, even, i n one case, a n i m a l bones, b u r i e d under the floor o r the t h r e s h o l d o f a sacred r o o m . 3 A deposit o f eastern

S3


style , cons i s t ing o f b r o n z e objects de l iberate ly i n t e r r e d , has c o m e t o l i g h t u n d e r the Late B r o n z e A g e T e m p l e I V i n K i t i o n o n C y p r u s ; the excavators were i m m e d i a t e l y r e m i n d e d o f the M e s o p o t a m i a n pract ice , a l t h o u g h the inhabi tants o f K i t i o n at that t i m e m a y have been M y c e n a e a n Greeks . 4

T h e n e x t f i n d , closer t o Greece proper , dates f r o m a r o u n d 800 o n Crete : A f a m i l y o f g o l d s m i t h s w h i c h had i m m i g r a t e d f r o m Syria b u r i e d a depos i t o f g o l d nuggets , h a l f - w o r k e d pieces, and o ther j e w e l r y i n a re-used t h o l o s t o m b at Knossos , rededicat ing i t f o r the i r o w n use. 5 T h u s w e f i n d re l ig ious pract ice d i r e c t l y i m p o r t e d f r o m the East a l o n g w i t h the sk i l l ed craft o f f o r e i g n specialists.

F r o m the subsequent p e r i o d , t w o r i c h deposits excavated under t w o famous temples have attracted a great deal o f a t tent i o n . O n e was f o u n d at the w a l l and p a r t l y u n d e r the w a l l o f the earliest t e m p l e o f A r t e m i s o n De los and is dated a r o u n d 700: Smal l M y c e n a e a n and c o n t e m p o r a r y valuables, already p a r t l y f r a g m e n t e d , had been i n t e r r e d together ; a p i t c o n t a i n i n g some a n i m a l bones a n d charcoal , traces o f sacrifice, is closely c o n n e c t e d . 6 T h e o ther depos i t , w h i c h belongs to the t e m p l e o f A r temis at Ephesos, is p a r t i c u l a r l y r i c h , cons is t ing o f about a t h o u sand objects; i t has l o n g been famous and controvers ia l , since its date is t ied i n w i t h the d a t i n g o f the oldest e lectron coins. T h e o p t i o n s used to fluctuate between 6 5 0 - 6 3 0 and 600. Yet recent excavations y i e l d e d the result that i t belongs t o the t e m p l e b u i l t b y Croesus, about 560 B . C . S i m i l a r deposits o f valuables are k n o w n f r o m one o f the temples at Perachora, f r o m the t e m p l e o f Pose idon at I s t h m i a , and f r o m the t e m p l e o f A t h e n a i n P r i e n e . 7

T h e f o u n d a t i o n offerings w h i c h were discovered at the t e m p l e o n the acropol is o f G o r t y n are s i m p l e r and o f a dif ferent type : t w o pits had been d u g n e x t to the t e m p l e w a l l i n w h i c h there were the remains o f a n i m a l bones, o f some k i n d o f l i b a t i o n i n the f o r m o f a vegetable paste and var ious smal l vessels; the w h o l e had been careful ly covered w i t h stone slabs o n w h i c h a fire had been l i t . 8 H e r e w e have sacrif icial r i t u a l i n a f o r m f a m i l iar f r o m later Greek and L a t i n texts : F irst , sacrifice is made " i n t o

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the p i t " (bothros); t h e n this is covered over and a p e r m a n e n t marker , a b o u n d a r y stone, or a g o d is erected above i t . 9 A p i t w i t h f o u n d a t i o n of fer ings , careful ly covered before the erect ion o f the b u i l d i n g , has also been i d e n t i f i e d under one o f the treas u r i e s — p r e v i o u s l y called T e m p l e D — i n the H e r a sanctuary o f Samos; i t is dated t o 5 10-500 B . C . 1 0 I n the earlier case, at G o r -t y n , the archaeologists w h o excavated the t e m p l e f o u n d the arc h i t e c t u r e — d a t e d b y t h e m t o a r o u n d 8 0 0 — s i m i l a r t o Late H i t -t i te techniques , and they ind icated a s imi la r provenience for the f o u n d a t i o n offer ings. A n i m a l sacrifices and l ibat ions are attested as c o n s t r u c t i o n offerings i n M e s o p o t a m i a , t o o , t h o u g h i n a less specific f o r m . 1 1

The i n t e r m e n t o f smal l valuables, i n par t icu lar pieces o f m e t a l , prov ides m o r e specific evidence o f the spread o f a M e s -o p o t a m i a n pract ice, w i t h the decisive leap across the Aegean l i n k e d to the e m i g r a t i o n o f craf tsmen t o Crete a r o u n d 800. A d m i t t e d l y this practice w o u l d n o t have b r o u g h t m u c h o f a s p i r i tua l w o r l d w i t h i t : n o p a n t h e o n , n o m y t h s ; the practice i t se l f is n o t even exp la ined i n the eastern t e x t s . 1 2 W h a t seems t o suffice is the c o n v i c t i o n , i n h e r e n t i n the act, that valuable offerings w i l l ensure the p e r m a n e n t and u n d i s t u r b e d possession and safety o f the b u i l d i n g . O n e t h i n g , however , is stated e x p l i c i t l y b y the eastern texts : H o w e v e r m u c h the b u i l d e r m a y w i s h to c o m e to the fore , the f o u n d a t i o n succeeds " a c c o r d i n g to the message o f the art o f the c o n j u r e r " ; the char ismatic specialist c o u l d n o t be left o u t . 1 3 O n e is l ed to i m a g i n e that , even at the b u i l d i n g i n G o r t y n , w h e r e w o r k e r s f r o m N o r t h Syria were p r o b a b l y i n v o l v e d , and n o less at the beg inn ings o f t e m p l e b u i l d i n g o n D e -los o r i n Ephesos, together w i t h the masons and carpenters there had also been a cra f t sman o f the o ther k i n d , a m i g r a n t seer, i n attendance.

Purification

A l t h o u g h the correspondence between M e s o p o t a m i a n and Etruscan hepatoscopy has l o n g been a subject o f discussion, the n o less s igni f icant s imi lar i t ies between eastern mag ic and the ca-

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t h a r t i c r i tuals o f the Greeks have rarely been considered i n det a i l . T h e s i t u a t i o n is para l le l , t h o u g h , insofar as the pract ice o f p u r i f i c a t i o n w h i c h is c o m m o n i n later per iods does n o t yet appear i n H o m e r - — a fact n o t i c e d already b y the ancient c o m m e n tators o n H o m e r . B u t the cyc l ic epic Aithiopis narrated the p u r i f i c a t i o n o f Ach i l l e s after he had k i l l e d T h e r s i t e s . 1 T h i s is general ly taken t o represent a m o r e recent stage i n the deve lopm e n t o f Greek c i v i l i z a t i o n : C o n c e r n about p u r i f i c a t i o n appears t o be characterist ic o f the archaic p e r i o d . 2 I t is taken f o r g r a n t e d that the influence o f the oracle o f D e l p h i was operat ive i n this g r o w i n g concern . Possible contacts w i t h Scy th ian s h a m a n i s m have also attracted a t t e n t i o n since the w o r k o f K a r l M e u l i . 3 T h e ro le o f B a b y l o n was s c r u t i n i z e d b y L e w i s R i c h a r d Farnel l alone, w h o f o u n d such s igni f icant differences between East and West that the cathart ic sys tem o f the Greeks c o u l d n o t have been b o r r o w e d f r o m B a b y l o n ; at least Farnel l insisted that certain b o r r o w i n g s c o u l d n o t antedate H o m e r . 4 T h i s has had a s o o t h i n g effect o n H e l l e n i s t s — a l t h o u g h one s h o u l d realize that Farnel l dated H o m e r to the t e n t h c e n t u r y and thereby left the e i g h t h and seventh centuries o p e n t o al l sorts o f " in f luences" ; indeed i n some cases he was the first t o a c k n o w l e d g e the i r existence.

A s t o the sources available, the s i t u a t i o n is s i m i l a r t o that o f hepatoscopy: O n the Greek side w e are dependent o n isolated al lusions and b r i e f references and o f ten have t o r e l y u p o n later reports . A k k a d i a n l i t e ra ture , i n contrast , has a w h o l e corpus o f m a g i c - r i t u a l texts w h i c h have been k n o w n for a l o n g t i m e , a l t h o u g h de f in i t i ve ed i t ions are s t i l l l a c k i n g i n q u i t e a f e w cases. 5

These are o f ten b i l i n g u a l , S u m e r i a n - A k k a d i a n texts , a fact w h i c h speaks for the i r age; they were col lected i n a systematic way i n the l i b r a r y o f A s h u r b a n i p a l . Der iva t ives reached as far as Tarsos . 6 A m o n g the prac t i t ioners o f the r i tuals there are t w o m a i n types: the seer (baru), w h o was responsible f o r d i v i n a t i o n ; and the actual m a g i c i a n - p r i e s t (asipu), whose m a i n task was the hea l ing o f the s i c k . 7 T h e latter is the focus o f discussion here.

T h e cathart ic pract ice o f the Greeks appears to concentrate o n the p u r i f i c a t i o n o f m u r d e r e r s f r o m b l o o d g u i l t : b l o o d is p u r i f i e d t h r o u g h b l o o d . 8 T h e standard example is that o f Orestes, a l -

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t h o u g h Aeschy lus does present I x i o n as the o r i g i n a l p a r a d i g m . 9

I n the case o f Orestes , Aeschylus gives us m o r e graphic ind ica t ions o f h o w the actual procedure was carr ied o u t : I n order to " w a s h away the s t a i n , " a p ig le t m u s t be s laughtered i n such a way that its b l o o d pours over the p o l l u t e d m a n ; the b l o o d is then washed o f f w i t h r u n n i n g water ; i n this way the p o l l u t i o n "has been d r i v e n o u t b y p i g l e t - k i l l i n g p u r i f i c a t i o n s . " 1 0 We already k n o w f r o m the Iliad that the d i r t y water (lymata) m u s t then be disposed o f i n t u r n . 1 1 A n A p u l i a n be l l krater i n the L o u v r e has an impress ive representat ion o f the p u r i f i c a t i o n o f Orestes i n spired d i r e c t l y b y the Aeschylean text . A p o l l o h i m s e l f is h o l d i n g the p ig le t d i r e c t l y over the head o f Orestes, w h o is seated; its b l o o d w i l l f l o w d i r e c t l y over his head. B u t then i t can be made to disappear: G u i l t "can be washed a w a y . " 1 2

T h e r e is n o evidence i n B a b y l o n i a for this k i n d o f p u r i f i c a t i o n o f b l o o d t h r o u g h b l o o d , as Farnel l was r i g h t to s ta te . 1 3 H o w ever, the very r i t u a l w i t h the sacrif icial p ig le t be ing he ld over the head o f a person , t o be s laughtered and to drench the pat ient w i t h b l o o d , is represented d r a m a t i c a l l y i n another vase p a i n t i n g , o n a krater f o u n d at C a n i c a t t i n i ; yet the object ive i n this case is n o t t o p u r i f y a m u r d e r e r , b u t t o cure the daughters o f Proetus o f the i r " m a d n e s s . " 1 4 T h i s madness had been caused b y some r i t u a l transgression b y the g ir l s w h i c h varies i n dif ferent versions o f the m y t h ; the cure is d i rected against the manifest sufferings w h i c h have resulted f r o m i t . C o m p a r e d w i t h this even the case o f Orestes takes o n a d o u b l e m e a n i n g : Orestes t o o has become m a d ; he is mani fe s t l y suffer ing f r o m his illness. So is i t atonem e n t or j u s t hea l ing that has t o be p r o c u r e d b y p u r i f i c a t i o n r i t ual? T o raise the q u e s t i o n is to see the irrelevance o f this d i s t i n c t i o n . T h a t social and p h y s i o - p s y c h i c i l ls were n o t clearly di f ferent iated i n archaic societies, that a d m i n i s t r a t i o n o f jus t i ce and hea l ing can be seen t o fuse, has often been b r o u g h t o u t and discussed i n m o r e recent a n t h r o p o l o g y . A n offense is the source o f i l lness, illness is the result o f an offense, be i t i n the personal , the social , o r the re l ig ious sphere. E v e n i n Greek the w o r d nosos, i l lness, embraces b o t h , the phys ica l and the social disturbances, a i lments and s u f f e r i n g s . 1 5 T h e effect o f the therapy w h i c h the

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" k n o w i n g " specialist is able to apply is no less b r o a d . I n other w o r d s , the p u r i f i c a t i o n o f Orestes c o u l d equal ly w e l l be u n d e r s t o o d as the hea l ing o f an il lness, even before E u r i p i d e s b r o u g h t this i n t e r p r e t a t i o n onstage i n his t ragedy Orestes. Orestes was b o t h m a d and g u i l t y and had to be cured at b o t h levels. T h e n , however , the b o u n d a r y between the B a b y l o n i a n and the Greek becomes m u c h less d i s t i n c t .

A b i l i n g u a l r i t u a l tex t f r o m the c o l l e c t i o n " E v i l D e m o n s o f I l lness" (Asakki marsuti) has the f o l l o w i n g p r e s c r i p t i o n for the e x o r c i s t — i t is presented as a c o m m a n d issued f r o m the sky g o d A n u t o his son M a r d u k :

[Take] a suckl ing p ig [and . . . at] the head o f the sick man [put i t (?) and] take out its heart and above the heart o f the sick man [put i t ] , [ spr inkle] its b l o o d on the sides o f the bed, [and] d iv ide the p ig over his l imbs and spread i t on the sick man; then cleanse that man w i t h pure water f r o m the Deep [ / l p 5 « ] and wash h i m clean and b r i n g near h i m a censer [and] a to rch , place twice seven loaves cooked i n the ashes against the outer door, and give the p ig as his substitute, and give the flesh and the b l o o d as his b l o o d : they [the demons] shall take i t ; the heart w h i c h thou hast placed u p o n his heart, as his heart give i t : they shall take i t . [lacuna] [that the] p ig may be his substitute . . . M a y the evi l spir i t , the ev i l d e m o n stand aside! M a y the k i n d l y spir i t , the k i n d l y d e m o n be present! 1 6

T h i s r i t u a l is n o t ident i ca l w i t h the one we are to envisage for Orestes and the Proet ids f r o m the Greek representations, b u t the s i m i l a r i t y is undeniable : the c o n d i t i o n o f sickness, the k n o w l e d g e a b l e specialist, the sacrif icial p i g l e t , s laughter, contact w i t h b l o o d , and the subsequent cleansing w i t h water. T h e t o r c h and the incense b o w l b e l o n g t o the apparatus o f Greek p u r i f i c a t i o n priests, t o o . 1 7

W h a t is pecul iar i n the M e s o p o t a m i a n text is the emphasis o n s u b s t i t u t i o n , t o w h i c h we shall r e t u r n . I n this respect i t m o s t closely resembles a r i t u a l described b y O v i d i n the c o n t e x t o f the R o m a n festival C a r m e n t a l i a , a r i t u a l against magica l b i rds , striges, said t o feed o n babies at n i g h t — t h a t is, de facto against

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children's disease. O n c e m o r e the sacrifice o f a s u c k l i n g p i g occurs, p e r f o r m e d b y the goddess C a r m e n t a herse l f as a m y t h i c a l m o d e l , w i t h the e x p l i c i t f o r m u l a o f s u b s t i t u t i o n : "Take the heart for the heart , the intestines for the intestines, w e g ive this life for a better o n e . " 1 8 Is this a case o f a spontaneous paral lel ar is ing f r o m general " e l e m e n t a r y ideas" o f the h u m a n m i n d , or is i t s i m p l y the case that i n the l o w e r rea lm o f w i tches and mag ic the c u l t u r a l barriers are m o r e permeable than at the level o f h igher l i terature?

I f one regards Orestes as a case o f sickness ( « 0 5 0 5 ) , then s ickness appears personi f ied t o a remarkab le degree: I t is described as an attack b y d e m o n s . T h e Er inyes are i m a g i n e d as beasts o f prey, " d o g s " w h o w a n t t o suck his b l o o d , leech the l i fe-force f r o m h i m . R e m a r k a b l y e n o u g h , already i n H o m e r sickness is once described as an "a t tack b y a hateful d e m o n . " 1 9 T h e m a g i cians r i d i c u l e d b y the a u t h o r o f the H i p p o c r a t i c treatise On the Sacred Disease also speak o f attacks (ephodoi) o f demons o r gods. T h e concept o f savage, rapacious, ca rn ivorous demons w h o cause sickness is c o m m o n i f n o t fundamenta l i n M e s o p o t a m i a n hea l ing mag ic . B u t there is also the less personal ized concept o f the curse o f m u r d e r , w h i c h has to be e l i m i n a t e d b y a ritual i n the " w a s h h o u s e . " 2 0

I n spite o f these s imi la r i t i e s , however , i t is clear that the pecul iar f u n c t i o n o f a t o n e m e n t for m u r d e r for w h i c h Orestes is a m o d e l case, the system o f p u r i f i c a t i o n c u r r e n t i n archaic Greece, is n o t j u s t some B a b y l o n i a n i m p o r t . Farnel l was r i g h t t o that extent . B u t this does n o t ru le o u t c u l t u r a l connect ions ; o n the contrary . I n M e s o p o t a m i a b l o o d g u i l t had been regulated b y state l a w f r o m ear ly t imes , as the l a w codes attest; there was n o p r o b l e m left. Unaf fected b y law, however , were i n d i v i d u a l sufferings, those r e c u r r i n g sicknesses surmised to be caused b y some g u i l t w h i c h c o u l d n o t be def ined i n legal t e rms , or some d e m o n g o i n g astray. T h i s was the sphere o f the pract i t ioners , the pr iest-exorcists . I n archaic Greece, i n fact, the c o r r e s p o n d i n g practice w o u l d n o t o n l y meet pr iva te needs o f manifest sufferings, b u t also f i l l a v a c u u m cover ing "socia l i l l n e s s " — d i s r u p t i o n o f the c o m m u n i t y t h r o u g h m u r d e r , t h r o u g h the shedding

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o f b l o o d . W r i t t e n laws were t o appear o n l y g r a d u a l l y w i t h the d e v e l o p m e n t o f the polis, and were d i f f i cu l t to enforce. I n the m e a n t i m e m a g i c " t h e r a p y " had a chance t o ga in p u b l i c s i g n i f i cance t o a degree w h i c h was u n t h i n k a b l e i n the sphere o f eastern g o v e r n m e n t a l bureaucracy. T h e Greeks lacked s t r a i g h t f o r w a r d i n s t i t u t i o n s o f m o n a r c h i c p o w e r and law, u n c e r t a i n t y b e i n g the touchstone o f f r e e d o m . T h u s "s ickness" m i g h t i n v o l v e an ent ire c i t y w h i c h needed hea l ing a tonement : A f t e r the C y l o n i a n sacrilege, A t h e n s s u m m o n e d E p i m e n i d e s f r o m Cre te , and he restored order t h r o u g h r i t u a l . 2 1 T h e difference b e t w e e n the eastern c iv i l i za t ions and Greece corresponds to the specific levels o f c u l ture atta ined i n di f ferent reg ions . T h i s does n o t o b v i a t e i n f l u ence, transfer, o r a d o p t i o n ; b u t any i m p o r t w o u l d w i n a n e w f u n c t i o n and thus deve lop some n e w f o r m s i n its n e w c o n t e x t . T h e ritual pract ice i t s e l f as i t had for a l o n g t i m e been conducted b y eastern exorcists , the sacrifice o f a s u c k l i n g p i g , h a r d l y had t o change.

T o keep themselves " c l e a n " is an e lementary need o f h u m a n beings; n o w o n d e r cleansing ceremonies play the i r ro le w o r l d w i d e i n profane as w e l l as i n re l ig ious varieties. S i m i l a r p r o c e dures and s i m i l a r f o r m u l a s are to be expected: " B e g o n e , E v i l ! C o m e i n , Wel l b e i n g ! " is one o f the m o s t c o m m o n e x h o r t a t i o n s . I t is s t i l l r e m a r k a b l e that i t is attested b o t h i n M e s o p o t a m i a , as a c o m m o n i n s c r i p t i o n o n magica l f igur ines , and i n Greek a p o t r o -paic r i t u a l . 2 2 I n b o t h cu l tures , t o o , mere contact w i t h an unclean person o r unclean m a t t e r is t o be feared. " H e has c o m e i n t o contact w i t h a w o m a n o f unclean hands . . . o r he has c o m e i n t o contact w i t h a m a n o f unclean hands . . . o r his h a n d has t o u c h e d one o f unclean b o d y " : these are some o f the conjectures made b y the exorc i s t w h e n dea l ing w i t h a case o f sickness. O n e s h o u l d n o t ta lk t o a m a n w h o is c a r r y i n g g u i l t , n o r eat and d r i n k w i t h h i m , the A k k a d i a n p r e s c r i p t i o n warns ; the same w a r n i n g applies t o dea l ing w i t h a m u r d e r e r i n Greece: o n l y after Orestes ' p u r i f i c a t i o n was " c o n t a c t w i t h o u t d a m a g e " p o s s i b l e . 2 3

Branches also are o f special use i n p u r i f i c a t i o n s , a longside p i g l e t b l o o d , torches , and water f r o m the sea. I n the A k k a d i a n p o e m J Will Praise the Lord of Wisdom the m a n celebrat ing his

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heal ing port rays a d r e a m o f hope: " A n d i n [ m y d r e a m ] I [saw] a remarkab le y o u n g [ m a n . . . ] h o l d i n g i n his h a n d a tamar i sk r o d o f p u r i f i c a t i o n . . . the water he was c a r r y i n g he t h r e w over me, p r o n o u n c e d the l i f e - g i v i n g i n c a n t a t i o n , and r u b b e d [ m y b o d y ] , " C o m p a r e the legend o f the o r i g i n o f A p o l l o ' s cu l t at D i d y m a : Branchos , the A p o l l o n i a n seer, freed the Miles ians o f the plague: "he s p r i n k l e d the people w i t h laure l branches . . the people spoke the responses"; C a l l i m a c h u s has Branchos speak a f o r m u l a t w o o r three t imes w h i c h the people do n o t u n d e r s t a n d . 2 4 Is there a f o r e i g n language i n v o l v e d here? O n e t e m p t i n g association: hranchia means gi l ls o f fish i n Greek; B r a n -chidai is the name o f the " f a m i l y " o f priests w h o ran the sanct u a r y o f D i d y m a d o w n t o the Persian era. N o w , a characteristic representat ion i n the c o n t e x t o f M e s o p o t a m i a n hea l ing mag ic is a m a n w i t h the head o f a fish, w o r n l i k e a mask over his head, c a r r y i n g an i n s t r u m e n t o f p u r i f i c a t i o n i n his r i g h t h a n d and a water bucket i n his left ; the figure can be ident i f i ed as representi n g an apkallu, a " w i s e m a n " f r o m o l d e n t imes . Figures o f this k i n d de f in i te ly reached n o r t h e r n S y r i a . 2 5 D i d some healer b r i n g this requis i te as far as D i d y m a , thus causing the n i c k n a m e B r a n -ch ida i , " g i l l s f a m i l y , " to be g iven to his clan?

A n o t h e r , drastic p u r i f i c a t i o n procedure is that o f " w i p i n g o f f " (apomattein). Demosthenes uses the t e r m i n his invect ive against the m o t h e r o f Aeschines, the priestess o f pur i f i ca t ions and i n i t i a t ions ; the c o m m e n t a r y says that the person to be p u r i f i e d was plastered all over w i t h m u d and chaff w h i c h was then scraped off. A " p u r i f i e r o f the a r m y , the one w h o k n o w s the th ings for w i p i n g o f f " is m e n t i o n e d i n Sophoc les . 2 6 W i p i n g o f f (kuppuru), general ly w i t h f lour paste (Hsu), is, however , also a w e l l -d o c u m e n t e d pract ice o f p u r i f i c a t i o n priests i n M e s o p o t a m i a . 2 7

T h e i m p o r t a n c e o f the practice is reflected i n the fact that the r o o t o f this w o r d came t o mean p u r i f i c a t i o n i n general i n H e brew, even w i t h o u t the c o r r e s p o n d i n g practice: Y o m K i p p u r is the " D a y o f P u r i f i c a t i o n , " T h e practice i t se l f l i n k s the A k k a d i a n w i t h the Greek. A p u r i f y i n g substance w h i c h is often m e n t i o n e d i n eastern texts is asphalt (kupru i n A k k a d i a n ) ; asphaltos, h o w ever, is also one o f the materials used b y the wi tches o f S o p h r o n ,

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or b y M e l a m p u s i n the comic 's p a r o d y . 2 8 Even m o r e s u r p r i s i n g is the use o f o n i o n s for p u r i f i c a t i o n . A k k a d i a n texts describe the procedure i n d e t a i l — t h e o n i o n is peeled layer b y layer, u n t i l n o t h i n g is left ; i n Greek we f i n d j u s t the passing m e n t i o n o f the magica l o n i o n s ; one sort o f o n i o n is specif ically n a m e d after E p i m e n i d e s the famous p u r i f i e r . 2 9

A n y t h i n g left over f r o m the p u r i f i c a t i o n m u s t be careful ly d i s posed of: " T h e y t h r e w the lymata i n t o the sea," the Iliad says (1.314). T h e B a b y l o n i a n exorcists m a y t h r o w away the water w i t h " a l l the e v i l " ; 3 0 t h e n o ther persons s h o u l d take care n o t to c o m e i n t o contact w i t h i t . Bet ter s t i l l to use a p o t i n w h i c h e v e r y t h i n g , i n c l u d i n g p r e v i o u s l y m a n u f a c t u r e d m a g i c f igur ines , can be securely e n c l o s e d . 3 1 C o r r e s p o n d i n g l y , i n Greece a p o t called apharmake w o u l d be made available for " those w h o p u r i f y the c i t i e s . " 3 2 I n M e s o p o t a m i a the remains , i n c l u d i n g the cinders f r o m the sacrif icial f i re , are " t h r o w n o n t o a barren place," " b u r ied i n abandoned wastelands," "depos i ted i n the steppe under a t h o r n b u s h . " 3 3 T h e H i p p o c r a t i c text On the Sacred Disease reports o n the mag ica l healers: " A n d they h ide the remains o f the p u r i f icat ions p a r t l y i n the earth , part they cast i n t o the sea, par t they carry away to the m o u n t a i n s w h e r e n o one can t o u c h t h e m or step o n t h e m . " 3 4 I n M e s o p o t a m i a , p u t t i n g one's f o o t " i n some unclean water , " the residue o f some p u r i f i c a t i o n ceremony, was t h o u g h t to be one o f the possible causes o f illness; i t was n o t dif ferent i n the West even i n R o m a n i m p e r i a l t imes : " I n w h i c h residue f r o m p u r i f i c a t i o n d i d y o u step at the crossroads at n i g h t ? " suf fer ing E n c o l p i u s is asked i n Pet ron ius ' romance . W i t h i n the f r a m e w o r k o f m u c h o lder R o m a n r i t u a l , the r i t u a l o f devotio, a subst i tute i m a g e was b u r i e d , and i n consequence " n o R o m a n off ic ial was a l l o w e d t o get t o that p l a c e . " 3 5 I t w o u l d be s t i l l better t o let b i rds carry o f f the e v i l plague; this was done i n Thessaly, b u t also i n the M o s a i c l a w . 3 6

A n o t h e r s t r i k i n g deta i l : E p i m e n i d e s , the m o s t famous priest o f p u r i f i c a t i o n , received a m i r a c u l o u s f o o d f r o m the n y m p h s w h i c h a l l o w e d h i m t o get b y w i t h o u t o r d i n a r y sustenance, a n o -h u n g e r d r u g (alimon). H e k e p t i t i n a cow's h o o f 3 7 — a s i f o r d i nary containers were n o t able t o h o l d i t . T h e t e x t o f an A k k a -

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dian e x o r c i s m prescribes: " Y o u fill a cow's h o o f w i t h water, t h r o w i n b i t t e r c o r n meal , s t r ike i t w i t h a reed i n face o f the sun g o d , y o u p o u r i t o u t : the dead w i l l be kept a w a y . " 3 8 T h e effect is di f ferent , b u t the p r e s c r i p t i o n is clearly related. A c c o r d i n g t o the Alexander r o m a n c e , the p o i s o n o f A n t i p a t e r w h i c h b r o u g h t about the death o f A l e x a n d e r the Great i n B a b y l o n was carr ied i n a mule 's h o o f . 3 9

Skeptics can s t i l l d o u b t the existence o f d i rect c u l t u r a l contact and insist o n the p o s s i b i l i t y o f spontaneous parallels r i s i n g again and again w i t h i n general f o r m s o f " s u p e r s t i t i o n . " Yet i t is p r e cisely w i t h the name E p i m e n i d e s that the h i s tor ica l h o r i z o n o f the o r i e n t a l i z i n g p e r i o d comes i n t o play. I t is archaic Crete w h i c h , a c c o r d i n g t o the Greek texts , is the h o m e o f " c a t h a r t i c " k n o w l e d g e . E p i m e n i d e s i n par t icu lar is connected w i t h the cul t caves o f Crete , w i t h a cave o f Z e u s — t r a d i t i o n varies as to w h i c h o f the famous caves was c o n c e r n e d — w h e r e he experienced his i n i t i a t i o n i n a sleep that lasted for decades. H e assumes the funct i o n o f i n i t i a t o r i n t u r n at the cave o f Zeus o n M o u n t I d a . 4 0 I f the h i s tor ica l E p i m e n i d e s ever d i d seek o u t this cave he w o u l d have s tood face to face w i t h the Assyr ian-s ty le t y m p a n o n there w h i c h was p r o b a b l y m a d e for the cu l t o f Zeus b y eastern craftsm e n . 4 1 Even before E p i m e n i d e s , Thaletas o f G o r t y n had been active as a char i smat ic m u s i c i a n ; he cured a plague i n Sparta . 4 2

G o r t y n was n o less a center o f o r i e n t a l i z i n g craftsmanship. We are led back i n t o the r e a l m o f m y t h w i t h K a r m a n o r o f Crete , the pr iest w h o p u r i f i e d even A p o l l o after the g o d had slain the D e l p h i c d r a g o n . 4 3 T h e n a m e does n o t appear to be Greek. I n any event, Crete is n o t o n l y the ancient center o f M i n o a n cu l ture b u t a lso—after C y p r u s — t h e area m o s t closely connected w i t h the Semit ic East i n the g e o m e t r i c and early o r i e n t a l i z i n g p e r i o d . T h e r e are strange r i t u a l connect ions o f A p o l l o h i m s e l f w i t h Sem i t i c c u l t u r e , above al l i n the celebrations o f the day o f the n e w m o o n and o f the seventh day o f the m o n t h . 4 4 I n this l i g h t the a s s u m p t i o n o f p u r e coinc idence becomes the m o s t u n l i k e l y o f hypotheses.

T h e quest ion remains w h e t h e r l i n g u i s t i c b o r r o w i n g s can p r o v ide key p r o o f for c u l t u r a l ties w i t h the East. T h e r e is l i t t l e to

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be gained f r o m n o n - G r e e k p r o p e r names such as K a r m a n o r o r even Branchos and R h a k i o s . 4 5 I t carries m o r e w e i g h t that the r o o t kathar, t o c lean/to pur i f y , has n o I n d o - E u r o p e a n e t y m o l o g y b u t ties i n w i t h a Semit ic r o o t i n the sphere o f p u r i f i c a t i o n : qatar, to f u m i g a t e . 4 6 O n e cleansing substance i n this c o n t e x t is s u l p h u r : F u m i g a t i o n w i t h s u l p h u r is used i n H o m e r for b o t h pract ical and r i t u a l means. N o less suggestive is the s i m i l a r i t y o f the s o u n d o f the A k k a d i a n w o r d for " d i r t y , p o l l u t e d " and " t o stain, to p o l l u t e , " lu"u o r luwwu,47 to the w o r d for the d i r t to be cleansed i n Greek r i t u a l , lymata o r lythron. H e r e w e encounter a w o r d r o o t w i t h o u t I n d o - E u r o p e a n e t y m o l o g y p r o v i d e d w i t h t w o a l ternat ive Greek suffixes. T h e Greeks w o u l d s o m e h o w associate this w o r d w i t h e i ther lyein, to solve, o r rather w i t h louein, t o wash, b u t the rules o f n o r m a l w o r d f o r m a t i o n d o n o t p e r m i t the one, and they a l l o w the other o n l y w i t h d i f f i cu l ty . T h e r e are s i m i l a r p r o b l e m s w i t h the L a t i n w o r d lustrum i n the c o n t e x t o f p u r i f i c a t i o n s , w h i c h the Romans w o u l d tend t o associate w i t h lux, l i g h t . I t is t rue that b o t h w o r d g r o u p s , lymata and kathairein, appear i n H o m e r . Kathairein and katharos are qu i te c o m m o n : T h e y had risen above the status o f f o r e i g n w o r d s . Such a c l a i m w o u l d a p p l y even m o r e to a t h i r d h o m o n y m y i n this sphere: ara means prayer and curse; i t is Chryses the areter w h o can s u m m o n up a p lague w i t h his prayer o r rather curse the Greeks and banish the p lague again. I n A k k a d i a n the w o r d " t o curse" is araru; the o r d e r g i v e n t o B i l e a m b y the k i n g o f M o a b is, i n H e b r e w , ara!, " curse ! " A Greek w o u l d u n d o u b t e d l y have u n d e r s t o o d this w o r d i n th is s i t u a t i o n , i f n o t g r a m m a t i c a l l y t h e n at least its m e a n i n g i n c o n t e x t . W h a t creates di f f icult ies is the fact that the Greek w o r d o r i g i n a l l y h a d the f o r m arwa, as its der ivat ives i n the var ious dialects i n d i c a t e . 4 8 T h i s does n o t go together w i t h araru, w h i c h has n o w i n its r o o t .

To s u m u p , there are suggestive possibi l i t ies , b u t n o i n c o n t r o ver t ib le p roo f s o f l i n g u i s t i c b o r r o w i n g i n the sphere o f p u r i f i ca t ion ceremonies . I t w o u l d , however , be n o less b o l d to deny the i r existence altogether. T h e c o n t i n u u m f r o m the M e s o p o t a -m i a n c u l t u r e t o the M e d i t e r r a n e a n is there.

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Spirits of the Dead and Black Magic

T h e e v i l forces against w h i c h p u r i f i c a t i o n is supposed t o assist are conceived o f as m a l e v o l e n t , carn ivorous d e m o n s . 1 N e x t to the var ious fantastical names w h i c h are i n v o k e d i n this connect i o n , the s p i r i t o f the dead, etemmu, plays an unpleasant ro le , t o o . 2 Spir i ts o f the dead are regarded w i t h fear even i n Greece, as E r w i n R o h d e i n par t i cu lar has b r o u g h t to a t t e n t i o n . 3 In H o m e r this k i n d o f dread is suppressed rather than n o t yet k n o w n .

T h e hypothes i s o f a n i m i s m as a universal stage i n the e v o l u t i o n o f h u m a n c i v i l i z a t i o n , w h i c h inf luenced Rohde , prec luded rather t h a n encouraged c u l t u r a l l y specific compar i sons . N e v e r theless, the ex tent t o w h i c h the H o m e r i c concept o f Hades cor responds t o the M e s o p o t a m i a n is s t r i k i n g : a r e a l m o f m u d and darkness that leaves n o hope for m o r t a l s . I t is described i n a famous scene o f Gilgamesh w h e n the ghost o f E n k i d u meets his f r i e n d , a scene w h i c h m a y have l i n k s w i t h H o m e r even o n a l i t e r a r y l e v e l . 4 R i t u a l appeasement o f the dead is achieved i n very s imi la r ways b y M e s o p o t a m i a n s and b y Greeks, preferably t h r o u g h var ious k i n d s o f l i b a t i o n : "water , beer, roasted c o r n , m i l k , honey, c ream, o i l " i n M e s o p o t a m i a ; 5 " m i l k , honey, water, w i n e , and o i l " i n A e s c h y l u s . 6 E v e n m o r e pecul iar is the i m p o r tance o f pure water as an of fer ing to the dead: " c o o l water , " " p u r e w a t e r . " 7 T h e i n s e r t i o n o f pipes i n t o a grave for precisely this purpose is unusua l i n Greece, 8 b u t there is d i rect l i t e r a r y evidence o f the practice i n M e s o p o t a m i a . 9

T h o s e dead w h o s h o w themselves capable o f affecting the l i v i n g are called heroes i n Greek. A f r a g m e n t o f Ar i s tophanes shows i n a p a r t i c u l a r l y l i v e l y and e n t e r t a i n i n g way j u s t h o w these heroes have the p o w e r t o b r i n g d o w n all m a n n e r o f i l l nesses o n the l i v i n g i f they are n o t appeased. 1 0 T h e A k k a d i a n etemmu can equal ly be the cause o f m a n y k i n d s o f sickness, so he is m e t w i t h s i m i l a r fears. A g a i n we have extensive S u m e r o -A k k a d i a n i n c a n t a t i o n texts for d o c u m e n t a t i o n : 1 1 " W h e n the sp i r i t o f a dead person has taken possession o f a m a n , " o r " t h e

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hand o f a s p i r i t o f the d e a d , " 1 2 then e x o r c i s m is due. T h e sick person believes h i m s e l f to feel this g r i p , and he prays: " I f i t is the s p i r i t o f a m e m b e r o f m y f a m i l y o r m y househo ld or the s p i r i t o f one slain i n batt le or a w a n d e r i n g s p i r i t . . . " 1 3 I t is i n dicat ive o f the psycho-soc ia l constra ints i n v o l v e d i n sickness that the spir i ts o f closely related persons are especially to be feared: " T h e h a n d o f the spir i ts o f his father and his m o t h e r has seized h i m . ' M 4 N o less dreaded is the anger o f those w h o have n o t m e t w i t h a natura l death , the biaiothanatoi, as the Greeks w o u l d say: T h e one " k i l l e d i n b a t t l e " and the u n b u r i e d " w h o lies i n the wi lderness w i t h o u t the cover ing o f the e a r t h , " " w h o s e b o d y was t h r o w n o n t o the steppe . . . : his s p i r i t wanders restlessly over the e a r t h . " 1 3 Even a " f o r e i g n s p i r i t , " " w h o s e name n o one k n o w s , " can be the active cause b e h i n d the t o r m e n t s o f the s i c k . 1 6

T h e Greek t e r m f o r this w r a t h o f the dead is menima. I t appears i n a s igni f icant c o n t e x t as early as i n H o m e r : H e c t o r , d y i n g , threatens A c h i l l e s , w h o is to refuse h i m a p r o p e r b u r i a l , saying that he c o u l d become a "cause o f w r a t h [menima] o f the g o d s " f o r h i m , o n that day w h e n Achi l les w i l l be k i l l e d h imsel f . I n a less d r a m a t i c way, deceased Elpenor , m e e t i n g Odysseus i n the u n d e r w o r l d , demands a decent b u r i a l so that he w i l l n o t become a menima.17 These are the c r i t i ca l , dangerous cases, s o m e b o d y " k i l l e d i n b a t t l e " o r else u n b u r i e d and hence restlessly w a n d e r i n g about . P lato states expressly that "anc ient menimata" manifest themselves i n "great suf fer ings" w h i c h affect " p a r t i c u lar f ami l i e s , " a r i s ing " o u t o f o l d , uncleansed w r o n g d o i n g s " ; they are t o be cured w i t h ceremonies o f p u r i f i c a t i o n and i n i t i a t i o n i n v o l v i n g m a d n e s s . 1 8 I n his Laws, P lato wants to emphasize the m o r a l factor, b u t he cannot he lp b u t m e n t i o n p u r i f i c a t i o n s . A g a i n the o l d and r e n o w n e d specialist i n this t y p e o f p u r i f i c a t i o n is E p i m e n i d e s , w h o prophes ied " n o t over that w h i c h was t o c o m e , b u t over that w h i c h was p a s t . " 1 9

T h e r e was, o f course, n o lack o f people w h o were w i l l i n g to m a k e use o f the w r a t h o f the spir i ts o f the dead i n order to d irect i t against personal enemies, t h r o u g h black m a g i c . T h e m o s t d i rect practice, w e l l k n o w n t h r o u g h o u t a n t i q u i t y , is to make an

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image o f the person t o be h a r m e d and to b u r y i t i n a grave. I n this w a y the v i c t i m w i l l fall p r e y to the dead and to the gods o f the u n d e r w o r l d . Such f igur ines are usual ly referred to as " v o o d o o d o l l s " t o d a y — a n i n d i c a t i o n that the same practice may occur i n w i d e l y di f ferent c i v i l i z a t i o n s . Such a v o o d o o d o l l f r o m the Periclean era has been f o u n d i n the K e r a m e i k o s cemetery at A t h e n s . B u t the same practice was also e m p l o y e d b y ev i l w i tches i n B a b y l o n i a . T h u s the sick person compla ins : " Y o u have handed f igur ines o f m e to a corpse," " m y image has been placed i n a t o m b " ; " i f f igur ines o f a m a n have been entrusted t o a dead m a n b e h i n d h i m , " the m a n w i l l experience a loss o f v i t a l i t y . 2 " M a g i c c o u n t e r c h a r m s are conta ined above al l i n the Maqlu c o l l e c t i o n .

T h i s is n o t the o n l y f o r m o f b lack mag ic t o appear i n b o t h Greece and M e s o p o t a m i a . T h e " m a k i n g o f an i m a g e , " " t a k i n g saliva, hair, the h e m o f a robe , f o o t p r i n t s , " 2 1 m a y w e l l be t h o u g h t s i m p l y t o represent universal f o r m s o f magic . T h e " h e m o f the r o b e " is also used i n the Pharmakeutria o f T h e o c r i t u s . 2 2 T h e r e are also A k k a d i a n love charms w h i c h use f i g u r i n e s . 2 3 T h e Pharmakeutria refers specif ical ly to a " fo re igner f r o m A s s y r i a " w h o suppl ied a p a r t i c u l a r l y p o t e n t substance. 2 4 T h i s is He l len i s t i c ; b u t already Plato por t rays the uncanny effect o n the citizens o f a t o w n " w h e n they catch s ight o f w a x models outs ide a d o o r o r at a crossroads or o n a t o m b , perhaps that o f their o w n p a r e n t s " : 2 5 These mag ica l practices have already been w i t h the Greeks for a l o n g t i m e . I n the same way i n B a b y l o n people are f r i g h t e n e d b y " fabr ica t ions w h i c h s h o w u p , " i n d i c a t i n g that " l i f e has been c u t " b y s o m e o n e . 2 6 C o u n t e r m a g i c is u r g e n t l y necessary i n such a case.

A p o w e r f u l r i te o f a n n i h i l a t i o n is to m e l t d o w n w a x effigies. T h i s is done b y the sorceress i n T h e o c r i t u s as i t is pract iced i n M e s o p o t a m i a . I n E g y p t the use o f w a x f igures i n mag ic is a t tested as early as the t h i r d m i l l e n n i u m . 2 7 F r o m the e i g h t h cent u r y w e have a re levant A r a m a i c tex t , the treaty tex t o f Sf ire—a rare o p p o r t u n i t y t o d o c u m e n t w h a t lay i n between B a b y l o n i a and Greece. T h i s is an i n t e r n a t i o n a l contract conc luded b y so l e m n oaths and curses; i n this contex t i t is said: "As this w a x is

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c o n s u m e d b y fire, thus . . . ( N . N . ) shall be c o n s u m e d b y fire." I n the seventh c e n t u r y the same f o r m u l a appears i n a contract made between the A s s y r i a n k i n g Esarhaddon and his vassals; m u c h earlier i t is f o u n d i n a H i t t i t e soldiers ' o a t h . 2 8 I t c o r r e sponds t o the o a t h o f the Cyreneans as set o u t i n the i r f o u n d a t i o n decree, t r a n s m i t t e d t h r o u g h a f o u r t h - c e n t u r y i n s c r i p t i o n ; w h e t h e r this is an authent ic d o c u m e n t f r o m the seventh c e n t u r y remains controvers ia l : " T h e y f o r m e d w a x images and b u r n e d t h e m w h i l e p r a y i n g that anyone w h o d i d n o t keep the o a t h b u t f louted i t m i g h t m e l t and f l o w away l i k e the i m a g e s . " 2 9 A t any rate the practice is w e l l attested for the archaic p e r i o d t h r o u g h the paral lel f r o m Sfire, and o a t h - t a k i n g r i tuals o f i n t e r n a t i o n a l character have the best chances t o cross c u l t u r a l borders .

T h e r e is one n a m e i n the sphere o f b lack mag ic w h i c h d e f i n i t e l y travel led f r o m Sumer i n t o He l len i s t i c E g y p t and o n t o Carthage : E r e s h k i g a l is the S u m e r i a n n a m e o f the te r r ib le g o d dess o f the u n d e r w o r l d , and Ereskh iga l is the n a m e o f an in fe r nal goddess w h i c h c o m m o n l y appears i n later Greek def ix ions and mag ica l p a p y r i . 3 0 T h i s is one o f the m o s t exact t r a n s c r i p t ions f r o m S u m e r i a n i n t o Greek: C o i n c i d e n t a l h o m o n y m y i n the case o f such a sequence o f syllables is o u t o f the ques t ion . So far o n l y texts f r o m the i m p e r i a l era w i t h this n a m e seem to have been p u b l i s h e d . B u t g iven that the inf luence o f B a b y l o n had l o n g since ceased and c u n e i f o r m had been f o r g o t t e n , the p e r i o d o f b o r r o w i n g m a y w e l l be m u c h earlier. I n the r e a l m o f m a g i c , t h o u g h , exact c h r o n o l o g y m a y be less i m p o r t a n t than elsew h e r e . I n any case the n a m e Ereshk iga l is p r o o f o f the far-reaching inf luence o f M e s o p o t a m i a n mag ic , as is the " A s s y r i a n " i n T h e o c r i t u s .

A n o t h e r tex t f r o m C y r e n e s h o u l d be considered i n this c o n text : I n the f o u r t h c e n t u r y B . C . an extensive sacred l a w o n p u r i fication rites as sanct ioned b y the D e l p h i c oracle was recorded at C y r e n e ; t o j u d g e f r o m the contents , i t c o u l d be m u c h o l d e r . 3 1

We are concerned here w i t h the sect ion headed Hikesion. T h e w o r d hikesios is be l ieved to be w e l l u n d e r s t o o d , m e a n i n g "he w h o has reached" i n the sense o f suppl iant ; so the first c o m m e n tators h a d n o d o u b t that i t is the t r e a t m e n t o f suppl iants n o r -

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m a l l y called hiketai w h i c h is b e i n g dealt w i t h here. Yet under this a s s u m p t i o n the i n d i v i d u a l prescr ipt ions made i n the text m u s t seem h i g h l y abstruse. I t is no coincidence that J o h n G o u l d , i n his e x e m p l a r y t r e a t m e n t o f hiketeia, d i d n o t consider the C y -renean t e x t . 3 2 T h r e e cases are set apart i n the sacred l a w f r o m C y r e n e : f i rst a hikesios "sent f r o m elsewhere," epaktos. T h e m a i n p r o b l e m w i t h this f e l l o w seems to be to establish w h o has sent h i m :

I f he has been sent to the house, i f [the owner ] knows f rom w h o m he has come on h i m , he w i l l call his name, pronounci n g i t three times a day; i f he has died in the country or was lost elsewhere, i f he knows the name, he w i l l pronounce h i m by name; i f he does not k n o w [he w i l l pronounce] : " O h you man , whether y o u are man or w o m a n " ; he w i l l make effigies, [one] male and [one] female, f r o m w o o d or clay; he w i l l receive t h e m [ i n his house] and present [ them] w i t h a p o r t i o n o f everything . W h e n y o u have done w h a t is customary, then take them into an uncult ivated w o o d and cast t h e m i n t o the g r o u n d , the effigies and their port ions [ o f the m e a l ] . 3 3

I t is strange that this r i t u a l c o u l d ever have been held to be the p u r i f i c a t i o n and acceptance o f a suppl iant : N o one is seen to care for such a person w h o s h o u l d be present and i n need o f p ro tec t i o n ; the concern is about some i n d i v i d u a l , k n o w n or u n k n o w n , w h o is c lear ly absent b u t is p r e s u m e d to have sent the hikesios; and one o b v i o u s l y wishes u r g e n t l y t o get r i d o f this again. I f one l o o k s for a c o u n t e r p a r t o f this practice as described i n the passage q u o t e d , the closest paral lel is p r o v i d e d b y A k k a d i a n mag ic l i t e ra ture . H e r e , once m o r e for the hea l ing o f a sick person, an eff igy o f " e v e r y t h i n g e v i l " is p r o d u c e d , placed o n the r o o f n e x t to the s ickbed , and tended for three days. T h e n , to the a c c o m p a n i m e n t o f incantat ions , the effigy is enclosed i n a p o t , taken away, and b u r i e d i n " a n abandoned w i l d e r n e s s . " 3 4 T h e correspondence between the p r o c e d u r e s — t h e m a k i n g o f a figu r i n e , the t e n d i n g o f i t , i ts disposal i n the w i l d e r n e s s — i s perfect; and thus the w o r d " s e n t " i n the Greek text becomes clear: " S e n d i n g u p o n " (epagoge) is a w e l l - k n o w n t e r m o f b lack magic ;

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i n Plato i t ranks d i r e c t l y n e x t to the defixio.i5 A sorcerer "sends" e v i l " o n t o the h e a d " o f his enemies. T h a t is w h y i t is so i m p o r tant t o f i n d o u t w h o is b e h i n d i t i n o r d e r to s t r ike at the r o o t o f the e v i l , o r rather, i n the sense o f appeasement, to c o m e t o some s o l u t i o n b y agreement . F o r this reason the eff igy o f e v e r y t h i n g e v i l is f i rs t fed and t h e n energet ica l ly disposed of. T h e c o n c l u s ion is that , i n C y r e n e , hikesios does n o t mean supp l i ant , b u t an e v i l s p i r i t w h o "comes u p o n " a house o r p e r s o n . 3 6

T h e hypothes i s m u s t stand o r fall i n the l i g h t o f the other t w o paragraphs i n A p o l l o ' s sacred l a w for C y r e n e , cover ing other cases o f hikesioi and h o w t o deal w i t h t h e m . 3 7 T h e second sect ion is preserved a l m o s t c o m p l e t e l y in tac t , b u t its u n d e r s t a n d i n g is made d i f f i c u l t b y the unclear m e a n i n g o f three t e r m s , appl ied here i n a special, technica l way u n k n o w n f r o m other d o c u m e n t s : teliskesthai, ateles/tetelesmenos, and propheresthai. I n a d d i t i o n , the archaic style o f t e n does n o t i d e n t i f y the subject o f the verb; n o r do w e k n o w w h a t the " p u b l i c s h r i n e " (damosion hierori) o f C y rene was. T h e f o l l o w i n g analysis a t tempts t o render the s t ruc ture o f the l a w w i t h o u t the benefit o f m o r e i n f o r m a t i o n , t a k i n g telein i n the general sense o f " p e r f o r m a n c e o f a r i t u a l . " 3 8 T h e " o t h e r " hikesios, e i ther w i t h or w i t h o u t p e r f o r m a n c e o f r i t u a l , has " t a k e n his seat at the p u b l i c s h r i n e " ; i f there is a " p r o n o u n c e m e n t , " t h e n r i t u a l is t o be p e r f o r m e d o n the terms p r o n o u n c e d ; i f there is n o p r o n o u n c e m e n t , then an annual o f fer ing o f f ru i t s o f the field a c c o m p a n i e d b y l i b a t i o n has to be made i n p e r p e t u ity . I f one s h o u l d forget that , d o u b l e offerings are due the next year; i f a descendant s h o u l d o m i t i t , f o r g e t t i n g i t , and there is a p r o n o u n c e m e n t for h i m , he w i l l pay to the g o d and sacrifice whatever w i l l be revealed to h i m b y the o r a c l e — i f he k n o w s , t o the father's g o d ; o t h e r w i s e the oracle is t o be consul ted .

I t is clear that this tex t is about set t ing up and m a i n t a i n i n g a cu l t . Interpreters w h o take this to refer to a h u m a n suppl iant m u s t m a k e three a d d i t i o n a l assumptions : I t is dea l ing w i t h the case o f a m u r d e r e r — a l t h o u g h o n l y the t h i r d sect ion o f the l a w speaks o f k i l l i n g ; the c u l t is for the benefit o f the v i c t i m o f m u r der; the p r o n o u n c e m e n t is made b y a priest: " [ t h e pr iest ] lays d o w n , " and " p e r f o r m a n c e o f r i t u a l " means acceptance to c i t i -

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zenship, " t o be i n i t i a t e d . " 3 9 B u t w i t h these assumptions , the very f irst l ine o f the t e x t w o u l d be absurd: the r i t u a l can "e i ther be p e r f o r m e d or n o t , " and i t seems that i t can be repeated. Fur ther, the priest w o u l d be free either to set the terms or n o t as capr ic ious ly as he wishes; precisely i f he(?) "does n o t p r o n o u n c e , " sacrifices shall be made i n perpetu i ty , whereas i n the other case the a t o n e m e n t is made once and forever. A b o v e a l l , i f a p r o b l e m arises i n a subsequent generat ion , w h y s h o u l d f irst a priest and then , i n a d d i t i o n , an oracle "es tab l i sh" the sacrifice? T h e direct ives are di f ferent and m u c h clearer indeed i f one decides to i m a g i n e that some p o w e r f u l sp i r i t is asserting himsel f , w h e t h e r i n a d r e a m o r i n the f o r m o f v is ions or audi t ions ; under these c ircumstances there w i l l be a re l ig ious procedure , " a c c o r d i n g t o c o m m a n d " (kat' epitagen), as i t is so o f ten expressed i n i n s c r i p t i o n s . T h e t e r m pronouncement (propheresthai) then recovers its wel l -establ ished m e a n i n g o f " t o reproach, to c o m p l a i n " : i t means the same as " t o express a menima"; i t is also close t o the t e r m " t o g ive a s ign o f d i v i n e w i l l , " episemainein. I f there is n o precise m a n i f e s t a t i o n , i f the sp i r i t has o n l y in f l i c ted wordless h o r r o r o n people, then the usual f o r m o f appeasing sacrifice for the dead applies: f ru i t s o f the earth and l ibat ions for the dead. C h i l d r e n and children's c h i l d r e n are affected insofar as the cul t o f the dead is m o s t l y a cu l t o f ancestors. T h u s a f o r g o t t e n ancest o r can express his displeasure and " c o m p l a i n " : " T h e sp i r i t o f a m e m b e r o f m y f a m i l y has l a id h o l d of m e , " as an A k k a d i a n text w o u l d p u t i t . I n case o f d o u b t one m u s t consult an oracle to f i n d o u t the correct offerings to be made. These s h o u l d be made to the f a m i l y g o d i f he is k n o w n — " t h e y m a k e their sacrifices to Zeus K a r i o s , " states H e r o d o t u s o f the f a m i l y o f Isagoras i n A t h ens; 4 0 o t h e r w i s e the oracle w i l l also establish w h o this s h o u l d be. T h u s the text makes sense, i f o n l y i n the sense o f w h a t w e call s u p e r s t i t i o n . Teliskesthai then means the r i t u a l establ ishment o f a c u l t . T h a t the p u b l i c sanctuary o f C y r e n e s h o u l d have been p a r t i c u l a r l y connected w i t h the cu l t o f heroes is an attract ive a s s u m p t i o n .

T h e t h i r d sect ion i n the l a w o f C y r e n e is unclear as t o the decisive t e r m c o n c e r n i n g the t h i r d var ie ty ofhikesios, autophonos:

7i


" o n e w h o k i l l e d w i t h his o w n h a n d s " or " o n e w h o k i l l e d h i m self"? H e r e the i n t r u s i o n o f the one w h o "came o n " is m e t b y a c o u n t e r - r i t e o f " m a k i n g h i m w h o arrives g o , " aphiketeuein.^ T h i s vocabulary makes i t clear again that w e are n o t dea l ing w i t h the acceptance o f a s u p p l i a n t i n the c o m m u n i t y , b u t rather w i t h someone one desires t o get r i d of. T h e t e x t has some l a cunae, however , supplements o f w h i c h r e m a i n d o u b t f u l . T h e person affected has to " a n n o u n c e " the r i t u a l ; he makes s o m e b o d y sit o n a fleece o n the t h r e s h o l d 4 2 and anoints h i m . T h e n he w i l l go o u t w i t h attendants o n t o the p u b l i c h i g h w a y w h i l e al l w h o meet h i m keep si lent , r e c e i v i n g the harb inger , u n t i l — t h e r e is a gap here; that "sacrifices and o t h e r " (rites?) take place is s t i l l l eg ib le . I f this t e x t were dea l ing w i t h the p u r i f i c a t i o n o f one stained w i t h m u r d e r , t h e n a f ina l act o f i n t e g r a t i o n , w i t h a d m i s s ion t o the city 's shrines, w o u l d have to be assumed; edi tors have p r o p o s e d the i r supplements accord ing ly . T h e par t o f the text w h i c h is preserved, however , speaks o f leading "away , " " g o i n g o u t , " "pass ing b y " ; and i t m e n t i o n s a m a r g i n a l r e g i o n w h e r e " t h r e e tr ibes m e e t " (triphylia);43 silence is appropr ia te i n the presence o f " m o r e p o w e r f u l b e i n g s " ; 4 4 this is a r i t u a l n o t o f i n t e g r a t i o n b u t o f r iddance , i n al l p r o b a b i l i t y i n v o l v i n g demons rather t h a n l i v i n g p e o p l e . 4 5

T h e c o u n t e r a r g u m e n t remains that the w o r d hikesios i n some other Greek texts c lear ly carries the m e a n i n g " s u p p l i a n t , " and never else occurs w i t h the m e a n i n g " h a u n t i n g s p i r i t . " H o w e v e r , there is an exact paral le l i n the dua l m e a n i n g o f the w o r d prostro-paios, m e a n i n g l i t e r a l l y "he w h o t u r n s to s o m e b o d y . " Since Aeschy lus w e f i n d this w o r d i n use n o t o n l y for a supp l i ant b u t also for a d e m o n w h o attaches h i m s e l f t o one. Nevertheless this m e a n i n g has o f ten been m i s t a k e n , p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the L i d d e l l -Scott l e x i c o n , even t h o u g h expressions such as " t h e prostropaios o f M y r t i l u s [ m u r d e r e d t reacherous ly ] f o l l o w e d h i m " i n Pausa-nias or the c o m b i n a t i o n o f prostropaios w i t h "Er inyes and sp r i ts o f vengeance" i n P o l y b i u s is clear e n o u g h . 4 6 T h e threaten ing . invocat ions o f the prostropaios o f the dead i n A n t i p h o n the oic'.jt and already i n Aeschy lus are to be u n d e r s t o o d c o r r e s p o n d i n g l y . 4 7 T h e " o n e w h o approaches" can be an unclean person or

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an e v i l s p i r i t o f the dead; the same ambiva lence is peculiar to b o t h Greek w o r d s . I t is t rue that i n this i n t e r p r e t a t i o n the d o c u m e n t f r o m C y r e n e shows A p o l l o n i a n r e l i g i o n m o r e deeply i n vo lved i n " s u p e r s t i t i o n " t h a n some Hel lenists have been w i l l i n g to accept. T h e y w i l l h a r d l y be d e l i g h t e d at the fact that a parallel f r o m a M e s o p o t a m i a n r i t u a l tex t is f o u n d h e l p f u l for establishi n g the m e a n i n g o f a p u r e l y Greek w o r d . T h e border l ines between the eastern and the Greek are seen to m e l t away.

Substitute Sacrifice

I n a s i t u a t i o n o f p u r s u i t , seized by panic, h u m a n beings are natu r a l l y re l ieved i f another creature suffers that fate i n the i r place. Subst i tute sacrifices are w i d e s p r e a d . 1 T h e y were p a r t i c u l a r l y c o m m o n i n M e s o p o t a m i a because basic anxieties were convent i o n a l l y g iven shape there i n the f o r m s o f d e m o n i c carn ivores . 2

T h i s was less c o m m o n i n Greece. A l l the m o r e notable , then , is one par t i cu la r account , a cu l t legend f r o m the sanctuary o f A r temis o f M u n i c h i a at A t h e n s .

O n c e again i t is a pestilence i n w h i c h the anger o f the goddess is made manifest . T h e cause is said to be the k i l l i n g o f a sacred bear. For a t o n e m e n t , the goddess demands the sacrifice o f a y o u n g g i r l . " E m b a r o s p r o m i s e d to do this o n the c o n d i t i o n that his f a m i l y w o u l d be g r a n t e d the office o f priest for their l i f e t i m e . H e dressed up his daughter , b u t h i d her i n the t e m p l e , dressed up a goat w i t h a g a r m e n t as his daughter , and sacrificed t h a t . " T h i s is the t e x t o f Pausanias the A t t i c i s t ; the vers ion i n the c o l l ec t ion o f proverbs o f Z e n o b i u s is v e r y s imilar . E m b a r o s was m e n t i o n e d i n the comedies o f M e n a n d e r . 3

I t is clear that this anecdote describes a r i t u a l , a subst i tute sacri f ice p e r f o r m e d i n the c u l t o f A r t e m i s for the l i f t i n g o f a pest i lence. T h e m y t h o f Iphigenia 's sacrifice at A u l i s obtrudes i t se l f as a para l le l , w h e r e the goddess herse l f is said t o have f ina l l y subst i tuted a h i n d f o r the v i r g i n . B u t the M u n i c h i a legend p o r trays the actual m a n i p u l a t i o n s m u c h m o r e graphical ly . T o w h a t extent this can be taken as evidence for actual cu l t is b y n o means cer ta in , t h o u g h . T h e r e is n o other i n f o r m a t i o n about a

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f a m i l y o f E m b a r o s or a p r i e s t h o o d o f E m b a r i d s i n the A t t i c p r o -sopography. B u t t o assume that we are dea l ing w i t h pure i n v e n t i o n w o u l d m a k e the p r o v e r b i a l status o f E m b a r o s even less expl icable .

T h e r e are w e l l - d o c u m e n t e d r i tuals elsewhere i n w h i c h an ani m a l is s u b s t i t u t e d for a h u m a n be ing ; a remarkab le instance is the p r o v i s i o n i n the o l d L a w o f the Twe lve Tables i n R o m e : aries subicitur, "a r a m is s u b s t i t u t e d . " 4 T h e closest paral le l , however , is p r o v i d e d b y a M e s o p o t a m i a n i n c a n t a t i o n text .

T h i s t e x t deals w i t h the hea l ing o f a sick person. I t bears the t i t l e " S u b s t i t u t i o n o f a M a n for E r e s h k i g a l . " E reshk iga l is the S u m e r i a n - A k k a d i a n goddess o f the u n d e r w o r l d . T h e subst i tute is an " u n m a t e d goat . " I t is p u t i n t o bed w i t h the sick person and is supposed to spend the n i g h t w i t h h i m . A t d a w n the con jurer arrives, t h r o w s the goat and the sick person o u t o f the bed o n t o the floor, touches the t h r o a t o f the sick person w i t h a w o o d e n k n i f e , and t h e n cuts the t h r o a t o f the goat w i t h a real k n i f e . T h e s laughtered goat is t h e n stuffed w i t h spices, i t is dressed i n a robe and g i v e n shoes, its eyes are adorned , the headgear o f the sick person is w o u n d r o u n d its head, and i t is tended "as i f i t were a dead m a n " w h i l e the sick person leaves the house. T h e con jurer speaks an i n c a n t a t i o n , raises the l a m e n t a t i o n for the dead over the body , b r i n g s offerings for the dead, makes l i b a t ions o f water, beer, roasted c o r n , m i l k , honey, c ream, and o i l ; f inal ly , w i t h offerings for the " s p i r i t of the dead o f the f a m i l y " and the goat , he buries the a n i m a l . I n this way the sick person is d e l i v e r e d . 5

T h e differences between the t w o r i tuals s h o u l d n o t be overl o o k e d . I n M u n i c h i a a sacrifice at the altar o f a sanctuary is descr ibed, whereas, i n the East, d y i n g at h o m e i n bed is acted o u t . T h e s i m i l a r i t y o f the charade, w h i c h i n b o t h cases has a sacr i f i cial goat dressed u p i n h u m a n clothes, is s t r i k i n g nevertheless; and the M u n i c h i a legend is concerned w i t h the h e a l i n g o f s ickness, t o o . Gel l ius states that i n the R o m a n cu l t o f Veiovis a goat is sacrificed ritu humano; this m a y w e l l p o i n t to a s o m e w h a t s i m ilar f o r m o f r i t u a l . 6 O n Tenedos, i n the cu l t o f D i o n y s u s A n t h r o -porraistes the "Smasher o f M e n " — o n c e m o r e w i t h i n the i d e o l -

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o g y o f h u m a n sacr i f i ce—the ca l f sacrificed to the g o d is p r o v i d e d w i t h busk ins , w h i l e the butcher has t o flee. 7

We see there is n o lack o f parallels. D i r e c t contact c o u l d be p r o v e d b y l i n g u i s t i c b o r r o w i n g s , b u t , nevertheless, i t remains a "perhaps . " T h e name E m b a r o s — w i t h the l o n g a—does n o t s o u n d Greek , at least n o t A t t i c . Pausanias and subsequently o ther lex icons give the n a m e Baros as a var iant . T h i s sounds even m o r e exot ic b u t corresponds precisely to the A k k a d i a n w o r d for seer, baru.8 O n e c o u l d assume that there lies b e h i n d the legend an actual event w h e n a seer o f eastern o r i g i n e m p l o y e d a subst i tute sacrifice t o l i f t a pestilence w i t h apparent success. T h e cu l t and shrine o f A r t e m i s at M u n i c h i a is l i n k e d t o the m o n t h M u n i c h i o n i n the A t t i c calendar and , l i k e o ther festivals o f A r temis , has the aura o f Greek g i r l s ' i n i t i a t i o n s ; this can h a r d l y be an o r i e n t a l i m p o r t i n its ent irety . F u r t h e r m o r e , the evidence for the f o r m Baros is weak: T h e M e n a n d e r texts , w h i c h are the o l d est d o c u m e n t s w e have and o n w h i c h the lexicons rely, clearly have Embaros. H o w e v e r , a d d i t i o n a l r i tuals are n o t exc luded even i n established cults , and a l l sorts o f accidents m a y befall i m p o r t e d w o r d s . E v e n i f the exact p a t h o f t r a d i t i o n cannot be establ i shed, the East-West paral lel o f r i t u a l subst i tute deserves n o tice.

Asdepius and Asgelatas

T h r e e smal l bronze statuettes f r o m the H e r a sanctuary o n Sa-m o s p r o v i d e the s trongest evidence o f B a b y l o n i a n i m p o r t s to Greece as regards sickness demons and hea l ing gods. T w o o f t h e m , f i rst p u b l i s h e d i n 1979, were excavated f r o m levels dated t o the seventh c e n t u r y (F igure 4 ) . ' These bronzes represent a m a n s t a n d i n g at prayer w i t h a large d o g . A s c o n f i r m e d b y s i m i lar f inds f r o m B a b y l o n i a and also b y c u n e i f o r m texts , these f i g ures are connected w i t h the B a b y l o n i a n goddess o f heal ing , Gula o f I s in , the "great p h y s i c i a n , " azugallatu. D o g s were sacrif iced i n her cu l t : A w h o l e series o f d o g burials has c o m e to l i g h t at her shr ine at I s i n . 2

I f several f igur ines o f this type were dedicated to Hera o n Sa-

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Figure 4. Babylonian bronze figurine, "dog and dog-leader," from the cult of the Babylonian healing goddess Cu/a, found in the Hera

sanctuary at Samos .

. 76 .


mos, they cannot be m e r e l y co inc identa l souvenirs . I t is m o r e l i k e l y that H e r a is b e i n g approached as a goddess o f hea l ing , t o o ; such assistance was requested f r o m pract ica l ly all the gods b u t especially f r o m the goddesses. W h e t h e r the dedicat ion o f these bronzes o r i g i n a t e d w i t h eastern merchants w h o had reached Sa-mos or w h e t h e r they had been b r o u g h t f r o m the East b y Greeks such as Alcaeus ' b r o t h e r A n t i m e n i d a s , w h o — s o m e w h a t l a t e r — served as a mercenary at B a b y l o n , cannot be established. W h a t sickness means can easily be u n d e r s t o o d across the language barriers ; and i f a par t i cu lar ta l i sman seems t o be efficacious against i t , this w i l l be accepted w i t h equal ease.

B u t this is n o t the w h o l e story. We are led t o go fur ther b y the s t r i k i n g ro le o f the d o g i n the cu l t o f the m a i n Greek g o d o f hea l ing , Asc lepius . A d o g was s tanding next to the chryselephant ine statue o f Asc lepius i n his t e m p l e at Ep idaurus ; a d e d i catory r e l i e f f r o m there has dogs alongside the sons o f Asclep i u s . 3 M y t h relates that as a c h i l d Asclepius was exposed o n M o u n t K y n o r t i o n , w h e r e he was n o u r i s h e d b y a b i t c h and f o u n d b y h u n t s m e n w i t h dogs 4 —kynegeta i , dog-leaders, i n Greek; i n a d d i t i o n , actual cu l t comes to the fore w i t h the req u i r e m e n t o f a lex sacra f r o m the shrine o f Asclepius at Piraeus: W h o seeks hea l ing , i t is stated, m u s t m a k e p r e l i m i n a r y sacrifice o f three cakes to Maleatas , A p o l l o , H e r m e s , Iaso, A k e s o , and Panakeia, and finally to "dogs and dog-leaders , " that is, h u n t s m e n . 5

These dogs and dog-leaders can be expla ined b y reference to m y t h ; b u t the bronzes f r o m the shr ine o f Hera present a m u c h m o r e d i rect and g r a p h i c e x p l a n a t i o n : H e r e dogs and dog-leaders are seen i n effigy. O n e can easily assume that f igures o f this type were also to be seen at the shr ine o f Asclepius at Piraeus; they were treated w i t h respect, j u s t l i k e the other gods and powers i n the re t inue o f Asc lepius , and thus had their part i n the r i t u a l . D o g s and dog-leaders as recipients o f a p r e l i m i n a r y sacrifice also appear i n a grotesque p a r o d y o f cu l t i n a piece b y the c o m i c poet P l a t o . 6 T h i s , therefore , was a w e l l - k n o w n , s o m e h o w r e m a r k able detai l o f a certa in cu l t . I t becomes comprehens ib le as soon as one considers the statues o f the Samian H e r a sanctuary: B y

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their v e r y existence, they indicate a pecul iar East-West u n d e r s t a n d i n g i n the r e a l m o f hea l ing gods .

F r o m another place w e are i n d u c e d to a leap f o r w a r d i n t o the l i n g u i s t i c evidence. G u l a , the goddess o f hea l ing , patroness o f dogs and dog-leaders , is called azugallatu, " t h e great p h y s i c i a n , " i n A k k a d i a n . 7 O n the C y c l a d i c i s land A n a p h e near T h e r a , h o w ever, and o n l y there , A p o l l o is w o r s h i p p e d as Asgelatas and celebrated w i t h a fest ival , Asge la ia . 8 T h e n a m e , w h i c h does n o t s o u n d Greek, has repeatedly attracted a t t e n t i o n , p a r t i c u l a r l y as i t has a r i n g n o t t o o d i s s imi lar f r o m the n a m e o f A p o l l o ' s son Ask lap ios/Asc lep ius , w h i c h equal ly defies e x p l a n a t i o n . 9

Az(u)gallat(u) and Asgelat(as) s o u n d perfect ly ident ica l , i f the var iable m o r p h e m e s are o m i t t e d ; the sequence o f syllables is c o m p l i c a t e d e n o u g h t o exc lude sheer coincidence, and the m e a n i n g f its : B e i n g a phys ic ian is one o f the m o s t i m p o r t a n t h o n o r s o f A p o l l o , w h o is expressly called phys ic ian (ietros) i n o ther c u l t s . 1 0 I t is t r u e that i n consequence the n a m e o f the fest i v a l , Asgelaia, m u s t be secondary, reconstructed f r o m the name Asgelatas as i f this had the n o r m a l Greek suffix -tas, -tes. I f the e q u a t i o n Azuga l la tu/Asge la tas is accepted, i t f o l l o w s that there m u s t once have been a healer o n this i s land w h o i n v o k e d the n a m e o f the M e s o p o t a m i a n azugallatu against a pestilence and ostens ib ly succeeded i n d r i v i n g the disease away. F r o m that t i m e A p o l l o Asgelatas was w o r s h i p p e d there, as A p o l l o E p i k u r i o s at Bassae was credi ted w i t h succor ing at the great p l a g u e 1 1 — o r as Santa M a r i a della Salute was t o receive w o r s h i p m u c h later at Venice. A p o l l o Asgelatas, t h e n , prov ides the m o s t d irect p r o o f o f the i n f i l t r a t i o n o f char i smat ic pract i t ioners o f the eastern t r a d i t i o n i n t o archaic Greece, paral le l to the Gula bronzes f o u n d o n Samos.

T h e way i n w h i c h the Greek language absorbs and suppresses these f o r e i g n terms is p a r t i c u l a r l y ev ident i n this case. T h e decept ive ly s i m i l a r f o r m Aiglatas is attested qu i te early o n A n a p h e , " A p o l l o o f the rad iant s k y " ; this epi thet has also made its way i n t o the m y t h o f the A r g o n a u t s ; i t appears i n dedicat ions as early as the fifth c e n t u r y B . C . 1 2 W h o c o u l d guess at the existence o f A k k a d i a n b e h i n d such crystal-clear Greek? I t is a l u c k y chance

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A S E E R O R A H E A L E R "

that the strange b u t off icial names o f the cul t and the festival have been preserved i n a f e w epigraphic d o c u m e n t s . I t is ev ident that Asgelatas is the lectio difficilior, hence o lder than Aiglatas . T h e name Asgelatas is, therefore , a t t r i b u t a b l e t o the archaic epo c h at the latest. T h u s the external evidence leads close to the o r i e n t a l i z i n g p e r i o d , to w h i c h the Samian dog-leaders be long .

O n e f u r t h e r reference to a w o r d f r o m the sphere o f Asclepius the phys ic ian : O n e w o r d for headache or dizziness attested since the A r i s t o t e l i a n Problems is karos. I t has no Greek e t y m o l o g y . B u t i n A k k a d i a n kdru means " t o be d izzy , " and i n A r a m a i c karah, " t o be i l l . " 1 3 C o i n c i d e n c e is qu i te possible w i t h such a s i m p l e sequence o f phonemes , b u t one can as w e l l i m a g i n e that the t e r m came t o the Greeks w i t h the eastern b a n q u e t i n g fashions , especially the i n t r o d u c t i o n o f couches o n w h i c h to recline (klinai) i n place o f chairs, w h i c h is d i s t inct ive o f the Greek s y m p o s i u m since the end o f the seventh century b u t first makes its appearance w i t h A s h u r b a n i p a l . T h e r e m a y be m o r e l o a n - w o r d s o f the k i n d i n medica l vocabulary ; w h a t is unusual is that karos escaped camouflage.

Ecstatic Divination

D i v i n a t i o n is a strange art w h i c h o n l y specialists can practice successfully u n d e r par t i cu lar c ircumstances. Somet imes stress is la id o n the o u t w a r d l y technical , acquired apparatus o f the d i v iner , w h i c h seems easy to learn; somet imes i t is the part icular state o f m i n d that is seen t o be a l l - i m p o r t a n t , be i t called possess ion , trance, or madness. W i t h the Greeks, the " r a v i n g " seer first appears onstage i n Aeschy lus ' Agamemnon, i n the great scene o f Cassandra. B u t already earlier Herac l i tus had spoken o f the S i b y l p r o p h e s y i n g " w i t h r a v i n g m o u t h , " and H e r o d o t u s presupposes ecstatic p r o p h e c y at the P t o o n oracle b y 480 . 1 T h e n Plato discusses d i v i n a t o r y madness at a h i g h l y ph i losophica l level ; i n this c o n t e x t he clearly c o n f i r m s that the m o s t famous seer i n Greece, the P y t h i a at D e l p h i , used to prophesy i n a state o f ecstasy. 2 M u c h later the Pythia 's seance was described i n some detai l b y P l u t a r c h i n his w r i t i n g s o n D e l p h i , 3 a f i r s thand witness

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since he served f o r years there as a priest . A l t h o u g h the r a t i o n a l iz ing hypothes i s about vo lcanic vapors r i s i n g f r o m the g r o u n d beneath the t r i p o d i n the t e m p l e at D e l p h i and thus chemica l l y " i n s p i r i n g " the P y t h i a has been geo log ica l l y re futed , this s h o u l d n o t serve to d i sprove the ecstatic state characterist ic o f A p o l l o ' s p r o n o u n c e m e n t s at the place. A m e d i u m does n o t need c h e m istry. H o w ecstasy mani fested i t s e l f i n i n d i v i d u a l cases m a y have var ied f r o m person t o person . T h e r e is n o t h i n g s u r p r i s i n g i n the fact that a suitable peasant g i r l c o u l d be chosen, as P l u t a r c h aff i r m s — a l t h o u g h some scholars have f o u n d this d i s c o n c e r t i n g . Ecstatic p r o p h e c y is a specific g i f t w h i c h cannot be ant ic ipated and o n l y p a r t i a l l y m a n i p u l a t e d .

Farnel l w r o t e i n 1911 that , i n contrast to Greece, ecstatic p r o p h e c y d i d n o t exist i n B a b y l o n ; 4 b u t this has l o n g since been re futed. Ecstatic priests and priestesses (mahhu, mahhutu) were i n fact c o m m o n i n M e s o p o t a m i a . T h e m o s t extensive evidence has appeared i n M a r i ; b u t W e n - A m o n ' s r e p o r t has a case i n B y b l o s , t o o . 5 I n the t i m e o f E s a r h a d d o n ecstatic w o m e n were active i n Assyr ia ; i n part icular , t e m p l e attendants o f Ishtar o f A r b e l a re p o r t e d the d i rect c o m m u n i c a t i o n s o f the goddess t o the k i n g . T h e d e i t y was speaking d i r e c t l y t h r o u g h the m o u t h o f a w o m a n , i n the f irst person: " I , Ishtar . . . " 6

T h e t r a d i t i o n o f the S i b y l or Sibyls reaches f r o m B a b y l o n to C u m a e w i t h a center o f g r a v i t y i n Asia M i n o r . 7 A d m i t t e d l y w i d e l y d i v e r g e n t ideas about date and l i f e t i m e o f Sibyls were c u r r e n t i n a n t i q u i t y , and i t is d i f f i cu l t to reconstruct the o lder t r a d i t i o n s o u t o f the later sources. H e r a c l i t u s , o u r oldest w i t ness, refers t o the S i b y l and her ecstasy, as she utters unpleasant prophecies " w i t h r a v i n g m o u t h , " cover ing " 1 ,000 years." T r a d i t i o n dates the S i b y l o f Marpessa before the T r o j a n War, b u t the S i b y l o f E r y t h r a e t o the e i g h t h c e n t u r y ; 8 the S i b y l o f C u m a e is made a c o n t e m p o r a r y o f T a r q u i n i u s Superbus i n R o m e . 9 T h i s c h r o n o l o g y s h o u l d be g i v e n credi t insofar as the C u m a e t r a d i t i o n m u s t e x t e n d back b e y o n d the conquest o f the c i t y b y the Oscans i n the fifth century .

Eastern o r i g i n s o f the S i b y l have been considered since a n t i q u i t y . T o a certain extent the S i b y l l i n e books o f late He l l en i s t i c

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and i m p e r i a l t imes i n c o r p o r a t e the "eastern" o p p o s i t i o n to R o m e w i t h s t r o n g Jewish elements. B u t i n v i e w o f the w i d e spread ava i lab i l i ty o f m e d i u m i s t i c talents and prophecies , o n l y specific details o r the n a m e S i b y l i t se l f c o u l d p r o v i d e clear e v i dence o f c u l t u r a l d i f fus ion i n ancient t imes . T h e r e is a " B a b y l o n ian S i b y l " ; b u t t o l i n k the name S iby l la d i r e c t l y t o S i d u r i the ale w i f e , sabitu,10 w h o appears i n the epic Gilgamesh—her role is to s h o w G i l g a m e s h the way t o U t n a p i s h t i m , the hero o f the flood—is f r i v o l o u s . O n c e the special name Sambethe is repor ted for the B a b y l o n i a n S i b y l , and she is said to have been present i n the ark as one o f Noah ' s d a u g h t e r s - i n - l a w ; 1 1 this m i g h t i n earnest reflect the sabitu o f Gilgamesh. T h e B a b y l o n i a n S i b y l has also been connected w i t h Berossos, w h i c h indicates a d a t i n g i n the He l len i s t i c epoch .

As for the archaic p e r i o d , i t s h o u l d g ive us pause that i n qui te another c o n t e x t , that o f a s t r o n o m y and calendar m a k i n g , c o n nect ions appear t o r u n f r o m M e s o p o t a m i a specif ically t o D e l p h i . T h i s i n t e r r e l a t i o n was w o r k e d o u t b y M a r t i n N i l s s o n . 1 2 A l ready the ear ly Greek calendar system w i t h its interca lary m o n t h s seems t o f o l l o w the p r i n c i p l e o f the B a b y l o n i a n O k t a e -teris. T h e o r g a n i z a t i o n o f " p e n t e t e r i c " games, i n par t icu lar the O l y m p i a d s , presupposes that the calendar had been f i x e d acc o r d i n g to such an e ight-year p e r i o d . T h e t r a d i t i o n a l date o f the first O l y m p i a d is 776 B . C . ; the great rise o f the D e l p h i c sanctuary begins a r o u n d this t i m e . H o w m a n y uncer ta in factors are present i n such c o m b i n a t i o n s h a r d l y needs to be stressed: Even i f the ear ly l ist o f O l y m p i c v ic tors is taken to be authent ic , the t i m e t a b l e o f the early games remains i n d o u b t — i t has recently been argued that the games started o n l y i n about 700 B . C . 1 3 — and the relat ions t o D e l p h i are n o t very clear. Nevertheless the perspective i n t r o d u c e d b y N i l s s o n remains i n t r i g u i n g , espec ia l ly i f those correspondences i n p u r i f i c a t i o n and heal ing r i tuals are added w h i c h N i l s s o n d i d n o t take i n t o cons iderat ion .

T h u s the ecstatic p r o p h e c y o f the Pyth ia can w e l l be seen i n a s i m i l a r c o n t e x t . I n fact even the special r i t u a l i n w h i c h , before a seance o f the P y t h i a , a goat was s p r i n k l e d w i t h water and its react ion observed, has its paral lel i n M e s o p o t a m i a . 1 4 I t seems

Hi


that , paral le l to the spread o f l i ver augury, the m o r e d i rect art o f m e d i u m i s t i c p r o p h e c y also came to supersede o lder and s i m p l e r m e t h o d s o f a u g u r y and b i r d observa t ion . D i d this establish D e l phi 's fame? 1 5 O n e s h o u l d s t i l l resist the t e m p t a t i o n to go so far as t o derive the n a m e o f A p o l l o f r o m B a b y l o n . 1 6

Lamashtu, Lamia, and Gorgo

N o t o n l y r i tuals and i n c a n t a t i o n texts b u t also amulets b e l o n g t o the sphere o f M e s o p o t a m i a n magic ians . T h e r e are s i m p l e , sma l l cy l inders as w e l l as beads w i t h p e r t i n e n t i n s c r i p t i o n s , 1 b u t also fantastic images such as the Pazuzu heads 2 and the L a m a s h t u tab le t s . 3 A s w i t h the m o d e l l ivers o f hepatoscopy, these are spread as far as N o r t h Syr ia , U g a r i t , and C y p r u s . A n d as the H u m b a b a face reached G o r t y n and the dog- leader f igur ines reached Samos, reflexes o f L a m a s h t u i c o n o g r a p h y travel led as far as I t a l y . 4 I t is certa in that the Greeks o f the archaic p e r i o d occasional ly saw such f igures; the M e s o p o t a m i a n demons d i d , i n fact, leave var ious traces o f themselves.

T h e h o r r i f y i n g f i gure o f G e l l o , an object o f t e r r o r for c h i l d r e n , is m e n t i o n e d as early as the w o r k o f Sappho; Ge l lo was said to steal and eat l i t t l e c h i l d r e n . Traces o f this f i gure have persisted t o the present day . 5 Greeks w i l l associate the n a m e Ge l lo w i t h e v i l g r i n n i n g , gelan, b u t ne i ther the spe l l ing o f the w o r d n o r its m e a n i n g p r o p e r l y corresponds t o this . G a l l u is, o n the o t h e r h a n d , one o f the m o s t c o m m o n S u m e r i a n - A k k a d i a n names f o r an e v i l s p i r i t . T h e correspondence has l o n g been p o i n t e d o u t b y A s s y r i o l o g i s t s and i n t e r p r e t e d as a b o r r o w i n g f r o m M e s o p o t a m i a ; 6 the t e s t i m o n y o f Sappho w o u l d place i t i n the seventh c e n t u r y at the latest. T h a t a is r e p r o d u c e d as e has a paral le l i n Azugal la tu/Asge latas and i n the n a m e o f the letter delta.1

A n even m o r e p o p u l a r h o r r o r f igure than Ge l lo is L a m i a . She is already m e n t i o n e d i n the archaic p e r i o d b y Stesichoros 8 and has also persisted i n m o d e r n f o l k l o r e . 9 L a m i a is grotesque, r e puls ive , and h ideous b e y o n d measure; however , there is n o u n d i s p u t e d Greek representat ion o f her. T h e m a i n characterist ic o f

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L a m i a is that she steals c h i l d r e n , perhaps even f r o m their m o t h ers' bodies .

I n this especially L a m i a resembles L a m a s h t u the demoness; the correspondence b e t w e e n the names was c l o u d e d for a w h i l e b y the earlier read ing o f her name as Labartu."' Lamashtu was feared b y pregnant w o m e n , b y w o m e n g i v i n g b i r t h , and b y m o t h e r s . T h e y p r o t e c t e d themselves against her w i t h magic : A n ass or a ship was supposed to carry her away. A m u l e t tablets therefore were fabricated w i t h c o r r e s p o n d i n g images, t o offer direct p r o t e c t i o n against L a m a s h t u . Such tablets have been f o u n d far b e y o n d M e s o p o t a m i a , i n U g a r i t , B o g h a z k o y , Car-c h c m i s h , and Z i n c i r l i . " T h e western connect ions are stressed i f o n a seal we f i n d a representat ion o f an Assyr ian d e m o n c o m b i n e d w i t h a Phoenic ian i n s c r i p t i o n ; and at least one amulet w i t h a L a m a s h t u - l i k e representat ion comes f r o m seventh-c e n t u r y I t a l y . 1 2 D e m o n s s imi la r to L a m a s h t u also appear i n later Syr ian magica l be l ie f s : 1 3 T h e r e is no gap between B a b y l o n and Greece. O n e Greek text states that L a m i a is a daughter o f the Phoenic ian Belos , thereby c r e d i t i n g the demoness w i t h Semit ic o r i g i n s . 1 4

L a m a s h t u has a par t i cu la r i c o n o g r a p h y w h i c h is k n o w n b o t h f r o m the a m u l e t tablets and f r o m related texts: She is naked; she has a l ion's head, d a n g l i n g breasts, and the feet o f a b i r d o f prey ; she lets a p i g and a d o g suck at her breasts; she often holds a snake i n each hand ; o f ten she is represented w i t h one knee bent , i n Knielauf p o s i t i o n , w h i c h p r e s u m a b l y is meant to represent s w i f t flight. T h e r e is usua l ly an ass underneath her and beneath that a sh ip , al l des igned t o carry her away (Figure 5). Somet imes the animals appear separated f r o m the m a i n f igure , g r o u p e d to the r i g h t and left i n the Mistress o f A n i m a l s s c h e m a . 1 5

As has o f ten been discussed, L a m a s h t u shares a w h o l e range o f characteristics w i t h the Greek G o r g o n . 1 6 I t is n o t so m u c h the actual face o f the G o r g o n that is s imi la r ; the G o r g o n face does i n c o r p o r a t e l i o n features, yet the leonine is o n l y one o f the elements , and the G o r g o n is always represented en face, whereas L a m a s h t u is always represented i n pro f i l e . There is, however , a s t r i k i n g correspondence i n the d a n g l i n g breasts, the schema o f

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Figure 5. Bronze plate from Carchemish: Lamashtu. Demoness with lion's head, bird's talons, standing on a donkey, wielding snakes,

and suckling a pig and a dog.

Knielauf and , above a l l , the i c o n o g r a p h i e paraphernal ia . We m a y take as an e x a m p l e the famous representat ion o f the G o r g o n f r o m the t e m p l e i n C o r f u : She appears i n Knielauf between t w o " l i o n s " w h i c h are beasts o f fantasy rather than z o o l o g y ; t w o snakes f o r m her be l t , w h i l e a horse and a h u m a n , Pegasos and C h r y s a o r her " c h i l d r e n , " t o u c h her r i g h t and left hands. N e a r l y

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all these e lements , w i t h the e x c e p t i o n o f the h u m a n Chrysaor , have the i r counterpar t s i n the image o f L a m a s h t u , T h e r e may be a horse at her side, and b o t h the G o r g o n and L a m a s h t u are occasionally depic ted h o l d i n g t w o snakes. A n d yet, all these elements have been shaken u p , taken o u t o f their contex t , and placed i n a n e w order . T h e basic concept remains the same: the fleeing m o n s t e r — b u t the Greek m y t h has developed a w h o l e n e w system w i t h the m y t h o f Perseus, Pegasos, Chrysaor . T h e steed and the w a r r i o r are ind icat ive o f a t r i a l o f i n i t i a t i o n : I t is the a r m e d hero and n o t m a g i c that overcomes the d e m o n and p e t r i f y i n g fear. I t cannot be d o u b t e d that some artists w h o created G o r g o n c o m p o s i t i o n s o f this k i n d had seen L a m a s h t u tablets, b u t they t o o k o n l y the images and used t h e m to construct s o m e t h i n g closer t o the i r o w n t r a d i t i o n s . 1 7

T h e c o n n e c t i o n between the Perseus-Gorgon m y t h and the Semit ic East is even m o r e c o m p l e x . O n the one h a n d the A n d r o m e d a m y t h is located i n Ioppe-Jaffa; 1 8 o n the other, Perseus has a r e m a r k a b l e c o n n e c t i o n w i t h Tarsos . 1 9 I c o n o g r a p h i c m o d els for Perseus' f i g h t w i t h the m a r i n e m o n s t e r (ketos) appear o n some eastern seals; 2 0 i n M e s o p o t a m i a even the s laying o f a one-eyed female m o n s t e r b y a y o u t h f u l hero o c c u r s . 2 1 H o w e v e r , f i n d i n g names for the scenes i n o r i e n t a l seal art is b y n o means s imple ; the c o n n e c t i o n w i t h the epic texts such as Gilgamesh can be established o n l y i n rare cases. O n e o f these is the s laying o f H u m b a b a b y G i l g a m e s h and E n k i d u , a scene w h i c h i n t u r n is one o f the models for representations o f Perseus k i l l i n g the G o r g o n (F igure 6).

A strange o r i e n t a l seal, n o w i n B e r l i n , is p a r t i c u l a r l y w o r t h y o f n o t e . 2 2 I t depicts an oversized, d e m o n i c creature s h o w n en face and i n Knielauf position. I t has been seized b y a y o u n g hero w h o is h o l d i n g up a sc imitar , a harpe, i n his r i g h t h a n d , and, i n d o i n g so, he has apparent ly t u r n e d his face away f r o m his o p p o n e n t . H e is w e a r i n g w i n g e d shoes; b e h i n d h i m is the representat ion o f a large f ish. T h i s p i c t u r e was reproduced i n Roscher's Dictionary of Mythology as a clear i l l u s t r a t i o n o f Perseus f i g h t i n g the G o r g o n . 2 3 Pierre A m i e t is n o less decided about the f r a m e w o r k o f eastern m y t h o l o g y f o r this representat ion, reca l l ing the U g a r i t i c

«5


Figure 6. TOP LEFT: Seal impression from Nuzi, about 1450 B.C.: Gilgamesh and Enkidu struggling with Humbaba. From the left, a goddess is handing a weapon to the champion, T O P R I G H T : Shield

strap, Olympia, about560B.C.: Perseus killing the Gorgon, with the help of Athena, turning his face from the petrifying monster.

B O T T O M : Seal from Baghdad, seventh to sixth century B.C.: Perseus fighting the Gorgon?

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m y t h o f the fight between the goddess A n a t and M o t , w i t h no m e n t i o n o f Perseus and the G o r g o n , 2 4 I n contrast t o the G o r g o n , the m o n s t e r has b i rd ' s c laws, w h i c h is rather reminiscent o f L a m a s h t u . T h e r e is n o t m u c h p o i n t i n a r g u i n g about the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n : E v e n the date o f the seal is unclear; i t m a y already be dependent u p o n Greek i c o n o g r a p h y ; s t i l l less c o u l d we hope to find adequate texts for e x p l a n a t i o n . Even so, this p i c ture is an i m p o r t a n t d o c u m e n t i l l u s t r a t i n g the c o m p l e x interre lat ions o f Greek and o r i e n t a l i n the archaic p e r i o d . Images and poss ibly even narrat ive m o t i f s become a m b i g u o u s i n the sphere o f i n t e r -c u l t u r a l contacts; t h e y are u n d e r s t o o d i n different ways f r o m d i f ferent sides; they f o r m n e w constel lat ions. Creat ive m i s u n d e r s t a n d i n g m i g h t be considered to be m o r e s igni f icant than the t ransmiss ion i t s e l f i n such cases. B u t the t ransmiss ion remains a fact; the i c o n o g r a p h i c patterns r e m a i n preserved, i n the i n stances o f the c o m b a t s o f Perseus as i n the case o f L a m a s h t u and the G o r g o n .

O n e difference is s t r i k i n g indeed: For the Greeks these dem o n s are n o t real ly d e m o n i c ; they do n o t car ry the association o f some mysterium tremendum. A t best they are apt to f r i g h t e n l i t t l e c h i l d r e n . For Greek m e n Perseus has set an example o f h o w to deal w i t h such creatures, w e a p o n i n hand , even i f an e lement o f m a g i c and some help f r o m the gods is n o t l a c k i n g . A s imi la r t r a n s f o r m a t i o n can be established i n s t i l l another instance, i n the i m a g e o f the snake strangler. T h i s is qu i te an o l d and apparent ly i m p o r t a n t i m a g e i n the M e s o p o t a m i a n reperto i re : a master o f animals , a shamanist ic f igure , w h o has seized t w o large snakes i n his hands; this t y p e p r o b a b l y has an apotropa ic f u n c t i o n . 2 5

T h e Greeks made this the f i rst adventure o f their Herakles , the hero ic deed a b a b y p e r f o r m e d i n his c r a d l e . 2 6 I n everyday l i fe o f course Herakles is the averter o f e v i l , alexikakos, w h o s e amulets are used for p r o t e c t i o n . 2 7 B u t i n m y t h , or rather i n the accepted and representative f o r m o f Greek poetry , the fear o f demons has been e l i m i n a t e d . T h e Greek hero is represented as t r u s t i n g i n his o w n s t r e n g t h , g o d l i k e even i f i n the s h a d o w o f d e a t h . 2 8 M a g i c a l f igur ines are t r a n s f o r m e d i n t o pract ica l r o b o t s , n o t awe-i n s p i r i n g b u t s i m p l y a source o f w o n d e r . 2 9

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'OR A L S O A G O D L Y SINGER" Akkadian and Early Greek Literature

From A t r a h a s i s to the "Deception of Zeus"

Since the rediscovery o f the A k k a d i a n epics and o f Gilgamesh i n part icular , there has been n o shortage o f associations between m o t i f s i n these and i n the H o m e r i c epics, especially the Odyssey.1

These m o t i f s can be h i g h l i g h t e d and used t o surprise , b u t h a r d l y t o prove a n y t h i n g : A p p r o x i m a t e l y the same m o t i f s and themes w i l l be f o u n d e v e r y w h e r e . Instead o f i n d i v i d u a l m o t i f s , there fore , we m u s t focus o n m o r e c o m p l e x structures , w h e r e sheer coincidence is less l i k e l y : a system o f deities and a basic c o s m o -log ica l idea, the narra t ive s t ruc ture o f a w h o l e scene, decrees o f the gods about m a n k i n d , o r a v e r y special c o n f i g u r a t i o n o f attack and defense. O n c e the h i s tor i ca l l i n k , the fact o f t r a n s m i s s ion , has been established, t h e n f u r t h e r connect ions , i n c l u d i n g l i n g u i s t i c b o r r o w i n g s , become m o r e l ike ly , even i f these alone do n o t suffice to car ry the b u r d e n o f p r o o f .

N o t u n t i l 1969 was the text o f an A k k a d i a n epic pub l i shed for the first t i m e i n a n y t h i n g a p p r o a c h i n g its ent i re ty : T h e s t o r y o f Atrahasis " o u t s t a n d i n g i n w i s d o m " — a t e l l i n g name i n A k k a d i a n — o r rather a " S t o r y o f M a n k i n d " b e g i n n i n g , as the o p e n i n g l ine says, w i t h the paradox ica l p r i m o r d i a l s i t u a t i o n " w h e n gods were i n the ways o f m e n . " 2 U p u n t i l t h e n i t had been k n o w n o n l y f r o m a f e w n o t very characteristic f ragments . T h e

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f i rst vers ion i n three b o o k s is dated to the t i m e o f A m m i s a d u q a , a few generat ions after H a m m u r a p i , i n the seventeenth century B .C . Various O l d B a b y l o n i a n examples have surv ived i n f ragm e n t a r y f o r m ; the l i b r a r y o f A s h u r b a n i p a l also conta ined other, s l i g h t l y v a r y i n g ed i t ions . A f ragment o f another recension has been f o u n d i n U g a r i t . We are therefore deal ing w i t h a tex t w h i c h had been i n c i r c u l a t i o n and p o p u l a r for over a thousand years, a tex t a s t o n i s h i n g l y o r i g i n a l i n c o n c e p t i o n . " W h e n gods were i n the ways o f m e n " and there were n o humans yet i n existence, the gods had to do al l the w o r k themselves; this led to a rebe l l ion b y the y o u n g e r gods against the senior gods and espec ia l ly E n l i l , the ac t ing chief. F o r t u n a t e l y E n k i the c u n n i n g g o d came t o their a id , and together w i t h the m o t h e r goddess he created m e n t o act as r o b o t s for t h e m : T h e y s h o u l d bear the b u r d e n o f the w o r k . B u t soon , "after 600 [and?] 600 years," these creatures became t o o n u m e r o u s and a nuisance to the earth, and so the gods t r i e d to destroy t h e m . T h e y made three a t tempts , apparent ly at f o r m u l a i c intervals o f 1,200 years, by sending f irst a plague, t h e n a f a m i n e , and f i n a l l y the great f l o o d . H o w e v e r , the c u n n i n g g o d o f the deep, E n k i , i n league w i t h the m a n " o u t s tanding i n w i s d o m , " Atrahas is , f rustrated these attacks. H e played the gods o f f against one another, and f i n a l l y had A t r a hasis b u i l d his ark . T h e f inal part o f the tex t , as can n o w be seen, is an o lder paral le l vers ion to the famous Tablet X I o f the Cil-gamesh epic, the w e l l - k n o w n s t o r y o f the f l o o d , 3 w h i c h i n t u r n inf luenced the s t o r y o f N o a h i n the f irst b o o k o f Moses . T h e Atrahasis t e x t , however , far f r o m be ing an example o f O l d Test a m e n t piety, is i m b u e d w i t h a r e m a r k a b l y h u m a n , i f n o t a s l i g h t l y cyn ica l o p t i m i s m : W h e t h e r for o r against the gods, m a n k i n d , for al l the h a r d w o r k and all the afflictions i t has to bear, is ind e s t ru c t ib le . " H o w d i d m a n surv ive i n the destruct i o n ? " the great g o d E n l i l f i n a l l y asks, baffled as he is ( I I I v i 10). B e y o n d d o u b t , s u r v i v e he d i d .

A t the b e g i n n i n g o f the Atrahasis t ex t , the B a b y l o n i a n p a n t h e o n is i n t r o d u c e d systematica l ly : " A n u , their father, was the k i n g ; the i r counse l lor was the w a r r i o r E n l i l ; the ir chamber la in was N i n u r t a ; a n d the i r sher i f f E n n u g i . " These verses are copied

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i n the Gilgamesh epic, b u t n o t the f o l l o w i n g lines: " T h e y grasped the flask o f lots b y the neck, they cast the lots ; the gods made the d i v i s i o n : A n u w e n t up to heaven." A second g o d — there is a lacuna i n the text h e r e — - " t o o k the earth , f o r his subj e c t s " ; and " t h e b o l t s , the bar o f the sea, were set for E n k i , the f a r - s i g h t e d . " 4 E n l i l , the m o s t active o f the gods, surely belongs i n the lacuna, w h i c h produces the usual t r i n i t y o f A n u , E n l i l , and E n k i : the sky g o d , the w i n d g o d , the water g o d . T h e Atra-hasis t ex t re turns repeatedly t o the d i v i s i o n o f the cosmos i n t o the three parts g i v e n over t o the di f ferent gods , p a r t i c u l a r l y w h e n E n l i l undertakes a t o t a l b lockade o f the h u m a n w o r l d w h i l e sending the f a m i n e . 5 A di f ferent vers ion , Tablet X , has A n u and A d a d — s k y g o d and w i n d g o d — f o r the heavens, S in and N e r g a l — m o o n g o d and g o d o f the u n d e r w o r l d — f o r the earth . T h e u n d e r w o r l d is c learly i n c l u d e d i n the concept o f the earth . T h e r e a l m o f E n k i , the L o r d o f the Deep , is f i x e d , n o t as the salt sea, b u t the potab le g r o u n d and s p r i n g waters—these are also the r e a l m o f Pose idon i n Greece.

I n H o m e r ' s Iliad, however , there are those famous , o f t - q u o t e d verses i n w h i c h the w o r l d is d i v i d e d a m o n g the appropr ia te H o m e r i c gods ; Pose idon speaks: " F o r w h e n w e t h r e w the lots I received the grey sea as m y p e r m a n e n t abode, Hades d r e w the m u r k y darkness, Zeus , however , d r e w the w i d e sky o f b r i g h t ness and c louds ; the earth is c o m m o n t o a l l , and spacious O l y m p u s . " 6

T h i s differs f r o m the sys tem o f Atrahasis i n that the earth t o gether w i t h the gods ' m o u n t a i n is declared t o be under j o i n t d o m i n i o n ; Pose idon insists o n his r i g h t t o become active o n the p l a i n o f Troy . S t i l l the basic s t r u c t u r e o f b o t h texts is as tonishi n g l y s imi la r : T h e r e are three d i s t inc t areas o f the c o s m o s — heaven, the depths o f the ear th , a n d the w a t e r s — a n d these three areas are assigned t o the three h ighest gods o f the p a n t h e o n — a l l o f w h i c h are male . A n d i n b o t h instances the d i v i s i o n is said t o have been made b y d r a w i n g lots . T h i s is n o t n o r m a l l y the practice a m o n g Greek gods: a c c o r d i n g t o H e s i o d , Zeus d e t h r o n e d his p r e d e c e s s o r — w h o was also his f a t h e r — b y force, and t h e n the o ther gods asked h i m t o become the i r k i n g . 7 F r o m another

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p o i n t o f v iew, t o o , th is passage, w h e n l o o k e d at i n m o r e deta i l , is u n i q u e i n Greek m y t h : I n o ther passages o f the o l d epic, w h e n the parts o f the cosmos are b e i n g enumerated , there is either a t r i n i t y o f h e a v e n - e a r t h - u n d e r w o r l d o r o f heaven-sea-earth, or even a c o m b i n a t i o n t o m a k e four, heaven-earth-sea-u n d e r w o r l d , b u t n o t heaven-sea-underwor ld as assigned t o the three b r o t h e r s . 8 F u r t h e r m o r e , the t r i n i t y o f the sons o f K r o n o s and the i r realms does n o t have any f u r t h e r part to play i n H o m e r , n o r is i t r o o t e d i n any Greek cu l t . B y contrast , the cor r e s p o n d i n g passage i n the Atrahasis t ex t is f u n d a m e n t a l to the narra t ive and is re ferred t o repeatedly.

T h e r e is h a r d l y another passage i n H o m e r w h i c h comes so close to b e i n g a t r a n s l a t i o n o f an A k k a d i a n epic. I n fact i t is n o t so m u c h a t r a n s l a t i o n as a resett ing t h r o u g h w h i c h the fo re ign f r a m e w o r k s t i l l shows . O n e m a y s t i l l believe this to be a m i s lead ing coincidence. H o w e v e r , the passage stands i n a very special c o n t e x t i n r e l a t i o n t o the overal l s t ructure o f the Iliad. T h e scene belongs t o the sect ion w h i c h the ancients called the " D e c e p t i o n o f Z e u s " (Dios Apate). Its pecul iar it ies have of ten been c o m m e n t e d u p o n i n H o m e r i c studies. A l b r e c h t D i h l e l i s ted l i n guist ic pecul iar i t ies and f o u n d so m a n y deviat ions f r o m the n o r m a l , t r a d i t i o n a l use o f H o m e r i c f o r m u l a s that he conc luded that this section o f the Iliad c o u l d n o t b e l o n g to the phase o f ora l t r a d i t i o n , b u t was a w r i t t e n c o m p o s i t i o n . 9 T h i s result has n o t been general ly accepted; b u t i t m u s t be a c k n o w l e d g e d that i n this par t o f the Iliad w e are dea l ing w i t h a tex t w h i c h is l i n g u i s t i ca l l y unusua l , isolated i n its content , and, i n a way, qu i te " m o d e r n . "

T h e r e is, above a l l , a p e c u l i a r i t y o f content w h i c h was n o t e d even b y Plato and m a y also have been n o t i c e d and e x p l o i t e d before P lato b y the pre -Socra t i c s : 1 0 T h i s is the o n l y passage i n the H o m e r i c canon w h e r e , q u i t e unexpectedly , a c o s m o g o n i c t h e m e comes t o the fore . H e r a , i n her decept ion speech, says she wants t o go t o Oceanus , " o r i g i n o f the gods , " and Tethys the " m o t h e r " ; Oceanus is also called " t h e o r i g i n o f a l l " i n another verse. Oceanus and Tethys , the p r i m e v a l couple , have w i t h h e l d their c o n j u g a l r i g h t s f r o m each o t h e r for a l o n g t i m e , separated

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as a result o f str i fe , neikea.u T h i s sounds l i k e an a n t i c i p a t i o n o f the E m p e d o c l e a n Neikos c o s m o g o n y . T h e genesis o f the gods has c o m e to an e n d . I t is t rue that i n the I l i ad ic narra t ive al l this is made up b y H e r a , a patent l ie , as i t were; b u t the m o t i f s used radiate b e y o n d those speeches. T h e very c l i m a x o f this song o f H o m e r — Z e u s and H e r a m a k i n g love w i t h i n a g o l d e n c l o u d o n the s u m m i t o f M o u n t Ida, f r o m w h i c h resplendent drops are f a l l i n g — s h o w s d i v i n i t y i n a natura l i s t ic , cosmic se t t ing w h i c h is n o t o t h e r w i s e a feature o f H o m e r i c a n t h r o p o m o r p h i s m . T h u s the d i v i s i o n o f the cosmos i n t o three parts i n Poseidon's speech s o m e w h a t later, w h e n Zeus has reawakened, is the t h i r d m o t i f w h i c h involves the gods i n the o r i g i n and f u n c t i o n o f the natura l cosmos.

A r i s t o t l e , f o l l o w i n g Plato , f o u n d i n the Oceanus c o s m o g o n y o f H o m e r the v e r y b e g i n n i n g o f natura l p h i l o s o p h y , the i n s p i r a t i o n for Thales , usua l ly cons idered the f irst phi losopher . M o d ern research has d r a w n a t t e n t i o n to antecedents o f Thales ' water c o s m o g o n y a m o n g the E g y p t i a n s , the Phoenic ians , and, n o t least, the B a b y l o n i a n epic o f c reat ion , the Enuma Elish.12 T h e B a b y l o n i a n epic begins: " W h e n above" the heavens d i d n o t yet exist n o r the earth below, A p s u was there, the freshwater ocean, " t h e f i r s t , the begetter ," and w i t h h i m T i a m a t , the saltwater sea, "she w h o bore t h e m a l l . " T h e y " w e r e m i x i n g the i r w a t e r s . " 1 3

T h i s came to an e n d w h e n A p s u was p u t to sleep and k i l l e d b y Ea, and T i a m a t was vanquished b y M a r d u k i n a d r a m a t i c f i g h t . T h e n M a r d u k established the cosmos as i t n o w exists.

T h u s Hera's i n c i d e n t a l invent ions closely c o r r e s p o n d t o the b e g i n n i n g of Enuma Elish. A p s u and T i a m a t equal Oceanus and Tethys as the o r i g i n a l parental couple . B u t Tethys is i n n o way an active f i gure i n Greek m y t h o l o g y . I n contrast to the sea g o d dess T h e t i s ( w i t h w h o m she was somet imes confused even i n a n t i q u i t y ) , she has n o established cults , and n o one had a n y t h i n g f u r t h e r to te l l about her. She apparent ly exists o n l y b y v i r t u e o f the H o m e r i c passage; h o w she came to achieve the h o n o r e d p o s i t i o n o f the m o t h e r o f al l remains a mystery . B u t n o w the " r h y m i n g o f the n a m e s " f i n a l l y comes i n t o play. Ti-amat is the f o r m n o r m a l l y w r i t t e n i n the text of Enuma Elish for the m o t h e r

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" w h o bore t h e m a l l . " T h e A k k a d i a n w o r d w h i c h lies b e h i n d this , however , is j u s t tiamtu or tdmtu, the n o r m a l w o r d for the sea. T h e name can also be w r i t t e n i n this m o r e phonet ic o r t h o g r a p h y ; b u t i n the Enuma Elish we also f i n d the f o r m taw(a)tu.1* I f one proceeds f r o m Tomtit, then Tethys is an exact t r a n s c r i p t i o n . T h e dif ferent r e p r o d u c t i o n s o f the dentals, t and th, m i g h t d i s t u r b the p u r i s t ; b u t Sophi los w r o t e Thethys, w h i c h , i n n o r m a l Greek o r t h o g r a p h y , w o u l d a u t o m a t i c a l l y y i e l d Tethys. I n fact the Enuma Elish became k n o w n to E u d e m o s , the p u p i l o f A r i s t o t l e , i n t r a n s l a t i o n ; 1 5 here we f i n d T i a m a t t ranscr ibed as Tauthe, w h i c h is s t i l l closer t o the reconstructed f o r m Tawtu. T h a t the l o n g v o w e l a is changed t o e i n the I o n i a n dialect even i n b o r r o w e d w o r d s has parallels i n Kubaha b e c o m i n g Kybebe, Baal bec o m i n g Belos, and Mada k n o w n as Medes.'6 T h u s the p r o o f seems c o m p l e t e that here, r i g h t i n the m i d d l e o f the Iliad, the influence o f t w o A k k a d i a n classics can be detected d o w n to a m y t h i c a l name.

T h e r e can be n o q u e s t i o n o f B r o n z e A g e b o r r o w i n g i n this case. We are rather dea l ing , i n the w o r d s o f M a r t i n West, w i t h a " n e o - o r i e n t a l e l ement . " Four h u n d r e d years o f o ra l t r a d i t i o n i n Greece w o u l d have led t o s t ronger d i s t o r t i o n s i n the process o f ass imi la t ion ; and i t is n o t at al l clear w h e t h e r the Enuma Elish can be g iven such an early d a t e . 1 7 T h i s a r g u m e n t accords w i t h A l b r e c h t Dih le ' s observat ions f r o m the other side o n the " y o u n g " character o f this H o m e r i c piece.

O n c e an o r i e n t a l i z i n g b a c k g r o u n d is established for the " D e c e p t i o n o f Z e u s , " f u r t h e r observat ions are b o u n d to fo l low. A p h r o d i t e has her Semit ic connect ions anyhow, b u t the e m b r o i dered g i r d l e (kestos) b o r r o w e d i r o m her as a love c h a r m b y Hera seems to be o r i e n t a l i n a part icu lar way. T h e catalogue o f w o m e n once loved b y Z e u s — a t h e t i z e d b y ancient c o m m e n t a tor s—has its c o u n t e r p a r t i n Gilgamesh's e n u m e r a t i o n o f the l o v ers o f I s h t a r . 1 8 T h e famous oath o f the gods w h i c h Hera is made to swear, e n d i n g " b y the River S t y x , " is, i n tact, a cosmic oath : heaven, earth , and the waters o f the u n d e r w o r l d are called u p o n t o bear wi tness . I t is precisely such a cosmic f o r m u l a w h i c h c o n cludes the e n u m e r a t i o n o f d i v i n e witnesses i n the o n l y A r a m a i c

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t reaty t e x t w h i c h has s u r v i v e d f r o m the e i g h t h c e n t u r y : "Heaven and earth , the deep and the spr ings , day and n i g h t . " 1 9

Zeus the weather g o d makes love t o his w i f e at the t o p o f the m o u n t a i n w i t h i n the t h u n d e r s t o r m ; the weather g o d together w i t h his w i f e u n v e i l i n g herse l f o n the i r s t o r m dragons is a m o t i f f r e q u e n t l y represented o n eastern seals, and the m a r r i a g e o f heaven a n d ear th is a m y t h i c a l t h e m e set o u t e x p l i c i t l y i n A k k a d i a n l i t e r a t u r e . 2 0 B u t even a famous w o o d e n statuette o f Zeus e m b r a c i n g H e r a f r o m the H e r a sanctuary o n Samos, a represent a t i o n m o s t p r o b a b l y i n s p i r e d b y the text o f the Iliad, is i c o n o -g r a p h i c a l l y dependent o n eastern p r o t o t y p e s . 2 1

M o r e specific is the q u e s t i o n o f the T i tans . O f the five H o m e r i c passages i n w h i c h the p r e v i o u s gods, h e l d pr i soner i n the u n d e r w o r l d , are m e n t i o n e d , three b e l o n g i n the c o n t e x t o f the " D e c e p t i o n o f Z e u s . " T h e o ther t w o also b e l o n g t o d i v i n e scenes, b e i n g p r o c l a m a t i o n s o f Zeus , the father o f the g o d s . 2 2

Since the Kumarbi d iscovery i t has been w e l l k n o w n that the concept o f ancient , fal len gods connects Greek m y t h o l o g y w i t h the H i t t i t e s , the Phoenic ians , and the B a b y l o n i a n s . T h e details o f the evidence, however , r e m a i n m o r e c o m p l i c a t e d i n the Greek as w e l l as i n the eastern sett ings. I n Greek t r a d i t i o n the concept o f the T i tans as a col lect ive g r o u p is n o t easily r e c o n ci led w i t h the v e r y special persona l i ty o f K r o n o s ; o n the other side w e f i n d , besides K u m a r b i the hero o f the H u r r i a n - H i t t i t e m y t h o f succession, apparent ly o ther "anc ient gods , " always m e n t i o n e d co l lec t ive ly i n the p l u r a l . We learn that the weather g o d — w h o corresponds t o Z e u s — b a n i s h e d t h e m t o the u n d e r w o r l d . 2 3 T h e c o r r e s p o n d i n g deities i n M e s o p o t a m i a are the " d e feated" or " f e t te red gods , " Hani kamiiti.24 T h e y , t o o , have been banished beneath the earth b y the v i c t o r i o u s g o d or gods. I n the Enuma Elish these have been the supporters o f T i a m a t ; i n other texts they are the e v i l "Seven" w h o have been b o u n d b y the g o d o f the heavens. N o t e that i n O r p h i c t r a d i t i o n the T i t a n s , sons o f Heaven and E a r t h b u t " b o u n d " i n the n e t h e r w o r l d , are precisely seven i n n u m b e r . 2 5

T h e e v i l Seven b e l o n g above al l i n the r e a l m o f e x o r c i s m and p r o t e c t i v e mag ic . T h i s fact leads t o a f u r t h e r possible connec-

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d o n : I n p r o t e c t i v e m a g i c , f i g u r i n e s — s o m e f r iendly , b u t m o s t l y h o s t i l e — a r e o f t e n fabricated b u t then destroyed. T h e m o s t c o m m o n m a t e r i a l is clay, A k k a d i a n titu. T h i s w o r d reached Greek as titanos, p laster . 2 6 Later Greek authors have taken p r e cisely this w o r d t o p r o v i d e an e t y m o l o g y for the name o f the T i tans : W h e n the T i tans attacked the c h i l d D i o n y s u s they d is guised the i r faces w i t h plaster; hence the i r n a m e . 2 7 I n the Greek language, however , this e t y m o l o g y fails as a result o f the fact that the i o f Titanes/Titenes is l o n g , whereas that o f titanos is shor t . T h e Semit ic base w o r d , however , has a l o n g i, so that w i t h the hypothes i s o f b o r r o w i n g the ancient e t y m o l o g y becomes plausible again. A r i t u a l contex t then w o u l d be possible: T h e T i tans bear the i r n a m e o f f/f-people 2 8 because eastern m a g i cians used t o fabricate clay f igures—salme tit i n A k k a d i a n 2 9 — t o represent the defeated gods w h o were used for protect ive mag ic or as witnesses i n oaths. T h i s d a r i n g hypothes i s , however , lacks specific m a t e r i a l for v e r i f i c a t i o n ; o ther possibi l i t ies r e m a i n open.

A hypothes i s o f l i t e r a r y t ransmiss ion is perhaps preferable. B o t h passages w h i c h resonate so n o t a b l y i n the " D e c e p t i o n o f Z e u s " — A p s u and T i a m a t m i n g l i n g the i r waters , and the three gods casting lots f o r the p a r t i t i o n o f the u n i v e r s e — c o m e f r o m the very b e g i n n i n g s o f the respective texts, Enuma Elish and Atrahasis, m y t h o l o g i c a l texts w h i c h were p a r t i c u l a r l y w e l l k n o w n and f r e q u e n t l y used. I t is attested that these texts were used i n school c u r r i c u l a i n p a r t i c u l a r . 3 0 I n such a s i tuat ion the emphasis falls n a t u r a l l y o n the o p e n i n g sect ion: M a n y w i l l recall arma virumque cano, b u t n o t m u c h m o r e o f V i r g i l f r o m the i r schooldays. A Greek desirous o f educat ion m i g h t w e l l have been exposed to precisely these sections o f "classical" eastern l i t e ra ture , e ither d i r e c t l y o r poss ib ly i n d i r e c t l y via A r a m a i c versions, even i f he d i d n o t progress very far w i t h his studies. A scholastic t r a d i t i o n , i f o n l y o n an e lementary level , is inherent i n the transm i s s i o n o f the alphabet to Greece. 3 1 A n y h o w , the var ious channels o f t ransmiss ion to be considered—-the r i t u a l , the i c o n o -graphic , and the l i t e r a r y — a r e i n n o way m u t u a l l y exclusive, b u t m a y have over lapped and re in forced one another i n m a n y di f ferent ways. Be that as i t may, the c o n c l u s i o n is that H o m e r ' s Iliad

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bears the m a r k , at least at one p r o b a b l y " l a t e " stage, o f the o r i e n t a l i z i n g i m p a c t . 3 2

Complaint in Heaven: Ishtar and Aphrodite

T h e "apparatus o f the g o d s " w h i c h accompanies the sequence o f events narrated i n the Iliad and , i n a m o d i f i e d f o r m , i n the Odyssey has m o r e than once been called a " l a t e " e lement i n the t r a d i t i o n o f Greek heroic ep ic . 1 T h e r e has also been an awareness o f o r i enta l parallels w i t h precisely these scenes i n v o l v i n g the g o d s . 2 I t is t rue that the d o u b l e stage o f d i v i n e and h u m a n act ions , w h i c h is hand led so master fu l l y b y the composer o f the Iliad, is n o t f o u n d i n this extensive f o r m i n the M e s o p o t a m i a ! ! epics. S t i l l , Atrahasis and Gilgamesh repeatedly i n t r o d u c e the gods i n t e r a c t i n g w i t h the deeds and sufferings o f m e n ; and k ings are made t o w i n the i r hero ic battles i n d irect contact w i t h the i r p r o t e c t i v e gods.

I n Gilgamesh i n part icular , there is a famous m e e t i n g between d e i t y and m a n : W h e n G i l g a m e s h has k i l l e d H u m b a b a and cleansed h i m s e l f o f the g r i m e o f batt le , Ishtar "raised an eye at the beauty o f G i l g a m e s h " : " D o b u t g r a n t m e o f y o u r f r u i t ! " she says, and she offers fabulous goods for h i m . B u t G i l g a m e s h s c o r n f u l l y rejects her, r e c i t i n g the catalogue o f all her partners w h o m she once "has l o v e d " o n l y to destroy or to t r a n s f o r m subsequently. " I f y o u w o u l d love m e , y o u w o u l d [treat m e ] l i k e t h e m . " W h e r e u p o n

Ishtar, when hearing this,

Ishtar was enraged and [went up] to heaven. [ F o r t h went Ishtar before A n u , her father; before A n t u m , her m o t h e r [her tears were f l o w i n g ] : [ " O h m y father! Gi lgamesh has heaped insults u p o n me! Gi lgamesh has recounted m y insults, m y insults and m y curses." A n u opened his m o u t h to speak, he said to g lor ious Ishtar: "Surely you have provoked [the K i n g o f U r u k ] ,

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and (thus) Gilgal11esh recountcd your insults, your insults and your curses." J

Compare this with a scene from the Iliad:" Trying to protect Aeneas, Aphrodite has been wounded by Diomedes; her blood is flowing. "But she. beside herself. went away. she felt horrible pain." With (he help ofIris and Ares she reaches Olympus. "But she, glorious Aphrodite. fell into the lap of Dione. her mother; but she took her daughter in her arms, stroked her with her hand, spoke the word and said: Who has done such things to you, dear child?" Aphrodite replies: "Wounded has Illt" the son of Tydeus, high-minded Diomedes." Mother sets OUt to comfort her with mythical examples: Athena her sister, less sympathetic, makes a scornful comment; but Zeus the father smiles: "He called golden Aphrodite and said to her: 'My child. not for you are the works of war! But you should pursue the tender offices of marriage .. .' .. In otht"r words: It's partly your own fault.

The two scenes parallel each other in structure, narrative form, and ethos to an astonishing degree. ~ A goddess. injured by a human, goes up to heaven to complain to her father and mother. and she carns a mild rebuke from her father.

Of course this may be called a universal scenario from the realm of children's stories. The scene repeats itself with variations in the battle of the gods later in the Iliad. 6 Artemis, after being beaten by Hera, climbs weeping onto the knees of father Zeus. He pulls her to him and asks, laughing: "Who did this to you?" And she replies: "Your wife beat me." The scene from the Diomedes book is simpler in that both parents appear as a refuge, the stepmother being left out, with the father taking the stance of slightly distant superiority. This corresponds exactly to the Gilgamesh scene.

But what is more: The persons involved in both scenes are, in fact. identical. the sky god and his wife. and their common daughter the goddess of love. Aphrodite is in general the equivalent of Ishtar; she has offered herself to a mortal man. Anchises the father of Aeneas, and Allchises suffered some strange fate as

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a result of his contact with the goddess-another case of what Gilgamesh is blaming on [shtar. It is possible that the name Aphrodite itself is a Greek form of western Semitic Ashtorith. who in turn is identical with lshtar.' And by force of an even more special parallelism. Aphrodite has a mother who apparently lives in Olympus as Zeus's wife, Dione; Hera seems to be forgotten for a moment. Dione at Olympus makes her appearance in the context of the Diomedes scene, and only there. The contrast with Hesiod's account of Aphrodite's birth from the sea, after Uranos had been castrated, has been found disconcerting since antiquity. Dione is attested in the cult of Dodona; scholars have also referred to the Mycenaean goddess Diwija. 8

In any event. the mother of Aphrodite is given here a name which is crystal clear in Greek. being just the feminine form of Zeus. Such a system of naming is unique in the Homeric family of gods, where couples enjoy complicated private names. But it is this very detail which has its counterpart in the Akkadian text: Antu mother of Ishtar is the usual. obviously feminine form of AmI, Heaven. This divine couple, Mr. and Mrs. Heaven, is firmly established in the worship and mythology of Mesopotamia. Homer proves to be dependent on Gilgamesh even at the linguistic level, forming the name Dione as a calque on Antu when recasting an impressive scene among the gods. This may be seen as a counterpart to the relation Tethys/Tawtu, though rather at the level of narrative structure and divine characters than of cosmic mythology.

A few observations may be added about Diomedes in relation to the Aphrodite scene. Diomedes belongs to Argos, as the catalogue of ships has it; it is at Argos that we find a ritual corresponding to the lIiadic narrative, the shield of Diomedes carried in a procession with the image of Pallas Athena on a chariot. 9

But Diomedes also belongs to Salamis on Cyprus; it is said that there was human sacrifice for Diomedes and Agraulos, performed in the sanctuary of which Athena had her share, in the month of Aphrodisios; the victim was killed with a spear and burnt.lO Thus we find Diomedes, Athena, and Aphrodite in strange company combined with spear-killing; some have found


the C y p r i o t e holocaust r e m i n i s c e n t o f Semit ic p r a c t i c e . " A t any rate an aspect o f the D i o m e d e s legend, w h i c h seems s o m e h o w to tie i n w i t h the A p h r o d i t e scene i n H o m e r , po int s to that i s l a n d w h e r e Hel las and the Semit ic East enjoyed the i r closest contact and w h e r e precisely i n the H o m e r i c p e r i o d the A s s y r i a n k i n g s c o m m e m o r a t e d the i r p o w e r i n i n s c r i p t i o n s . 1 2 I n this perspective the c o n n e c t i o n between the H o m e r i c and the A k k a d i a n epic h a r d l y appears as ton i sh ing any m o r e .

S t i l l , a m o n g al l the s imi lar i t i e s i t is i m p o r t a n t t o keep s ight o f the differences. Ishtar's m e e t i n g w i t h G i l g a m e s h is f i r m l y a n c h o r e d i n the s t ruc ture o f the Gilgamesh epic; i t const itutes the narrat ive l i n k f r o m the H u m b a b a theme to the n e x t hero ic deed, the v a n q u i s h i n g o f the b u l l o f heaven. G l o r i o u s Ishtar, i n her revenge, has the b u l l o f heaven m a k e his attack, thus g i v i n g G i l gamesh and E n k i d u the o p p o r t u n i t y to o v e r c o m e the b u l l and thus establish sacrifice. T h e r i t u a l b a c k g r o u n d is clear even i n details. Gi lgamesh's re j ec t ion o f Ishtar corresponds to the h u n t ers' taboo : I t is sexual restra int that ensures a successful h u n t . Hence the denia l o f love causes the b u l l to appear . 1 3 A l s o the t r a n s f o r m a t i o n s o f Ishtar's lovers as r e p o r t e d i n Gilgamesh's cata logue have the i r special m e a n i n g and f u n c t i o n , be ing basically m y t h s about the i n s t a l l m e n t o f cu l ture : I n this way the horse was b r i d l e d . 1 4 W h a t has r e m a i n e d i n H o r n e r is the narrat ive thread o f a genre scene, al l the m o r e careful ly presented because i t is, o n the w h o l e , funct ionless . I t has its o w n c h a r m and aesthetic m e r i t i n the f r a m e w o r k o f the Iliad, b u t i t does n o t carry the same w e i g h t e i ther i n the narrat ive or i n terms o f r i t u a l backg r o u n d as i n the A k k a d i a n epic. T h e manner i n w h i c h A k k a d i a n demons have been t u r n e d i n t o fantastic monsters , m o r e amusi n g t h a n f r i g h t e n i n g — L a m a s h t u t r a n s f o r m e d i n t o the G o r g o n — h a s its c o u n t e r p a r t o n the level o f epic p o e t r y about the gods.

T h e inf luence o f Gilgamesh m a y also be detected i n a scene f r o m the Odyssey. T h e Odyssey once describes a f o r m o f prayer w h i c h h is tor ians o f r e l i g i o n have f o u n d confus ing : W h e n Penelope learns a b o u t the r i s k y j o u r n e y under taken b y Telemachos and the s u i t o r s ' p l o t to k i l l h i m , she f irst bursts i n t o tears and

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laments . T h e n , c a l m i n g d o w n , she washes and dresses i n clean clothes, goes t o the u p p e r s t o r y w i t h her ma ids , t a k i n g bar ley i n a basket, and prays to A t h e n a for the safe r e t u r n o f Te lema-chos; she ends w i t h an inar t i cu la te and s h r i e k i n g c r y . 1 5 B o t h the basket w i t h bar ley and the c r y (ololyge) have the i r p r o p e r place i n b l o o d sacrifice; the i r use i n this scene is unpara l le led elsew h e r e . So scholars e i ther spoke o f an " a b b r e v i a t i o n o f sacrif ice" or o f an o t h e r w i s e u n k n o w n r i t u a l o f bloodless o f fer ing or o f an i n v e n t i o n o f the poet , i f n o t incompetence o f the " r e d a c t o r . " 1 6

B u t l o o k at Gilgamesh: W h e n G i l g a m e s h together w i t h E n k i d u is leav ing his c i t y t o f i g h t H u m b a b a , his m o t h e r " N i n s u n enters her chamber, she takes a . . . [special h e r b ] , she puts o n a garm e n t as befits her body , she puts o n an o r n a m e n t as befits her breast . . . she spr inkles water f r o m a b o w l o n earth and dust. She w e n t up the stairs, m o u n t e d the upper storey, she c l i m b e d the roo f , to Shamash [ the sun g o d ] she offered incense, she b r o u g h t the o f fe r ing and raised her hands before Shamash" ; thus she prays, f u l l o f distress and sor row, for a safe r e t u r n o f her s o n . 1 7 T h e s i t u a t i o n , m o t h e r p r a y i n g for an adventurous son, is n o t a special one. Yet i n its details the scene f r o m the Odyssey comes close t o b e i n g a t rans la t ion o f Gilgamesh; i n fact i t is closer t o the Gilgamesh t e x t t h a n to the comparab le scene o f A c h i l l e s ' prayer i n the Iliad.16 Whereas the r i t u a l is o d d i n the Odyssey, n o n e o f these oddi t ies is f o u n d i n the passage o f Gilgamesh: B u r n i n g incense o n the r o o f is a w e l l - k n o w n Semit ic p r a c t i c e , 1 9

and i t is especially a p p r o p r i a t e w h e n t u r n i n g to the sun g o d . C e r e m o n i a l prayer i n the w o m e n ' s upper s t o r y is o t h e r w i s e u n h e a r d - o f i n Greece. I t seems the poet k n e w that b u r n i n g i n cense was o u t o f place i n the hero ic w o r l d , so he t o o k as a subs t i tute the female par t i n n o r m a l sacrifice, that is, t h r o w i n g o f bar ley (oulochytai) and ololyge. E v e n the use o f re l ig ious r i t u a l as an effective m o t i f i n epic narrat ive has its antecedent i n the o r i ental t r a d i t i o n .

The Overpopulated Earth

T h e basic concept o f the ancient B a b y l o n i a n Atrahasis epic is a lmost d i s c o n c e r t i n g l y m o d e r n . H u m a n s m u l t i p l y , the l a n d

ioo


feels oppressed b y the i r m u l t i t u d e , the o u t c o m e can o n l y be catastrophe to annih i la te m a n k i n d ; yet m a n survives the at tempts at d e s t r u c t i o n ; and so, u l t i m a t e l y , the o n l y effective m e t h o d is f o u n d : b i r t h c o n t r o l . T o achieve this , t h o u g h , the p o e m has o n l y one m e t h o d t o offer: the i n s t i t u t i o n o f priestesses w h o are n o t a l lowed to bear c h i l d r e n . 1

T h e suf fer ing o f the earth is expressed i n verses w h i c h recur at the b e g i n n i n g o f each n e w act o f Atrahasis: " T w e l v e h u n d r e d years had n o t yet passed, w h e n the land extended and the peoples m u l t i p l i e d . T h e land was b e l l o w i n g l i k e a b u l l . T h e gods g o t d i s t u r b e d w i t h the i r uproar . E n l i l heard the i r noise and he addressed the great gods: ' T h e noise o f m a n k i n d has become t o o intense for m e , w i t h the i r u p r o a r I a m d e p r i v e d o f sleep . . .' " 2 Hence he proceeds to orchestrate the catastrophes o f p lague, famine , and f l o o d .

T h i s cannot b u t r e m i n d o f a passage o f Greek epic, o f an ext r e m e l y p r o m i n e n t t e x t i n fact, the v e r y b e g i n n i n g o f the T r o j a n cycle, w h i c h tells a b o u t the u l t i m a t e cause o f the T r o j a n War. T h i s is the o p e n i n g o f the Cypria, an epic that was s t i l l qu i te w e l l k n o w n i n the classical p e r i o d b u t subsequently fell i n t o disregard and g o t lost ; a lready H e r o d o t u s d o u b t e d the a u t h o r s h i p o f H o m e r , w h i c h P indar s t i l l accepted. T h e o p e n i n g lines have been preserved as a f r a g m e n t , albeit i n a c o r r u p t textua l f o r m . T h e y are q u o t e d i n o r d e r to exp la in the "dec i s ion o f Z e u s " m e n t i o n e d r i g h t at the b e g i n n i n g o f the Iliad.

T h e Cypria began i n the style o f a fa i ry tale:

Once u p o n a t i m e , w h e n countless people moved on the face o f the earth . . .

[lacuna; they oppressed?] the breadth o f the deep-chested earth.

Zeus saw this and t o o k p i t y and deep i n his heart He decided to relieve the a l l -nour ishing earth o f m a n k i n d by setting al ight the great conflict o f the I l ian War. 3

I n the same scholia there is also a prose narra t ive : 4

Earth, being oppressed by the m u l t i t u d e o f men , since there was no piety o f men , asked Zeus to be l ightened o f this b u r den. A n d first Zeus caused at once the Theban War by w h i c h

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he destroyed many m e n thoroughly . Af terwards he caused again the Trojan War, consul t ing w i t h M o m o s — t h i s is called the "decis ion o f Zeus" b y H o m e r ; he could have destroyed t h e m all w i t h bolts o f l i g h t n i n g or floods, but M o m o s prevented this and suggested rather t w o measures to h i m , to m a r r y Thet is to a h u m a n and to generate a beautiful daughter.

T h u s Achi l l e s a n d H e l e n are b o r n a n d , w i t h t h e m , the seeds o f the T r o j a n War.

T h e t w o texts cannot d i r e c t l y be c o m b i n e d . I n the verses q u o t e d , Zeus reacts d i r e c t l y t o the c o n d i t i o n s o n the earth , " see ing" and fee l ing p i t y at her p l i g h t , and i m m e d i a t e l y plans the T r o j a n War. A s the excerpts f r o m the Cypria i n P r o k l o s i n d i c a t e , 5 Zeus discussed f u r t h e r details w i t h T h e m i s . I n the prose vers ion , however , the earth is n o t a d u m b object o f p i t y , b u t a speaking partner. T h e dec is ion involves f i rst the T h e b a n War, and this is f o l l o w e d b y a r e m a r k a b l e discussion w i t h M o m o s . We are c lear ly dea l ing w i t h t w o c o m p e t i n g versions. I n fact a t h i r d vers ion comes f r o m the end o f the H e s i o d i c Catalogues, H e r e Zeus makes his dec is ion al l alone w h i c h the others " d i d n o t yet f u l l y c o m p r e h e n d . " H i s a i m is t o b r i n g an end t o the c o n f u s i o n o f the h u m a n a n d d i v i n e spheres and thereby to b r i n g the age o f heroes to a close. " H e s o u g h t to destroy the greater par t o f m a n k i n d " t h r o u g h the catastrophe o f w a r . 6 A c c o r d i n g to Hesiod's Erga i t was b o t h the T h e b a n and the T r o j a n wars that m a r k the end o f the age o f heroes (163-165). T h e text o f the Catalogues is so b a d l y preserved i n this sect ion that i t is n o t f u l l y comprehens ib le ; b u t i t is clear that the catastrophe is l i n k e d t o H e l e n .

H e r e are, therefore , three var ia t ions o n the basic concept o f a catastrophe affecting m a n k i n d t h r o u g h the decis ion o f the r u l i n g g o d . B o t h the Cypria and the Catalogues, even i f w e cannot give t h e m an exact date, m u s t b e l o n g to the archaic p e r i o d , whereas the source o f the prose vers ion can h a r d l y be f i x e d i n t i m e . Yet i t is precisely the prose vers ion w h i c h has a par t i cu lar a f f in i ty w i t h the Atrahasis t ex t . H e r e plans for dif ferent catastrophes, t h o u g h n o t carr ied o u t , are s t i l l considered i n a systematic fash-

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" O R A L S O A G O D L Y S I N G E R *

i o n , and , s o m e w h a t surpr i s ing ly , i t is the flood w h i c h appears as the m o s t radical measure. W h a t is strange is the ro le o f M o -m o s , the p e r s o n i f i c a t i o n o f Reproach, as i t seems; he is i n t r o duced o n l y here as an adv isor o f Zeus to reject t w o suggest i o n s — m u c h poet ic inves tment w i t h l i t t l e effect. O r is i t his role t o reproach m a n k i n d ? W h a t is even m o r e cur ious is that , at the b e g i n n i n g o f Enuma Elish, A p s u , " t h e f i rst one, the begetter," distressed b y the noise o f the y o u n g e r gods , w h o are d e p r i v i n g h i m o f his sleep, makes plans t o k i l l t h e m a l l , and d o i n g so he has an advisor, M u m m u , " g i v i n g counsel t o A p s u . " 7 Is M o m o s the same as M u m m u ? I f so, the Greek text w o u l d present a c o n t a m i n a t i o n o f m o t i f s f r o m Atrahasis and Enuma Elish, as appears t o be the case i n the c o n t e x t o f the " D e c e p t i o n o f Z e u s " t o o . T h i s possible c o n n e c t i o n s t i l l does n o t a l l o w us t o place this tex t securely w i t h i n the f r a m e w o r k o f Greek l i te ra ture . I n the case o f T y p h o n - T y p h o e u s , t o take another example , a prose text p r e served i n the l i b r a r y o f A p o l l o d o r u s prov ides the m o s t s t r i k i n g paral le l w i t h the H i t t i t e m y t h o f I l luyankas the d r a g o n ; i t may c o m e f r o m a H e l l e n i s t i c source . 8

A s regards the Cypria, the Atrahasis text shows i n any case that the m o t i f o f the oppress ion o f the earth and the plan o f d e s t r u c t i o n o f m a n k i n d b y the highest o f the gods, the weather g o d , is e x t r e m e l y o l d . T h i s discourages one f r o m s i m p l y f i n d i n g some " p o s t - H o m e r i c i n v e n t i o n " i n the o p e n i n g o f the Cypria.9 I n a d d i t i o n , there is a reference t o the East even f r o m the Greek side: T h e r e m a r k a b l e t i t l e Cypria can be u n d e r s t o o d o n l y as a reference t o the i s land o f C y p r u s , 1 0 however skeptical w e m a y be about the later i n f o r m a t i o n that makes Stasinus o f C y prus the a u t h o r o f the p o e m . A n i n d i c a t i o n that at least the m a i n contents o f the Cypria were k n o w n a r o u n d 650 B . C , is p r o v i d e d b y the representat ion o f the J u d g m e n t o f Paris o n the C h i g i vase. 1 1 H o w e v e r , these observat ions m u s t then p o i n t to that epo c h w h e n C y p r u s , t h o u g h r i c h and p o w e r f u l , was s t i l l f o r m a l l y under A s s y r i a n d o m i n a t i o n . T h e flavor o f this p e r i o d o n C y p r u s appears to be a m i x t u r e o f eastern l u x u r y and H o m e r i c l i fe style. T h e burials are as lav i sh as that o f Patroklos ; i n the chamber t o m b s there is elaborate eastern f u r n i t u r e ; before the i r entrances

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horses were sacrificed and i n t e r r e d a long w i t h the i r chariots ; even a s w o r d w i t h si lver nails , as k n o w n f r o m H o m e r i c d i c t i o n , has been f o u n d . 1 2 T h i s does n o t exp la in w h y i t was the H o m e r i c theme o f the T r o j a n War w h i c h caught the i m a g i n a t i o n o f C y prians to result i n the p r o d u c t i o n o f " t h e C y p r i a n epic . " B u t i t is a fact, ev idenced b y the c u r r e n t t i t l e Cypria. N o less clear t h a n the H o m e r i c connect ions o f C y p r u s at the t i m e were those to Syria and M e s o p o t a m i a ; the c o m m e m o r a t i v e steles o f A s s y r i a n k i n g s were erected i n the cities o f C y p r u s .

A m o n g the s p l e n d i d objects o f art p r o d u c e d o n C y p r u s i n this p e r i o d are t w o si lver b o w l s w i t h r e l i e f d e c o r a t i o n , u n i q u e i n s o far as the outer b a n d o f reliefs e v i d e n t l y i l lustrates a c o n t i n u o u s s tory : A pr ince i n his char io t leaves the c i t y t o g o o u t h u n t i n g ; he a l ights f r o m his c h a r i o t and kneels d o w n t o shoot at a stag; he f o l l o w s the b leed ing a n i m a l ; he flays the corpse; he makes offerings t o his g o d , represented as a w i n g e d sun disk above the scene; a w i l d m a n f r o m the w o o d s attacks the pr ince w i t h a stone; b u t a w i n g e d female d i v i n i t y l i fts the pr ince up w i t h her arms and saves h i m ; the pr ince m o u n t s his char io t and pursues the w i l d m a n ; the pr ince k i l l s the w i l d m a n w i t h his axe; the pr ince re turns t o his c ity . O n e o f these b o w l s reached I t a l y t h r o u g h trade a n d was f o u n d i n the lavish B e r n a r d i n i t o m b at Praeneste/Palestrina (F igure 7); the other is preserved i n o n l y f r a g m e n t a r y c o n d i t i o n . 1 3 I t has been p r o p o s e d that w o r k s o f art l ike this p r o v i d e d the Greeks w i t h the incent ive for i n v e n t i n g their o w n m y t h o l o g y . 1 4 T o d a y the reverse hypothes i s seems m o r e attract ive : T h e artists w h o decorated these pieces, P h o e n i cians o n C y p r u s o r Greeks t ra ined b y Phoenic ians , were i l l u s t r a t i n g a Greek tale, a " s o n g " c u r r e n t o n C y p r u s . 1 5 I t is clear h o w easily the tale w h o s e contents we can f o l l o w i n the frieze c o u l d be t r a n s f o r m e d i n t o H o m e r i c hexameters , especially the i n t e r v e n t i o n o f the d i v i n i t y t o save her protege : " A n d here Aineias , p r ince o f m e n , c o u l d w e l l have per ished, had n o t the daughter o f Zeus sharp ly n o t i c e d this . . . " 1 6 I n this perspective the Praeneste b o w l and its c o u n t e r p a r t a l l o w the n o t i o n o f H o m e r i c p o e t r y o n C y p r u s a r o u n d 700 B . C .

A n o t h e r possible re f lect ion o f Atrahasis i n the Iliad s h o u l d be

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Figure 7. Cypriote silver bowl, about 700 B.C., found in the Bernardini tomb, Praeneste: a hunting adventure,

including a fight with a wild man.

m e n t i o n e d : O n e o f the m o s t d r a m a t i c episodes r i g h t at the beg i n n i n g o f the B a b y l o n i a n p o e m is the attack o f the l o w e r gods o n E n l i l , the i r chief. T h e y are t i r e d o f d o i n g al l the t o i l s o m e w o r k o f d i g g i n g dikes; so they b u r n the i r i m p l e m e n t s and that n i g h t they gather i n f r o n t o f the h o u s e — t h e t e m p l e — o f E n l i l i n

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order t o start a r e v o l t . E n l i l becomes a larmed and q u i c k l y sends a messenger to A n u i n the heavens and t o E n k i i n the depths o f the waters . B o t h c o m e at his call and give their advice, the o u t c o m e b e i n g the c reat ion o f the h u m a n r o b o t s . 1 7 I n the f irst b o o k o f the Iliad, T h e t i s tells a s t o r y w h i c h does n o t o t h e r w i s e appear a n y w h e r e else, " h o w the o ther gods o f O l y m p u s w a n t e d to b i n d Z e u s " — t h e r e is n o reason g i v e n for the r e v o l u t i o n . I n this i n stance T h e t i s acted as messenger and fetched f r o m the depths o f the sea the p o w e r f u l B r i a r e o s - A i g a i o n , w h o sat d o w n at Zeus's side and w i t h his ferocious aspect scared the o ther gods a w a y . 1 8

T h e correspondence w i t h Atrahasis is n o t very detai led; stories o f disputes a m o n g the gods are n o t unusua l . Yet i f connect ions between eastern and Greek epic texts are established already, they a l l o w us t o take i n t o cons idera t ion the eastern m o d e l even i n this case. O n c e m o r e we f i n d w h a t had been an i n t e g r a l elem e n t o f the m a i n s t o r y i n Atrahasis devo lved i n t o a casual m o t i f , an u n c o n n e c t e d i m p r o v i s a t i o n w i t h o u t precedent o r consequence.

F u r t h e r threads lead f r o m c u n n i n g Atrahasis t o the P r o m e theus m y t h . B u t these are less specific w h e n set i n the c o n t e x t o f the v e r y c o m m o n t r i cks te r f i g u r e . 1 9

Seven against Thebes

H i s t o r y is, t o a great extent , the h i s t o r y o f w a r ; and wars give the i m p r e s s i o n o f real ity . T h e w a r o f the "Seven against T h e b e s " is usua l ly accepted as an actual h i s tor i ca l event o f the Late B r o n z e A g e ; this seems even less controvers ia l t h a n the h i s t o r i c i t y o f the T r o j a n War, w h i c h s h o u l d have happened one genera t ion later: " T h e r e is n o reason t o suppose that the tale was n o t based o n h i s t o r i c a l f a c t . " 1 A d e s t r u c t i o n level at Thebes t o wards the end o f Late H e l l a d i c I I I B — t h a t is, i n the t h i r t e e n t h c e n t u r y — h a s been established archaeological ly , a l t h o u g h its exact c h r o n o l o g i c a l r e l a t ionsh ip w i t h the fall o f Pylos and M y cenae and the d e s t r u c t i o n o f T r o y V I I A is d i s p u t e d . 2 A t Thebes the d e s t r u c t i o n w o u l d be l i n k e d to the attack b y the Ep igones ,

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w h o b e l o n g t o the same generat ion as the heroes w h o f o u g h t at Troy , I n the catalogue o f ships i n the Iliad i t is presupposed that Thebes has been destroyed and o n l y some smal l Hypothebai has been l e f t . 3 O n e usual ly assumes that Thebes lay i n ruins s t i l l i n the e i g h t h century , and that its rise to h e g e m o n i c p o w e r i n B o e o t i a o c c u r r e d later . 4

N o archaeological trace can be expected o f the war o f the Seven against Thebes , w h i c h enjoyed far greater l i t e r a r y fame t h a n that o f the Ep igones . T h e seven gates and the wal ls o f Thebes were n o t s t o r m e d at this t i m e , t r a d i t i o n says; o n the c o n trary , the attack p r o v e d disastrous for the assailants. T h e epic p o e m w h i c h dealt w i t h these events e v i d e n t l y was the core o f the T h e b a n cycle. Its contents are presupposed i n m o r e t h a n one passage o f the Iliad. I n part icular , the f o r m u l a "seven-gated T h e b e s " c o u l d have been taken f r o m the T h e b a n ep ic . 5

Yet i t is here that the p r o b l e m o f rea l i ty arises. I t is d i f f i cu l t to i m a g i n e a seven-gated c i t y i n the Bronze" A g e ; i t is nonsense t o t h i n k o f a f o r t i f i e d palace i n the style o f M y c e n a e w i t h seven gates. I n 1891 W i l a m o w i t z c a l m l y declared that the seven gates existed for the sake o f the seven assailants i n the saga o n l y : a narrat ive s y m m e t r y w h i c h bore n o re la t ion t o reality. T h e later Greek c i t y ex tended some distance over the p l a i n and was cor r e s p o n d i n g l y w a l l e d . I n fact the h i l l u p o n w h i c h the current c i t y o f Thebes lies and w h e r e , i n the central sect ion, finds f r o m the Mycenaean palace have c o m e to l i g h t , is large e n o u g h for a c i t y o f that p e r i o d . L o c a l archaeologists , i n the i r maps , have l o n g p u t the seven gates o n the boundar ies o f that h i l l . 6 As a result o f constant o v e r b u i l d i n g , there are n o c o r r e s p o n d i n g archaeolog i cal finds. O t h e r s have insisted that the h i l l always had and s t i l l has three and n o t seven n a t u r a l approaches. Sarantis S y m e o n -o g l o u , i n his recent and a u t h o r i t a t i v e re invest igat ion o f T h e b a n t o p o g r a p h y , agrees that the Late B r o n z e A g e c i t y can have had o n l y three or f o u r gates—he decides o n f o u r — b u t then a t t r i butes the seven gates t o the smaller, earlier settlement: o f the M i d d l e B r o n z e A g e , f i n d i n g c o n f i r m a t i o n i n w h a t Pausanias w r o t e some 1,600 years later, u n d a u n t e d b y the consequence

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that , i f he were r i g h t , the puta t i ve h i s tor i ca l "Seven" o f the Late B r o n z e A g e c o u l d never have f o u n d their p r o p e r seven gates. T h i s paradox f i n a l l y s h o u l d v ind ica te W i l a m o w i t z ' s k e p t i c i s m .

T h e Seven themselves are a strange g r o u p . T h e i r names v a r y i n dif ferent versions, and i t is i m p o s s i b l e to reconstruct the o l d est one w i t h any certainty. I t is n o t even clear w h e t h e r the leader, Adras tos , and the ins t iga tor o f the enterpr ise , Po lyne ikes the ex i led k i n g o f Thebes , s h o u l d be counted i n w i t h t h e m . 7 Some o f the heroes, as w e k n o w t h e m f r o m Aeschy lus , have a s t o r y and hence some i n d i v i d u a l i t y o f their o w n , i n c l u d i n g A m p h i -araos the seer, w h o had his sanctuary and his cu l t a f te rwards , 8

and Tydeus, father o f the i m m o r t a l D i o m e d e s . O t h e r s appear as s tock f igures to f i l l o u t the l i s t . T o call one o f t h e m Eteok los , v is-a-vis Eteokles the b r o t h e r o f Polyneikes , appears t o be the a lmost desperate i n v e n t i o n o f a f a l te r ing poet . B u t seven they were . Po lyneikes and Eteokles have t e l l i n g names w h i c h refer t o precisely this war : " m u c h s t r i f e " against " t r u e g l o r y , " the assailant against the p r o t e c t o r o f the city . I t is absolute ly imposs ib le that b o t h the war and the names o f the c o m m a n d e r s s h o u l d be h i s tor i ca l , that is, c o i n c i d e n t a l . These names are i n v e n t i o n s to f i t a specific concept .

T h i s and s i m i l a r considerat ions led Ernst H o w a l d to a radical thesis presented i n 1 9 3 9 — w h i c h has, since t h e n , f o u n d h a r d l y any echo. H e c la imed that the tale o f the seven e v i l assailants w h o are f o r t u n a t e l y repulsed, l ed b y Adrastos the " inescapable" o n his m a g i c horse, is pure m y t h i n its essence: O r i g i n a l l y these were seven d e m o n s , an " o u t b r e a k f r o m H e l l . " Adrastos betrays his in ferna l status even t h r o u g h the tragic choruses b y w h i c h he was h o n o r e d at S i k y o n , as we are t o l d by H e r o d o t u s ; his horse A r i o n , b o r n o f E r i n y s , is an in ferna l steed; A d r a s t o s ' fo l lowers are seven d e m o n s f r o m the u n d e r w o r l d , i n c l u d i n g Tydeus w i t h his cannibal is t ic desires. 9 Later and secondar i ly the u n d e r w o r l d m y t h was t r a n s f o r m e d i n t o a hero ic epic l i n k e d t o the actual c i t y o f Thebes. T h i s has created " h i s t o r y , " accepted as such r i g h t up to The Cambridge Ancient History.

W h a t H o w a l d d i d n o t k n o w was that the s t o r y o f the attack o f the e v i l Seven f r o m the u n d e r w o r l d under the c o m m a n d o f a

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t e r r i f y i n g g o d exists i n fact, i n the f o r m o f an A k k a d i a n epic text : the s t o r y o f E r r a , the plague g o d . I t was first publ i shed i n a v i r t u a l l y c o m p l e t e f o r m i n 1956, w i t h an i m p r o v e d vers ion appear ing i n 1969 . 1 0 I t is u n i q u e insofar as i t is the w o r k o f an i n d i v i d u a l poet n a m e d K a b t i - I l a n i - M a r d u k , w h o introduces h i m s e l f at the end o f the tex t . T h e g o d Erra himsel f , he says, revealed the c o m p l e t e tex t t o h i m i n a d r e a m . I n contrast t o Atrahasis, this w o r k is re lat ive ly " y o u n g . " I t has been dated to the n i n t h o r e i g h t h c e n t u r y B . C . 1 1

K a b t i - I l a n i - M a r d u k in t roduces the Seven (Sibitti) as the sons o f heaven and ear th , " c h a m p i o n s w i t h o u t p e e r " — t h i s express ion is used as a f o r m u l a — a n d absolute ly t e r r i f y i n g ; each o f t h e m is assigned his special destruct ive " f a t e " b y father A n u . T h e y call o n the g o d Er ra , the g o d o f w a r and plague, to destroy m a n k i n d . M a r d u k , the highest g o d o f B a b y l o n , leaves his t h r o n e and abandons the w o r l d to its d e s t r u c t i o n . F o r e i g n peoples beg in t o invade B a b y l o n i a , o n l y to be themselves attacked b y the Seven. T h e c r y goes u p o n every side: " E r r a has k i l l e d . " B u t t h e n the g o d , w h o has d e m o n s t r a t e d his p o w e r so i r res i s t ib ly , calms d o w n , and , before m a n k i n d is c o m p l e t e l y des t royed, he w i t h d r a w s together w i t h his Seven. T h e epic c o n cludes w i t h a blessing for the land o f A k k a d and praise for the p o w e r f u l g o d .

T h i s is a very s h o r t s u m m a r y o f a c o m p l i c a t e d c o m p o s i t i o n . I t cannot be c l a i m e d that this text is s i m p l y and d i r e c t l y the o r i g i n a l vers ion as pos tu la ted b y H o w a l d . T h e r e are, nevertheless, r e m a r k a b l e parallels: the seven " c h a m p i o n s w i t h o u t peer," whose n u m b e r is used as their v e r y name i n this tex t , w i t h an ine luctable g o d at the i r head; an attack and great danger; and then , finally, the retreat w h i c h means sa lvat ion for those under threat . A s igni f icant difference between the Greek and B a b y l o n i a n versions is that the Greek saga concentrates o n the c i t y o f Thebes w h i l e i n the o t h e r the ac t ion is set i n a w o r l d w i d e f ramew o r k ; and whereas the B a b y l o n i a n poet combines plague and war, the Greek s t o r y por t rays pure heroic batt le .

Erra is an unusua l epic i n that the l i t e r a r y tex t soon came t o assume mag ic f u n c t i o n s . I t appeared suited to serve as a m y t h i -

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cal m o d e l to reverse the attacks o f that very p lague g o d and thereby t o act as a f o r m o f e x o r c i s m . T h e tex t , o r parts thereof , were w r i t t e n o n amulets t o p r o t e c t against s ickness . 1 2

I n fact the e v i l Seven are w e l l k n o w n i n a w h o l e range o f A k k a d i a n i n c a n t a t i o n texts , f r o m dif ferent c o l l e c t i o n s . 1 3 O c c a s iona l ly they are l i s ted i n d i v i d u a l l y and g i v e n var ious d e m o n i c names, such as asakku, namtaru, utukku, alu, etemmu, gallu, ilu limnu ( ev i l g o d ) , 1 4 b u t also S o u t h W i n d , Great D r a g o n , Panther, Snake, S l ime Beast, W h i r l w i n d , E v i l W i n d . 1 5 W h a t remains constant is the i r n u m b e r , w h i c h is repeated a l m o s t c o m p u l sively: " T h e y are seven, they are seven." T h e y l i ve i n the depths o f the earth , they rise u p f r o m the e a r t h ; 1 6 they " k i l l , " they b r i n g diseases o f all k i n d s ; i t is they w h o attack the m o o n g o d and thus cause the eclipses o f the m o o n . F o r t u n a t e l y the exorc i s t pr iest has g o o d , s t r o n g h e l p i n g spir i ts to counteract their i n f l u ence.

A m o n g the texts i n w h i c h the Seven appear is an i n c a n t a t i o n text f r o m the series Bit meseri, " t h e house s u r r o u n d e d b y p r o t e c t i n g s p i r i t s . " 1 7 T h i s also deals w i t h the hea l ing o f sickness. T h e e v i l powers o f disease are represented b y the Seven, the "Seven w i t h t e r r i b l e w i n g s . " I n the r i t u a l they are represented i n effigy, perhaps even d r a w n o n the w a l l . " I placed the p ic ture o f N e r g a l at their heads." N e r g a l is the g o d o f the u n d e r w o r l d and o f plague w h o is v e r y close to E r r a i n f u n c t i o n . B u t then u n usual f igures o f t w i n s are n a m e d : t w o images o f " t w i n s b r o u g h t t o g e t h e r " at the head o f the sick to the r i g h t and the left , " t w i n s f i g h t i n g each o ther made o f plaster" i n the center o f the d o o r way, s i m i l a r t w i n s made o f asphalt o n the d o o r frames to the r i g h t and t o the left . I n a d d i t i o n , the gods Ea and M a r d u k are placed as guardians t o the r i g h t and left i n the center o f the door . T h e use o f f i gur ines , p r o d u c e d ad hoc and t h e n destroyed, is n o t an u n c o m m o n feature i n the practice o f e x o r c i s m , 1 8 b u t the t w i n s appear o n l y i n this par t i cu lar tex t . T h e r e f o l l o w s an i n c a n t a t i o n o f the "Seven before w h o m there stands the image o f N e r g a l " ; b u t then the exorc i s t turns to other "Seven gods w h o carry w e a p o n s " and calls u p o n t h e m t o destroy enemies and e v i l forces and to g rant l i fe .

I 1 0


Seven t e r r i b l e beings therefore are present, w i t h the g o d o f plague and death at the i r head; seven d i v i n e combatants are supposed to o v e r c o m e the e v i l ; and i n a d d i t i o n there are the t w i n s f i g h t i n g each o ther i n the d o o r w a y . 1 9 T h e s i t u a t i o n is u n c a n n i l y close t o that o f the Seven against Thebes as k n o w n f r o m Aeschylus: Seven e v i l and f r i g h t f u l assailants are enumerated , led by one w h o s e n a m e is " inescapable" ; seven a r m e d heroes are p i t t e d against t h e m ; and the decisive batt le is between the t w o brothers w h o are t o f i g h t and k i l l each other at the seventh gate.

I n a d d i t i o n there is a r e m a r k a b l e i c o n o g r a p h i c b r i d g e f r o m East t o West. A m o n g the or thostate reliefs f r o m the palace o f Te l l Hala f i w h i c h , a l o n g w i t h C a r c h e m i s h and Z i n c i r l i , are i m p o r t a n t examples o f Late H i t t i t e m o n u m e n t a l art , there appears side b y side w i t h l ions and gri f f ins a couple o f a lmost ident ica l m e n , t w i n s , w h o have seized each other b y the fore lock and are s i m u l t a n e o u s l y r u n n i n g each o ther t h r o u g h w i t h the i r swords (F igure 8). T h i s is i c o n o g r a p h i c a l l y paral lel to the representat ions o f Eteokles and Polyneikes i n m u t u a l f ra t r ic ide as became p o p u l a r i n E t r u r i a f r o m a p p r o x i m a t e l y 600 o n w a r d . 2 0 T h e r e are n o k n o w n i n t e r m e d i a r y l i n k s ; a p o s s i b i l i t y w o u l d be lost meta l reliefs. Instead o f images , however , there is a text f r o m Palestine t o fill the gap, f r o m the second b o o k o f Samuel : D u r i n g the c i v i l w a r between Saul's successor and D a v i d , events lead t o a t o u r n a m e n t between t w e l v e h a n d - p i c k e d w a r r i o r s f r o m each side. " B u t each seized his o p p o n e n t b y the fore lock and t h r u s t his s w o r d i n t o his side so that al l fel l t o g e t h e r . " 2 1 T h i s episode has also been c o m p a r e d w i t h the fight o f the H o r a t i i and the C u r i a t i i i n R o m a n t r a d i t i o n . 2 2 I n Greek m y t h there appear the t w o p o w erful b r o t h e r s , O t o s and Ephial tes , the Aloadae , w h o w o u l d have been i n v i n c i b l e had they n o t acc ident ly shot each other w h e n a i m i n g at a doe w h i c h leaped between t h e m . 2 3 M y t h o l o g ical i m a g i n a t i o n s t u b b o r n l y keeps p o r t r a y i n g w h a t , i n reality, w o u l d be the m o s t u n l i k e l y event. T h i s seems t o be the ideal o f absolute and autogenous a n n i h i l a t i o n ; n o outsiders are i n v o l v e d , and the conf l ic t e l iminates itself. Perhaps i t is for this reason that the Etruscans f o u n d i t appropr ia te to use this image so of ten as a reference to death , again and again deco ra t ing the i r funerary

1 1 1


Figure 8. 01'thostate relief from the palace at Cuzana- Tell HalaJ, ninth century B. c.: twins killing each other.

urns with the fight of Eteokles and Polyneikes. But the apotropaic function which the Tell Halaf relief must have possessed can well be understood in this sense, too, and finally also the miniature figurines used by the magicians officiating in the Bit meseri ritual fall into place. The conflict eliminates itself, after which harmony and health will return.

More perplexing is the question of what an exorcism of this type can possibly have to do with an epic about Boeotian Thebes. Yet several answers come to mind. Boeotia had its ori-

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enta l i z ing p e r i o d t o o ; i t lies close e n o u g h to Euboea, the center o f East-West t rade i n the e i g h t h century. B o e o t i a n f ibulae f r o m a r o u n d 700 B . C . have the earliest m y t h o l o g i c a l representations w e k n o w i n Greece, i n c l u d i n g the T r o j a n horse b u t also H e r -akles f i g h t i n g the seven-headed snake. T h i s m o t i f c learly has to d o w i t h the Semit ic East, as does the l i o n f i g h t . 2 4 Thebes, h o w ever, lay i n ru ins and had been replaced b y H y p o t h e b a i , i f the catalogue o f ships can be taken as evidence o f the geometr i c or early archaic p e r i o d . T h e K a d m e a n h i l l had been la id t o waste u n t i l the r e b u i l d i n g began, w h i c h s t i l l a l l o w e d some o f the M y cenaean ruins to stand as sacred relics, such as the " H o u s e o f K a d m o s . " I t can be taken for granted that seers were i n v o l v e d i n such a n e w b e g i n n i n g . T h e p r o m i n e n c e o f l i ver d i v i n a t i o n and the occasional occurrence o f f o u n d a t i o n deposits s h o w that specialists f r o m the East k n e w h o w to o u t d o the native b i r d -d i v i n e r s . 2 5 T h u s al l the elements are there t o a l l o w us to enterta in the idea that , t o avert e v i l forces f r o m the n e w f o u n d a t i o n , a m i g r a n t p r a c t i t i o n e r carr ied o u t some f o r m o f hit meseri r i t u a l ; and that a poet , insp i red w i t h m a n y ways o f song b y the g o d , t o o k the p l o t o f the seven e v i l assailants and the seven protectors together w i t h the t w i n s as represented i n the f igur ines t o make i t the central thread o f an epic song: I t was this c i t y o f Thebes w h i c h , i n o l d e n t imes , once was attacked b y the dreadful seven b u t successfully rebuffed t h e m al l , even t h o u g h the roya l b r o t h ers k i l l e d each o ther s i m u l t a n e o u s l y at the gate. T h a t details o f local t r a d i t i o n such as A m p h i a r a o s and Tydeus and, m o s t i m p o r t a n t o f a l l , O e d i p u s , the uncanny father o f f ratr ic ides , were i n c o r p o r a t e d i n the w e b o f p o e t r y is n o t t o o astonishing .

T h e r e is also a second poss ib i l i ty . Disease is a universal p r o b l e m ; epidemics d o n o t pause at language barr iers . I t has been argued that there was a catastrophic d r o u g h t i n Greece t o w a r d the end o f the e i g h t h c e n t u r y ; 2 6 b u t this is far f r o m certain. Fam i n e and pestilence w o u l d easily go h a n d i n h a n d — r e a s o n e n o u g h to seek o u t even unfami l i a r , fo re ign remedies, p r o v i d i n g an o p p o r t u n i t y for m i g r a n t charismatics . S i m i l a r l y t o the way i n w h i c h Asgelatas reached A n a p h e , some after-effects o f M e s -o p o t a m i a n mag ica l practice m a y have remained i n Boeot ia , ad-

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m i l t e d l y t r a n s f o r m e d a l m o s t b e y o n d r e c o g n i t i o n i n t o the f o r m o f a hero ic song. I t has been asked w h y , j u d g i n g b y the archaic imagery , the tale o f Thebes was so m u c h m o r e p o p u l a r w i t h the Etruscans than i t was i n Greece, and the answer g i v e n has been that this was because o f the special ro le g iven t o the seers and t o d i v i n a t i o n i n this e p i c . 2 7 Perhaps the lost Thebaid bore m o r e traces o f such interests than the f e w f ragments preserved a l l o w us t o recognize.

I f the p o e m o f the Seven against Thebes is an i n v e n t i o n o f the o r i e n t a l i z i n g p e r i o d , i t m u s t s t i l l have been q u i t e a success and spread rap id ly . E v e n i n p r i m i t i v e t imes this w o u l d n o t have taken m o r e t h a n a f e w years, and the c o m b i n a t i o n w i t h the T r o

j a n t h e m e , w i t h T y d e u s / D i o m e d e s above a l l , c o u l d also have o c c u r r e d v e r y q u i c k l y . T h e Iliad presupposes the existence o f the T h e b a n theme i f n o t necessarily the w r i t t e n text w h i c h later came to the A l e x a n d r i a n l ibrary . I t seems that t o w a r d s the end o f the g e o m e t r i c p e r i o d a m o r e ancient t o m b was discovered at Eleusis and f i t t e d o u t afresh for a cu l t o f heroes. T h i s p r e s u m ably is the grave w h i c h subsequent ly was called the T o m b o f the Seven, even t h o u g h n o d i rect evidence has been f o u n d to i d e n t i f y that t o m b . 2 8 I t fits i n w i t h o t h e r examples o f heroic cu l t established under the inf luence o f the epic since the e i g h t h cent u r y . 2 9 T h i s gives a t e r m i n a l date for the fame o f the Thebes t h e m e . T h e text o f o u r Iliad m a y w e l l c o m e f r o m the first h a l f o f the seventh c e n t u r y . 3 0

M u c h remains obscure and uncer ta in for us even after the end o f the " d a r k ages." A l l the m o r e reason, t h e n , t o d r a w o n al l the ind ica t ions w h i c h p o i n t t o l i k e l y connect ions . W h o e v e r resists the idea that the Seven against Thebes have to some extent a M e s o p o t a m i a n pedigree s h o u l d nevertheless n o t o v e r l o o k that a s i m i l a r provenience m u s t be accepted for the seven-headed H y dra as w e l l as f o r the Seven Sages. 3 1 Seven gods or demons were also k n o w n a m o n g the Aramaeans i n the e i g h t h c e n t u r y . 3 2

Common Style and Stance in Oriental and Greek Epic

Ever since the m y t h o l o g i c a l texts f r o m Hat tusa and U g a r i t have attracted the a t t e n t i o n o f classicists, parallels f r o m H e s i o d and

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H o m e r i n m o t i f s and narrat ive techniques have been col lected, occasional ly also t o u c h i n g o n M e s o p o t a m i a n materials . Recently, L u i g i a A c h i l l e a Stella has presented an extensive catalogue o f correspondences . 1 She pleads decis ively for the B r o n z e A g e c u l t u r a l b r i d g e . B u t compar i sons b y themselves do n o t p r o v i d e specific ind ica tors for either an earlier or a later b o r r o w i n g , indeed f o r any b o r r o w i n g at al l i n contrast to the chances o f paral lel d e v e l o p m e n t . I n any case, uncertaint ies about the date o f " i n f l u e n c e " s h o u l d n o t distract us f r o m a c k n o w l e d g i n g h o w extensive these correspondences are.

I n a sense, o f course, Greek epic is a very self-sufficient flowe r i n g . T h e f o r m u l a i c sys tem, w h i c h M i l m a n Parry discovered and exp la ined i n t e r m s o f its necessary f u n c t i o n w i t h i n an ora l t r a d i t i o n , is t ied to the Greek l anguage . 2 F r o m this p o i n t o f v i e w H o m e r has become the m o d e l example o f an ora l t r a d i t i o n . 3 B y contrast , the eastern epic, at least i n M e s o p o t a m i a , is based i n a fixed t r a d i t i o n o f w r i t i n g and schools o f scribes spanning m o r e t h a n t w o m i l l e n n i a . W i t h i n this t r a d i t i o n tablets are copied and recopied again and again, and somet imes also translated w i t h i n the c u n e i f o r m systems.

O n e s h o u l d expect therefore to encounter qui te dif ferent p r i n ciples o f style i n the East and i n the West. Yet anyone w h o cares t o consider b o t h sides w i l l be s t ruck b y the s imi lar i t ies . T h e m o s t i m p o r t a n t o f these have been indicated l o n g ago; a part ia l l i s t i n g f o l l o w s .

I n b o t h cases " e p i c " means narrat ive p o e t r y w h i c h employs , i n f o r m , a l o n g verse w h i c h repeats i t se l f inde f in i te ly , w i t h o u t s t r o p h i c d i v i s i o n . As t o c o n t e n t , the tale is about gods and great m e n f r o m the past, o f t e n i n t e r a c t i n g . M a i n characteristics o f style are the standard epithets , the f o r m u l a i c verses, the repet i t i o n o f verses, the t y p i c a l scenes.

Epi thets have always appeared to be a special characteristic o f H o m e r i c style . We are f ami l i a r w i t h " c l o u d - g a t h e r i n g Zeus , " "Odysseus o f m a n y counsels ," "Odysseus o f m a n y sufferings." B u t i n A k k a d i a n epic, t o o , the c h i e f characters have characterist ic epithets . T h e c h i e f g o d , E n l i l , o f ten appears as " t h e hero E n l i l , " 4 the hero o f the flood is " U t n a p i s h t i m the fa r -away , " 5

and the dangerous Seven i n the E r r a epic are " c h a m p i o n s w i t h -

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o u t peer . " 6 S i m i l a r l y the U g a r i t i c epics have fixed formulas such as Baal " t h e r ider o f c l o u d s , " " t h e V i r g i n A n a t , " and " D a n e l the R e p h a i t e . " 7 W h a t sounds even m o r e H o m e r i c is the des ignat ion o f a c o m b a t a n t as " k n o w l e d g e a b l e i n b a t t l e . " 8 I t is less clear w h y the "mistress o f the g o d s " is " g o o d i n s h o u t i n g , " 9 b u t i t was also unclear even to Greeks w h y K a l y p s o as w e l l as K i r k e s h o u l d be "a f r i g h t f u l goddess us ing speech," dane theos audeessa. Be that as i t may, an epic poet cannot d o w i t h o u t epithets : T h e earth is " t h e b r o a d e a r t h , " 1 0 and a g o d o f heavens can be called " father o f gods and m e n . " 1 1 T h e epithets are decorat ive insofar as they are ne i ther essential t o the actual c o n t e x t o f the c u r r e n t s i t u a t i o n n o r m o d e l e d special ly for i t . A m o n g o ther t h i n g s , they are ext r e m e l y h e l p f u l t o fill o u t a half-verse.

I n f o r m u l a i c verse w h a t is m o s t s t r i k i n g is the c o m p l i c a t e d i n t r o d u c t i o n o f d i rec t speech. T h e lav ish use o f d i rect speech, the representat ion o f w h o l e scenes i n the f o r m o f d ia logue is, indeed, a p e c u l i a r i t y o f the genre. I n A k k a d i a n , the i n t r o d u c t o r y f o r m u l a is, i n l i t e ra l t rans la t ion : " H e set his m o u t h and spoke, to . . . he said [ the w o r d ] . " 1 2 T h e s i m p l e m e a n i n g o f speak is expressed i n three s y n o n y m s — j u s t as w i t h the w e l l - k n o w n H o m e r i c f o r m u l a "he raised his voice and spoke the w i n g e d w o r d s . " I t is perhaps even m o r e remarkab le that characters i n Gilgamesh, re f lect ing o n a n e w s i t u a t i o n , "speak t o the i r o w n heart . " " C o n s u l t i n g w i t h her heart she spoke, indeed she t o o k counsel w i t h h e r s e l f " — d i r e c t speech f o l l o w s . 1 3 I n a s imi la r way H o m e r i c heroes speak t o the i r o w n "great -hearted thymos" o r to the i r " h e a r t . " W h e n G i l g a m e s h is t r a v e l l i n g , the n e w day is a l ways i n t r o d u c e d w i t h the same f o r m u l a : " B a r e l y a s h i m m e r o f the m o r n i n g d a w n e d , " 1 4 r emin i scent o f H o m e r ' s famous l ine " B u t w h e n e a r l y - b o r n r o s y - f i n g e r e d Eos appeared." I t is n a t u r a l for a narrat ive t o m o v e o n f r o m day t o day, b u t t o e m p l o y s tereotyped f o r m u l a s for sunrise and sunset, pause and act ion is a specific t echnique used i n Gilgamesh as i n H o m e r .

A m o n g the repet i t ions w h i c h cover a w h o l e sequence o f verses a s t r i k i n g feature is the exact verbal correspondence bet w e e n c o m m a n d a n d per formance , r e p o r t i n g and r e p e t i t i o n o f the r e p o r t . T h e M e s o p o t a m i a ! ! scribes, weary o f wedges , occa-

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s iona l ly used a " r e p e a t " s ign , w h i c h the H o m e r i c scribes d i d n o t p e r m i t themselves.

A m o n g t y p i c a l scenes the assembly o f the gods is p r o m i n e n t . A k k a d i a n has a f i x e d express ion for i t , puhur Hani; the designat i o n is the same i n U g a r i t i c , and the respective scene is also f u l l y e laborated i n the H i t t i t e Song of Ullikummi.*5 T h a t i n the ass e m b l y o f the gods i t is o f ten decided t o send o u t a messenger is n a t u r a l and s t i l l w o r t h n o t i n g .

S imiles are a p o p u l a r device i n the A k k a d i a n epic as i n related p o e t r y ; details need n o t be g i v e n h e r e . ' 6 W h a t seems m o r e rem a r k a b l e is that i n Gilgamesh, the longest and h i g h e s t - r a n k i n g tex t , m o r e c o m p l i c a t e d f o r m s o f narrat ive technique are be ing t r i e d o u t , as is the case especially i n the Odyssey- I n the eleventh tablet o f Gilgamesh a d is tant b u t p a r t i c u l a r l y g r i p p i n g piece o f a c t ion , the great flood, is i n c o r p o r a t e d t h r o u g h direct speech b y the m a i n p a r t i c i p a n t , U t n a p i s h t i m the far-away. T h e dual act ion at the b e g i n n i n g o f the epic w h i c h has t o b r i n g together E n k i d u and G i l g a m e s h is set o u t i n such a w a y that the narrat ive first f o l l o w s E n k i d u ' s adventures and his t r a n s f o r m a t i o n t o c i v i l i z a t i o n and then recounts Gi lgamesh's preparat ions for the m e e t i n g t h r o u g h d i rect speech w h i c h the p r o s t i t u t e addresses t o E n k i d u ( I v 23— v i 24). T h u s even the narrat ive technique o f the poet o f the Odyssey, w h o incorporates m o s t o f Odysseus ' adventures i n a first-person speech b y Odysseus h i m s e l f to the Phaeacians and devises a d o u b l e p l o t t o b r i n g Odysseus and Telemachos t o gether, is n o t t o t a l l y i solated. T h e s i m i l a r i t y between the o p e n ings o f Gilgamesh a n d the Odyssey has s t ruck readers t o o : A t t e n t i o n is called t o the hero w h o wandered w i d e and saw m a n y th ings w h i l e his n a m e is i n t e n t i o n a l l y w i t h h e l d . 1 7

F o r e s h a d o w i n g the Iliad, as i t were , Gilgamesh i n part icu lar exh ib i t s a certain ethos o f the m o r t a l i t y o f h u m a n beings. T h e m a i n t h e m e o f the p o e m is, i n its o w n w o r d s , the "fates o f h u m a n i t y " (simatu awilutim), w h i c h means death, i n contrast t o the l i fe o f the gods , w h i c h o n l y U t n a p i s h t i m succeeded i n w i n n i n g for h imsel f . Before his fight w i t h H u m b a b a , G i lgamesh draws the heroic consequence: " T h e gods, w i t h Shamash [the sun g o d ] they sit forever ; as for m a n k i n d , n u m b e r e d are their days . . .

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B u t y o u here, y o u fear death? . . . I w i l l g o ahead o f y o u . . . I f I m y s e l f were t o fa l l , let m e s t i l l set up m y n a m e . " 1 8 T h u s , p r e cisely because m a n is denied eterni ty , al l that remains for h i m is t o w i n fame t h r o u g h r i s k i n g death , fame w h i c h survives b e y o n d death; imper i shab le g l o r y (kleos aphthiton), i n contrast t o m o r t a l m e n , these are the concepts set o u t i n the Iliad i n Greek. "Yes, dear f r i e n d ! If , h a v i n g escaped f r o m this war , w e were t o l ive forever ageless, i m m o r t a l , even I w o u l d n o t f i g h t a m o n g the f r o n t ranks . . . B u t n o w , as the d e m o n s o f death stand before us a n y h o w . . . L e t us go ! w h e t h e r w e b r i n g g l o r y t o another m a n or someone gives g l o r y t o u s " — t h i s is H o m e r . 1 9 T h i s i n s ight i n t o the l i m i t s o f the h u m a n c o n d i t i o n does n o t , however , lead to c a u t i o n i n re l a t ion t o the gods. Far f r o m i t , aggressive o u t b u r s t s m a y occur. E n k i d u t h r o w s the h i n d leg o f the b u l l o f heaven t o Ishtar and shouts : " I f I caught y o u , l i k e this I w o u l d d o to y o u . " 2 0 " I n d e e d I w o u l d take revenge i f I o n l y had the p o w e r , " cries Achi l les to A p o l l o , w h o has deceived h i m . 2 1

B u t m a n is weak a n d changeable. " O f such a k i n d is the i n s ight o f m o r t a l m e n , as the day w h i c h the father o f gods and m e n b r i n g s o n " states one o f the m o s t famous passages o f the Odyssey.22 Pract ica l ly ident ica l is a sentence about m o r t a l s f r o m the A k k a d i a n c o m p o s i t i o n / Will Praise the Lord of Wisdom: " T h e i r i n s i g h t changes l i k e day and n i g h t . W h e n s t a r v i n g , they b e c o m e corpses; w h e n replete, they vie w i t h the i r g o d s . " 2 3

Closer c o m p a r i s o n s c o u l d also be made o f actual batt le scenes. O n e notable e x a m p l e is the E g y p t i a n p o e m about Ramses I I i n the batt le o f Qadesh . T h e hero f inds h i m s e l f alone a m i d s t the enemies, he prays t o his father the g o d , the g o d hears h i m , w h e r e u p o n the hero attacks and k i l l s a l l the e n e m i e s . 2 4 A n other suggestive t e x t is i n c o r p o r a t e d i n the Annals of Sennacherib and refers t o the batt le o f H a l u l e i n 691 B . C . ; i t tells h o w the k i n g takes u p his a r m o r , m o u n t s his char io t , and w i t h the assistance o f his g o d k n o c k s d o w n the enemies; so f i n a l l y " m y p r a n c i n g steeds, harnessed f o r m y r i d i n g , p l u n g e d i n t o the streams o f b l o o d as i n t o a r iver ; the wheels o f m y char iot , w h i c h br ings d o w n the w i c k e d a n d the e v i l , were bespattered w i t h b l o o d and

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f i l t h " 2 5 — n o t e the s tandard epithets ; and j u s t l i k e Ramses the E g y p t i a n , the A s s y r i a n k i n g , t o o , is represented f i g h t i n g f r o m his B r o n z e A g e char io t . We are i r re s i s t ib ly r e m i n d e d o f the Iliad: " T h u s u n d e r greathearted Achi l les his one-hoofed horses stepped o n corpses and shields together ; w i t h b l o o d the w h o l e axle was bespattered, and the rails a r o u n d the seat, w h i c h the drops f r o m the hoofs o f the horses were h i t t i n g . . . " C o n s i d e r i n g the date o f the A s s y r i a n t e x t , one m i g h t even t o y w i t h the idea that some Greek singer h a d ar r ived i n Assyr ia together w i t h the mercenaries, and that he composed this song o n the batt le o f H a l u l e w h i c h so m u c h pleased the k i n g that i t was i n c o r p o rated i n the off ic ial annals, w h e r e i t f o r m s a strange contrast to the s tandard dreary and d u l l l ist o f batt le and p l u n d e r i n g . 2 6 B u t m o r e systematic research i n t o this genre w o u l d be due. T h e " S o n g o f D e b o r a h and B a r a k " s h o u l d n o t be f o r g o t t e n i n this contex t ; i t has, a m o n g other s t i r r i n g events, a remarkable " b a t t l e at the r i v e r . " 2 7

Some f u r t h e r connect ions i n detai l between East and West, t h o u g h s t r i k i n g , have r e m a i n e d a mystery . T h i s applies t o the " W o r d o f Tree and S t o n e " as i t appears i n U g a r i t , i n Jeremiah, and i n H o m e r and H e s i o d ; i t seems to be connected w i t h a m y t h about the o r i g i n o f m a n i n the O l d Testament and i n the Odyssey, b u t is used as a less l u c i d saying i n U g a r i t as i n the Iliad and i n H e s i o d . 2 8

Less s u r p r i s i n g is that the blessing o f the l a n d under the ru le o f a g o o d k i n g is established i n M e s o p o t a m i a , b u t i t also appears i n H o m e r and H e s i o d : T h e earth b r i n g s f o r t h her crops, the trees the i r f r u i t , the animals t h r i v e , and "peop le t h r i v e under h i m " the g o o d k i n g ; c o m p a r e A s h u r b a n i p a l o n h i m s e l f i n his o w n account: "S ince the gods . . . b e n i g n l y made m e take m y seat o n the t h r o n e o f m y father, m y begetter, A d a d released his tor rents o f r a i n , Ea opened his spr ings , the ears o f the crops g r e w five ells h i g h . . . the f ru i t s o f the f ie ld f lour ished . . . the trees b r o u g h t the i r f ru i t s to an abundant g r o w t h , the cattle b r e d successfully. D u r i n g m y r e i g n there was abundance, d u r i n g m y years g o o d th ings o v e r f l o w e d . " 2 9

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E n o u g h o f parallels. Style is h a r d l y separable f r o m content . For s ty l i s t ic e lements , d i rect dependence is h a r d to prove : Each language has its o w n laws and its o w n l i fe . I n H o m e r we cannot ascertain the presence o f " y o u n g e r , " a d d i t i o n a l e lements against the o lder epic t r a d i t i o n i n the characteristics discussed so far, i n contrast to the m y t h o l o g i c a l concepts f o u n d i n the c o n t e x t o f the " D e c e p t i o n o f Z e u s , " the o p e n i n g o f the Cypria, o r the Seven against Thebes. For the style o f batt le scenes w e d e f i n i t e l y reach the B r o n z e A g e w i t h Ramses' account . S t i l l , c o n s i d e r i n g the fact that w e are dea l ing w i t h spat ia l ly and c h r o n o l o g i c a l l y l i n k e d spheres o f c i v i l i z a t i o n a n y h o w , to insist o n c o m p l e t e l y separate deve lopments and p u r e l y c o i n c i d e n t a l parallels is b e g g i n g the ques t ion . O n e has to r e c k o n w i t h m u l t i p l e contacts, t o be set against b o t h the general h u m a n b a c k g r o u n d and c o m m o n t e n dencies o f h i s tor ica l - soc ia l deve lopments . W h a t was i n fact a her i tage o f the B r o n z e A g e c o u l d also be rev i ta l ized b y n e w incentives . I t is p r o b a b l y s y m p t o m a t i c that besides the t r a d i t i o n a l Greek l o a n - w o r d for l i o n , leon, another w o r d o f clearly Semit ic-Palest in ian pedigree, lis, has been adopted i n some H o m er i c s i m i l e s . 3 0 I n any event, the eastern evidence offers such closely related m a t e r i a l that i t s h o u l d n o t be o v e r l o o k e d i n the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f H o m e r . T h i s f i n d i n g m u s t set certain l i m i t s to assessments o f p u r e l y " I n d o - E u r o p e a n " hero ic t r a d i t i o n .

T h e establ i shment o f the f irst Greek l i b r a r y — t h e Iliad w r i t t e n d o w n o n t w e n t y - f o u r ( P ) leather s c r o l l s — a n d o f the great l i b r a r y o f A s h u r b a n i p a l at N i n e v e h , w h o r u l e d f r o m 668 t o 627, m a y w e l l have taken place at about the same t i m e . E v e n this m a y n o t be t o t a l l y c o i n c i d e n t a l . T h e Semit ic East s t i l l h e l d the c u l t u r a l lead u n t i l that date.

Fables

T h e genre o f the a n i m a l fable has m e t w i t h d isdain since the end o f the E n l i g h t e n m e n t ; and yet i t is one o f the m o s t peculiar and e n d u r i n g f o r m s o f f o l k l i t e r a t u r e . 1 O n e m i g h t be t e m p t e d to relegate i t to the level o f p o p u l a r tale and thereby t o some f o r m o f general and diffuse o r a l t r a d i t i o n . B u t m o r e detai led research,

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p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the area o f medieva l and early m o d e r n fables, demonstrates repeatedly that i t was the w r i t t e n anthologies , the translat ions and selections o f Aesop , and f u r t h e r e laborat ions w h i c h were responsible for the d i f fus ion o f these stories. I t is t rue that the fables entered i n t o l i v i n g f o l k t r a d i t i o n t h r o u g h children's experience at the level o f e lementary school , so that f ie ld w o r k e r s w o u l d rediscover t h e m as i f they had always bel o n g e d to people's o r a l w i s d o m . B u t the i r l i t e r a r y crys ta l l i zat ion lies m u c h f u r t h e r back.

Aesop , the n a m e w i t h w h i c h the basic co l l ec t ion o f Greek a n i m a l fables is connected , is n o t the b e g i n n i n g . I t has l o n g been k n o w n that a n i m a l fables existed n o t o n l y i n E g y p t i a n , 2 b u t also i n Surnerian and A k k a d i a n 3 and, at least i n the genre o f p lant fables, i n H e b r e w . 4 H e r m a n n Die ls w r o t e o n " o r i e n t a l fables i n Greek c l o t h i n g " as early as 1910; he was deal ing w i t h the n e w l y discovered text o f C a l l i m a c h u s , w h i c h presents the fable " T h e Laure l and the O l i v e T r e e " as a tale o f " t h e a n c i e n t - L y d i a n s . " 5

Babr ius , w h o set d o w n the fables o f Aesop i n verse, states expressly at the b e g i n n i n g o f his second b o o k that this type o f " m y t h " is an i n v e n t i o n o f the ancient " S y r i a n s " f r o m the t i m e o f N i n o s and Bc los ; Aesop was the first to relate t h e m to the "sons o f the Hel lenes . " N i n o s (that is, N i n e v e h ) and Belos are terms used since the histor ies o f Ktesias t o designate the A s s y r ian era. Babr ius was w r i t i n g i n Syria o r C i l i c i a for some m i n o r p r i n c e . 6 H e k n o w s w h a t he is t a l k i n g about , even i f we are n o t i n a p o s i t i o n t o prove w h a t his sources were for this thesis. For c o n f i r m a t i o n there is the fact that the s t o r y o f A h i q a r was translated f r o m the A r a m a i c i n t o Greek and was made a par t o f the Life of Aesop—maybe j u s t at the t i m e o f Babr ius ; b u t C a l l i m a c h u s ' reference t o " t h e ancient L y d i a n s " w o u l d p o i n t t o o r i ental contacts i n the archaic p e r i o d . 7

For us Greek fable begins w i t h Hesiod's ainos " t h e h a w k and the n i g h t i n g a l e " (Erga 203-212); then A r c h i l o c h u s presents his fables w i t h m o r a l appeal i n a p o i g n a n t and aggressive f o r m . We k n o w m o s t about his p o e m w h i c h int roduces " t h e eagle and the f o x . " Its p o i n t is q u i t e clear: t o w a r n h i g h - r a n k i n g and insolent c r i m i n a l s o f the revenge w h i c h even the weak may take some-

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day. T h e f o x and the eagle entered i n t o a pact, b u t one day the eagle ate the fox's y o u n g and jeered at h i m f r o m the inaccessible heights o f his nest. T h e fox called o n Zeus, the p o w e r f u l g u a r d ian o f hybris and dike—a sect ion o f direct speech i n the p o e m . R e t r i b u t i o n f o l l o w s . 8 I t has l o n g been r e m a r k e d that an A k k a d ian text has near ly the same story. T h i s is n o t i t s e l f an i n d e p e n dent fable, b u t rather an i n t r o d u c t i o n t o the m y t h o f Etana, w h o flew u p t o heaven o n an eagle. I n this case i t is an eagle and a snake w h o enter i n t o a pact and j o i n t l y gather f o o d , w h i c h they share u n t i l the eagle perpetrates the out rage and eats the snake's y o u n g . T h e snake t u r n s t o Shamash, the sun g o d , and , i n d irect speech, calls o n h i m as the g u a r d i a n o f jus t i ce . R e t r i b u t i o n f o l l o w s , thanks to the c u n n i n g o f the snake. 9 A d m i t t e d l y the f o r m o f revenge is di f ferent i n the t w o texts, and a snake is i n v o l v e d instead o f a f o x . T h e p o l a r i t y snake-eagle has a respectable s y m b o l i c t r a d i t i o n and may, t o that extent , be the o r i g i n a l m o d e l . 1 0

A n y h o w w e are n o t dea l ing w i t h a case o f t r a n s l a t i o n . A n d yet i t is n o t j u s t the basic idea and the sequence o f the m o t i f s , the strange pact , the transgress ion, the revenge, w h i c h the t w o texts have i n c o m m o n , b u t also a l i t e r a r y device, the d i rect speech i n the pathet ic appeal t o the heavenly g o d as a g u a r d i a n o f r i g h t and p u n i s h e r o f those w h o transgress i t . A prayer o f this nature is n o t c o m m o n i n Greece at the t i m e o f A r c h i l o c h u s , as far as w e k n o w , whereas f o r the Easterners the sun g o d is p e r f o r m i n g one o f his usual f u n c t i o n s . T h a t the s o l e m n prayer is p u t i n the m o u t h o f an a n i m a l has a grotesque and m e m o r a b l e effect i n b o t h the A k k a d i a n and the Greek texts . B y the way, Etana be ing carr ied u p t o heaven o n the w i n g s o f an eagle is o f ten represented o n o r i e n t a l seals. I t m a y easily be p r e s u m e d that the m y t h o f the rape o f G a n y m e d e b y Zeus i n the guise o f an eagle has been inf luenced b y such r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s . 1 1 T h i s s t i l l does n o t exp l a i n h o w A r c h i l o c h u s c o u l d have had k n o w l e d g e o f a M e s o -p o t a m i a n tex t . B u t a f u r t h e r s u r p r i s i n g l i n k has surfaced for A r ch i lochus : T h e n e w A r c h i l o c h u s p o e m conta ined i n the C o l o g n e p a p y r u s uses the adage o f the "has ty b i t c h w h o consequent ly bears b l i n d p u p p i e s . " 1 2 A g o o d t h o u s a n d years before A r c h i l o chus th is p r o v e r b makes its appearance i n a r o y a l letter f r o m

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M a r i . 1 3 T h i s m a y be called f o l k t r a d i t i o n e laborat ing o n b i o l o g ical facts, b u t w e s h o u l d rather a c k n o w l e d g e a t r a d i t i o n o f w i s d o m w h i c h transcends l i n g u i s t i c and c u l t u r a l barr iers , especially i n the f o r m o f the a n i m a l fable. I n the case o f the Etana text , d i rect l i t e r a r y c o n n e c t i o n is n o t at all r u l e d o u t . A r c h i l o c h u s k n e w the leather scrolls o f P h o e n i c i a n - A r a m a i c t y p e . 1 4

A m u c h m o r e e n g a g i n g m o t i f appears to be f o l k l o r i c and l i t erary at the same t i m e , and i t is found i n b o t h A k k a d i a n l i t e r a ture and later i n ancient Greece: the s t o r y o f the herb o f re juven a t i o n , w h i c h has been lost to m a n k i n d because i t was eaten b y the snake. I n Gilgamesh this is the d r a m a t i c c o n c l u s i o n to the j o u r n e y to U t n a p i s h t i m . T h e search to evade death has been the incent ive for Gi lgamesh's travels; f i n a l l y al l has been i n va in . U t n a p i s h t i m had i n d i c a t e d h o w G i l g a m e s h c o u l d fetch the p lant o f eternal y o u t h f r o m the depths o f the sea. G i l g a m e s h does so, and he sets o f f for h o m e w i t h his prec ious f i n d ; b u t , w h i l e he is b a t h i n g i n a c o o l s p r i n g , a snake comes, attracted b y the aroma o f the p lant , and eats i t . T h e snake t h e n sheds its o l d s k i n — t h i s s k i n o f snakes was called geras, o l d age, b y the Greeks. G i l g a mesh can o n l y l a m e n t his l o s s . 1 5 I n the Greek vers ion , Zeus gave m a n k i n d a d r u g against g r o w i n g o l d as a r e w a r d for h a v i n g i n f o r m e d against P r o m e t h e u s . T h e d r u g is loaded o n t o an ass. T h e ass arrives at a s p r i n g and wants t o d r i n k , b u t a snake p r e vents h i m f r o m g e t t i n g to the water u n t i l the ass gives over whatever he is c a r r y i n g o n his back. T h u s , the snake is able t o rejuvenate i t s e l f w h i l e m a n k i n d is left e m p t y - h a n d e d . I n w h a t w e have o f Greek l i t e r a t u r e the s t o r y f i rst appears i n the w o r k o f I b y c u s . 1 6 T h u s i t was k n o w n to the Greeks i n the archaic p e r i o d .

O n e tends t o t h i n k o f o ra l narra t ive t r a d i t i o n s at this p o i n t . T h e basic t h o u g h t and general h u m a n experience b e h i n d the s t o r y are d r a m a t i c a l l y impress ive and easy t o c o m p r e h e n d . T h e s t ructure and the details i n Ibycus differ f r o m those o f Gilgamesh: another c o n t e x t , another m o t i v a t i o n , another a n i m a l i n v o l v e d as bearer o f the m i r a c u l o u s substance. T h a t snakes shed the i r s k i n is a b i o l o g i c a l fact, and snakes t e n d to be close to water b o t h i n nature and i n Greek m y t h o l o g y . S t i l l , real snakes d o n o t feed o n herbs o r drugs . I t cannot be p r o v e d that the tale

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m i g r a t e d d i r e c t l y f r o m Gilgamesh to Ibycus . Yet the general f r a m e w o r k o f the o r i e n t a l i z i n g p e r i o d and the connect ions o f the Greek w i t h the M e s o p o t a m i a n a n i m a l fable i n part icular , this tale o f lost i m m o r t a l i t y becomes yet another e lement i n the shared c u l t u r a l h o r i z o n o f East and West.

Magic and Cosmogony

I t remains t o reflect o n h o w m u c h the c o n n e c t i n g threads w h i c h have been f o l l o w e d here i n t e r t w i n e : Images, practices, and m y t h i c a l tales are al l m u t u a l l y connected. Seals, scarabs, and amulets can be p u t to profane as w e l l as mag ica l use. R e i n t e r p r e -t a t i o n , however , can p r o d u c e a p u r e l y m y t h i c a l f i gure f r o m p r o tect ive s y m b o l s : L a m a s h t u becomes the G o r g o n . 1 M y t h i c a l m o tifs can g r o w f r o m images such as the combats w i t h the l i o n and w i t h the seven-headed snake: These t u r n i n t o tales o f the adventures o f Herakles , loca l ized at N e m e a and L e r n a ; 2 another batt le w i t h the m o n s t r o u s snake changes t o become the deeds o f Perseus; 3 and the representat ion o f the death o f A g a m e m n o n c o n nects w i t h the H u m b a b a i m a g e s . 4 I n this w a y a system o f i n d i g enous meanings is p r o j e c t e d o n f o r e i g n materials t o m o d i f y and re inforce Greek hero ic m y t h o l o g y ; m i s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n proves to be creative, b u t i t s t i l l f o l l o w s the lead o f the adopted f o r m s .

T h e fact that m y t h and m a g i c r i t u a l can p r o f o u n d l y influence each o ther is w e l l k n o w n . 5 M a g i c a l incantat ions t e n d t o use m y t h i c a l stories as e x e m p l a r y precedents w h i c h pred ic t the o u t c o m e and thus assist i n a c h i e v i n g the i r a i m . T h i s ho lds t rue f r o m the Veda to some o l d G e r m a n charms , b u t i t is n o specialty o f the I n d o - E u r o p e a n t r a d i t i o n ; M e s o p o t a m i a n texts p r o v i d e examples w h i c h are n o less t e l l i n g . T h e r e is the m y t h o f A d a p a the fisher, w h o b r o k e the S o u t h W i n d ' s w i n g s w i t h a c h a r m and was s u m m o n e d t o heaven i n consequence; the A s s y r i a n vers ion o f this m y t h t u r n s , i n the e n d , i n t o an e x o r c i s m against sickness supposedly caused b y the S o u t h W i n d . T h e p o e m Erra ends w i t h the g o d o f w a r and pestilence l u c k i l y appeased; the text is therefore w r i t t e n o n m a g i c amulets t o p r o t e c t against pes t i lence . 6 T h e creat ion o f m a n k i n d as t o l d i n Atrahasis is also used

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as a mag ica l tex t t o he lp at c h i l d b i r t h , and the tale o f h o w d r o u g h t was o v e r c o m e , f r o m the same t e x t , becomes a r a i n -m a k i n g c h a r m . 7 A n o t h e r i n c a n t a t i o n text recounts h o w the m o o n g o d Sin couples w i t h a v i r g i n , she as a cow, he as a b u l l ; the g o d begets c h i l d r e n i n this w a y and then lends a h e l p i n g h a n d t o ease the b i r t h : T h i s is a transparent mag ic rite o f c h i l d b i r t h , t o o . T h e s t o r y recalls the Greek m y t h o f Zeus and I o , w h o has been t r a n s f o r m e d i n t o a cow, and the b i r t h o f Epaphos b y means o f the father's h e l p i n g t o u c h (epaphon).9 T h e r e are also c o s m o g o n i c a l texts w h i c h are used against headaches and t o o t h ache. 9 .

I t is i n this w a y that speculat ion and practice meet i n the cos-m o g o n i c perspective: A n e w and p r o p e r o rder has to be created or recreated f r o m its very f o u n d a t i o n s . S o m e t h i n g has gone w r o n g , as sickness and p a i n indicate ; so one s h o u l d b e g i n afresh f r o m the b e g i n n i n g . T h e c o s m o g o n i c epic Enuma Elish was of f ic ia l ly i n c o r p o r a t e d i n the N e w Year's festival at B a b y l o n t o r e b u i l d the j u s t and sacred order, i n c l u d i n g al l the pr iv i leges o f the g o d and his c i t y . 1 0 T h i s means t o act o u t the same idea w h i c h a m a g i c i a n tries as he is g e t t i n g t o the r o o t o f a par t icu lar s ickness w i t h i n the h u g e l y enlarged f r a m e w o r k o f the c i t y at the center o f the w o r l d . " H i g h " l i terature and pract ical incantat ions c o m e together o n the same level , at any rate i n the East. I t is the p r a c t i c i n g priests w h o also c o n t r o l the l i t e r a r y texts , as is s h o w n b y the existence o f pr iests ' l ibraries i n U g a r i t , Emar , and Su l tan-t e p e . 1 '

T u r n i n g f r o m this to Greek c i v i l i z a t i o n , we f i n d the d o u b l e aspect o f cathart ic practice and speculative m y t h o l o g y c o m b i n e d i n O r p h i s m i n p a r t i c u l a r : 1 2 T h e r e are the m i g r a n t , m e n d i c a n t priests w i t h the i r i n i t i a t i o n s scorned b y P l a t o ; 1 3 there is the fam o u s and controvers ia l m y t h about the o r i g i n o f m a n k i n d f r o m the ashes o f the T i tans w h o had t o r n apart D i o n y s u s — w h i c h is w h y w e carry the rebel l ious as w e l l as the d i v i n e e lement i n ourse lves . 1 4 T h e necessary l i n k between r i t u a l and a n t h r o p o -gonic m y t h can be seen f r o m the f u n c t i o n o f the charismatic healers: T h e sick person desperately asks w h a t the source o f the af f l ict ion m i g h t be, " w h e n c e i t sprang, w h a t the r o o t o f e v i l can

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be, w h i c h gods t h e y s h o u l d appease w i t h sacrifice i n o r d e r t o f i n d r e l i e f f r o m the i r s u f f e r i n g s . " 1 5 T h e answer m u s t l ie s o m e w h e r e i n the past: T h u s E p i m e n i d e s the seer " p r o p h e s i e d n o t about the f u t u r e , b u t about the p a s t . " 1 6 B u t the m o s t general answer w h i c h can be g i v e n , e x t e n d i n g far b e y o n d the i n d i v i d u a l case, is the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f h u m a n existence as the consequence o f an ancient c r i m e , as a p u n i s h m e n t g o i n g back t o the oldest " w r a t h " o f great gods. E m p e d o c l e s , as late as the f i f t h century, is a m i g r a n t seer and healer h i m s e l f w h o identi f ies his l i festyle w i t h the fundamenta l s o f h u m a n existence: H e r e I a m , " b a n ished f r o m the gods and a w a n d e r e r . " 1 7

For classicists the fact that the D i o n y s i a c - O r p h i c a n t h r o p o g -o n y as an e x p l i c i t t e x t is f o u n d o n l y i n O l y m p i o d o r u s , that is, i n the s i x t h c e n t u r y A . D . , has repeatedly roused the suspic ion that this is a " la te i n v e n t i o n . " I t is a l l the m o r e a s t o u n d i n g that the closest parallels are i n fact p r o v i d e d b y the M e s o p o t a m i a n m y t h o l o g i c a l texts , w h i c h g o back w e l l i n t o the second m i l l e n n i u m B . C . T h e Enuma Elish depicts the creat ion o f m a n k i n d f r o m the b l o o d o f a rebel l ious g o d c o n d e m n e d by the j u d g m e n t o f the o ther gods. O t h e r texts offer var ia t ions o n the t h e m e . 1 8

M o r e s t a r t l i n g is the vers ion o f the creat ion o f m a n k i n d as t o l d i n Atrahasis: T h e flesh and b l o o d o f a g o d m u s t be m i x e d w i t h clay (tit) " t h a t g o d and m a n m a y be t h o r o u g h l y m i x e d i n the clay: . . . let there be a s p i r i t f r o m the god's flesh: Let i t p r o c l a i m l i v i n g [ m a n ] as its s ign ; that he be n o t f o r g o t t e n , let there be a s p i r i t . " 1 9 T h e w o r d translated as " s p i r i t " is etemmu, w h i c h o t h erwise refers t o a s p i r i t o f the dead, o f ten subject t o e x o r c i s m s . 2 0

T h e Atrahasis passage e v i d e n t l y has a special, speculative p o i n t t o m a k e , t h o u g h i t has p r o v e d d i f f i cu l t t o capture i t . A possible i n t e r p r e t a t i o n is that the "god ' s flesh" w i t h i n the clay is meant to account b o t h for l i fe i n the l i v i n g be ing and for the ghost w h o is left after death, " t h a t he be n o t f o r g o t t e n . " C o n t r a s t e d w i t h "c lay , " this s t i l l m a r k s the r u d i m e n t s o f a dual ist ic a n t h r o p o l o g y as early as a t h o u s a n d years before H o m e r : " G o d " g i v i n g rise t o l i fe and " s p i r i t " a m i d s t some f o r m o f m a t t e r — t h i s c o n c e p t i o n states the existence o f oppos i te elements i n m a n , v i o l e n t l y yet " t h o r o u g h l y m i x e d " i n the act o f creat ion. T h e r e is n o anach-

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r o n i s m at all i n a t t r i b u t i n g s i m i l a r lore t o O r p h i c s as early as the archaic p e r i o d , the assertion o f some d i v i n e e lement i n m a n left f r o m the g o d w h o was k i l l e d at the p r i m o r d i a l act o f creat ion. T h e r e m a y even have been d i rect l i n k s . 2 ' O f course the O r p h i c m y t h o f D i o n y s u s is n o t a t rans la t ion f r o m any eastern text . B u t we m a y w e l l envisage the e v o l u t i o n o f a c o n t i n u o u s t r a d i t i o n t h r o u g h those " f a m i l i e s " o f w a n d e r i n g priests and seers for w h o s e craft a m y t h o f this type was so pract ical , nay a lmost necessary. T h i s w o u l d prove once m o r e that the East-West c o n nect ions w e n t b e y o n d accidental contacts and b o r r o w i n g s and occasional ly reached the level o f basic a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l ideas.

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To s u m u p a l o n g and o f ten t o r t u o u s inves t iga t ion : E m a n a t i n g f r o m the Near East, i n c o n n e c t i o n w i t h m i l i t a r y expans ion and g r o w i n g e c o n o m i c act iv i t ies , a c u l t u r a l c o n t i n u u m i n c l u d i n g l i t eracy was created b y the e i g h t h c e n t u r y e x t e n d i n g over the e n t i re M e d i t e r r a n e a n ; i t i n v o l v e d groups o f Greeks w h o entered i n t o intensive exchange w i t h the h i g h cultures o f the Semit ic East. C u l t u r a l p r e d o m i n a n c e r e m a i n e d for a w h i l e w i t h the O r i ent; b u t Greeks i m m e d i a t e l y began t o develop the i r o w n d i s t i n c t ive f o r m s o f c u l t u r e t h r o u g h an as tonish ing a b i l i t y b o t h t o adopt and to t r a n s f o r m w h a t they had received. Soon Greece was t o take over the l ead ing ro le i n M e d i t e r r a n e a n c i v i l i z a t i o n .

I t is safe to state that the East-West connect ions o f this epoch were m o r e intens ive than the "Aegean koine" o f the B r o n z e A g e . T h e r e were the m i l i t a r y advances f r o m B a b y l o n i a to C i l i c i a and C y p r u s i n v o l v i n g Greek merchants , Greek mercenaries, and Greek cities; there were the sett lements o f the Phoenicians o n C y p r u s and i n the West, o f the Greeks i n Syria and t h e n also i n the West. T h e r e were the massive i m p o r t s o f goods , especially m e t a l w o r k , b u t also the transfer o f m a n u a l craft ski l ls i n t o Greece. W i t h b r o n z e reliefs, text i les , seals, and other p r o d u c t s , a w h o l e w o r l d o f eastern images was opened u p w h i c h the Greeks were o n l y t o o eager t o adopt and t o adapt i n the course o f an " o r i e n t a l i z i n g r e v o l u t i o n . " A l o n g w i t h o ther cra f tsmen, m i g r a n t seers and p u r i f i c a t i o n priests seem t o have a r r i v e d i n Greek cities; l i ver d i v i n a t i o n , f o u n d a t i o n deposits , the practice

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o f cathart ic hea l ing mag ic all bear the traces o f this influence. O v e r and above all this there was the direct i m p a c t o f w r i t t e n c u l t u r e as s h o w n b y the alphabet, the w r i t i n g tablet, the leather scro l l , and the f o r m a t o f w r i t i n g books . T h i s i m p a c t is c o n f i r m e d b y extant passages o f early Greek l i terature that clearly echo M e s o p o t a m i a n classics. H o m e r ' s decisive ro le i n f o r m i n g the w o r l d v i e w o f the Greeks for subsequent ages was achieved b y the force o f w r i t t e n c u l t u r e i n t o w h i c h the Greeks f ina l ly a l lowed themselves t o be d r a w n r i g h t at this p e r i o d . Just as i n the case o f l iver d i v i n a t i o n , the l i t e r a r y b o r r o w i n g s seem to bel o n g o n l y to the last phase o f Greek epic p o e t r y ; i t is p o s t -B r o n z e A g e w o r k s such as Enuma Elish and Erra w h i c h have left the i r m a r k . I t is precisely the H o m e r i c epoch o f Greece that is the epoch o f the o r i e n t a l i z i n g r e v o l u t i o n .

C u l t u r e is n o t a p lant s p r o u t i n g f r o m its seed i n i so la t ion ; i t is a c o n t i n u o u s process o f l ea rn ing g u i d e d b y c u r i o s i t y a long w i t h pract ical needs and interests. I t g r o w s especially t h r o u g h a w i l l ingness to learn f r o m w h a t is " o t h e r , " w h a t is strange and f o r e ign . A r e v o l u t i o n a r y p e r i o d such as the o r i e n t a l i z i n g epoch p r o v i d e d this very o p p o r t u n i t y for c u l t u r a l d e v e l o p m e n t . T h e " m i r a c l e o f Greece" is n o t m e r e l y the result o f a u n i q u e talent. I t also owes its existence t o the s i m p l e p h e n o m e n o n that the Greeks are the m o s t easterly o f the Westerners. U n d e r the special c ircumstances o f the e i g h t h century , they c o u l d part ic ipate i n every d e v e l o p m e n t at the t i m e w i t h o u t f a l l i n g v i c t i m to the c o n c o m i t a n t m i l i t a r y devastations, as d i d their ne ighbors i n Syria and s o u t h e r n A n a t o l i a . T h e mirac le d i d repeat i t se l f once again, w h e n the Persian E m p i r e reached b u t f i n a l l y spared the Greeks. Later the catastrophes were to c o m e f r o m b o t h the West and the East. Greece has remained i n an uneasy i n t e r m e d i a r y p o s i t i o n . Hel las is n o t Hesperia .

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A B B R E V I A T I O N S

C o m m o n periodicals cited i n the notes are referred to by standard abbreviations. For fu l l titles o f classical works cited i n abbreviated f o r m i n the notes, see The Oxford Classical Dictionary.

ABV J . D . Beazley, Attic Black-Figure Vase Painters ( O x f o r d 1956)

AHw W. v o n Soden, Akkadisches Handwörterbuch (Wiesbaden 1965-1981)

ANEP J . B. Pr i tchard , ed. , The Ancient Near East in Pictures Relating to the Old Testament, 2d ed. w i t h supplement (Princeton 1969)

ANET J. B. Pr i tchard , ed. , Ancient Near Eastern Texts Relating to the Old Testament, 3d ed. w i t h supplement (Princeton 1969)

Atrahasis W. G. Lamber t and A . R. M i l l a r d , Atra-hasis, The Babylonian Story of the Flood ( O x f o r d 1969) W. von Soden, " D i e erste Tafel des altbabylonischen A t r a m h a s i s - M y t h u s , ' H a u p t t e x t ' und Parallelversionen," ZA 68 (1978) 5 0 - 9 4

Translations: Bot tero and Kramer (1989) 530-564; Dal ley (1989) 9-38

B M B r i t i s h M u s e u m CAD I . J. Gelb et a l . , eds., The Assyrian Dictionary of the

Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago (Chicago 1956-)

CAH The Cambridge Ancient History (Cambridge-1924-)

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EPRO

Erra

CIS Corpus Inscriptionum Semiticarum (Paris 1881—) C T C u n e i f o r m texts f r o m Babylonian tablets i n the

Br i t i sh M u s e u m ( L o n d o n 1896-) Enuma Elish W. G. Lambert and S. B. Parker, eds., Enuma Elis

( O x f o r d 1967) (cunei form text) G. F. Steiner, Der Sukzessionsmythus in Hesiods 'Théogonie' und ihren orientalischen Parallelen (Diss. H a m b u r g 1959) 7-35 (transcr ipt ion o f Tablets I - V I ) Translations: ANET 60-72 ; Labat et al. (1970) 3 6 -70; Bottéro and Kramer (1989) 604-653; Dal ley (1989) 233-277

Etudes préliminaires aux religions orientales dans l'Empire romaine, ed. M . J. Vermaseren (Leiden 1961-) L. Cagni , L'epopea di Erra (Rome 1969) (transcript i o n and Italian translation) L. Cagni , Das Erra-Epos (Rome 1970) (cunei form text) Translations: Labat et al. (1970) 114-137; Bot téro and K r a m e r (1989) 681-707; Dal ley (1989) 285-315

Gilgamesh R. C . T h o m p s o n , The Epic of Gilgamish. Text, Transliteration and Notes ( O x f o r d 1930) Translations: ANET 72-99; Labat et al. (1970) 145-226; A . Schott, Das Gilgamesch-Epos übersetzt und mit Anmerkungen versehen, ed. W. von Soden (Stuttgart 1982); Dal ley (1989) 50-153

HAL Hebräisches und Aramäisches Lexikon zum Alten Testament von L. Koehler und W. Baumgartner, ed. W. Baumgartner , 3d ed. (Leiden 1967-1990)

HKL R. Borger, Handbuch der Keilschriftliteratur, vols. I—III (Ber l in 1967-1975)

KAI H . D o n n e r and W. Röl l ig , Kanaanäische und aramäische Inschriften, vols. I - I I I (Wiesbaden 1966-1969 2)

KAR E. Ebel ing , Keilschrifttexte aus Assur religiösen Inhalts, vols. I—II (Leipzig 1915-1923)

KBo Keilschrifttexte aus Boghazköi, vols. I - V I (Leipzig 1916-23), V I I ff. (Ber l in 1954-)

132


KTU M . D i e t r i c h , O . Loretz , and J. Sanmartfn, Die Keil-alphabetischen Texte aus Ugarit einschliesslich der keilalphabetischen Texte ausserhalb Ugarits, v o l . I (Kevelaer 1976)

KUB Keilschrifturkunden aus Boghazköi (Ber l in 1921-1944) L1MC Lexicon Iconographicum Mythologiae Classicae ( Z u r i c h

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LSAM F. S o k o l o w s k i , Lois sacrées de l'Asie Mineure (Paris

1955) LSCG F. Soko lowsk i , Lois sacrées des cités grecques (Paris

1969) LSJ H . G. L i d d e l l , R. Scott, and H . S. Jones, A Greek-

English Lexicon ( O x f o r d 1925-1940) LSS F. Soko lowsk i , Lois sacrées des cités grecques, supple

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Le récit épique et didactique des Travaux de Ninurta, du Déluge et de la Nouvelle Création, v o l . I (Leiden 1983) Translation: Bottéro and Kramer (1989) 340-368

Maqlû G. Meier, Die assyrische Beschwörungssammlung Maqlû (Ber l in 1937)

PGM K . Preisendanz, ed. , Papyri Graecae Magicae (Leipzig 1928-31 1 , Stuttgart 1973-74 2)

RE Paulys Realencyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft (Stuttgart 1894-1980)

RIA Reallexikon der Assyriologie (Ber l in 1932-) RML W. H . Roscher, ed. , Ausführliches Lexikon der grie

chischen und römischen Mythologie (Leipzig 1884-1937) SAHG A . Falkenstein and W. von Soden, Sumerische und Ak-

kadische Hymnen und Gebete ( Z u r i c h 1953) Shurpu E. Reiner, ed. , A Collection of Sumerian and Akkadian

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N O T E S

Introduction

1. 2. 142. 2. See The Oxford English Dictionary V I I (1933) 199; E. Littré,

Dictionnaire de la tangue française V (1857) 1125; J. G r i m m , Deutsches Wörterbuch V I I (1889) 1345. The antithesis oriens-occidens or iginated i n R o m a n imper ia l adminis t ra t ion and was taken up i n Christ ian Lat in l iterature; see Thesaurus Linguae Latinae I X 2, 2004.52 ff. The m o t t o " E x Or iente L u x " is m o d e r n .

3. The e t y m o l o g y o f Kabe i ro i f r o m Semitic kabir, great, goes back to J. J. Scaliger, Coniectanea in M. Terentium de Lingua I.atina (1565) 146 ( I owe this reference to A . K u r m a n n ) ; see H e m b e r g C 1 95°) 318-320; contra,). Wackernagel produced an Indian e t y m o l ogy, ZVS 41 (1907) 316-318, R Kretschmer another e t y m o l o g y f r o m Asia M i n o r , ZVS 55 (1928) 82-88. The idea o f "great" gods expressed by the Semitic root kbr is n o w definitely attested for N o r t h Syria i n the th i r teenth century B .C . : The new texts f r o m Emar have personal names such as Rasap-Kabar and Baal-Kabar, "Reshep" or "Baal is great," A r n a u d (1985/87) n o . 15, l ine 15; no . 20, p. 23 f. T h e equation o f Kadmos w i t h Semitic qdm, East, is traced back to 1646 by Edwards (1979) 58 n.6o; that o f Europa w i t h crb, sunset, West, is ancient: ETJOU'OTÏ]- f| %(î)Qa xf\ç bvaewç, Hsch. ; cf. Edwards 78 f.; see also B u r k e r t (1991). O n lapetos see Chapter i , " T h e Prob lem o f Loan-Words , " note 37.

4. R. Pfeiffer, History of Classical Scholarship from 1300 to 1850 (1976) 173 gives m o r e precise i n f o r m a t i o n ; see also E. Schröder, "Phi lologiae studiosus," NJb 32 (1913) 168-171; E. J. Kenney, The

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Classical Text (1974) 98 n. 1; H . Lloyd-Jones, Blood for the Ghosts (1982) 169 n.8.

5. The German t e r m was Stammeskultur. See B u r k e r t (1980) 162-168 and the provocative study o f Bernal (1987), w h o is sharply critical o f this ant i -or iental stance; see for discussion o f his pos i t ion: " T h e Challenge o f 'Black A t h e n a , ' " Arethusa special issue 1989. K. O . Mül ler had challenged the Semitic e t y m o l o g y o f the name Kadmos: Orchomenos und die Minyer (1820) 113-122 and (1844 2) 107-116.

6. See L. Pol iakov, Le my the arien (1971), The Aryan Myth (1974), A basic contrast between Greeks and Semites is stated, e.g., by F. G. Welcker, Griechische Götterlehre I (1857) 116-118—a scholar w h o was a n y t h i n g but n a r r o w - m i n d e d .

7. See, e.g., K. Lehrs, Populäre Aufsätze aus dem Alterthum (1856) v i i i ; cf. (1875 2) v i : "dass ich unter Griechen dasjenige Volk verstehe, welches i n Griechenland w o h n t e u n d Griechen hiess, durchaus keine N a t i o n a m Ganges oder Himalaya . " See also idem, Kleine Schriften (1902) 388 f. K a r l Lehrs was b o r n a Jew, but assimilated to German-Chr i s t ian culture.

8. See also the arguments o f E. Zel ler against the supposed oriental " o r i g i n " o f Greek phi losophy in his Die griechische Philosophie in ihrer geschichtlichen Entwicklung I 2 (1856) 18-34 a n d I 6 ( i 9 i 9 ) 21-52; H . Diels uses a sharper tone i n his rev iew o f Gruppe (1887), AGPh 2 (1889) 88-93 ; i d e m , "Thaies ein Semite?" i b i d . 165-170.

9. U . von W i l a m o w i t z - M o e l l e n d o r f f , Homerische Untersuchungen (1884) 215: "die seit Jahrhunderten faulenden völker u n d Staaten der Semiten und Aegypter, die den Hellenen t rotz ihrer alten cultur nichts hatten abgeben können als ein paar Handfertigkeiten und techniken, abgeschmackte trachten und gerate, zopfige Ornamente, wider l iche fetische für noch widerl ichere götzen" ; i d e m , Hellenistische Dichtung I (1924) 2: "aus dem O r i e n t und ist dem echten H e l -lenentum t o d f e i n d " ; see also i d e m , Aus Kydathen (1880) 40; he also w r o t e that Poseidonios is " d o c h schon orientalisch in f i z i e r t " (Die Kultur der Gegenwart [1910 3] 145), a l though "eine Naturwissenschaft w i e die des Poseidonios hat ke in Semit i m A l t e r t u m auch nur v o n fern begrif fen" (Der Glaube der Hellenen I I [1932] 403). Yet he acknowledges the parallel o f Hes iod and A m o s , Antigonos von Karystos (1881) 314 f., and provides more balanced j u d g m e n t s o n the or iental iz ing per iod i n Der Glaube der Hellenen I (1931) 76, I I

154


(1932) 7. W i l a m o w i t z had learned H e b r e w at Schulpforta'—see his Inwieweit befriedigen die Schlüsse der erhaltenen griechischen Trauerspiele? ed. W. M . Calder (1974) 116 f . — b u t he did not let this show in his later publications.

10. As a young m a n W i l a m o w i t z r idiculed Schliemann; see his Erinnerungen (1928) 148. The interrelations o f Mycenaean civi l izat i o n and H o m e r d r e w attent ion esp. in English scholarship; an i n fluential synthesis was given by M . P. Ni l sson, Homer and Mycenae (1933) ; see esp. 19-30 on the h is tory o f scholarship.

11. A . Jeremias , Izdubar-Nimrod, eine altbabylonische Heldensage (1891) and RML (1890/94) I I 773-823, repudiat ing the reading "Gi lgamesh, " 774; " I z d u b a r " also i n H . Usener, Die Sintfluthsagen (1899) 4 ff., w h o tries to prove the independence o f the Greek m y t h o f the flood f r o m the Semites. In RE I A 1405 (Tkac, 1920) one finds "G i s -dubarru , auch Gibi l -gamis und N a m r u d u genannt." O n the forms o f spell ing Gilgamesh i n cunei form see H . Z i m m e r n in Oberhuber (1977) 23.

12. See W i l a m o w i t z , Die Heimkehr des Odysseus (1927) v i , about "d ie A n f ä n g e der Assyr io logie , die ich miter lebt habe": " a u f dem Nachbargebiet wartet man besser ab." The slogan "Babel und B i b e l " was launched by t w o lectures given i n the presence o f the emperor by E Delitzsch, published i n Ber l in i n 1903; the designat i o n "Panbabylonismus" was used by A . Jeremias i n his preface to Das Alte Testament im Lichte des alten Orients (1906 2, 19304); see also A . Jeremias, Die Panbabylonisten (1907); Handbuch der altorientalischen Geisteskultur (1913, 1929 2); H . Winckler , Die babylonische Geisteskultur (1907, 19122); P. Jensen, Das Gilgamesch-Epos in der Weltliteratur I / I I (1906/28); see also Jensen (1912/13) and (1924).

13. W i r t h (1921); see Chapter 3. As to the h is tory o f re l ig ion , only Farnell (1911) under took methodical discussion; see Chapter 2, " P u r i f i c a t i o n . "

14. E. Meyer, Geschichte des Altertums I (1884), P (1913); o r i ental h is tory and classical h is tory were also combined i n the w o r k o f C. E L e h m a n n - H a u p t ; W. O t t o changed the t i t le o f Handbuch der klassischen Altertumswissenschaft to Handbuch der Altertumswissenschaft i n 1920. M u c h earlier A . Boeckh and E H u l t s c h had proved remarkable connections between Greek and oriental c iv i l izat ion in metrology , the system o f measures and weights.

15. J. Beloch, " D i e Phoeniker am aegaeischen Meer," RhM 49

155


(1894) m - 1 3 2 ; i d e m , Griechische Geschichte I (1893) 75 f., 167 f. and I 2 2 (1913) 65-76. O n Julius Beloch see A . M o m i g l i a n o , Terzo contribute alia storia degli studi classici e del mondo antico (1966) 2 3 9 -269; K . Chr i s t , Von Gibbon zu Rostovtzeff (1979) 248-285. I n fact even F. C. Movers , Die Phönizier (1841/56), L e w y (1895), and B r o w n (1898) had remained outsiders, as d i d Berard (1902/03 and many later publ icat ions) . For corrections o f Beloch's picture o f the Phoenicians see Niemeyer (1982), esp. the article by Coldstream.

16. H o g a r t h (1909) had concentrated o n Ionia. Poulsen (1912) also dealt w i t h H o m e r (168-183). See also Mül ler (1929), Barnett (1956), A k u r g a l (1968), and S t r e m (1971); cf. Chapter 1, " O r i e n t a l Products i n Greece."

17. See Schefold (1967) 19: "Es ist also eine n icht sehr g lückliche Gewohnhei t , die K u n s t des 7. Jahrhunderts 'oriental is ierend' zu nennen." The t e r m the orientalizing revolution is f r o m B o a r d m a n (1990).

18. See his rev iew o f CAH i n Gnomon 7 (1931) 65-74. 19. F. B o l l and K . Bezold , Reflexe astrologischer Keilinschriften

bei griechischen Schriftstellern, Sitzungsber. Heidelberg 1911.7; i d e m , Zenit- und Aequatorialgestirne am babylonischen Fixsternhimmel, i b i d . 1913.11; i d e m , "E ine neue babylonisch-griechische Parallele," i n Aufsätze zur Kultur- und Sprachgeschichte E. Kuhn gewidmet (1916) 226-235; i d e m , Sternglaube und Sterndeutung (1918, 19314); F. B o l l , " Z u r babylonischen Planetenordnung," ZA 25 (1911) 372-377; i d e m , "Neues zur babylonischen Planetenordnung," i b i d . 28 (1914) 340-351; i d e m , Antike Beobachtungen farbiger Sterne, A b h . München 30 (1916). Boll 's ob i tuary o f Car l Bezold is i n F. B o l l , Kleine Schriften zur Sternkunde des Altertums (1950) 397-405; cf. i b i d . x x i i i f.; O . Neugebauer, " Z u r Geschichte des Pythagoräischen Lehrsatzes," NGG math.-ph. Kl. (1928) 45-48; cf. B u r k e r t (1972) 429.

20. Dornse i f f (1933) 25-27, f o l l o w i n g E. H o n i g m a n n , RE I V A (1932) 1577 s.v. Syria; and W. Porzig , " I l luyankas u n d T y p h o n , " i n Kleinasiatische Forschungen I 3 (1930) 379-386. See further D o r n seiff (1934) and (1937).

21. H . G. Güterbock , Kumarbi, Mythen vom churritischen Kronos (1946) and The Song of Ullikummi (1952); Lesky (1950), (1954), (1955); D i r l m e i e r (1955); Heubeck (1955); Steiner (1959); Walcot (1966); West (1966); see already Dornse i f f (1937) = (1959) 55-

156

j N O T E S T O P A G E S 5 - 8

22. Lesky (1955); D i r l m e i e r (1955); G o r d o n (1955) w i t h the rev iew o f Lesky Gnomon 29 (1957) 321-325; Webster (1956) and (1958); H . Haag, Homer, Ugarit und das Alte Testament (1962); go ing too far was A s t o u r (1965), crit icized b y j . Boardman, CR 16 (1966) 86-88 .

23. Eissfeldt (1939), (1952); Heubeck (1955); see n o w B a u m -garten (1981).

24. See G o r d o n (1955), Webster (1958), A s t o u r (1965) w i t h his characteristic subtit le , Harmat ta (1968), Laroche (1973), Stella (1978), D u c h e m i n (1980a) 848 f.; J. Bouzek, The Aegean, Anatolia and Europe: Cultural Interrelations in the 2nd Millennium B.C. (1985); J. L. Crowley , The Aegean and the East (1989); C. L a m b r o u -Phi l ippson, Hellenorientalia: The Near Eastern Presence in the Bronze Age Aegean, ca. 3000-1100 B.C. (1990).

25. A . Rehm, Handbuch der Archäologie I (1939) 197 f.; cf. 194 f.: " l ieber ins X . als ins I X . Jahrhundert" ; hence G. Klaffenbach, Griechische Epigraphik (1957) 35, more cautious (1966 2) 36; see also W Schadewaldt, Von Homers Welt und Werk (1951 2) 26 and 94 n.4; Heubeck (1955) 521 n.56: " A u f alle Fälle k o m m e n w i r beträchtlich vor die Epoche der 'orientalisierenden' K u n s t . " The early date for Greek w r i t i n g was refuted by je f f e ry (1961); see Chapter 1, " W r i t i n g and Literature i n the E i g h t h Century . "

26. See Chapter 1. 27. See alsojeffery (1976), M u r r a y (1980). 28. I t was Heubeck (1955) w h o argued for post-Mycenaean

transmission o f eastern, esp. H i t t i t e m y t h o l o g y ; see also F. Scha-chermeyr, Die griechische Rückerinnerung im Lichte neuer Forschungen, Sitzungsber. Wien 404 (1983) 23.

29. Od. 17.383-385. See Contents . 30. See esp. Walcot (1966) and West (1966), (1978b). A n i m

portant new parallel to the adornment o f Pandora is W. R. Mayer

(1987). 31. The locus classicus for this thesis is already [Plat .] Epin.

987d; cf. O r i g . Cels. 1.2. 32. The author is a Flellenist, not an orientalist, but he has

made some effort to study the Semitic texts i n the or ig inal . 33. Special fields are d r i f t i n g apart: The extremely useful ar

ticle " G r i e c h e n " by W. Röl l ig in RIA I I I (1971) 643-647 ignores the presence o f Greeks i n Syria and Ci l ic ia d u r i n g the e ighth century,

I

' 57

N O T E S T O P A G E S O - I I

hence judges the oldest cune i form text about Greeks (see Chapter i , " H i s t o r i c a l B a c k g r o u n d , " note 15) to be " q u i t e uncerta in" (643), and states that there can be no question o f any direct influence on H o m e r ("dass etwa von einem direkten Einfluss auf H o m e r . . . keine Rede sein k a n n , " 646).

/. "Who Are Public Workers" H I S T O R I C A L B A C K G R O U N D

1. For a historical survey see CAH I I I 3, i n c l u d i n g Braun (1982a), (1982b); K lengel (1980); M u r r a y (1980). A keen and inter esting study by Mazzar ino (1947) is n o w outdated i n some respects; see also A . M o m i g l i a n o , Quarto contribute alia storia degli studi classici e del mondo antico (1969) 581-588. The names o f Assyrian and Baby lonian kings usually appear i n four variants i n our t r a d i t i o n , depending on the H e b r e w Bible , the Greek Bible (Septuagint), the Lat in B ib le , and technical t ranscr ipt ion o f A k k a d i a n , respectively. Here the (questionable) praxis o f CAH2 is fo l lowed.

2. See Sendschitii I - V (the Turk i sh name o f this site has been spelled Z i n c i r l i since the i n t r o d u c t i o n o f the Lat in alphabet in T u r key) ; Landsberger (1948); more recent special studies are Winter (1973), Genge (1979), and a survey i n van L o o n (1991) 1-15.

3. A bronze b o w l w i t h a Phoenician inscr ipt ion was found i n a t o m b at Knossos, dated about 900 B .C . : Arch.Rep. 1976/77, 11-14; M . Sznycer, Kadmos 18 (1979) 8 9 - 9 3 ; Coldstream (1982) 263, 271, p i . 27. See also Stucky (1981), B l o m e (1982).

4. See O p p e n h e i m (1967/69), Wafler (1982), Rôl l ig (1982) 26. 5. See Chapter 1, " W r i t i n g and Literature i n the E i g h t h Cen

t u r y . " 6. See V. Karageorghis , Kition, Mycenaean and Phoenician

(1976); i d e m , Excavations at Kition I I I (1977) 7-10; N . Coldstream, JHS 102 (1982) 288 f., i n his review o f V. Karageorghis and J. Des Gagniers, La céramique chypriote de style figuré (1974/79); C o l d stream, Archaeology in Cyprus (1985) 58. Cf. i n general S. Frankenstein, " T h e Phoenicians in the Far West: A Funct ion o f N e o -Assyrian I m p e r i a l i s m , " i n Power and Propaganda, ed. M . Trol le Larsen (1979) 263-294.

7. See Wool ley (1953); M u r r a y (1980) 91-93; Boardman (1980) 35-54 and (1990); B r a u n (1982a) 7-11; Coldstream (1982) 262; Riis (1982).

158

N O T E S T O P A G E 1 2

8. B o a r d m a n (1965) and (1980) 45 f. 9. Riis (1970), and (1982); R C o u r b i n , "Fragments d'amphores

protogéometr iques grecques à Bassit," i n Resurrecting the Past, ed. P. Matth iae , M . van L o o n , and FL Weiss (1990) 4 9 - 6 4 .

10. Popham, Sackett, and Themelis (1980); cf. Arch.Rep. 1984/ 85 (relations to Athens and to the O r i e n t ) and 1988/89, 117-129; the Fleroon o f the tenth century: M . R. Popham, " T h e H e r o o f I .efkandi ," Antiquity 51 (1982) 169-176. Euboea has made its i m pact o n H o m e r i c studies: West (1978a), (1978b) 29 f., (1988) 165-169; P. Wathelet, "La langue homérique et le rayonnement littéraire de l 'Eubée , " AC 50 (1981) 819-833; B l o m e (1984). West thinks (oral c o m m u n i c a t i o n ) that " farther than Euboea" i n the m o u t h o f imaginary Phaeacians (Od. 7.321) means that, e contrario, Euboea is the center i n the real w o r l d .

11. The finds, m a i n l y due to G i o r g i o Büchner, have never been fu l ly published; the greatest sensation was created by the "cup o f N e s t o r " i n 1955. See G. Buchner i n Ridgway and Ridgway (1979) 129-144 and (1982); B o a r d m a n (1980) 165-169; Kopeke (1990) i o i - n o ; on E g y p t i a n objects Hölbl (1979); on the documents for w r i t i n g see Chapter 1, " W r i t i n g and Literature i n the E i g h t h Cent u r y . "

12. See Chapter 1, " W r i t i n g and Literature in the E i g h t h Cent u r y . "

13. O n solos see Chapter 1, " T h e Prob lem o f Loan-Words , " note 29. For " C h a l k i s " see M . Meier, -id-. Zur Geschichte eines griechischen Nominalsuffixes (1975) 52 f.; Tarsis, f oundry (Assyrian ra-sasu): W. F. A l b r i g h t , BASOR 81 (1941) 14 f.; i t is controversial whether Tarsis refers to Tarsos or to some place i n Spain: M . K o c h , Tarschisch (1984).

14. Od. 1.184; the place-name mentioned i n this verse was controversial already i n ant iqui ty : T e u i o n v is the reading o f the manuscripts and should refer to a place i n southern Italy, but Steph.Byz. s.v. Tamasos attests Tdjxaoov , i.e., a c i ty i n Cyprus ; cf. B r a u n (1982a) 13; K . H a d j i i o a n n o u , AA 81 (1966) 205-210, suggested EC T ' "Akaaiv, Alasia being the Bronze Age name either o f Cyprus or o f the most i m p o r t a n t c i ty o f Cyprus ( E n k o m i ) .

15. H . W. Saggs, Iraq 25 (1963) 76-78; Braun (1982a) 15. The bronze plaques o f K i n g Hazael, p iously dedicated to Hera o f Samos and A p o l l o o f Eretria i n consequence (see Chapter 1, " O r i e n t a l

159

N O T E S T O P A G E S 1 2 - 1 3

Products i n Greece," note 14), may wel l have been looted at such an occasion. Eph c a l and Naveh (1989) conclude f r o m the inscr ipt ion " W h a t Hadad has given to L o r d Hazael f r o m U m q i . . ." that H a -zael h i m s e l f had taken the pieces as booty, but they do n o t see such a chance for Greeks (200).

16. Beloch (1913) I 2 2 67 f.; L. W. K i n g , JHS 30 (1910) 327-335; Luckenbi l l (1933); Mazzar ino (1947) 112-130; B r a u n (1982a) 1-5. "Jawan" appears a m o n g the progeny o f N o a h i n the "table o f nat ions" i n Genesis 10:2-4; his "sons" seem to refer to C y p r u s , Tarsos, and Rhodes; see West (1985) 14 f.

17. A n insc r ip t ion o f Essarhaddon has b o t h names, Iadnana and lawan, and keeps t h e m dist inct ; see Hirschberg (1932) 68; B o r -ger (1956) 86 § 57 l ine 10; cf. L u c k e n b i l l (1933), B r a u n (1982a) 3, 20; against Beloch and Mazzar ino, w h o identif ied b o t h names. A l l the evidence about Iadnana and Iamani is i n S. Parpola, Neo-Assyrian Toponyms (1970) 183, 186 f.

18. //. 13.685. U . v o n W i l a m o w i t z - M o e l l e n d o r f f , Die Mas und Homer (1916) 227 n . i , w r o t e : " D i e Ionier sind m i t den Athenern i d e n t i s c h " — f o r h i m , this is a " l a te " interpolat ion ; he was unaware o f the importance o f Euboea and Athens i n the e ighth century. The p r o b l e m about TdFoveg is that especially i n the A t t i c / I o n i a n dialect F had disappeared early and contract ion occurred, result ing i n Ttoveg. I t has been suggested that ' IdFoveg is m u c h older than the e ighth century; see J. C h a d w i c k i n Greece and the Eastern Mediterranean in Ancient History and Prehistory, Studies Presented to F. Scha-chermeyr (1977) 106-109: " A g r o u p o f the Mycenaean inhabitants o f Greece called themselves TdFoveg" (109). Yet i t is a fact that the uncontracted f o r m remained i n current use, and this is hardly a result o f the epic t r a d i t i o n : I t must have been used by non-Ionians, i .e. , Dor ians and Cyprians ; Tarsos, Cyprus , and Rhodes were p r o m i n e n t i n the v i e w f r o m the East (see note 16 above); people f r o m these places w i l l have referred to Euboeans and Athenians as Iawones. For Persians speaking o f Iaones, see Aesch. Persae, A r i s -t o p h . Ach. 104. Even the " l o n i a n s " o f Sicily do not stem f r o m Asia M i n o r , but f r o m e ighth-century Naxos . The " I o n i a n " sea seems to m a r k the Euboean-Naxian route to I ta ly and Sici ly (a lthough the development f r o m * T a o v t o g to Tovtog is not w i t h o u t di f f iculty either).

19. Stele o f K i t i o n : Luckenb i l l (1927) I I §§ 179-189; cf. §§ 70,

• 160 •

N O T E S T O P A G E S 1 3 - I 4

99; Elayi and Cavigneau (1979). Iamani : Luckenbi l l (1927) I I §§ 30, 62-63 , 7 9 - 8 o , 294-295; ANET 285 f.; hailed by H . Bengtson, Griechische Geschichtc (1950) 21 and 69, (1977 5) 24 and 77, as the first contact o f Greeks and Assyrians, H . Tadmor, JCS 12 (1958) 80 n.219; Elayi and Cavigneau (1979) plead to understand Iamani as a personal name o f local type, not meaning " the Greek."

20. See Laminger-Pascher (1989) 16-25. 21. Berossos; FGrHist 680 F 7 p. 386; Abydenos: FGrHist 685

F 5 § 6; Streck (1916) cccxc i - i i i . The more authentic t rad i t ion is to be found w i t h Abydenos ; see M o m i g l i a n o (1934); cf. Mazzarino (1947) 125 f., B o a r d m a n (1965).

22. Borger (1956) 60; Luckenbi l l (1927) I I § 690. 23. First ment ioned by H d t . 2.150.3 and Hel lanikos , FGrHist

4 F 63, i .e . , before the histories o f Ktesias. See Streck (1916) I ccc lxxxv i - cdv ; an i m p o r t a n t document is Streck I I 140 f , the p r i s m o f Ashurbanipal conta in ing a list o f kings o f Cyprus ; cf. C. Bau-ra in , BCH 105 (1981) 366-370.

24. Hence G. Scheibner, Wissenschaftliche Zeitschrift der Friedrich-Schiller-Universitat Jena, gesellsch. u. sprachwiss., Reihe 15 ( T 965) 93-96 , th inks this is a terminus ante quern for the H o m e r i c poems w h i c h acknowledge the riches o f Sidon; cf. B u r k e r t , WSt 89 (1976) 20.

25. For the various consecutive versions o f the contacts w i t h Lydia i n Ashurbanipal 's Annals see Cogan and Tadmor (1977); the final version is i n Streck (1916) I I 20-23; cf- Luckenbi l l (1927) I I §§ 849, 909 f.

26. Herodotus 5.49-53 describes the "Royal R o a d " w h i c h sti l l goes via G o r d i o n i n Phrygia ; i .e . , i t presupposes the route P h r y g i a -Ci l i c ia -Assyr ia , whereas X e n o p h o n i n the service o f Cyrus t o o k the shorter route via K e l a i n a i - I k o n i o n . See R. W Macan, Herodotus Books IV V VI (1895) I I 289-303; H a n f m a n n (1948). Before the discoveries at Euboea and A l M i n a , scholars, f o l l o w i n g H o g a r t h (1909), had overestimated the importance o f " I o n i a " in Asia M i n o r as to oriental contacts for the early per iod. Barnett (1956) had assumed another route f r o m U r a r t u to Trapezunt at the Black Sea; contra, Carter (1972) 41 w i t h n . 86. For a reassessment o f the development o f Ionia see R. M . C o o k , " Ionia and Greece i n the E i g h t h and Seventh Centuries B .C . , " JHS 66 (1946) 67-98.

161

N O T E S T O P A G E S I 5 - I 6

O R I E N T A L P R O D U C T S I N GREECE

1. See Poulsen (1912), D u n b a b i n (1957), A k u r g a l (1968), H e r r m a n n (1975), He lck , (1979), B o a r d m a n (1980), Braun (1982a), Kopeke (1990); cf. also I n t r o d u c t i o n at note 16.

2. Barnett (1948), (1956); Greifenhagen (1965); B. Freyer-Schauenburg, Elfenbeine aus dem samischen Heraion (1966); E.-L. M a r a n g o u , Lakonische Elfenbein- und Beinschnitzereien (1969); I . Winter, Iraq 38 (1976) 1-26; G. H e r r m a n n , Iraq 51 (1989) 85-109; see also Helck (1979) 175 n.28; B o a r d m a n (1980) 62 f., w h o also illustrates the remarkable i v o r y statuettes f r o m a t o m b at Athens, t h i r d quarter o f the e ighth century.

3. E. D i e h l , AA 1965, 827-850; R. A . Stucky, Engraved Tri-dacna Shells (1974); Boardman (1980) 71 f.; S. Boessneck and A . von den Driesch, MDAI (Athens) 98 (1983) 22-24.

4. //. 14.183; see C. Kardara, AJA 65 (1961) 62-64; c f - E- L. Smithson, Hesperia 37 (1968) 77-116 w i t h p i . 33: a necklace f r o m a t o m b at the Areopagus, Athens, m i d - n m t h century; Popham, Sackett, and Themehs (1980) 221 p i . 2 3 i d ; cf. BSA 77 (1982) p i . 30b: i m p o r t and local i m i t a t i o n ; see further Helck (1979) 203 f.; Boardman (1980) 76; Coldstream (1982) 266.

5. J. Boa rd man, Island Gems (1963) and Archaic Greek Gems (1968); B o a r d m a n and Vbllenweider (1978); Boardman (1980) 71; and AA 1990, 1-17; a deposit at the temple o f A p o l l o , Eretria: BCH 103 (1979) 597-599 and 104 (1980) 657 f. f ig . 156; Arch.Rep, 1980/ 81, 8 f ig . 8.

6. Boardman and Büchner (1966); cf. P. Zazoff, Die antiken Gemmen (1983) 59.

7. Popham, Sackett, and Themel is (1980) pis. 233c, 2350-e; Coldst ream (1982) 264 f.; C. Berard, Eretria I I I : L'Heroon ä la Porte de VOuest (1970) 14-16; M u r r a y (1980) 70.

8. A . Furtwängler , " D i e Bronzen und die übrigen kleineren Funde v o n O l y m p i a , " i n Olympia I V (1890) 187; E. D i e h l , A A 1965, 823-827 (Samos); H . Gallet de Santerre and J. Treheux, BCH 71/72 (1947/48) 240-243 f lg . 39 (Delos).

9. //. 23.741-745; Od.4. 615-619; for the shield o f Achil les, //. 18, see Fittschen (1973). T h e bronze and silver bowls have been comprehensively treated by M a r k o e (1985); earlier studies include K. Kubier , Kerameikos V 1 (1954) 201-205; Canciani (1970); Carter

• 162 •


(1972); Imai (1977); Bore l l (1978) 74-92. See, in general, Curt is (1988) , esp. G. Falsone, "Phoenicia as a B r o n z e w o r k i n g Centre i n the I r o n Age , " 227-250.

10. O l y m p i a : Fur twängler (see above, note 8) 141 p i . 52; CIS I I 112 (not in K/47). B o w l f r o m Pontecagnano near Salerno, i n the Tyskiewicz C o l l e c t i o n , Paris: B. D ' A g o s t i n o , Stud.Etr. 45 (1977) 51-58; G. Garb in i , i b i d . 58-62 . Praeneste, I 'omba Bernardini : CIS I 164; Guzzo Amadasi (1967) 157 f. Falerii: M . Cristofani and P. Fronzardi , Stud.Etr. 39 (1971) 313-331. See also above, "His tor ica l Background , " note 40, on the Phoenician b o w l f r o m Knossos. Cf. Bore l l (1978) 80-82 .

11. To be published by B. Seidel-Borell ; cf. E. Kunze, Arch.Delt. 17 B (1961/62) 115 f. pis. 129-130 and 19 B (1964) p i . 181 b-c ; A . M a l l w i t z and H . V. H e r r m a n n , Die Funde aus Olympia (1980) 53 f. pis. 23-24. For a Late H i t t i t e l i o n p r o t o m e found at O l y m p i a ( f r o m a vot ive shield?), see Illustrated London News, 25 July 1964, 121; H . V. H e r r m a n n , 10. Bericht über die Ausgrabungen in Olympia (1981) 72-82.

12. H . V. H e r r m a n n , Die Kessel der orientalisierenden Zeit IUI (Olympische Forschungen 6 and n ) (1966, 1979); cf. i d e m , Jdl 81 (1966) 79-141; H e r r m a n n (1975) 306 f.; Boardman (1980) 64-67.

13. Kunze (1931); Canciani (1970); H e r r m a n n , Olympische Forschungen 6 (1966) 179-185 and (1975) 308, thinks they are i m ports; He lck (1979) 191 f.; Boardman (1980) 58-60; H . Verbrug-gen, Le Zeus cretois (1981) 71-99; B l o m e (1982) 15-23; Kopeke (1990) 111 th inks o f a cult by "Semites"; sec also at n. 38. For recent excavations in the Idaean cave see J. A . Sakellarakis i n H ä g g , M a rinatos, and N o r d q u i s t (1988) 173-193, esp. n.6.

14. H e r r m a n n (1975) 308 f.; He lck (1979) 187-190; B u r k e r t (1979) 114-118; Boardman (1980) 69 f.; H . Phi l ipp , 10. Bericht über die Ausgrabungen in Olympia (1981) 91-108. Hazael's bronze plates: Charbonnet (1986); Kyrieleis and Röl l ig (1988); B r o n and Lemaire (1989) ; D . Parayre, Rev. d'Ass. 83 (1989) 45-51 ; Eph c al and Naveh (1989); possibly looted first by Hazael, then by Greeks (see " H i s torical B a c k g r o u n d , " note 15).

15. Coldstream (1969), (1982) 268 f.; on Beloch, see I n t r o d u c t i o n at note 15 and below, note 37. There are Greek testimonies as to Phoenicians at Rhodes ( A t h . 360 f. = Ergias, FGrHist 513 F 1; Polyzelos, FGrHist 521 F 6), and Zeus Atabyr ios at Rhodes seems

•63


to be the Baal f r o m T a b o r / A t a b y r i o n ; A . B. C o o k , Zeus I I 2 (1925) 922-925; O . Eissfeldt, Kleine Schriften I I (1963) 29-54 ; H e l c k (1979) 160.

16. G. M . H a n f m a n n , Bibl.Or. 30 (1973) 199; and H . V. H e r r m a n n , Gnomon 47 (1975) 401, i n their reviews o f Jantzen (1972); cf. B ô r k e r - K l a h n (1973); Hazael's bronze plate, note 14, above.

17. See notes 4, 5, and 7 as to Eretria and Athens , notes n - 1 2 as to O l y m p i a ; C. Rolley, "Bronzes géométr iques et or ientaux à D é l o s , " B C H s u p p l . 1 (1973) 523 f.

18. W. L. B r o w n ( i960) ; S t r a m (1971); A . Rathje i n R idgway and R idgway (1979) 145-183; Verzâr (1980); E. Richardson, Etruscan Votive Bronzes (1983).

19. Not.Scav. 1876, 282-295; C. D . C u r t i s , " T h e Bernard in i T o m b , " Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 3 (1919) 9 - 9 0 ; G. Pro iet t i and M . Pa l lot t ino , II Museo Nazionale Etrusco di Villa Giulia (1980) nos. 363-379; Civiltà del Lazio primitivo (1976) 213-249; A . B e d i n i , PP 32 (1977) 274-309.

20. See notes 2, 12, and 40. 21. See A h l b e r g (1967), (1971); B o r e l l (1978); Helck (1979)

192; B o a r d m a n (1980) 77-82; Stucky (1982). 22. O n the "mistress/master o f animals" see B l o m e (1982) 6 5 -

76; B. Johnson, Lady of the Beasts (1988). The pattern is found at Mycenae as wel l as on one o f the Cassite seals w h i c h came f r o m Mesopotamia to Bronze A g e Thebes (P. A m i e t , Orientalia 34 [1976] 28 f i g . 13; K. D e m a k o p o u l o u and D . Konsola , Archaeological Museum of Thebes [1981] 52 f ) , but i t also appears again and again o n objects i m p o r t e d d u r i n g the or iental iz ing per iod. B o a r d m a n (1980) 78 finds i t " v i r t u a l l y impossible to demonstrate the transmiss ion" i n such cases. For one l ine o f t r a d i t i o n w h i c h goes f r o m Syria to Boeotia see Coldst ream (1977) 13; cf. He lck (1971) 223-229, (1979) 210.

23. For some t i m e a geometric representation f r o m Athens, m i d - e i g h t h century, was held to be the first example (Schefold [1964] p i . 5a), u n t i l a n i n t h - c e n t u r y picture appeared at Knossos; H . Sackett, BSA 71 (1976) 123 f.; B o a r d m a n (1980) 78. See i n general W. L. B r o w n ( i960) ; Gabelmann (1965); Carter (1972); B l o m e (1982) 93-97 and AA 1988, 559-565; G. E. M a r k o e , ClAnt 8 (1989) 86-115. O n the e t y m o l o g y o f the w o r d lion see Chapter 1, " T h e P r o b l e m o f Loan-Words , " note 30.

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N O T E S T O P A G E S 1 0 - 2 0

24. H e l c k (1979) 194-197; B o a r d m a n (1980) 78 f. O n the sphinx, see Vermeil le (1977) and H . Demisch , Die Sphinx (1977) 77-82. O n griff ins, see A . Dier ichs , Das Bild des Greifen in der früh-griechischen Flächenkunst (1981) 275-294.

25. " C h i m a e r a " o f Carchemish: E. A k u r g a l , Die Kunst der Hethiter (197Ö 2) p i . n o ; o f Z i n c i r l i : Sendschirli I I I (1902) p l . 43; cf. Helck (1979) 212 f.; B o a r d m a n (1980) 79.

26. O n fishmen, called kulilu in A k k a d i a n (AHw 501), see E. Unger , RIA I I I 70 f.; R i t t i g (1977) 94-96 ; Helck (1979) 219; R. Stucky, ed. , Trésors du musée de Bagdad (1977) no . 141. See also K . Shepart, The Fish-tailed Monster (1940); H . R Isler, Acheloos (1970) 92-95-

27. A remarkable "tree o f l i f e " appears o n the "Cesnola hater'; R R Kahane, AK 16 (1973) 114-138; see further C. R Kardara, " O r i e n t a l Influences o n Rhodian Vases," i n Les céramiques de la Grèce de l'est et leur diffusion en occident, C o l l . internat, du centre J. Bérard (1976/78) 66-70 ; B o a r d m a n (1980) 81 f.

28. For prothesis see K. A . Sheedy, MDAI (Athens) 105 (1990) 117-151; for s y m p o s i u m scenes H . Kyrieleis , Thronen und Klinen (1965); B . Fehr, Orientalische und griechische Gelage (1971); J . M . Dentzer, Le motif du banquet couché et le monde grec du Vile au IVe siècle avant J.-C. (1982) 143-153. A w e l l - k n o w n picture o f recl ining Herakles by the Andokides painter, LIMC Herakles no . 1487 (cf. i486) , is iconographical ly a direct descendant o f "Ashurbanipal 's garden party," Meissner (1920/25) I fig. 46.

29. E. Kunze, A&A 2 (1946) 95-115; D . C o l l o n , " T h e S m i t i n g G o d , " Levant 4 (1972) 111-134; B u r k e r t (1975); Helck (1979) 179-182; H . Seeden, The Standing Armed Figurines in the Levant (1980); H . Gallet de Santerre, "Les statuettes de bronze mycéniennes au type d i t d u 'dieu Rechef' dans leur contexte égéen," BCH n i (1987) 7-29; B l o m e (1990) nos. 12 and 16.

30. R Jacobsthal, Der Blitz in der orientalischen und griechischen Kunst (1906); additions and corrections i n G. Furlani , Stud.Etr, 5 (1931) 203-231; see also H . L. Lor imer , BSA 37 (1936-37), o n the god w i t h t w o l ightn ings , Zeus Dipal tos .

31. See R J. Riis, Berytus 9 (1949) 6 9 - 9 0 and ( i960) 193-198; Helck (1971) 233 f. and (1979) 173-177; Boardman (1980) 76 f.; U . Winter (1983); comprehensive treatment n o w i n B o e h m (1990).

32. For an Assyr ian image o f a goddess w i t h h i g h hat (polos)

165


at Samos, dated to the reign o f Sargon I I , seejantzen (1972) B 165 p i . 69; H e r r m a n n , Gnomon 47 (1975) 398; He lck (1979) 184-186; see also Kranz (1972).

33. See A . L. O p p e n h e i m , " T h e Golden Garments o f the Gods," JNES 8 ( i949) 172-193; Fleischer (1973) 96 and (on the fillet, "Rückentaenie" ) 50 f.; B ö r k e r and Klähn (1973) 45. Ishtar is said to " h o l d keppe" (e.g. , "Descent o f Ishtar" 27, ANET 107); according to B. Landsberger, WZKM 56 ( i960) 121-124 and 57 (1961) 23, this is a j u m p rope, "Spr ingse i l " (AHw 467); Landsberger refers to representations o f the goddess on seals such as W. H . Ward (1910) nos. 912-923; i n these the " r o p e " i n the hands o f the goddess, t h o u g h , is meant to be the seam o f her garment l i f ted up by her; cf. Helck (1971) 112 f. St i l l the s imi la r i ty to the r ibbons the goddess is h o l d i n g at Ephesos and Samos (Fleischer 102-111) is h i g h l y suggestive.

34. Samos: H . Walter, Das griechische Heiligtum. Heraion von Samos (1965) 28. Sparta: R. M . D a w k i n s , " T h e Sanctuary o f A r temis O r t h i a , " JHS suppl . 5 (1929) 163-186 pls. 47-62; B o a r d m a n (1980) 77; J. B. Carter, " T h e Masks o f O r t h e i a , " AJA 91 (1987) 355-383; her further suggestion ( in H ä g g , Mar inatos , and N o r d -quist [1988] 89-98) that the masks were used i n a sacred marriage r i tual i n the context o f Alkman's Partheneion w i l l hardly f ind consent. O n Mesopotamian and Syro-Phoenician masks, found i n tombs , see R. D . Barnett i n Elements ( i960) 147 f.; A . Parrot, Uga-ritica V I (1969) 409-418; S. Moscat i i n Near Eastern Studies in Honour ojW. F. Albright (1971) 356 f., 362 f.; I L K ü h n e , Bagdader Mitt. 7 (1974) 101-110; E. Stern, Palestine Exploration Quart. 108 (1976) 109-118; S. Moscat i , ed. , The Phoenicians (1988) 354-369; for three Punic protomes at B r a u r o n , see M . Be l l , Morgantina I (1981) 87; see also Chapter 2, "Hepatoscopy," note 23, H u m b a b a mask f r o m G o r t y n .

35. H . Luschey, Die Phiale (1939); cf. H e r r m a n n (1975) 309; B o a r d m a n (1980) 68. O n the use o f frankincense see K. Nielsen, Incense in Ancient Israel (1986); D . M a r t i n e t z , K. Löhs , and J. Jan-zen, Weihrauch und Myrrhe (1989); W. Z w i c k e l , Räucherkult und Räuchergeräte (1990); cf. Chapter 1, " T h e Prob lem o f Loan-Words , " at note 8.

36. See J. W. Shaw, Hesperia 51 (1982) 185-191 and AJA 93 (1989) 165-183; cf. B o a r d m a n (1990) 184; B l o m e (1991) 54L

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N O T E S T O P A G E S 2 I - 2 3

37. O n Phoenicians see D u n b a b i n (1957) 35-43; W. A , Ward (1968); esp. Coldst ream (1969), (1982); M u h l y (1970); Edwards (1979) ; Bunnens (1979); Niemeyer (1982); B a m m e r (1985); Gubel and L i p i n s k i (1985); Gehr ig and Niemeyer (1990), esp. J. Latacz, " D i e Phönizier bei H o m e r , " 11-20. The direct but late evidence o n Phoenicians i n Greece is collected by F. Vat t ion i , "Fenici , Siri e A r a b i emigrat i i n area greca," AION 9/10 (1987/88) 91-124. See also above, note 15; " H i s t o r i c a l B a c k g r o u n d , " notes 3, 6; for Be-loch, see I n t r o d u c t i o n at note 15.

38. B o a r d m a n (1961) 150 f.; (1967) esp. 63-67; (1970) 14-25; (1980) 56-62; see also Barnett (1948) 6; P. Jacobsthal, J HS 71 (1951) ,91-93; D u n b a b i n (1957) 40 f.; Greifenhagen (1965) 127, 136; Coldstream (1968) 348 f.; van L o o n (1974); M u r r a y (1980) 71.

39. Greifenhagen (1965); B o a r d m a n (1980) 71; Coldstream (1982) 266.

40. Van L o o n (1974) 23; cf. Boardman (1980) 57 w i t h n.73: "Techniques such as these cannot be learned by observation."

41. D u n b a b i n (1957) 37, 59 n.5; Riis ( i960) 197; Rizza and Santa Mar ia Scrinari (1968) 212-245; Boardman (1980) 76 f.; B l o m e (1982) 28-36; B o e h m (1990) 73-86.

42. H e r r m a n n prefers to t h i n k the t y m p a n o n found i n the Idaean cave (see note 13 above) was i m p o r t e d f r o m the East; (1975) 304; contra, B l o m e (1982) 16.

43. H e l c k (1979) 55, 226-228; cf. I . Winter (1973) 477-482; Grot tane l l i (1982b) 664.

44. Plut. Sol. 24.4: (xexoLXL^eaoai EJTL Tt%vr\i. See i n general F. Coare l l i , Artisti e artigiani in Grecia (1980); L. Neesen, Demiurgoi und Artifices. Studien zur Stellung freier Handwerker in antiken Städten (1989). '

45. C o r i n t h : H d t . 2.167.2; Athens: D i o d . 11.43.3. 46. See J. B o a r d m a n , "Amasis: The Impl icat ions o f His

N a m e , " i n Papers on the Amasis Painter and His World ( M a l i b u 1987), 141-152.

47. Ar i s t . Polit. 127837: ÖO'ÖXQV TÖ ßdvauaov f\ ^ e v i x ö v , ö iö-JTEQ o i JT0XX.01 TOiouTOt xcd vuv. Slave w o m e n were " t a k e n " and traded as weavers: II. 6.290 f., 23.263; Od. 15.418; cf. Helck (1979) 226 o n E g y p t . O n the "craftsmen's tax" (xEiQtovd^tov, Ar i s t . Oik. I345b7) and its Persian background see M . Wörrle , Chiron 9 (1979) 91 f.

167

N O T E S T O P A G E S 2 3 - 2 5

48. o l LIETCUTOQEUÖLIEVOI TE/VÎTCU: M . Wörrle , Chiron 9 (1979)

83-49. Sirac. 38.30, f o l l o w i n g the Syrian text ; see E. Kautzsch,

Die Apokryphen und Pseudepigraphen des Alten Testaments 1 (1900) 422.

50. S. K r o l l i n D . Ahrens , ed. , Archäologie entdeckt Geschichte: Urartu (1979) 53-

51. Strabo 5 p. 220: ETJJTOQICC onixiouoyorv X&V o"t)vaxoA.ou9r|-odvTCüv OLXO8EV; P l i n . N.H. 35.152; cf. 12.5: Heiko ex Helvetiis ob . . . fabrilem artem Romae commoratus.

52. I K ings 5:32, 15-25; cf. 5:20; Röl l ig (1982) 22. 53. Ahiqar 16.3: F. N a u , Histoire et sagesse d'Ahikar l'Assyrien

(1909) 204; F. C. Conybeare, J. Rendell Harr i s , and A . S m i t h L e w is, The Story of Ahikar from the Aramaic, Syriac, Arabic, Armenian, Ethiopie, Old Turkish, Greek and Slavonic Versions2 (1913) 115.

54. Luckenb i l l (1927) I I §§ 100, 105. 55. Sasson (1968) 47. 56. Atrahasis p. 128 f.; Gilgamesh X I 85. 57. J. Fr iedr ich, Staatsverträge des Hatti-Reiches (1930) 77 § 18

lines 65, 67 (restored); Sasson (1968) 51. 58. Sasson (1968) 48 f. 59. H d t . 3.125-137. 60. E. F. Weidner i n Mélanges Syriens offerts à R. Dussaud (1939)

I I 932 f.; ANET 308b; B o a r d m a n (1980) 52. 61 . G. M . A . Richter, AJA 50 (1946) 15-30; C. Nylander , Io-

nians at Pasargadae (1970); B o a r d m a n (1980) 102-105 and / H S 100 (1980) 204-206.

62. O n the inscr ip t ion o n the Tyskiewicz b o w l , see note 10, above. Cf. Chapter 2, "Cra f t smen o f the Sacred," note 29.

63. H d t . 2.152. 64. Alcaeus fr. 350; cf. 4 8 — t h e first m e n t i o n o f B a b y l o n and

Aska lon i n Greek l i terature; Sappho fr. 202 = H d t . 2.135. See also A Selection of Greek Historical Inscriptions, ed. R. Meiggs and D . Lewis (1969), no . 7.

65. I I Sam. 8:18, 15:18, 20:7, 23; I K ings 1:38. 66. I I K ings 11:4; o n Carians i n E g y p t see H d t . 2.152; O . M a s -

son and J. Yoyotte, Objects pharaoniques à inscription carienne (1956); O . Masson, Carian Inscriptions from North Saqqara and Buhen (1978).

67. See " H i s t o r i c a l B a c k g r o u n d , " note 20, above.

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N O T E S T O P A G E S 2 5 - 2 6

68. O n Assyr ian and Urartaean prototypes o f the Greek h o p -lite shield see A . Snodgrass, Early Greek Armour and Weapons (1964) 66 f.; G o r g o n shield f r o m Carchemish: L. Woolley, Carchemish I I (1921) 128; H . L. Lor imer , Homer and the Monuments (1950) 191 A 6; B o a r d m a n (1980) 51; G o r g o n shield f r o m O l y m p i a : E. Kunze, 5. Bericht über die Ausgrabungen in Olympia (1956) 4 6 - 4 9 pis. 12-14; f r o m D e l p h i : L. Lerat, BCH 104 (1980) 103-114. O n the shields f r o m the Idaean cave see note 13, above.

W R I T I N G A N D L I T E R A T U R E I N T H E E I G H T H C E N T U R Y

1. T h e basic b o o k f r o m the Greek side is Jeffery (1961, 1990 2); see also Guarducci (1967); U . Hausmann, ed. , " D i e Schrift u n d die Schriftzeugnisse," i n Handbuch der Archäologie I (1969) 207-393; a series o f articles w i t h the collective t it le " D a l sillabario miceneo al-l 'alfabeto greco," PP 31 (1976) 1-102; I m m e r w a h r (1990); Powell (1991); PHOINIKEIA GRAMM ATA. Lire et écrire en Méditerranée, ed. C. Baurain, C. Bonnet , and V. Kr ings (1991); an excellent account given by Heubeck (1979) is already outdated i n some details. H e d i d n o t yet k n o w the sensational alphabet f r o m Izbet Sartah, twe l f th-century Palestine: M . Kochav i , Tel Aviv 4 (1977) 1-13; A . Demsky, i b i d . 14-27 and i n c Izbet Sartah, " A n Early I r o n Site near Rosh H a ' a y i n , " Israel (1986) 186-197; J. Naveh, Bibl. Archaeologist 43 (1980) 22-25 and (1982) 36 f.; K. Seybold i n j . v o n U n g e r n -Sternberg and H . Reinau, eds., Vergangenheit in mündlicher Uberlie

ferung (1988) 142; nor about the Phoenician alphabet f r o m the eighth century: A . Lemaire, Semitica 28 (1978) 7-10; nor about the e ighth-century alphabet f r o m the Athenian agora: Johnston i n Jeffery (1990) 431 no . 2a; I m m e r w a h r (1990) 8 f ig . 2. Cf. also M . Lejeune, RPh 57 (1983) 7-12.

2. See M . P. Ni l s son , Opuscula Selecta I I (1952) 1029-56 ( o r i g inal ly publ ished 1918); Jeffery (1961) 22; He lck (1979) 165-167. I t must st i l l be stressed that the use o f aleph, jod, waw to indicate a, i, u is c o m m o n i n A r a m a i c f r o m early t imes; i n f o r m , Greek Y is almost identical w i t h Semitic w a w ; F is a variant o f i t .

3. For the dependence o f the Phrygian script on the Greek, see Heubeck (1979) 78 against R. S. Young, Proc. Am. Philos. Soc. 107 (1963) 362-364. Phryg ian script seems to be i n evidence since about 725 B . c . , a l though a later dat ing was advocated by A . M . Snodgrass, The Dark Age of Greece (1971) 349 f.; more l ike ly i t arrived

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N O T E S T O P A G E S 2 6 - 2 7

o n the route f r o m Ci l ic ia to G o r d i o n rather than f r o m either the Troad or Ionia; see " H i s t o r i c a l B a c k g r o u n d , " note 26, above.

4. H d t . 5.58; JtoivtKaaxdg was the designation for a " w r i t e r , " a secretary i n archaic Crete; L. H . Jeffery and A . M o r p u r g o Davies, Kadmos 9 (1970) n 8-154 and SEG 27, no. 631.

5. Pride o f place remains for the D i p y l o n j u g at Athens, w h i c h for a l o n g t ime was by far the earliest document , dated ca. 73 5— 725; IG I 2 919; Jeffery (1990) 68, 76 no. 1; Heubeck (1979) 116-118; B o a r d m a n (1980) 83; SEG 30 no. 46, 38 no. 34; Y. D u h o u x , Kadmos 30 (1991) 153-169. B u t an inscr ip t ion f r o m Ischia is n o w considered to be older: B ü c h n e r (1978) 135-137 (ca. 750-730); cf. Johnston (1983) and i n Jeffery (1990) 453 w i t h p i . 76. A geometric sherd f r o m Naxos w i t h a graffito has been dated to 770 by the excavator: B. Lambr inoudak i s , BCH 106 (1982) 605, 604 f ig . 132; SEG 33, 677; Johnston in Jeffery (1990) 466 A w i t h p i . 78; cf. graffiti f r o m A n d r o s (750-720), Johnston i n Jeffery (1990) 466, 52a. For Lefkandi , see Jeffery i n Popham, Sackett, and Themel is (1980) 8 9 -92; for Eretr ia , Johnston i n Jeffery (1990) 434 w i t h p i . 73; i n general, Powell (1991) 123-180. Some material f r o m Euboea is st i l l unpubl ished. O f special importance is the "cup o f N e s t o r " f r o m Ischia, dated to 730-720: Jeffery (1961) 235 no. 1; Heubeck (1979) 109-116. I t ev ident ly reflects a practice o f w r i t i n g books; cf. I m m e r w a h r (1990) 18 f.

6. A two- le t te r graffito f r o m Ischia w i t h sidelong A , P. K. McCarter , AJA 79 (1975) 140 f., is taken to be Greek by Guarducci (1967) 225 and Heubeck (1979) 123, but as Aramaic b y Garb in i (1978) and Coldst ream (1982) 271; cf. Johnston i n Jeffery (1990) 454 f. A Greek and an Aramaic graffito occur o n the same sherd; Johnston (1983) 64 fig. 2. Graff ito f r o m A l M i n a , O x f o r d : J. Boardman, Oxford Journal of Archaeology 1 (1982) 365-367; C ^ 4 H 2 I I I : Plates (1984) 291 f. no . 3 i6e; Johnston i n Jeffery (1990) 476 D .

7. See the recent discussions o f B. B. Powell , " T h e O r i g i n o f the Puzzl ing Supplements c() x *K" TAPA 117 (1987) 1-20; and R. Wächter, " Z u r Vorgeschichte des griechischen Alphabets , " Kadmos 28 (1989) 19-78; the " c o l o r s " to characterize Greek alphabets were introduced by A . Ki rchhof f , Studien zur Geschichte des griechischen Alphabets (1863; 1887 4).

8. V. Karageorghis , CRAI 1980, 122-136; E. and O . Masson i n V. Karageorghis , Ausgrabungen in Alt-Paphos aufCypern I I I (1983)

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N O T E S T O P A G E S 2 7 - 3 0

411—415; for the role o f Cyprus see also Heubeck (1979) 85-87; cf. 64-70; Johnston (1983).

9. See L i p i n s k i (1988) 242. For the vary ing direct ion o f w r i t i n g i n C y p r i o t e linear script see O . Masson, Les inscriptions chypriotes syllabiques (1983 2) 78.

10. Jeffery (1961) 310-313; B o a r d m a n (1970) 18-23 and (1980) 60; for the Phoenician b o w l , see "Hi s tor i ca l B a c k g r o u n d , " note 3, above, and, i n general, Chapter 1, " O r i e n t a l Products i n Greece." The earliest Greek w r i t i n g o n Crete so far is an owner's inscr ipt ion on a geometric pithos f r o m Phaistos (ca. 700?); Kret. Chron. 21 (1969) 153-170; Heubeck (1979) I 2 5 ; j o h n s t o n i n Jeffery (1990) 468 no. 8a.

11. Jeffery (1961) 13-16. 12. Esp. J. Naveh, AJA 77 (1973) 1-8, (1982), and Kadmos 30

(1991) 143-152. H e is contradicted not o n l y by specialists for Greek—see M c C a r t e r (1975); B. S. Isserlin, Kadmos 22 (1983) 151-163; Johnston i n Jeffery (1990) 426 f . — b u t also by some Semitists: A . Demsky, Tel Aviv 4 (1977) 22 f.; L ip insk i (1988); Sass (1991). L i p i n s k i and Sass st i l l t h i n k the n i n t h century w o u l d be the latest possible date.

13. A n i m p o r t a n t new document f r o m the m i d - e i g h t h century was published i n 1982: A . A b o u - A s s a f et a l . , La statue de Tell Fekhe-rye et son inscription bilingue assyro-araméenne (1982); i t has some surpr is ingly "archaic" letter forms; see L i p i n s k i (1988) 242. The relations between Greek and Aramaic script were stressed by S. Segert, Klio 41 (1963) 38-57; for a balanced j u d g m e n t , see L ip insk i (1988) 243 f.; cf. also Coldstream (1982) 271; Johnston i n Jeffery (1990) 425. T h e role o f cursive forms was discussed b y Johnstone (1978).

14. U g a r i t i c alphabets: KTU 5.6; for earliest "Phoenic ian" alphabets see note 1, above.

15. Lemaire (1981). 16. Ios. c.Ap. 1.28. 17. Z d v : Pindar fr. 70 b 3; cf. E. Schwyzer, Griechische Gram-

matik I (1939) 140 f ; R. Wachter, Kadmos 30 (1991) 4 9 - 8 0 . 18. Ga l l ing (1971); KTU 5.7; i n H e b r e w : Lachish I: The La-

chish Letters (1938) 79 f ; KAI no. 194; A . Lemaire, Inscriptions Hébraïques I : Les ostraca (1977) 110 f ; KAI 43.12; cf. Masson (1967) 64. The A k k a d i a n w o r d for w r i t i n g tablet is different, le'u, H e b r e w

171

N O T E S T O P A G E S 3 O - 3 I

Iwh, Aramaic luha. For malthe see M . Stol , Phoenix 24 (1978) 11-14; HAL 558.

19. For the w r e c k , see G. Bass, National Geographic 172 (1987) 633-733, esp. 731; i d e m et a l . , AJA 93 (1989) 1-29, esp. 10; for the N i m r u d tablets, D . J. Wiseman, "Assyrian W r i t i n g - B o a r d s , " Iraq l7 ( J 955) I _ I 3 ; M . H o w a r d , "Technical Descr ipt ion o f the I v o r y Wr i t ing-Boards f r o m N i m r u d , " i b i d . 14-20; H . T. Bossert, "Sie schrieben auf H o l z , " i n Minoica, Festschr. J. Sundwall (1958) 67-79; H . Hunger , Babylonische und Assyrische Kolophone (1968) 7 f.; H e u beck (1979) 143 f

20. II. 6.119-211; B u r k e r t (1983c) 51-53. T h e "fatal le t ter " m o t i f is n o w attested not o n l y i n the story o f U r i a h ( I I Sam. i r . i -27) but already i n the Sumerian legend o f Sargon: B. Lewis , The Sargon Legend (1980); B. Alster, " A N o t e on the U r i a h Letter i n the Sumerian Sargon Legend," ZA 77 (1987) 169-173.

21. Aesch. Eum. 275, fr. 281a 21 Radt, Prom. 789 (overlooked by Masson [1967] 62); btkxoi xoAxcti : Pol lux 8.128; cf. R. S t roud, Hesperia 32 (1963) 138-143.

22. O . Masson, Les inscriptions chypriotes syllabiques (1983 2) no. 217.26, cf. Masson (1967) 61-65.

23. Wendel (1949). For a new Akkad ian-Aramaic document f r o m Syria see note 13, above. T h e A k k a d i a n t e r m for scroll scribe, sepiru, is a l o a n - w o r d f r o m Aramaic ; cf. H e b r e w sefet; book ; AHw 1036b. Aramaic leather scrolls f r o m Egypt : G. R. Dr iver , Aramaic Documents of the Fifth Century B.C. (1954).

24. R. A . B o w m a n , Aramaic Ritual Texts from Persepolis (1970) 17-19; cf. Ktesias i n D i o d . 2.32.4.

25. Archi lochus fr. 185 West; the meaning " l e t t e r " is contested by S. West, C Q 38 (1988) 42-49.

26. H d t . 5.58; diphtherion: J. G. V inogradov , "Olbia." Xenia, Konstanzer althistorische Beiträge und Forschungen 1 (1981) 19; molib-dion: SEG 26 no. 845 rev. ; cf. SEG 38 no. 13. The use o f d i m i n u tives seems characteristic for w r i t i n g materials, as also i n deltion and biblion.

27. Eur. fr. 627; there is a proverb "o lder than the leather [ sc ro l l ] , " cxpxaiÖTEoa t r i g ötc^öegag, D i o g e n . 3.2 (Paroemiogr.Gr. I 214); cf. Zenob. 4.11; P o r p h y r y i n Schob B //. 1.175; Hsch. 8 1992 attests the t e r m ÖKfjÖEoa^OKJJÖg for Cyprus (see note 8, above), w h i c h sounds archaic and may refer to the use o f leather scrolls.

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N O T E S T O P A G E S 3 2 - 3 3

28. See D . van Berchem, MH 48 (1991) 129-145, esp. 140 f.; for Guzana, see J. Fr iedr ich, G. R. Meyer, A . U n g n a d , and E. Weidner, Die Inschriften vom Tell Halaf (194.0) 47 (nos. 101-106) and 70-78 (nos. 1-5); on Tarsos see Chapter 2, "Hepatoscopy," note 7 and "Pur i f i ca t ion , " note 6; O . R. Gurney, J. J. Finkelstein, and P. H u l i n , The Sultantepe Tablets (1957-1964); cf. M . f lut ter , Altorientalische Vorstellungen von der Unterwelt (1985) 18-20; the tablets are dated between 718 and 619 B.C.

29. Wendel (1949)-30. F. C. Conybeare, J . Rendell Harr is , and A . Smith Lewis ,

The Story of Ahikar from the Aramaic, Syriac, Arabic, Armenian, Ethiopic, Old Turkish, Greek and Slavonic Versions (19132; the first ed i t ion , 1898, d id not yet have the Aramaic text) ; F. N a u , Histoire et sagesse dAhikar l'Assyrien (1909); for the text f r o m Elephantine, see E. Sachau, Aramäische Papyrus und Ostraka aus einer jüdischen Militär-Kolonie zu Elephantine (1911) 147-182 pls. 40-50 ; A . U n g nad, Aramäische Papyrus aus Elephantine (1912); E. Meyer, Der Papyrusfund von Elephantine und seine Bedeutung (1912) 102-128; T. N ö l d e k e , Untersuchungen zum Achiqar-Roman, A b h . Gött ingen N.F. 14.4 (1913); A . Hausrath, Achiquar und Aesop, Sitzungsber. H e i d e l berg 1918.2; B. E. Perry, Aesopica (1952) 1-10; P. Grelot , Documents arameens dEgypte (1972) 427-452; F. M . Fales, "La tradizione As-sira ad Elefantina d ' E g i t t o , " Dialoghi di Archeologia I I I 5 (1987) 6 3 -70; see also L i p i n s k i (1976) o n A k k a d i a n religious t r a d i t i o n among Aramaeans. A h i q a r is ment ioned i n the book T o b i t h 14.10.

31. Rev. Bibl. 52 (1985) 6 0 - 8 1 ; cf. Fales (note 30) 70. 32. GLGMS: J. T. M i l i k , The Books of Enoch (1976) 3 '3 ; Gil-

gamos: Ae l . Nat.An. 12.21. 33. Rodriguez Adrados (1979) 290-293, 674 f., 680-687;

idem, QUCC 30 (1979) 93-112. But 'Ax ixaooc , was k n o w n to Theophrastus; D i o g . L a e r t . 5.50; st i l l D c m o c r i t u s B 299 = C l e m . Str. 1.69.4 is apocryphal ; the reading o f Poseidonios fr. 133 Theiler = Strab. 16 p. 762 is uncertain: 'Axcuxaooc, (?) j r a p ä ßoaito-gnvoCg.

34. J. G o o d y a n d j . Watt i n j . Goody, ed. , Literacy in Traditional Societies (1968) 42; see Chapter 3.

35. For the " B i l e a m " text f r o m Deir c A l l a seej . Hoft i jzer and G. van der K o o i j , Aramaic Texts from Deir cAlia (1976); J. A . Hack-ett, The Balaam Text from Deir cAlla (1984); Der Königsweg (1988)

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N O T E S T O P A G E S 3 4 - 3 6

no. 157 w i t h b ib l iography ; B u r k e r t i n D . H e l l h o l m , ed. , Apocalypticism in the Mediterranean World and the Near East (1983) 246; for Mopsos and Karatepe see Chapter 2, "Hepatoscopy," note 31.

T H E P R O B L E M O F L O A N - W O R D S

1. See, e.g., Vermeule (1971) 185 f.: " I f eastern influence had been comparatively recent, one m i g h t expect the seams to show, or names and terms to have been merely transliterated f r o m another language."

2. See I n t r o d u c t i o n at note 15. A local substrate is readily assumed for characteristic Mediterranean flora such as " w i n e " (Greek woinos, Aramaic wajn, H e b r e w jain; see J. P. B r o w n [1969] 147-151) and "rose" (Arabic ward, Aramaic werad, Greek (w)rhodon;

J. P. B r o w n [1980] 11, 19 n . i ) . 3. RhM 49 (1894) 130, accepted by H i l l e r von Gärtr ingen, RE

I I 1887; see above, Chapter i , " O r i e n t a l Products i n Greece," note

15. 4. O . H o f f m a n n and A . Debrunner, Geschichte der griechischen

Sprache I (1953 3) 18: "ganz verschwindend ger ing" ; A . M e i l l e t , Aperçu d'une histoire de la langue grecque (19354) 56 = (1965 7) 59: "n 'atte int sans dout pas la dizaine."

5. Masson (1967) has also a survey o f older studies; see also H e m m e r d i n g e r (1970); Krause ( 1 9 7 0 ) — w i t h o u t or ig ina l c o n t r i b u tions; J. P. B r o w n (1965), (1968), (1969); Salonen (1974); Szeme-rényi (1974); i d e m , Gnomon 53 (1981) 113-116; idem, o-o-pe-ro-si: Festschr. E. Risch (1986) 425-450.

6. Cf. L. Deroy, L'emprunt linguistique (1965); R. Schmitt , Probleme der Eingliederung fremden Sprachguts in das grammatische System einer Sprache, Innsbrucker Bei träge zur Sprachwissenschaft 11 (1973); O t t i n g e r (1981). As an example for the mani fo ld levels and problems of cultural b o r r o w i n g s see H . Kahane and R. Kahane, "Byzant ium's Impact on the West: The Linguist ic Evidence," Illinois Classical Studies 6 (1981) 389-415.

7. E.g. , E. Boisacq, Dictionnaire étymologique de la langue grecque (1916) V I I : " l ' inf luence sémitique . . . bornée à l ' adopt ion . . . de quelques termes c o m m e r c i a u x " ; A . M e i l l e t , Aperçu (see note 4 above) 55; Masson (1967) 114; she treats kanna, reed, p. 47 f. but forgets kanon, measuring r o d .

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N O T E S T O P A G E S 3 6 - 3 8

8. Th i s is f o l l o w i n g Masson (1967), a l though the words treated in n n . 9-11, 16, 19, 21-26, 31-33, and 36 are missing i n her col lect ion.

9. A k k a d i a n lipû, accusative lipâ, fat, employed especially in magic; see AHw 555. I t is true there are Indo-European comparative materials for Greek lipa; Chantraine (1968/80) 642.

10. T h r o u g h Lat in simila i t even reached German, Semmel; see Szemerényi (1974) 156; Chantraine (1968/80) 996.

I r. Salonen (1974) 143. 12. Cf. J. Tischler, Glotta 56 (1978) 60 f.; Chantraine (1968/80)

1026; for Mycenaean pa-ra-ku see E. Risch, Cahiers Ferdinand de Saussure 41 (1987) 167.

13. The Semitic w o r d , however, is not documented but has been inferred; G. Garb in i , Riv. di Studi Fenici 3 (1975) 15 f.

14. Chantraine (1968/80) 594; already attested in Mycenaean. 15. I b i d . 212. 16. I b i d . 660. 17. Masson (1967) 32-34; Niemeyer (1984) 69. The standard

we ight was the mina o f Carchemish; O p p e n h e i m (1967/69) 239 n . 8. The w o r d mana is also attested i n H i e r o g l y p h i c L u w i a n ; G. N e u mann, ZVS 98 (1985) 306; see also H . Bus ing , "Metro log ische Beiträge," Jdl 97 (1982) 1-45. O n talanton see Chantraine (1968/80) 1089.

18. Sendschirli V 119 ff. w i t h p i . 58; specialists are sti l l discussi n g to w h a t extent this should be considered as a precursor or an early f o r m o f m i n t e d money ; see M . S. B a l m u t h , AJA 67 (1963) 208 and i n D . G. M i t t e n et a l . , eds., Studies Presented to G. M. A. Hanfmann (1971) 1-7; N . F. Parise, Dialoghi di Archeologia 7 (1973) 382-391.

19. The Semitic parallel is ment ioned in LSJ, not i n Masson (1967); "hypothèse . . . en tout cas aberrante": Chantraine (1968/ 80) 1247. Semitic het is H i n the Greek alphabet, but A k k a d i a n hur-asu corresponds to Greek %QXtoôç; the name H a m is XCXLI i n the Septuagint; M o u n t Hazzi is. rendered K d o i o v OQOÇ (cf. H e m b e r g [1950] 129, 320)—there are no phonetic rules i n loan-words . Har-asu is used i n the sense o f " w r i t i n g , " Gilgamesh I 1.8.

20. AHw 48a; o n distr ibut ive ana i n Greek see T. H o r o v i t z , Vom Logos zur Analogie (1978) 137-144.

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N O T E S T O P A G E S 3 8 - 3 9

21. AHw 898; cf. 650. H . Kronasser, Kratylos 7 (1962) 163, maintains that qanû was b o r r o w e d indirect ly , "höchstwahrscheinl ich durch mehrere anatolische Sprachen."

22. A k k a d i a n tidu: see AHw 1391.1: " z u m Bauen u n d Verputzen" ; H e b r e w tit; the Semitic parallels are not ment ioned i n the e tymolog ica l lexicons o f P^isacq, Frisk, and Chantraine, nor i n Masson (1967). O n a pc j l e association w i t h " T i t a n s " see Chapter 3, " F r o m Atrahasis to the 'Decept ion o f Zeus,' " notes 28-29.

23. Akkad ian g a s s u : AHw 282; Salonen (1974) 139. 24. AHw 522; J. P. B r o w n (1968) 182; Szemerényi (1974) 149.

The mirage o f an "Aegean" suffix -inthos created by the adaptation to Greek is no argument against this der ivat ion; see note 11 above on lekane.

25. AHw 332; H e m m e r d i n g e r (1970) 45; the axe (hassinnu) is n o w attested as the s y m b o l o f the weather god carried i n procession at Bronze Age Emar : A r n a u d (1985/87) n o . 369 l ine 45. Salonen (1974) also compares Greek sphen, wedge, w i t h A k k a d i a n suppinu; but according to AHw 1060 the meaning o f this w o r d is unclear.

26. AHw 627: tent, also i n Aramaic ; Szemerényi , Gnomon 53 (1981) 114; cf. H e b r e w miskan, abode.

27. See Chapter 2, "Cra f t smen o f the Sacred," notes 28-30, 36; cf. above, " O r i e n t a l Products i n Greece," note 62.

28. Szemerényi , Gnomon 43 (1971) 647 and (1974) 156, referred to A k k a d i a n bel qati, " L o r d o f H a n d , " w h i c h , however, means "guarantor" ; AHw 120; but i n H i t t i t e the same expression (always w i t h Sumer ian-Akkadian spell ing, EN qati) means "craf tsman" ; J. Fr iedrich, Hethitisches Wörterbuch (1952) 271. The H i t t i t e w o r d may wel l have been the model for cheironax, either d irect ly or indirectly.

29. Laroche (1973); for Soloi as place-name see above, " O r i ental Products in Greece," note 13.

30. Masson (1967) 86; lis occurs a few times i n H o m e r ; the n o r m a l Greek w o r d , leon, seems to come f r o m E g y p t ; see J. C. B i l l igmeier , Talanta 6 (1975) 1-6.

31. Aramaic tawr(u), H e b r e w sor; HAL 1346-48; J. P. B r o w n (1969) 159-164. I n spite o f this close s imi lar i ty Chantraine (1968/ 80) states: " I l n'y a pas l ieu . . . d 'évoquer les formes sémitiques."

32. H e b r e w häräb; J. P. B r o w n (1968) 178-182; the harpe is specially used by or ienta l iz ing Perseus; see Jameson (1990) 218. B u t

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N O T E S T O P A G E S 3 9 - 4 1

there is a satisfactory Indo-European e t y m o l o g y too : Chantraine (1968/80) 114.

33. For onvkov see Szemerényi , Gnomon 53 (1981) 115; for avXâv A k k a d i a n salalu, to l o o t , AHw 1142, w i t h imperative Mia! (cf. Zeus Syllanios and Athana Syllania i n the Spartan Rhetra, Plut. Lyc. 6?).

34. There is no Indo-European e t y m o l o g y for machomai, and "la structure de \ia%éoaaoQai reste obscure"; Chantraine (1968/80) 674. For mahas/maha see HAL 541; 537.

35. See AHw 34 s.v. alalu, "a cry used at w o r k . " O f course exclamations can originate spontaneously (Chantraine [1968/80] 530), but " H u r r a h ! " has b o t h its (Germanic) e t y m o l o g y and its d i f fusion i n European warfare.

36. See above, " O r i e n t a l Products i n Greece," note 67. 37. A s t o u r (1965) went furthest i n this sport. There remains

the o l d equation o f Iapetos, father o f Prometheus, w i t h j a p h e t , son o f N o a h (see West [1966] 202 f . ) ; but also Nereus, g o d o f waters, father o f the Nereids, is remarkably similar to the Semitic w o r d for river, A k k a d i a n nam, H e b r e w nahar. See for Asgelatas Chapter 2, "Asclepius and Asgelatas," note 8; for Tethys, Chapter 3, " F r o m Atrahasis to the 'Decept ion o f Zeus , ' " note 15; for Lamia, Chapter 2, "Lamashtu , Lamia , and G o r g o , " note 10; for Titans, Chapter 3, " F r o m Atrahasis to the 'Decept ion o f Zeus,' " notes 28-29.

38. See for haruspex Chapter 2, "Hepatoscopy," note 24; for kathairo, lyma, ara, Chapter 2, "Pur i f i ca t ion , " notes 46-48 ; for E m -baros, Chapter 2, "Substitute Sacrifice," note 8.

39. HAL 8 7 8 — n o t a Semitic w o r d i n o r i g i n ; cf. J. P. B r o w n (1968) 166-169; Chantraine (1968/80), w i t h o u t presenting the Sem i t i c words , declares: " L ' h y p o t h è s e d ' u n e m p r u n t sémitique . . . n'est acceptée par personne."

2. "A Seer or a Healer" " C R A F T S M E N O F T H E S A C R E D "

1. The expression is used i n Plat. Phdr. 248a. For a modern investigation i n t o the interrelat ion o f magic and scientific medicine see G. E. R. L l o y d , Magic, Reason and Experience (1979); o n "craftsm e n o f the sacred" see B u r k e r t (1982a) and (1987a) 31.

2. Papyrus o f Derveni i n ZEE47 (1982) col . X V I 3 f.: ÔTÉxvnu

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N O T E S T O P A G E S 4 2 - 4 3

JtoiotJuevog xct leget. Strab. 10.3.23 p. 474: TO (JHXOXEXVOV . . . TO JIEQI Tag Aiovuorctxag xe^vag x a t xäg 'Oocjnxäg. Hippocr . Morb.Sacr. 18, V I 396 L i t t re : ßavauoLT).

3. West (1971) 239-242 has stressed the importance o f migrant magi for Iranian-Greek contacts i n the s ix th century B.C.

4. N u m b e r s 22:5, 24. For the surpris ing evidence about B i -leam/Ba c alam i n the D e i r c A l l a inscr ip t ion see Chapter 1, " W r i t i n g and Literature i n the E i g h t h Century , " note 35.

5. Helck (1979) 226 f.; E. Edel, Ägyptische Ärzte und ägyptische Medizin am hethitischen Königshof (1976); see K n u d t z o n (1915) no. 49.22 for U g a r i t , no . 35.26 for Alasia.

6. Meissner (1920/25) I I 198 (KBo I 10 Rs.42 f f . ) . 7. See Grot tane l l i (1982b) esp. 651, 655 f., 664 f. 8. H d t . 9.33-36; on the Melampodidae see I . Löfner, Die Me-

lampodie (1963); K e t t (1966) 94-96 . 9. Plat. Rep. 3Ö4b-e; cf. Leg. 909b. 10. FGrHist 475, esp. T 4b; B u r k e r t (1972) 15 f. 11. Plut . De sera 56oe-f and fr. 126; Phigalia is a conjecture

(Mittelhaus) instead o f the t ransmit ted names Italia or Thettalia. See RE XIX 2084; B u r k e r t , RhM 105 (1962) 48 f.

12. Plut . Mus. 4 2 . i i 4 6 b - c = Pratinas TGrF 4 F 9, Phi lodem. Mus. 4 = Diogenes o f B a b y l o n SVFll 232; Plut . Mus. 9 f., 1134b-e f o l l o w i n g Glaukos o f Rhegion. The date is established by the connection w i t h the f o u n d i n g o f the festival Gymnopa id ia i n Sparta; P lut . Mus. 1134c; cf. Euseb. Chron. a.Ahr. 1348 = O l y m piad 27 = 672-668 B.C.

13. e j i i 8 r | i i o w x a xaxct xexvrrv i iavxtx f jv : Ar i s t . Polit. 1274325-28. O n the practice and concept o f epidemia see H . Di l ler , Wanderarzt und Aitiologe (1934).

14. Plat. Symp. 2 0 i d - e . 15. Empedocles B 115.13; cf. B 112, where he introduces h i m

self a r r i v i n g at Akragas as a seer and a healer. 16. See note 8, above. 17. P ind. Ol. 6; H e p d i n g , RE I X 685-689 s.v. lamos; Ke t t

(1966) 84-89. Telmissos: A r r . Anab. 2.3.3 f. 18. See K. C l i n t o n , The Sacred Officials of the Eleusinian Myster

ies (1974); B u r k e r t (1987a) 36 f. 19. P lut . Is. 28.362a; Tac. Hist. 4.83 f.; A . Alföldi , Chiron 9

( T 979) 554 f ; B u r k e r t (1987a) 37.

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N O T E S T O P A G E S 4 3 - 4 5

20. Isoer. 19.5 f., 45; Ket t (1966) 49 f., 66 f . — w h o does not realize that the activities o f Polemainetos as a seer must be dated about f i f ty years before the tr ia l . O n the legal issue under ly ing the speech see H . J. W o l f f Sitzungsber. Heidelberg 1979.5, 15—34.

21. D e m o s t h . 19.249; 18.120; 259 f.; H . Wankel , Demosthenes, Rede für Ktesiphon über den Kranz (1976) 710-712, 1132-49; a family o f seers: SEG 16 no. 193, w i t h an epigram al luding to Amphiaraos (Thebais fr. 7 Davies = P ind . Ol. 6.13).

22. W. Schubart, Amtliche Berichte aus den Kgl. Preussischen Kunstsammlungen 38 (1916/17) 189 f.; see G. Z u n t z , Opuscula Selecta (1972) 88-101; P. M . Fräser, Ptolemaic Alexandria I I (1972) 345 f.; B u r k e r t (1987a) 33. Cf. I I T i m o t h y 3:14 (and 2:1): " k n o w f r o m w h o m you have learnt . . ."

23. O . K e r n , Die Inschriften von Magnesia (1900) no. 215 a; cf. A . Henrichs, HSCP 82 (1978) 123-137.

24. M . Berthelot , Collection des anciens alchimistes grecs (1888) I I 30.7: E^OQXUKXC; . . . tmÖEvi uExaöiöövai EL LIT) LIÖVOV TEKVWL xca

tyikun yvr\oiwi. PGM 4.475: (.lövan 6E TEXVCOI J t a p a ö o x d ; cf. 1.193.

25. The real existence o f "Asclepiads" i n the classical per iod, w h i c h had been contested by E. J . and L. Edelstein, Asclepius I I (1945) 52-63, was proved by an inscr ipt ion f r o m D e l p h i ; see J . Bousquet, "Delphes et les Asclepiades," BCH 80 (1956) 579-593; SEG 16 no. 326; M . Gamberale, "Ricerche sul G E N O S degli As-clepiadi ," RAL 33 (1978) 83-95; S. M . Sherwin-White , Ancient Cos (1978) 257-263. Asclepiads are mentioned by Plato Prot. 311b, Rep. 408b, Phdr. 270c; the physician Eryx imachos i n Symp. i86e refers to Asclepius as " o u r ancestor"; " they were trained at their parents' f r o m c h i l d h o o d " : Galen Anat.Admin. 2.1, I I 280 f. K ü h n ; Soran. Vit .Hippocr. 1 f.

26. L. Edelstein, The Hippocratic Oath (1943), reedited i n L. Edelstein, Ancient Medicine (1967) 3-63, esp. 40-44 ; he was t h i n k i n g o f a special Pythagorean prov i s ion , because he failed to see the craftsmen's t r a d i t i o n .

27. Lex 5, I V 642 L i t t re . 28. Codex H a m m u r a p i § 188; Borger (1979) 37; ANET 174 f. 29. bn nsk; see Chapter 1, " O r i e n t a l Products i n Greece," note

10 and at note 62. 30. Mudü, mär ummani: Schrank (1908) 16; cf. mär bare, "son

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N O T E S T O P A G E S 4 5 - 4 6

o f the seer," Z i m m e r n (1901) no . 1.1 p. 97 f.; Z i m m e r n p. 87 o n the " g u i l d " o f seers. Cf . A m o s 7:14: " I am n o t a prophet , nor the son o f a prophet . "

31. M . Weinfeld, The Organizational Pattern and the Penal Code of the Qumran Sect (1986) 61; cf. Ebel ing (1931) 37, 47, i n .

32. Z i m m e r n (1901) 118 f., no . 24.19-22. 33. D i o d . 2 .29.4—his source cannot be identi f ied; probably

n o t Poseidonios; cf. FGrHist I I C p. 157. 34. See T h u l i n (1905/09) I I I 131-149; Pfiffig (1975) 36 -4 1 ,

115-127. J. H e u r g o n , "Tarqui t ius Priscus et l 'organisat ion de l 'o rdre des haruspices sous l 'empereur Claude," Latomus 12 (1953) 402-417.

35. Tac. Ann. 11.15: Primores Etruriae . . . retinuisse scientiam et in familias propagasse; Cic . Div. 1.92: ut de principum film X ex singulis Etruriae populis in disciplinam traderentur; ad Fam. 6.6.3 (to A . Caecina): Tuscae disciplinae, quam a pâtre . . . acceperas.

36. D i o n . H a l . Ant. 3.70; see below, "Hepatoscopy," note 9. 37. D i o d . 1.73.5; J. Bidez and E C u m o n t , Les mages hellénisés

I I (1938) 8 f., 119. Siberian shamanism too is t ransmitted f r o m father to son; see M . Eliade, Schamanismus und archaische Ekstasetechnik (1957) 22, 24 f., 28 f., 30-32.

38. N o t e d as a case o f l inguist ic b o r r o w i n g b y Szemerényi (1974) 157; Fehl ing (1980) 15 f.

39. Plat. Rep. 408b, Leg. 769b. For or iental examples see notes 28-30, above.

40. VIEÇ 'Axcaorv belongs to the H o m e r i c formulas ; oriental influence is b y no means excluded even i n this case (see Chapter 3, " F r o m Atrahasis to the 'Decept ion o f Z e u s ' " ) . Auôôrv i ta îôeç : H d t . 1.27.4. "Sons o f H a i t i " ( = H i t t i t e s ) , "sons o f M i t t a n n i " (mare Hatti, mare Mittanni) i n a treaty between Hi t t i tes and Hurr i tes : E. F. Weidner, Politische Dokumente aus Kleinasien (1923) 20.68, etc.

41 . "Sons o f m e n " equivalent to " m e n , " Gospel o f Thomas 28; see A . G u i l l a u m o n t i n Studies in Gnosticism and Hellenistic Religions Presented to G. Quispel (1981) 191.

H E P A T O S C O P Y

i . A Baby lon ian hepatoscopy text was first publ ished by Len-o r m a n t i n 1873; cf. Bezold i n Blecher (1905) 247. For general references to the Baby lonian provenience o f Greek hepatoscopy see

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N O T E S T O P A G E S 4 6 - 4 8

Bouché-Lec lercq (1879/82) I 170; Farnell (1911) 248 f. O n the Mes-opotamian-Etruscan relations see Boissier (1905); Blecher (1905), esp. n.5; T h u l i n (1905/09) I I ; R. Pettazzoni, Stud. Etr. 1 (1927) 195-199; N o u g a y r o l (1955b) and (1966); M . Pal lott ino, Etmscologia (1963 5) 247 f.; Pfiffig (1975) 115-127. For Mesopotamia see H . D i l lon , Assyro-Babylonian Liver-Divination (1932); A . Boissier, Man-tique babylonienne et mantique hittite (1935); G. Contenau, La divination chez les Assyriens et les Mesopotamiens (1940); La divination en Mésopotamie ancienne, 14e Rencontre Assyriologique International (1966); N o u g a y r o l (1968); Jeyes (1980); Starr (1983); Meyer (1987).

2. See HKL I I I 96. A first foundat ion was laid by Boissier (1905); a r ich selection i n German translation is to be found i n j a s -t r o w (1905/12) I I 213-415. See R. Labat, Commentaires assyro-babyloniennes sur les présages (1933); B. Meissner, O m i n a zur Erkenntnis der Eingeweide des Opfert iers , " AOF 9 (1933) 118-122; J. N o u g a y r o l , "Textes hépatoscopiques d 'époque ancienne conservés au M u s é e d u L o u v r e , " RA 38 (1941) 67-88; A . Goetze, "Reports o n Acts o f Ext i sp icy f r o m O l d Babylonian and Kassite T imes , " JCS 11 (1973) 89 ff; Starr (1983).

3. Found i n 1877; see W. Deecke, "Das T e m p l u m v o n P i -acenza," Etruskische Forschungen 4 (1880); Blecher (1905) 201; T h u l i n (1905/09) I I 20 f., 37-39, pis. I , I I ; i dem, Die Götter des Martianus Capella und die Bronzeleber von Piacenza (1906); Pfiffig (1975) 121-127; L. B. van der Meer, The Bronze Liver of Piacenza: Analysis of a Polytheistic Structure (1987). A n o t h e r l iver mo de l , made o f clay, f r o m Falerii: N o u g a y r o l (1955b) 513, 515-517; Pfiffig (1975) 116 f. fig- 45-

4. B M B u 89-4-26, 238, published by T. G. Pinches, CT 6 (1898) pis. 1-3; A . Boissier, Note sur un monument babylonien se rapportant à l'extispicine (1899); T h u l i n (1905/09) I I p l . I I ; Meissner (1920/25) I I fig. 40; N o u g a y r o l , RA 38 (1941) 77-79. A n o t h e r exemplar, B M R m 620, i n T h u l i n p l . I l l and Boissier (1905) 76-78; a t h i r d i n N o u g a y r o l (1966).

5. Blecher (1905) 199-203, 241-245. 6. T h u l i n (1905/09) I I 30. 7. See n o w Meyer (1987). Hi t t i tes : KUB I V 71-75, X X X V I I

68-72 nos. 216-230; A . Goetze, Kulturgeschichte Kleinasiens (1957 2) pis. 11, 21. M a r i : M . Rutten , RA 35 (1938) 36-70. Ala lakh: L. Woolley, Alalakh (1955) 250-257 p l . 59. Tell el H a j j : R. A . Stucky,

181

N O T E S T O P A G E S 4 8 - 4 9

AK 16 (1973) 84 p i . 15.2; U g a r i t : Ugaritica V I (1969) 91-119; cf. 165-179; O . Loretz , Leberschau Siindenbock Azazel in Ugarit und Israel (1985). Hazor : B. Landsberger and H . Tadmor, Israel Explor.J. 14 (1964) 201-218. M e g g i d o : H . T. Bossert, Altsyrien (1951) no . 1193. Cyprus : BCH 95 (1971) 384 w i t h f ig . 93a; Kadmos 11 (1972) 185 f. A text f r o m Tarsos: Goetze (1939) 12-16.

8. Pfiffig (1975) 117. Meyer (1985), by contrast, suggests the Etruscans b r o u g h t hepatoscopy w i t h t h e m w h e n they i m m i g r a t e d f r o m the East i n the age o f the Sea Peoples.

9. I n the enumerat ion o f Etruscan saecula, Varro i n Cens. 17, the first four o f these are given r o u n d numbers , 100 each, but then specific numbers are presented, according to celebrations actually held. This indicates that f r o m about 600 B.C. Etruscans had det a i l e d — w r i t t e n - — d o c u m e n t a t i o n , i n contrast to vague " reconst ruct ions" about the earlier per iod; cf. T h u l i n (1905/09) I I I 66; see also above, "Cra f t smen o f the Sacred," note 36.

10. See Chapter 1, " O r i e n t a l Products i n Greece," note 18. 11. //. 1.69; cf. Bouche-Leclercq (1879/82) I 168 f. 12. //. 24.221; Od. 21.145, 22.318-323. 13. D i o n . H a l . Ant. 1.30; cf. Lydos Mag. prooem. 14. Van der M e e r (1979); J. L. D u r a n d and F. Lissarrague, He-

phaistos 1 (1979) 92-108; R . B l o c h , BCH suppl. 14 (1986) 77-83; the so-called D i o t i m a statue f r o m Mant inea : BCH 12 (1888) 3 7 6 -380; Blecher (1905) p i . 3.3; H . M o b i u s , Jdl 49 (1934) 45-60.

15. Plat. Phdr. 244c: TEX.EIOTEQOV x a l EVTIUCJTEQOV |xavxtxf| oioovtoTixfig.

16. Tac. Hist. 2.3.1: scientiam artemque haruspicum accitam et Ci-licem Tamiram intulisse . . . ipsa, quatn intulerant, scientia hospites ces-sere: tantum Cinyrades sacerdos consulitur. Bouche-Leclercq (1879/82) I 170 combines this w i t h the cult o f Zeus Splanchnotomos, " c u t t i n g the entrai ls" (Hegesandros in A t h . 174 a) and the alleged i n vent ion o f sacrifice o n C y p r u s (cf. B u r k e r t [1975] 76 f . ) . Herodotus 2.58 asserts that sacrificial d i v i n a t i o n came f r o m Egypt ; there is n o t h i n g to substantiate this c la im.

17. Hsch. s.v. pylai = A r i s t o p h . fr. 554 Kassel-Austin; Cic. Div. 1.91; cf. above, " O r i e n t a l Products in Greece," note 65.

18. O n e example, f r o m the B r i t i s h M u s e u m (116624), is often i l lustrated, e.g., Elements ( i960) p i . Ha; Caquot and Le ibov ic i

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N O T E S T O P A G E S 4 9 - 5 1

(1968) opposite p. 32; T. Jacobsen, The Treasures of Darkness (1976) 194; i t is dated to 700-500 B.C. See S. S m i t h , " T h e Face o f H u m -baba," Annals of Archaeology and Anthropology n (1924) 107-114 and

fiRAS (1926) 440-442. 19. Rizza and Santa Mar ia Scrinari (1968) 206 p i . 32 no. 215;

cf. below, " F o u n d a t i o n Deposits ," note 10. For Ortheia see above, " O r i e n t a l Products i n Greece," note 34.

20. T h e "place" (mazzazu), the " p a t h " (padanu), the " s t r e n g t h " (dananu), the "gate o f the palace" (bah ekalli), the lulmu (unclear), the " g a l l " (martu), the " left path o f the ga l l " (padan sumel marti), the " f i n g e r " (ubanu), the " y o k e " (niru), the "appendix" ( p r o cessus papillaris) (sibtu); seejeyes (1978).

21. See T h u l i n (1905/09) I I 50-54; the most detailed Greek text is Rufus Onom. 158.5 f. ed. Daremberg-Ruel le (nvXai, TQCXJTECO:, udxoaoa, ovu§). "Gate" : Eur. El. 828, A r i s t o p h . fr. 554 Kassel-A u s t i n , Plat. Tim. 71c, Ar i s t . Hist.an. 496b32. " H e a d " : see note 23, below; cf. T h u l i n 30-34. "Head o f the l i ver " (res amutim): AHw 46b. "Head o f the f inger" (res ubanim): AHw 975a. "River" : Hsch. s.v. potamos. "R iver o f the l iver " (nar amutim): AHw 46b, T h u l i n 54. "Pa th" : Hsch. s.v. akeleutha. A " w e a p o n " i n the l iver: AHw 46b; cf. uex/capa i n Rufus. See also N o u g a y r o l (1955) 512; Starr (1983) 77-91-

22. T h u l i n (1905/09) I I 34 f., f o l l o w i n g Boissier (1905) 2 2 0 -234; Starr (1983) 15-24.

23. M i s s i n g "head" : Plut. Kim. 18.5, Marc. 29; L i v . 41.14 f. T w o "heads": Sen. Oed. 353-365; Lucan Bell.civ. 1.618-629; t o o -direct lines are d r a w n by W. G. Schileico, " E i n O m e n t e x t Sargons von A k k a d u n d sein Nachklang bei römischen D i c h t e r n , " AOF 5 (1928/29) 214-218.

24. A . Boissier, Mémoires de la Société linguistique 11 (1901) e x x x i x , 330; T h u l i n (1905/09) I I 3 n . i ; A . E r n o u t and A . Mei l l e t , Dictionnaire étymologique de la langue latine (1959'') 290, w i t h quest i o n m a r k .

25. AHw 46. 26. M . Pa l lot t ino , Etruscologia (1963 5) 247 f. 27. AHw 1350 f ; cf. Z i m m e r n (1901) 88 f. 28. Cic . Div. 2.28: nec esse unam omnium scientiam; cf. Blecher

(1905) 202.

183

N O T E S T O P A G E S 5 2 - 5 3

29. T h e m a i n texts are collected i n Prinz (1979) 382-384, w h o

thinks all o f i t is pure invent ion ; see also I . Löffler, Die Melampodie

(1963) 47-51-30. The so-called Maduwattas text , A . Goetze, Maduwattas,

M i t t e i l u n g e n der Vorderasiatisch-ägyptischen Gesellschaft 32 (1928) 37; o n the date o f this text, see H . O t t e n , Sprachliche Stellung und Datierung des Maduwatta-Textes (1969); J. D . M u h l y , Historia 23 (1974) I 3 9 - H 5 ; R- D - Barnett , CAH I I 2 3 (1975) 363-366.

31. KAI no . 26, I 16, I I 11, I I I 12; see F. B r o n , Recherches sur les inscriptions de Karatepe (1979) 172-176; Barnett , CAH I I 2 3 (1975) 363-366; A . Strobel, Der spätbronzezeitliche Seevölkersturm (1976) 31-38.

32. Xanthos the Lydian , FGrHist 765 F 17. A name mo-qo-so also appears i n Linear B, K N D e 1381 B; PY Sa 774.

33. For Mal los see RE X I V 916 f.; four th-century coins have a w i n g e d f igure reminiscent o f the w i n g e d sun disk o f Syrian-Persian iconography ; one type o f these coins has a b i l ingua l , Aramaic -Greek inscr ip t ion ; see C. M . Kraay, Archaic and Classical Greek Coins (1978) 285.

34. " I f a w o m a n gives b i r t h to a l i o n " occurs i n an A k k a d i a n text , as i n H d t . 1.84; cf. Cic . Div. 1.53; see G. Bunnens, Hommages RenardU (1968) 130-132.

35. For birds , see H u n g e r (1909) 23-25; Jastrow (1905/12) I I 798-812; E. Reiner, JNES 19 ( i960) 28. For lecanomancy, see Z i m m e r n (1901) 85, 89; J. Hunger , Becherwahrsagung bei den Baby-loniern nach zwei Keilschrifttexten aus der Hammurabi-Zeit (1903); Jast r o w (1905/12) I I 749-775; see also Ganszyniec, RE X I I 1879-88 s.v. Lekanomanteia.

36. Aesch. Ag. 322; Farnell (1911) 301; cf.J. N o u g a y r o l , " A l e u -romancie babylonienne," Orientalia, n.s. 31 (1963) 381—386.

FOUNDATION DEPOSITS

1. See E. D . van Buren , Foundation Figurines and Offerings (1931); Ell is (1968); RIA I I I (1971) 655-661 s.v. Gründungsbeigaben. Magica l figurines deposited i n clay capsules are to be distinguished f r o m these; see R i t t i g (1977); see also J. M . Weinstein, Foundation Deposits in Ancient Egypt (1973).

2. ANET 356 f. 3. East r o o m o f the sanctuary at Archanes, pebbles: I . Sakel-

184

N O T E S T O P A G E S 5 4 - 5 5

larakis, Praktika 1979, 381. M i n i a t u r e vessels, animal bones, one seal under a rock placed i n the r o o m at Knossos where evidence for cannibalistic feasts seems to come f r o m : P. Warren i n R. H ä g g and N . Marinatos , eds., Sanctuaries and Cults in the Aegean Bronze Age (1981) 166. Three pairs o f kylikes under a cult r o o m at T i ryns : K. K i l i a n , i b i d . 53.

4. V. Karageorghis, BCH 99 (1975) 831-835. 5. B o a r d m a n (1967) 57-67 and (1980) 57; cf. Chapter 1, " O r i

ental Products i n Greece," note 38. See n o w i n general for this and the f o l l o w i n g finds Wells (1988), w h o draws attent ion especially to foundat ion deposits o f clay vessels under fort i f icat ion walls o f Asine, 720-700 B .C .

6. H . Gallet de Santerre and J. Treheux, BCH 71/72 (1947/48) 148-254; H . Gallet de Santerre, Delos primitive et archaique (1958) 129; V. R. d ' A . Desborough , The Last Mycenaeans and Their Successors (1964) 45 f., th inks that the Mycenaean objects had been accidentally discovered and reinterred d u r i n g the b u i l d i n g process. O n e may compare the fact that the Assyrians intent ional ly sought for the "ancient temennu" w h e n rebui ld ing temples: Ellis (1968) 147-150.

7. A . Bammer, " N e u e Grabungen an der Zentralbasis des A r temis ion von Ephesos," JOEAI 58 (1988) Beiblatt 1-32. For the older discussion, see P. Jacobsthal, JHS 71 (1951) 85-95; L. Wei-dauer, Probleme der frühen Elektronprägung (1975) 72-80; Boardman (1980) 101; A . Heubeck, Kadmos 22 (1983) 62; D . Kagan, AJA 86 (1982) 343-360. For Priene, Perachora, Is thmia, see Sinn (1985) 136 f. n.23 w i t h further bibl iography.

8. Rizza and Santa M a r i a Scrinari (1968) 24 f. 9. Cf. the inscr ip t ion f r o m Kal l ipol i s c o m m a n d i n g the erec

t i o n o f a statue o f A p o l l o i n order to get r i d o f a plague; K. B u -resch, Klaros (1889) 81—86; J. Krauss, Die Inschriften von Sestos (1980) no. 11. O n boundary stones, see Die Schriften der römischen Feldmesser, ed. K . Lachmann I (1848) 141.

10. Sinn (1985). 11. Ellis (1968) 42 f. 12. See i b i d . 138-140, 167 f. w i t h the vague f o r m u l a t i o n : " t o

enhance the value o f the b u i l d i n g and the va l id i ty o f the ceremonies connected w i t h its c o n s t r u c t i o n " (140).

13. I b i d . 16, 31, 34; the fo rmula ina sipir asiputi i n D . D . L u c k -

185

N O T E S T O P A G E S 5 6 - 5 7

enbi l l , The Annals of Sennacherib (1924) 137.31 ( = Luckenbi l l [1926/27] I I § 437) and i n S. Langdon, Die neubabylonischen Königsinschriften (1912) 62, 40-43 (Nabopolassar).

P U R I F I C A T I O N

1. P r o k l . Chrestom. p. 106 f. A l l e n = p. 47 Davies; Schob T //. 11.690a ( I I I 261 Erbse): Jtag' 'Oufjgoot o û x oïôauEv cjjovéa x a O a i g ö i i e v o v ; but cf. //. 24.480 w i t h schob

2. Ni l sson (1967) I 91 f., 632-637; i d e m , Greek Piety (1948) 41-47; Dodds (1951) 28-63 ; L. M o u l i n i e r , Le pur et l'impur dans la pensée et la sensibilité des grecs (1952); but Parker (1983) 15 f., 66-70 , 115 f., 130-143 warns against s implist ic ideas o f "deve lopment . "

3. K . M e u l i , "Skyth ica , " Hermes 70 (1935) 121-176 = Gesammelte Schriften I I (1975) 817-879; cf. Dodds (1951) 135-178.

4. Farnell (1911) 289; Farnell's book seems to be the o n l y u n prejudiced and careful discussion o f the p r o b l e m to date, even t h o u g h he seems not to have studied the eastern languages. Cf. above, "Hepatoscopy," note 36.

5. Survey in HKL I I I 85-93; see also Meissner (1920/25) I I 198-241; E. Reiner, La magie babylonienne (1966); G. R. Castell ino, "La letteratura magica," i n Storia délie letterature d'orienté, ed. O . B o t t o , I (1969) 227-238. Earlier editions include Z i m m e r n (1901), Fossey (1902), T h o m p s o n (1903/04), T h u r e a u - D a n g i n (1921), Ebel ing (1931); there are g o o d editions o f Maqlû (G. Meier 1937) and Shurpu (E. Reiner 1958).

6. Goetze (1939) 11 ff. (an amulet?). 7. See Z i m m e r n (1901) 82-93 ; Meissner (1920/25) I I 64-66 . 8. Heraclitus B 5; (j)6vü)i cjjövov as a formula i n Soph. O.T

100; Eur. Here. 40, I.T. 1213, Or. 510, 816. 9. Aesch. Bum. 441, frs. 89-93 Radt; w r i t t e n H I E I Q N on a

vase pa int ing , i .e. , associated w i t h ixÉTT|ç, suppliant; E. S imon, Würzburger Jahrb. 1 (1975) 177-185. FIdt. 1.35.2 says that the L y d -ians had the same m e t h o d o f pur i f i cat ion as the Greeks. M y t h has even A p o l l o undergo pur i f i ca t ion after k i l l i n g , be i t w i t h K a r m a n o r in Crete (Paus. 2.30.3, 10.7.2; Schob Pind. Pyth. hypothesis c), at Tempe (Hymn of Aristonoos at Delphi I 17, p. 163 Powell ; Ae l . V.LI. 3.1), or t h r o u g h exile w i t h A d m e t u s (Eur. Alk. 5-7).

10. Aesch. Eum. 281: L i iaoi ia exuX/utov; 283: x a 8 a g u . o î ç rector) x o i g o x x o v o i ç ; cf. 448-452. The most detailed description

186

N O T E S T O P A G E S 5 7 - 5 9

o f pur i f icat ion f r o m m u r d e r i n later l iterature is i n Apol lon ius Rhodius 4.662-717; see Parker (1983) 370-374. There is n o w an extensive "sacred l a w " f r o m Selinus, fifth century B .C . , in the J. Paul Getty M u s e u m , part o f w h i c h contains detailed prescriptions for pur i f i ca t ion ; i t w i l l be published by M . Jameson, D . Jordan, and Roy Kotansky.

11. //. 1.3 14: " T h e y t h r e w the lymata i n t o the sea." 12. L o u v r e K 710: A . D . Trendall and A . C a m b i t o g l o u , The

Red-Figured Vases of Apulia I (1978) no. 4/229; G. Schneider-H e r m a n n , AK 13 (1970) 59 p i . 30.1; A . Kossatz-Deissmann, Dramen des Aischylos auf westgriechischen Vasen (1978) 107-111; cf. R. R. Dyer, " T h e Evidence for A p o l l o Puri f icat ion Rituals at D e l p h i and Athens , " JHS 89 (1969) 38-56, w i t h additional i l lustrations f r o m vases.

13. Farnell (1911) 129 f. For Mesopotamian b lood rituals see L. Cagn i i n F. Vat t ioni ed. , Sangue e antropologia biblica (1981) 7 4 -76; R. Gel l io , i b i d . 438-445. There are i m p o r t a n t b lood rituals in H i t t i t e and H u r r i t e r i tual texts, too.

14. E. Langlotz and M . H i r m e r , Die Kunst der Westgriechen (1963) 24; A . D . Trendal l , The Red-Figured Vases of Lucania, Campania and Sicily (1967) 602 no. 103; G. Schneider-Herrmann, AK 13 (1970) 59 f. p i . 30.2; a s imilar representation is found o n a cameo f r o m the Co l lec t ion Fouad, RML I I 2574. For the m y t h o f the Proetids see B u r k e r t (1983a) 168-173.

15. Cf . Soph. Tr. 1235: "he m i g h t be sick on account o f avengi n g demons, " ei; akaoxÖQMV v o o o i .

16. T h o m p s o n (1903/04) I I 16-21 ( w i t h sl ight adjustments o f the translation); Meissner (1920/25) I I 222.

17. See the comic description o f the puri f icat ion o f the Proetids i n D i p h i l o s fr. 125 Kassel-Austin, Melampus operating " w i t h one torch, one squil l . . . w i t h sulphur, asphalt, and loud-roar ing sea."

18. O v . Fast. 6.158-162. There is an equally close parallel in a H i t t i t e incantation text; see H . Kronasser, Die Sprache 7 (1961) 140-167; V. Flaas, Orientalia 40 (1971) 410-430; FI. S. Versnel, ZPE 58 (1985) 267.

19. Od. 5.396: öTiryeQög öe 01 e^oae öaiLiorv. For the dogl ike Erinyes see Aesch. Cho. 1054, Bum. 264-267; see also below, "Substitute Sacrifice," note 2.

20. arrat saggaste i n Shurpu 5.48 f. Closer to the Greek is the

187

N O T E S T O P A G E S Ö O - Ö 2

O l d Testament: the spil led b l o o d "cries" f r o m the earth, Gen. 4:10, j u s t as i n Aesch. Cho. 400-404.

21. See above, "Cra f t smen o f the Sacred," note 10; cf. Parker (1983) 125 f.

22. For the f igurines, see R i t t i g (1977) 188-194. Expuls ion o f "ravenous h u n g e r " (bulimos) at Chaironeia: Plut . Q.Conv. 693 f.: 8§<JL> ßoüXt i iov eoto ôè JtÀoûxov x a l ûy ie tav .

23. Unclean hands, etc.: T h o m p s o n (1903/04) I I 138-141; cf. Levit icus 5:2 f.; " L o r d o f g u i l t " (bel ami): Shurpu I I I 134-137; aßXaßf|c avvovaîa: Aesch. Eum. 285. " N o speaking": i b i d . 448 and i n the aetiology o f the Anthesteria r i tua l , B u r k e r t (1983a) 221 f.

24. Ludlul bel nemeqi I I I 23-28. Lambert ( i960) 48 f.; cf. ANET 436, Castell ino (1977) 487. Branchos: A p o l l o d o r u s o f K e r k y r a i n C l e m . Strom. 5.48.4; C a l l i m . fr. 194.26-31.

25. For the ident i f icat ion o f this f igure—often but w r o n g l y called Oannes after Berossos, FGrHist 680 F 1 § 4—see Ko lbe (1981) 14-30; cf. AHw 58 s.v. apkallu(m); represented, e.g., beside the bed o f the sick o n the Lamashtu tablet (see below, "Lamashtu , Lamia, and G o r g o , " note 15); representation f r o m Terqa, n o r t h e r n Syria: Genge (1979) 44 referr ing to Annales archéologiques de Syrie 2 (1952) 179 p l . 2.

26. D e m o s t h . 18.259; H a r p o k r . s.v. àjtoiidxxtuv; Soph. fr. 34 Radt: oxpaxoû xaoaQxf|ç xàjtoiiayLidxcov ïôpiç. A real case o f " p u r i f y i n g " an a r m y : X e n o p h . Anab. 5.7.35; cf. W. K . Pr i tchett , The Greek State at War I I I (1979) 200 f.

27. AHw 442 f.; Z i m m e r n (1901) 92; Schrank (1908) 81-88. 28. AHw 509; Sophron fr. 5 Kaibel ; for Melampus see note 17,

above.

29. Shurpu 1.13, 18, rev. 9 ' , 5.60-72; Krat inos fr. 250 Kassel-A u s t i n ; D i p h i l o s fr. 125.3 ( s e e note 17, above); Theophr . Char. 16.14; OKikfat) 'EmiiEViÔEioç: Theophr . H.Plant. 7.2.1.

30. Shurpu 8.89 f.; Maqlû 7.81. 31. Ebel ing (1931) 80-82 no . 21.1-38; 138 no. 30 C 9. 32. H s c h . : 4>aQfxdxrp r\ %vxça fjv éxoîiiaÇov xo îç xaoatoouaLV

xàç KÔXEIÇ. I n the Lat in comedy Querolus (p. 38.10-15 Ranstrand) the would-be magician asks for a l i t t le coffer, arcula inanis . . . in qua lustrum Mud exportetur foras. In the H i t t i t e Telepinu text , "Tele-pinus ' rage, anger, malice fand] f u r y " are enclosed i n subterranean bronze caldrons; ANET 128.

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N O T E S T O P A G E S 6 2 - 6 4

33. Ebel ing (1931) 138 no. 30 C 11; 82 no. 21.38; Shurpu 7.64 ff.; cf. Ebeling (1918/19) 1 3 3 = Castell ino (1977) 633.

34. Hippoer . V I 362 L i t t r e . 35. T h o m p s o n (1903/04) I I 138 f. Petronius 134.1: quod pur-

gamentum in node calcasü in trivio out cadaver; L iv . 8.10.12: ubi ilhtd signum defossum erit, eo magistratum Romanum escendere fas non esse.

36. A r i s t . fr. 496 Rose = Paus. Att. cj> 5 Erbse; Leviticus 14:4-

7; 49-53-37. D iog .Laer t . 1.114 = Epimenides, FGrHist 457 T 1. 38. Ebe l ing (1931) 150 no. 30 F 35 f. 39. Historia Alexandri Magni 2.31.3 K r o l l ; Testamentum Alex-

andri, R. Merke lbach , Die Quellen des griechischen Alexanderromans (1977 2) 254; cf. Paus. 8.18.6: The water o f Styx can be kept o n l y i n a horse's hoof.

40. D iog .Laer t . 8.3. Epimenides ment ioned the Idaean cave in the context o f the m y t h o f Zeus, FGrHist 457 F 18. The name o f Epimenides ' mother , Balte, has been associated w i t h Semitic Bacalat; Grot tane l l i (1982b) 659; T. Poliakov, RhM 130 (1987) 411 f.

41. See Chapter 1, " O r i e n t a l Products i n Greece," note 13. 42. See above, "Craftsmen o f the Sacred," note 12. 43. See note 9, above. 44. A p o l l o and numenia: H d t . 6.57.2; Philochoros, FGrHist

328 F 88, numeniastai o f A p o l l o Delphinios : F. Graf, M H 3 1 (1974) 214; cf. RF X V I I 1293. For the celebration o f the new m o o n i n Israel see, e.g., I Samuel 20:3, I I K ings 4:23, Ezra 3:1. A p o l l o and "Seven": EßöotiayETac;, Aesch. Sept. 800 f ; cf. H d t . 6.57.2; 'EßööitEioc,: IG I I / I I I 2 4974; 'Eßöouou'urv: Inschriften von Erythrai (1972/73) 207.87; a festival " E ß ö o i i a i a o f the Molpoi o f Mi le tos , LSAM 50.6; 2 i , etc. See also B u r k e r t (1975).

45. See notes 9 and 25, above. Rhakios is the husband o f M a n t o , mother o f Mopsos , A k k a d i a n rahu is a sort o f magician; AHw 944a.

46. S. Lev in , SMEA 13 (1971) 31-50 c o m m e n t i n g on nektar; B u r k e r t (1975) 77; cf. AHw 907 (qataru), 930 f. (qutrenum, sacrifice o f incense); HAL 1022-24; o n I I Kings 23:5, e.g., the f o r m is jeq-atter(u), " they b u r n t incense," w h i c h , transcribed, w o u l d produce something l ike ExdBnoav. For the mirage o f a Greek-sounding suff ix in xcxöaoög (G. N e u m a n n , ZVS 98 [1985] 305 f . ) ; cf. XExdvn,

189

N O T E S T O P A G E S 6 4 - 6 5

Chapter 1, " T h e Prob lem of Loan-Words , " note 11. I t is even more t e m p t i n g to assume that the name o f A p h r o d i t e the goddess o f i n cense, KuGepeia, is f r o m the same Semitic root ; cf., e.g., H e b r e w mequtteret, " f i l l ed w i t h fragrance" ( in spite o f Greek popular etym o l o g y connect ing the name w i t h the island Kü8r|pct; the change T|-£ is l inguist ica l ly impossible; cf. G. M o r g a n , " A p h r o d i t e C y -therea," TAPA 108 [1978] 115-120 for another e t y m o l o g y ) . " H e cleaned/fumigated w i t h sulphur," exdöripe Geeum: //. 16.228; cf. Od. 22.481 f.

47. AHw 565; the r o o t is used as adjective and verb, the n o u n is lutu; for its use i n pur i f icat ion ceremonies, see, e.g., Maqlü 1.102; 1.105; 3.113. O n the problems o f w o r d f o r m a t i o n as to \v\xa/Xv-9QOV see Chantrame (1968/80) 650 f.; for a detailed investigation i n t o the meaning o f these words see E. Tagliaferro i n Sangue e An-tropologia Biblica I (1980) 182 n.36, 186-189. For lustrum see note 32, above.

48. O n araru see AHw 65, HAL 88; used as a l o a n - w o r d in H u r r i t e ; E. Laroche, RHA 28 (1970) 61. B i leam: N u m b e r s 22:6; cf. above, "Craf tsmen o f the Sacred," note 4; on d p a see Chantraine (1968/80) 100 f.

SPIRITS O F T H E D E A D A N D B L A C K M A G I C

1. Cf. above, " P u r i f i c a t i o n , " note 19. 2. AHw 263 f. 3. See Rohde (1898), esp. I 259-277, "Elemente des Seelen-

cultes i n der Blutrache u n d M o r d s ü h n e . " 4. See below, Chapter 3, " F r o m Atrahasis to the 'Deception o f

Zeus , ' " note 1. 5. Ebel ing (1931) 68 f. n o . 15.23-25 (burial i n the context o f a

r i tual o f subst i tut ion; cf. Chapter 2, "Substitute Sacrifice"). 6. Aesch. Pers. 611-618; cf. Eur. l.T. 159-166: water, m i l k ,

w i n e , honey. 7. Spirits lacking the "pour ings o f water" (naq me) become u n

r u l y ; T h o m p s o n (1903/04) I 40. Ashurbanipal reinstated food offerings and " p o u r i n g s o f water" for the earlier kings; Streck (1916) I I 250 f.; cf. Ebel ing (1931) 131 no. 30 A 38; Färber (1977) 150 f., text A I I a 158. O n offerings o f water i n the Greek cult o f the dead see B u r k e r t (1985) 73, 194.

8. N o t i c e d by T. Wiegand, Sechster vorläufiger Bericht über die in

• 190 •

N O T E S T O P A G E S 6 5 - 6 7

Milet und Didyma vorgenommenen Ausgrabungen, A b h . Ber l in (1908) 27; hence Ni l s son (1967) 177 n . i ; RE Suppl. V I I I 136.

9. CAD I I (A) 324 s.v. arutu (this w o r d is interpreted differently by Ebel ing [1931] 132 and AHw 72b).

to . A r i s t o p h . fr. 322 Kassel-Austin; see T. Geizer, ZPE 4 (1967) 123-133.

i t . Esp. in Ebel ing (1931) no. 30 A - F ; no . 31. 12. I b i d . 84 no. 21.1; 138 no. 30 C 1; 142 no. 30 D r. 13. I b i d . 141 no . 30 C verso 10 f. = SAHG 341. 14. Ebel ing (1931) 84 no. 21 verso 23; cf. Castell ino (1977)

647. 15. T h o m p s o n (1903/04) I 38 f , f r o m the series utukki lemnuti;

Gilgamesh X I I 151 f.; cf. Ebeling (1931) 145 no. 30 C 22-29. 16. Ebel ing (1931) 145 no. 30 E 22. 17. 17. 22.358, Od. 11.73. 18. Plat. Phdr. 244a, Leg. 854b; cf. Trag.Adesp. F 637.16 Snell;

Eur. Phoen. 934: in b o t h these passages there is a mantis to deal w i t h the menima. Cf . I . M . L i n f o r t h , "Telestic Madness i n Plato," IJCPCP 13 (1946) 163-172; B u r k e r t (1987a) 19, 24.

19. A r i s t . Rhet. 1 4 ^ 2 4 - 2 6 = Epimenides, FGrHist 457 F 1. 20. J. T r u m p f , "Fluchtafel u n d Rachepuppe," MDAI (Athens)

73 ( '958) 94-102; cf. B u r k e r t (1985) 75; Faraone (1991) and ClAnt 10 (1991) 164-203; Faraone and ü b b i n k (1991) index s.v. voo

doo dolls. Maqlû 4 .27-47; cf. 1.1; Ebeling (1918/19) I I 38.26 = Castell ino (1977) 675.27; Färber (1977) 211-213, text A I I I 10; Ebel ing (1931) 133 no . 30 A subscriptio.

21. Maqlû 1.131 ff. = Castell ino (1977) 618, Biggs (1967) 28. 22. Theoer. 2.53. 23. Biggs (1967), esp. 28.22-24: figurines made o f wax, fat,

b i t u m e n , g y p s u m ; cf. Ebel ing (1925). 24. Theocr. 2.162. 25. Plat. Leg. 933b. 26. Ebel ing (1931) 71 no . 17.2. 27. The second tale i n A . E r m a n , "Papyrus Westcar," i n Die

Literatur der Ägypter (1923) 66; E. Brunner-Traut , Alt-Ägyptische Märchen (1965 2) 12 f. Cf. the magical destruction o f A p o p i i n G. Roeder, Der Ausklang der ägyptischen Religion mit Reformation, Zauberei und Jenseitsglauben (1961) 150 f.; P. Derchain, Le papyrus Salt 825 (1965) 161 f.; E. H o r n u n g , Altägyptische Llöllenv or Stellungen,

• 19t •

N O T E S T O P A G E S 6 8 - 6 9

A b h . Leipzig 59.3 (1968) 27; M . J. Raven, "Wax i n Egypt ian M a g i c and S y m b o l i s m , " OMRO 54 (1983) 7-47. Figurines o f wax and fat i n H i t t i t e magic: Gurney (1954) 162.

28. Text o f Sfire: ANET 660, KAI 222, Fitzmyer (1967) 14 f., 16 f. (I 35, 42); Lemaire and D u r a n d (1984). Esarhaddon: D . J. Wiseman, Iraq 20 (1958) 75 f.; ANET 540.608-610; S. Parpola and K. Watanabe, State Archives of Assyria II: Neo-Assyrian Treaties and Loyalty Oaths (1988). H i t t i t e : J. Fr iedr ich, " D e r hethitische Soldateneid," ZA 35 (1924) 161-192; ANET 353; N . Oett inger , Die militärischen Eide der Hethiter (1976) 6-17; see D . J. M c C a r t h y , Treaty and Covenant (1963, 1978 2); M . Weinfeld, JAOS 93 (1973) 190-199. B u r n i n g o f effigies is c o m m o n in Maqlü.

29. S. Ferr i , Abh. Berlin 5 (1925) 19-24; SEC 9 no. 3; R. Meiggs and D . Lewis , A Selection of Greek Historical Inscriptions (1969) n o . 5.44; xr|givog J tXdöoavteg xoXoaög xax6xcuov. O n this text see A . D . N o c k , AR W 24 (1926) 172 f.; A . J. Graham, JHS 80 ( i960) 95-111; M u r r a y (1980) 113-119. A c c o r d i n g to S. Dusanic, Chiron 8 (1978) 55-76, i t is a forgery (or " reconstruct ion") f r o m the f o u r t h century B.c.

30. PGM 2.34; 4.339, 1419. 2485, 2750, 2912; 5.340, 425; 7-317, 985; 13.923; 70; etc.; i t occurs also i n defixions and on m a g ical gems; see Drexler , RML I I 1584-87.

31. S. Ferri , Notiziario Archeologico 4 (1927) 91-145; SEG 9 no . 72; U . von W i l a m o w i t z - M o e l l e n d o r f f , "He i l i ge Gesetze. Eine U r kunde aus Kyrene , " Sitzungsberichte Ber l in (1927) 155-176; G. I . Luzzato, La Lex Cathartica di Cirene (1936); H . Jeanmaire, REG 58 (1945) 6 6 - 8 9 ; J. Servais, BCH 84 ( i960) 112-147; LSS 115; Parker (1983) 332-351. I t must n o w be compared w i t h the unpublished lex sacra about pur i f i cat ion f r o m Selinus; see above, "Pur i f i ca t ion , " note 10.

32. J. G o u l d , " H i k e t e i a , " JHS 93 (1973) 74-103. 33. LSS 115 B 35-39: KOXOOOC, Jtotrioavxa EQOEVCX xou öfj-

X.£ia[v] f| xaXivog t| yai 'vog imobe'E,ä\ievov jta0TL8[e]LiEV TO LIEQOC; jtdvTCDV EJtEt ÖE x a jtoifjoEg x d voi i i^oLieva, ((>Egovxa Eg vkav dEgyov £g£[ t ]om xdg xoXooog x a i x d uigr|. For con jur ing a spir it "either male or female" cf. Maqlü 1.73-86 = Castell ino (1977) Maqlü I I 38-49 = Castell ino 620; Maqlü I I 108-110 = Castellino 622 f.; Maqlü I I 131 = Castell ino 623; cf. 632.28-30.

34. Ebel ing (1931) 80-82 no . 21 recto lines 1-39, cf. i b i d . 82

192

N O T E S T O P A G E S 7 O - 7 2

f., 84 f. verso lines 23-32. For the pot see above, "Pur i f i ca t ion , " notes 31-32.

35. Plat. Rep. 364c: EJtaycoYaic; xtat x a t xaxaSEauoLc;; Eur. Hipp. 318: e£ ETtaxxoT) Jir]uovf]c;; cf. Theophr. Char. 16.7; Hippocr . Morb.Sacr. 1, V I 358 L i t t r e ; Vict. 4.89, V I 652 L i t t re ; Parker (1983) 348.

36. This interpretat ion was first advanced by H . J. Stukey, CP 32 (1937) 32-43, fo l lowed by Parker (1983) 348 f.

37. This was Stukey's o p i n i o n too, but Parker (1983) 348 thinks the second and t h i r d sections deal w i t h a hikesios w h o is " p a l pably h u m a n . "

38. " T o do rites o n , " according to K. D o w d e n , RHR 197 (1980) 415 f.

39. Thus LSJ s.v. prophero and telisko; cf. Sokolowski o n LSS 115.40-49.

40. H d t . 5.66.1. T h e new lex sacra f r o m Selinus (note 31, above) speaks about establishing a cult to an elasteros (opposite to hikesios?).

41. LSJ Suppl. has " d u b . sense" for autophonos, but " t o supplicate" for aphiketeuein. autophonos occurs a few times i n poetry; i t refers to suicide i n O p p . Cyn. 2.480.

42. l o o a v x a l ine 52 i n oppos i t ion to looctfiEVog line 40 f. must be transitive. Is i t the corpse o f the suicide w h i c h "is seated"?

43. XQi<jnjA.fcrv is preceded by . . . ] jtoA.iov; aAAoJjro?uav is a possible supplement. [tiEXpi 6pco]v ( [Em lapd)]v is the supplement at line 55 by O l i v e r i o pr in ted i n LSS. Cf. Plat. Leg. 873d: A suicide is to be interred "at the borders o f the twelve sections."

44. Cf. E p i c h a r m . fr. 165 Kaibel ; FIsch. s.v. kreittones; Schol. A r i s t o p h . Av. 1490.

45. There seems to be a certain parallel to the Skira procession in Athens, an apopompe where a ram's fleece is o f some importance; see B u r k e r t (1985) 230.

46. Paus. 2.18.2; EOtvDg xcu Jtoiv&q xcci J tpoaxpojta ioug xarv 61' EXELVOV rjxnxTlxoxoov: Polyb. 23.10.2.

47. A n t i p h . 2.3.10; 4.1.4; 4.2.8 (the passages are parallel, but LSJ translates "suppl iant for vengeance" at 2.3.10 and "avenger" at 4.2.8); Aesch. Ch. 286 f.: xo y a p OXOXELVOV xarv EVEpxEpurv PeXog EX JtpooTpOJtaiarv EV Y£VEL JXEJXXOIXOXCOV, " the dark missile o f those below, f r o m prostropaioi k i l l ed w i t h i n the family . " The ancient c o m -

193

N O T E S T O P A G E S 7 3 - 7 7

mentator explains: " f r o m A g a m e m n o n , w h o supplicates the gods to obtain avenge"; this has misled LSJ astray to translate "suppl iant for vengeance" instead o f avenging spir it w h o "attaches h imse l f " to the cu lpr i t . Rohde (1898) I 264 n.2. had i t r i g h t , n o t w i t h s t a n d i n g his animistic interpretat ion : " D i e zürnende Seele w i r d z u m KQoaxQÖnaioc,." See also Aeschin. 2.158 w i t h H a r p o k r . s.v. JTQO-aTQÖJtaiov tuaatxa. Cf . H . J. Stukey, CP 32 (1937) 40; Parker (1983) 108, 349.

SUBSTITUTE SACRIFICE

1. See B u r k e r t (1979) 70-72 and (1981b) 115 f. 2. See Furlani (1940) 285-305, esp. 290 f.; cf. Chapter 2, " P u

r i f i ca t ion , " at note 19. 3. Paus. A t t . e 35 ed. Erbse; Zenob. A t h . 1.8 p. 350 M i l l e r ; the

c o m m o n source is D i d y m o s ; cf. Rupprecht , RE X V I I I 4, 1754 f.; cf. W. Sale, RhM 118 (1975) 265-284. M e n a n d . Phasma 80 Sand-bach and fr. 368 Koerte .

4. Lex X I I Tab. V I I I 24a, explained by Festus 347, 351 M = 470, 476 L.

5. Ebel ing (1931) 65-69 no . 15; cf. Furlani (1940) 294 f. and RA 38 (1941) 60. A s imilar but shorter text in Ebeling 69 f. no. 16; for Ereshkigal see above, "Pur i f i ca t ion , " note 30; for l ibations see above, "Spir i ts o f the Dead and Black Mag ic , " note 5.

6. Gell. 5.12.12. 7. A e l . Nat.An. 12.34; cf. B u r k e r t (1983a) 183. 8. AHw 109 f

ASCLEPIUS AND ASGELATAS

1. Kyrieleis (1979); cf. A . Furtwängler , AK zi (1978) 113 f. 2. Fuhr (1977) 136. 3. Paus. 2.27.2, conf i rmed by coins; cf. Fuhr (1977) 140 f ig .

10. The re l ie f f r o m Epidaurus, Athens N M 1426: U . Hausmann, Kumt und Heiltum (1948) f ig . 10; K. Kerenyi , Der göttliche Arzt (1948) f i g . 15; cf. Ni l s son (1906) 409 n.7.

4. A p o l l o d . , FGrHist 244 F 138. 5. IG I I / I I I 2 4962 = LSCG 21.9 f.: moiv nönava xoia-

xwriYETcag j t ö j t a v a xoia. 6. Plato, Phaon fr. 188.16 Kassel-Austin. The beg inning o f the

verse is corrupt ; see Kassel-Austin for suggested emendations.

194

N O T E S T O P A G E S 7 8 - 8 0

7. K. L. Tal lqvist , Akkadische Götterepitheta (1938) 5; Fuhr (1977); AHw 92b; i n Aramaic-Syr ian asja, physician, is a current w o r d , too.

8. Asgelatas: IG X I I 3.248 = LSCG 129 = SIG 977.8, 27 (end o f second century B . C . ) ; Asgelaia: IG X I I 3.249; cf. Ni lsson (1906) 175 f.

9. See U . von W i l a m o w i t z - M o e l l e n d o r f f , hyllos von Epidauros (1886) 93. A H i t t i t e e t y m o l o g y for Asclepius is advanced by Sze-merenyi (1974) 155.

10. Esp. at the Black Sea; W. M . Calder, A]A 75 (1971) 325-329; SEC 30 no. 880; A r i s t o p h . Av. 584, Pint. 11, etc.

11. Paus. 8.41.7-9; even i f the name Epikur ios or ig inal ly designated the g o d o f mercenaries, the interpretat ion " the Helper" as given by Pausanias shows what Greeks w o u l d n o r m a l l y expect.

12. IG X I I 3 412 (Thera, f i fth century B . C . ) ; X I I 3 259, 260 (Anaphe); A p o l l . R h o d . 4.1716; C a l l i m . fr. 7.23; Aiglatas as a personal name: Jeffery (1990) 199 no. 22.

13. x d p o g is n o t found i n Chantraine (1968/80). For kam and kam sec AHw 452a. For s y m p o s i u m couches see Chapter 1, " O r i ental Products i n Greece," note 28.

ECSTATIC DIVINATION

1. Heraclitus B 92; Aesch. Ag. 1072-1263; cf. H . L. Jansen, " D i e Kassandragestalt in Aischylos ' A g a m e m n o n , " Temenos 5 (1969) 107-119; H d t . 8.135; cf. also Pindar Pyth. 4.10 f. on Medea prophesying: ^a[XEvf]c; . . . ctJtejtvenae. Already i n the Odyssey Theok lymenos the seer is said to be " o u t o f his m i n d , " c«t>paiVEi (Od. 20.360); cf. S. Scheinberg, HSCP 83 (1979) 16.

2. Plat. Phdr. 244a; the ecstasy o f the Pythia was contested by P. A m a n d r y , La mantique apollinienne ä Delphes (1950); and by J. Fontenrose, The Delphic Oracle (1978) 204-212, w h o w o u l d al low "enthusiasm but n o t uncontro l l ed and irrat ional frenzy" for the Pythia—as i f d i v i n a t i o n were not i rrat ional i n any case. See Dodds (1951) 70-74-

3. Esp. Def.Or. 51.4383-d; interesting details also i n Lucan Phars. 5.69-236, t h o u g h overlaid w i t h reminiscences o f V i r g i l Aeneid V I .

4. Farnell (1911) 303. 5. F. Ellermeier, Prophetie in Mari und Israel (1968); E. N o o r t ,

195

N O T E S T O P A G E S 8 o - 8 l

Untersuchungen zum Gottesbescheid in Mari (1977); W e n - A m o n : AN'ET 26; cf. Grot tane l l i (1982b) 666-668; o n mahhu, mahhutu see AHw 852 f.

6. Jastrow (1905/12) I I 158-165; L u c k e n b i l l (1926/27) I I 2 3 8 -241; A NET 449 f.; cf. A . K . Grayson and W. G. Lambert , JCS 18 (1964) 7-30; W W H a l l , Israel Explor.J. 16 (1966) 231-242.

7. See Rzach, RE I I A 2073-2183 s.v. Sibyllen. 8. T h e fame o f the Sibyl o f Erythrae seems to date f r o m her

rediscovery by a prophetess at the t i m e o f Alexander; Kallisthenes, FGrHist 124 F 14; cf. A p o l l o d o r u s , FGrHist 422; Die Inschriften von Erythrai und Klazomenai I I (1973) 224-228; G r a f (1985) 335-350.

9. The o r i g i n and date o f the libri Sibyllini i n Rome w i l l remain controversial ; see R. B l o c h in Neue Beiträge zur Geschichte der Alten Welt I I (1965) 281-292; R. M . O g i l v i e , A Commentary on Livy I (1965) 654 f.

10. Cf . A . Peretti , La sibilla babilonese nella propaganda ellenistica (1943); further Semitic etymologies for Sibylla i n O . Gruppe , Griechische Mythologie und Religionsgeschichte I I (1906) 927; H . Lewy, Philologus 57 (1898) 350 f.; F. Eilermeier, Sibyllen, Musikanten, Haremsfrauen (1970) 7 - 9 ; R. B. Coote , Journal of North West Semitic Languages 5 (1977) 3-8 .

11. Schob Plat. Phdr. 244b = N i k a n o r , FGrHist 146; Beros-sos, FGrHist 680 F 7; cf. Höfer, RML I V 264-269.

12. M . P. Ni l s son , " D i e älteste griechische Ze i t rechnung, A p o l l o n u n d der O r i e n t , " ARW 14 (1911) 423-448 = Opuscula Se-lecta I (1951) 3 6 - 6 1 ; i d e m , Die Entstehung und religiöse Bedeutung des griechischen Kalenders (1918, 1962 2); Nilsson's ideas are outdated i n sofar as Linear B has proved that there was already a Mycenaean system o f m o n t h names, but this does n o t invalidate the w h o l e o f his theory. See also Auffahrt (1991) 417-420 o n the nineteen-year per iod. Cf . B. C. D i e t r i c h , "Reflections o n the O r i g i n s o f the Oracular A p o l l o , " BICS 25 (1978) 1-18. M . L. West thinks i t possible that the H u r r i a n - H i t t i t e myths reached Hesiod via D e l p h i :

JHS 105 (1985) 175.

13. See A . M a l l w i t z and H . M . Lee i n The Archaeology of the Olympics, ed. W. J. Raschke (1988) 79-109 and 110-18.

14. Plut . Def.Or. 435c, 4 3 7 b — " s p r i n k l i n g an ox w i t h water to observe its react ion" : Reiner (1960a), 25, 28.

196


15. See also K. Latte, " T h e C o m i n g o f the Pythia , " HThR 33 (1940) 9-18.

16. Apollo f r o m A k k a d i a n abullu, Aramaic abul, c i ty gate: E. S imon, Die Götter der Griechen (1967) 132; f r o m A k k a d i a n aplu, son: H . Lewy, Wochenschrift für Klassische Philologie 10 (1893) 860; L. R. Palmer i n A . Heubeck and G. N e u m a n n , eds., Res Mycenaeae (1983) 362.

LAMASHTU, LAMIA, AND GORGO

r. See Reiner (1960b), esp. 154. 2. F. T h u r e a u - D a n g i n , RA 18 (1921) 192-198; Frank (1941)

15-23; FI . W. Saggs, "Pazuzu," AOF ig (1959/60) 123-127; ANEP 857; f r o m Z i n c i r l i : Sendschirli V (1943) 31 figs. 24-25 and p l . I 2a -d .

3. In c u n e i f o r m , the signs mas and bar (no. 74 Borger) have become identical ; the earlier reading had been Labartu. The reading Lamastu was established b y a text published in 1934; see Frank (1941) 4 n. 1. Earlier studies include D . W. M y h r m a n , " D i e Labartu-Texte," ZA 16 (1902) 141-200; reliefs: K. Frank, Babylonische Beschwörungsreliefs, Leipziger Semitistische Studien 3.3 (1908); F. T h u r e a u - D a n g i n , "Rituels et amulettes contre Labartu , " RA 18 (1921) 161—198; Frank (1941); F. Koecher, Beschwörungen gegen die Dämonin Lamastu, Diss. Ber l in (1949); L. J. Krusina-Cerny, "Three N e w A m u l e t s o f Lamashtu, " Arch. Orientalin 18.3 (1950) 297-303; H . Klengel , " N e u e Lamastu-Amulet te aus den Vorderasiatischen Museen zu B e r l i n , " Mitt. d. Inst. f. Orientforsch. 7 (1960) 334-355; cf. 8 (1963) 25-29; W. von Soden, AOF 20 (1963) 148; Leibovic i (1971) 92, 95 f.; E. Lichty , " D e m o n s and Populat ion C o n t r o l , " Expedition 13.2 (1971) 22-26; M . V. Lbnie t t i , " U n incan-tesimo sumerico contra la Lamastu," Orientalia 48 (1978) 301-323; G. W i l h e l m , ZA 69 (1979) 34-40; Patzek (1988); see also RML I I I 269; Meissner (1920/25) I I figs. 33-34; ANEP 857. A comprehensive survey is given by W. Farber, RIA V I (1983) 439-446; he m e n tions s ixty-three reliefs (441-443).

4. Patzek (1988); for H u m b a b a and dog-leaders see above, "Hepatoscopy," note 19; and "Asclepius and Asgelatas," note 1.

5. Sappho 178 A Voigt ; Maas, RE V I I 1005 f. w i t h reference to m o d e r n Greek beliefs about TuM-d), cf. R. Reitzenstein, Poiman-

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N O T E S T O P A G E S 8 2 - 8 3

dres (1904) 299 and ZA 23 (1909) 157-163;] . C. Lawson, Modern Greek Folktale and Ancient Greek Religion (1910) 176-179.

6. C. Frank, ZA 24 (1910) 161-165; Meissner (1920/25) I I 200; cf. AHw 275; contra, W. Eilers, Sitzungsber. M ü n c h e n 1979.7, 5^ f

7. See Chapter 1, " W r i t i n g and Literature i n the E i g h t h C e n t u r y , " at note 18; and above, "Asclepius and Asgelatas," note 8.

8. Stesichorus 220 PMG/Dav ies ; D u r i s , FGrHist 76 F 17; D i o d . 20.41.3; equated w i t h Gello i n Schob Theoer. 16.38/39C; a l lusions i n A r i s t o p h . Vesp. 1035 and 1177, Pax 758, fr. 724 Kassel-A u s t i n ; cf. Schwenn, RE X I I 544-546; } . Fontenrose, Python (1959) 100-104; on the p r o b l e m o f Greek pictor ia l representations see Ver-meule (1977).

9. Stol l , RML I I 1820 f.; Schwenn, RE X I I 545 f.; Lawson (note 5, above) 173-176.

10. See note 3, above. 11. U g a r i t : J. N o u g a y r o l , Ugaritica V I (1969) 393-408; B o g -

hazköy : i b i d . 405; Carchemish: G o l d m a n (1961) p i . 4.1 ; Z i n c i r l i : i b i d . p i . 4.2; K lengel (note 3, above) nos. 46-47 ; cf. RIA V I 442.

12. C. C lermont-Ganneau , Etudes d'archéologie orientale 1 (1895) 85-90; cf. W. Cul ican , "Phoenician D e m o n s , " JNES 35 (1976) 21-24. Patzek (1988): amulet f r o m Poggio Civi fate, 675-650 B.C. Patzek also suggests that Homer ' s cal l ing A r t e m i s "lioness for w o m e n " (//. 21.483) is dependent o n the image and funct ion o f Lamashtu.

13. H . Gollancz, " A Selection o f Charms f r o m Syriac M a n u scripts," Actes du XI Congrès International des Orientalistes (1897) I V 77-97, esp.80, 85.

14. Schob A r i s t o p h . Pax 758. 15. For some representations see note 3, above; the standard

i l lus t ra t ion is the b ig amulet i n the Louvre , Co l lec t ion de Clercq, RML I I I 269, RIA V I 442; the "Mistress o f A n i m a l s " schema is especially clear i n Meissner (1920/25) I I p l . 34, w h i c h also has a horse next to Lamashtu.

16. O n the iconography o f the G o r g o n see T. G. Karayorga, rooyeiri Ke<j)cAfj (1970); J. F loren, Studien zur Typologie des Gorgo-neion (1977); the or iental connections are discussed i n C. H o p k i n s , "Assyrian Elements i n the Perseus-Gorgon Story," AJA 38 (1934) 341-358; M . E. W i l l , Rev. Arch. V I 27 (1942) 60-76 ; Barnett ( i960)

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N O T E S T O P A G E S 8 5 - 8 7

145-158; Hopkins (1961); Goldman (1961); Kantor (1962); Akurgal (1968) 187; W. Culican, "Phoenician Demons," JNES 35 (1976) 2 1 -24; Helck (1979) 214 f.; for details borrowed from Pazuzu heads see Boardman (1980) 79.

17. For Corfu see, e.g., G. Richter, A Handbook of Creek Art ( i959) 63; Schefold (1964) 49. For the horse besides Lamashtu see note 15, above; Gorgon holding two snakes: gold pendant from Delphi, Hopkins (1961) pi. 15.2. See also Burkert (1987b) 26-32.

18. Strab. 16 p. 759; Konon, FGrHist 26 F 1.40; los. Bell.lud. 3.420; Plin. N.H. 5.69; 128; Paus. 4.35.9.

19. Coins of Tarsos: Burkert (1983a) 210 n.26. 20. Burkert (1987b) 28 nn. 7 9 - 8 0 with fig. 2.7, esp. "Williams

cylinder"; Ward (1910) 201 no. 578; P. Amiet, Syria 42 (1965) 245; also in West (1971) pi. Ha.

21. The so-called Polyphema type: E. Unger, DLZ 85 (1964) 694; M. Knox, JHS 99 (1979) 164 f.

22. Berlin VA 2145; M. Ohnefalsch-Richter, Kypros, the Bible, and Homer (1893) pi. 31.16; cf. p. 208; A. de Ridder, BCH 22 (1898) 452 fig. 4; Ward (1910) 212 no. 643c; A. Moortgat, Vorderasiatische Rollsiegel (1940) no. 781; C. Flopkins, AJA 38 (1934) 351 fig. 5 and (1961) pi. 15.3; Amiet (1976) 26 f.; B. Brentjes, Alte Siegelkunst des Vorderen Orients (1983) 165, 203, with the information that it was bought at Baghdad, whereas Ohnefalsch-Richter had made people think of Cyprus; Burkert (1987a) 276 f. fig. 2.3.

23. E. Kuhnert, RML III 2032; also in Goldman (1961) 21 f. 24. Amiet (1976) 26, preceded by Hopkins (1961) 31. 25. An old and impressive instance: steatite vessel from Kha-

fajah, dated about 2700 B .C . , BM 128887, Strommenger (1962) pi. 38 f; cf. a circular amulet from Luristan in Geneva, Goldman (1961) pi. lb.

26. Pind. Nem. 1,43-47, fr. 52U 7-18 Snell-Maehler; Eur. Here. 1266-68; Theocr. 24; for pictures see LIMC Herakles nos. 1598-1664; for some other eastern elements in the myth and iconography of Herakles see Burkert (1979) 80-83 and (1987b).

27. Egyptian Bes amulets were reinterpreted to represent Herakles the "Daktylos"; see C. Grottanclli, "Eracle dattilo dell'Ida, Aspetti 'Orientali,'" Orlens Antiquus 11 (1972) 201-208; that the iconography of Herakles is dependent on that of Bes had been

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N O T E S T O P A G E S 8 7 - 8 8

shown already by A. Furtwängler, RML I 2143-45 a n ^ ARW 10 (1907) 325 = Kleine Schriften I I (1924) 420; see also A. M. Biri, "Da Bes a Herakles," Riv. Stud. Fen. 8 (1980) 15-42.

28. J. Boardman, Pre-Classical: From Crete to Archaic Greece (1967) 106, wrote: "In the art of the 'orientalizing' period we look in vain for anything which we might call religious art"; this statement overlooks the Ida tympanon (Chapter 1, "Oriental Products in Greece," note 13; see Figure 1), and of course there were votive offerings and also divine images; but it captures a characteristic of the epoch.

29. See Faraone (1987) on Od. 7.91-94.

3 . "Or Also a Godly Singer" FROM ATRAHASIS TO THE "DECEPTION OF ZEUS"

i . "The Gilgamesh Epic . . . may well be called the Odyssey of the Babylonians"; A. Heidel, The Gilgamesh Epic and Old Testament Parallels (1949 2) 1. A catalogue of parallels in Auffahrt (1991) 136-139; see also Gresseth (1975); Wilson (1986); Burkert (1991). Jensen (1902), (1912/13), (1924) and Ungnad (1923) called attention esp. to Kalypso and Siduri the ale wife, Alkinoos, and Utnapish-tim. Utnapishtim's ferryman quits his service after the transport of Gilgamesh (XI 234-236), just as the transport of Odysseus is the last ever done by the Phaeacians (Od. 13.125-187). See also G. Crane, "Circe and the Near East," in Calypso. Backgrounds and Conventions of the Odyssey (1988) 61-85. Fries (1910) reached an extreme position; more solid is Wirth (1921). Most specific is Enkidu coming up from the dead to meet his friend (Gilgamesh XII), just as Patroklus' soul meets Achilles (//. 23.65-107): "The comparison . . . is, indeed, almost irresistible"; G. S. Kirk, Myth (1970) 108; cf. idem, The Nature of Greek Myths (1974) 260 f.; see also Chapter 2, "Spirits of the Dead and Black Magic," at note 4. There are also connections with Od. 11, the Nekyia; cf. C. F. Lehmann-Haupt, RE XI 433; G. Germain, Genèse de l'Odyssée (1954) 34 2 ~346; Dirl-meier (1955) 30-35; "A faintly possible model": G. S. Kirk, The Songs of Homer (1962) 107. For the beginning of the Odyssey and of Gilgamesh see Chapter 3, "Common Style and Stance in Oriental and Greek Epic," at note 17.

2. Atrahasis ed. Lambert and Millard (1969), with von Soden (1978); Bottéro and Kramer (1989); Dalley (1989).

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N O T E S T O P A G E S 8 9 - 9 2

3. See Atrahasis ed. Lambert and Millard (1969) 11-13. 4. Atrahasis I 7-10 = Gilgamesh XI 15-18 (the word translated

"sheriff" in line 10 by Lambert and Millard is problematic; see their note p. 147; "contre-maître": Bottéro and Kramer 530: "canal-controller": Dalley 9) ; Atrahasis I 11-17; the translation by Lambert and Millard has been modified here, following von Soden and Dalley.

5. II v 16-19, 3 0 - 3 ' » PP- 80-83 ; tablet X rev. I 4-7; II 2.5, pp. 116-119; cf. the commentary by Lambert and Millard p. 166.

6. II. 15.187-193. The three divine brothers are illustrated on a black-figure vase by the Xenokles painter (ca. 540-530 B . C . ) , BM B 425, ABV 184; A. B. Cook, Zeus II (1925) 745. The drawing of lots (klêroi) was said to have happened at the site of Apollo's sanctuary at Klaros, Schol. Apoll.Rhod. 1.308. Further from Homer and Atrahasis is a Hittite text: "When they had created heaven and earth, they divided. The upper gods took heaven, the lower gods took earth and the lower countries for themselves"; H. Otten and J. Siegelovâ, AfO 23 (1970) 32 f. This lacks the tripartite structure and the drawing of lots.

7. Hes. Theog. 883. 8. Heaven-earth-underworld: the oath: 17. 15.36 f.; cf. 3.277-

279; Od. 5.184 f. Earth-heaven-sea: //. 18.483 (description of the shield of Achilles); Od. 1.52 f.; Hes. Theog. 847; Hymn. Dem. 33 f. Heaven-underworld-earth-sea: Hes. Theog. 736 f. Cf. already Wirth (1921) 132; E. G. Schmidt, "Himmel-Erde-Meer im frühgriechischen Epos und im alten Orient," Philologus 125 (1981) 1-24 (still without knowledge of Atrahasis).

9. Cf. already Gruppe (1887) 612-618; U. von Wilamowitz-Moellendorff, Kleine Schriften V 2 (1937) 167 and Der Glaube der Hellenen I (1931) 341: "die fremde Genealogie"; W. Theiler, Untersuchungen zur antiken Literatur (1970) 24-26; A. Dihle, Homer-Probleme (1970) 83-92. For the function of the scene in the Iliad see H. Erbse, A&A 16 (1970) 93-112. See now R. Janko, The Iliad: A Commentary IV (1992) [68-207.

10. Plat. Krat. 402ab; Tht. 152e, i8oc-d; cf. Tim. 40e; Arist. Met. 983b27; Aet. 1.3.2; Plut. Is. 3640-d referred to Egypt for comparison. Cf. J. Mansfeld, Mnemosyne 38 (1985) 123-129.

11. ' Q x e a v ö v TE OEÜJV yévEaiv xcù i in téga TnSiJv: //. 14.201 = 302; ' Q x e a v o û , ôç JIEQ YÉVEOTÇ JtdvxEaor xéxuxxa i : 246.

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N O T E S T O P A G E S 9 2 - 9 3

Oceanus and Tethys also appear in Hes. Theog. 133-136 and in the genealogy of Phoroneus Apollod. Bib. 2.1; both are represented on the dinos of Sophilos (about 570 B . C . ) , BM 1971.11-1.1; cf. A. Birchall, Brit. Mus. Quart. 36 (1971/72) pi. 37; G. Bakir, Sophilos (1981) 64 fig. 3; D. Williams in Greek Vases in the J. Paul Getty Museum I (1983) 9-34; Tethys is spelt 0E0YE by Sophilos.

12. U. Hölscher, "Anaximander und der Anfang der Philosophie," Hermes 81 (1953) 257-277, 385-418, revised in Anfängliches Fragen (1968) 9 - 8 9 , esp. 40-43 ; cf. G. S. Kirk, J. E. Raven, and M. Schofield, The Presocratic Philosophers (1983 2) 10-17; W. K. C. Guthrie, A Flistory of Greek Philosophy I (1962) 58-6 1 ; Walcot (1966) 34; West (1966) 204. The relevance of Enuma Elish for He-siod was established by F. M. Cornford, "A Ritual Basis for He-siod's Theogony," in The Unwritten Philosophy (1950) 95-116.

13. Enuma Elish I 1-5. 14. AHw 1353 f; ta-a-wa-ti (genitive): Enuma Elish IV 65 p. 23

Lambert and Parker; ti-ä-wa-ti: II 81, p. 12 Lambert and Parker; ta-ma-tu: I 33, p. 2 Lambert and Parker. The sign wa can also be read aw. For the change m/w see W. von Soden, Grundriss der Akkadischen Grammatik (1952) §§ 2 i d , 31a. The first to see the connection between Enuma Elish and Homer, Tiamat and Tethys was W. E. Gladstone, Landmarks of Homeric Study (1890), appendix; then F. Lukas, Die Grundbegriffe in den Kosmogonien der alten Völker (1893) !54 n - ; cf. also Duchemin (1980a) 851, 858 f, 864, 868; Szemerenyi (1974) 150.

15. For Sophilos see note 11, above; Eudemos fr. 150 Wehrli = Damask. Princ. I 322.1 f.; for theta reproducing Semitic taw see also E. Schwyzer, Griechische Grammatik I (1939) 154.

16. R. Gusmani in Studies in Greek, Italian and Indoeuropean Linguistics Presented to L. R. Palmer (1976) 77-82, against E. Laroche, Melanges P. Chantraine (1972) 83 -9 1 .

17. On the date of Enuma Elish see Walcot (1966) 33; Reiner (1978) 175; Dalley (1989) 229 f.; "neo-oriental": West (1971) 205.

18. On the kestos II. 14.214 see C. Bonner, AJP 70 (1949) 1-6; F. E. Brenk, Class. Bull. 54 (1977) 17-19; C. A. Faraone, Phoenix 44 (1990) 219-243. Zeus's catalogue, II. 14.315-328; cf. Gilgamesh VI 42-78, but also Kalypso's catalogue of goddesses who have loved mortals, Od. 5.118-128. For the oriental background of Aphrodite see Chapter 3, "Complaint in Heaven."

202


19. IL 15.36-38 = Od. 5.184-186. Inscriptions from Sfire (see above, Chapter 2, "Spirits of the Dead and Black Magic," note 28): I A 11 f., ANET 6$9, Fitzmyer (1967) 12 f. "Oath of Heaven and Earth" also in the Sumerian Descent oflshtar 241; Bottero and Kramer (1989) 285; in Tukulti Ninurta III (IV) 40, Annals of Archaeology and Anthropology 20 (1933) 121, 126; even Jahwe takes his oath "by heaven and earth," Deut. 4:26—but also Mongols and Manchus in A . D . 1628, R. Merkelbach, Mithras (1984) 5 f. n.7. The oriental background of state treaties was already stressed by Schwahn RE IV A 1107 f; see now M. Weinfeld, "The Common Heritage of Covenantal Traditions in the Ancient World," in I trattati nel mondo antico, ed. L. Canfora, M. Liverani, and C. Zaccagnini (1990) 175-191.

20. Cf. E. D. van Buren, "The Rain-Goddess as Represented in Early Mesopotamia," Analecta Biblica 12 (1959) 343-355, esp. 350 f., pi. XXVI 9 (Syria, second millennium); R. M. Boemer, Die Entwicklung der Glyptik während der Akkad-Zeit (1965) 62 -64 with figs- 333, 364, 367, 368, 371, 373, etc. (third millennium); U. Winter (1983) 276 with fig. 273. Lugal-e 26: "Ami fecundated earth"; Ena I 28 f.: "Ami, king of the gods, mated with earth: seven gods she bore to him"; incantation text Ebeling (1918/19) II 45: "As heaven mated with earth, and plants grew abundant . . ."

21. Niemeyer (1984) 68 f.; the statuette also in Schefold (1964) pi. 39; LIMC Hera no. 202.

22. II. 14.274, 279; 15.225; 8.478 f.; 5.848 (ovocxvixuVEg); cf. West (1966) 200 f.; Burkert (1985) 174; F. Solmsen, "The Two Near Eastern Sources of Hesiod," Hermes 117 (1989) 413-422.

23. On karuiles siunes see H. Often, ZA 54 (1961) 135--141, 157; E. Reiner and H. G. Güterbock, JCS 21 (1967) 265 f.; V. Haas and G. Wilhelm, Hurritische und luwische Riten aus Kizzuwatna ( i974) 5 0 _ 5 3 ; Gurney (1977) 15; V Haas, Hethitische Berggötter und Hurritische Steindämonen (1982) 32-34, 133.

24. Ebeling (1931) 38 no. 8.5 (the "seven gods" who have been vanquished/bound by Anu the god of heaven); Enuma Elish 4.127; cf. 7.27. AHw 433 translates kamü 'to bind,' but CAD VII (K) 127 f. insists on the meaning "to vanquish." Cf. B. Landsberger and J. V. Kinnier Wilson, JNES 20 (1961) 178 f.; J. S. Cooper, Analecta Orientalia 52 (1978) 141-154; Van Dijk (1983) 10 f.; Haas (1986) 45 f-, 91-93-

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N O T E S T O P A G E S 9 4 - 9 7

25. Orph. fr. 114. 26. See above, Chapter 1, "The Problem of Loan-Words," note

22; and Chapter 3, "Common Style and Stance in Oriental and Greek Epic."

27. Eustath. 332.24-28; A. Dieterich, RhM 48 (1893) 280 = Kleine Schriften (1911) 121; J. E. Harrison, Prolegomena to the Study of Greek Religion (1922 3) 491-493; L. R. Farnell, The Cults of the Greek States V (1909) 172.

28. Cf. already E. Assmann, "Titaia, Titanen und der Tartaros," Babyloniaca 6 (1912) 236-239; Astour (1965) 196 n.3. But for striking assonances note also that the mythical ancestor of the kings of Ugarit, in the assembly of the netherworld, is Ditanu; O. Loretz, Ugarit und die Bibel (1990) 69.

29. Ebeling (1931) 76 no. 20.4; 138 no. 30 C 4; E. D. Van Buren, Orientalia 10 (1942) 69 f.; titu in particular is the material from which man has been created: Zimmern (1901) 158 f. no. 48.1; Atrahasis I 203.

30. Reiner (1978) 157. 31. See Chapter 1, "Writing and Literature in the Eighth Cen

tury." 32. Cf. West (1988) 169. There will not easily be agreement on

the process of composition and the date of our text of the Iliad. Suffice it to refer to A. Lesky, RE Suppl. XI 687-846 s.v. Elomeros (1968); A. Heubeck, Die Homerische Frage (1988 2); J. Latacz, Homer (1989 2). I, for one, am inclined to think that our text is a well-planned composition from beginning to end, to be dated in the first half of the seventh century, though relying on generations of earlier oral singers (cf. WSt 89 [1976] 5-21).

COMPLAINT IN HEAVEN

1. See, e.g., P. Von der Mühll, Kritisches Flypomnema zur Ilias (1952), who assigns practically all the divine scenes to his "Bearbeiter B"; cf. 96 f. on II. 5.353-431.

2. Esp. L. A. Stella, II poema di Ulisse (1955) 188-205; Stella (1978) 73-123-

3. Gilgamesh VI 1-91; ANET 83 f., modified according to von Soden.

4. //. 5.330-431. 5. This was noticed by Gresseth (1975) 14, who also compares

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N O T E S T O P A G E S 9 7 - I O O

the threat of Ishtar to release the dead from the underworld, if Anu does not grant her wish (Gilgamesh VI 96-100), with the reverse threat of Helios in the Odyssey to go down to the underworld, if Zeus does not grant his wish (12.382 f ) . See also Burkert in Eranos

Jahrbuch (1982) 335-367. 6. i7. 21.505-513. 7. Cf. Burkert (1985) 152-156; for Anchises and Aphrodite see

L. H. Lentz, Der Homerische Aphroditehymmis und die Aristie des Aineias in der llias (1975), esp. 104-107, 144-152. Helck (1979) 243-249 holds that practically the whole Homeric pantheon reproduces North Syrian/Late Hittite gods.

8. Dione is mentioned Hes. Tbeog. 17 in a catalogue which is close to Homer (cf. West [1968] 156) and in Theog. 353 among the daughters of Oceanus; for Dodona, see Strab. 7 p. 392, who says that Dione has been secondarily introduced there; cf. Escher, RE V 878-880. G. Murray, Five Stages of Greek Religion (1925) 77, argued that Dione had preceded Hera as Zeus's wife; this is refuted by Linear B, where Hera is the wife of Zeus. For Diwija see M. Gérard-Rousseau, Ees mentions religieuses dans les tablettes mycéniennes (1968) 67-70. The suffix -û)VT| remained productive in the Greek language, so that female names could always be formed with it; cf. Danae Akrisione, //. 14.319; Helena Argeione, Hes. fr. 2 3 3 2 0 .

9. Callim. Hymn. 5, esp. 5.35 with schol.; see W. Burkert, Zeitschrift fur Religions- und Geistesgeschichte 22 (1970) 361 f. ; see also the Catalogue of Ships, //. 2.559-568; 0. Andersen, "Die Diome-desgestalt in der llias," Symb. Oslo, suppl. 25 (1978). Note that Diomedes is immortal (Thebais fr. 5 Davies).

10. Porph. Abst. 2.54 f; this section is not taken from Theo-phrastus, but no further details can be made out; neither "King Diphilos of Cyprus" nor "Seleukos the theologian" mentioned in the text is known elsewhere. Cf. RE I A 1835 s.v. Salamis.

11. F. Schwenn, Die Menschenopfer bei den Griechen und Romern ii9lS) 7 1 f- argues against this thesis.

12. See Chapter 1 "Historical Background," at note 19; and below, "The Overpopulated Earth," note 12.

13. See Burkert (1983a) 60 f. 14. Gilgamesh VI 53-57; see above, "From Atrahasis to the 'De

ception of Zeus,' " note 18. 15. Od. 4.759-767.

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N O T E S T O P A G E S I O O - I O 3

16. A kind of vegetable offering: L. Deubner, Kleine Schriften zur klassischen Altertumskunde (1982) 625; cf. Schob 761 and Eust. Invented by the poet: S. West in A. Heubeck, S. West, and J. B. Hainsworth, .4 Commentary on Homer's Odyssey I (1988) 240; "ohne jede Analogie" according to K. Meuli, Ausgewählte Schriften II ( i975) 994 n.i .

17. Gilgamesh III ii 1-21; ANET 81; Dalley (1989) 65; supplemented according to von Soden (1982) 38.

18. //. 16.220-253. 19. Cf. Jeremiah 44:17-19 and the Greek Adonia; cf. also the

Ugaritic epic of Keret ii 73-80, ANET 143.

THE OVERPOPULATED EARTH

1. Atrahasis III vii 1-9, p. 102 f. Lambert and Millard. "Birth control" is aladam pursi, line 9. Cf. A. D. Kilmer, "The Mesopo-tamian Concept of Overpopulation and Its Solution as Reflected in the Mythology," Orientalia 41 (1972) 160-177. Studies on the motif of overpopulation without knowledge of Atrahasis include H. Schwarzbaum, "The Overcrowded Earth," Numen 4 (1957) 59-74; G. Dumézil, Mythe et épopée I (1974 2) 31-257; J. W. de Jong, "The Overburdened Earth in India and Greece," J AOS' 105 (1985) 397-400.

2. Atrahasis I 352-359 = II 1-8. 3. Kypria fr. 1 Allen = fr. 1 Davies = Schob AD II. 1.5. 4. Schob AD //. 1.5; cf. Schob Eur. Or. 1641; E. Bethe, Homer

II (1929 2) 154 f.; 228. Cf. also Gilgamesh XI 182-185: the gods discuss whether mankind should be reduced by flood, man-eating beasts, famine, or plague.

5. Prokl. Chrestom. p. 102.13 Allen = p. 31.5 Davies. 6. Hes. fr. 204.96 ff.; cf. M. L. West, CQ 11 (1961) 133-136;

K. Heilinger, MH 40 (1983) 23 f. 7. Enuma Elish 1 47; ANET 61 ; Dalley (1989) 234; in the tran

scription of Eudemos (see above, "From Atrahasis to the 'Deception of Zeus,'" note 16) Murnmu is MCMJLUV.

8. Apollod. Bibl. 1 .39-44; cf- Burkert (1979) 7 - 9 . 9. W. Kullmann had insisted on the pre-Homeric character of

the story; see "Ein vorhomerisches Motiv im Iliasproömium," Philologus 99 (1955) 167-192, referring to the Mahahharata, as Schwarzbaum, Dumézil, and de Jong (see above, note 1) also did.

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And still the parallel with Atrahasis, very incompletely known to him, had already been noticed by Wirth (1921) 132.

10. See Rzach, RE XI 2379 f.; H. Lloyd-Jones, "Stasinus and the Cypria," in Stasinos. Syndesmos Hellenon Philologon Kyprou 4 (1968/72) 115-122, esp. 117 f. A direct link to Kypris = Aphrodite can hardly be accepted—it should result in *Kypridia.

11. Schefold (1964) pl. 29b; LIMC Alexandras no. 5 = Aphrodite no. 1423 = Athena no. 405; II. 24.29 f.; cf. K. Reinhardt, Das Parisurteil (1938); I. Raab, Zu den Darstellungen des Parisurteils in der griechischen Kunst (1972).

12. See V. Karageorghis, "The Age of Exuberance," in Salamis. Recent Discoveries in Cyprus (1969); for the "sword with silver nails" see p. 70 pi. 25; for the role of Cyprus see above, "From Atrahasis to the 'Deception of Zeus,' " note 19; and "Complaint in Heaven," note 12.

13. H. Bossert, Altsyrien (1951) no. 815; Markoe (1985) 278-283, E 2 and E 1; U. Gehring and FL G. Niemeyer, eds., Die Phönizier im Zeitalter Homers (1990) 186 f. no. 139 fig. 23.

14. C. Clermont-Ganneau, L'imagerie Phénicienne et la mythologie iconologique chez les grecs (r88o).

15. I owe this idea to C. Grottanelli and A. Hermary. 16. //. 5.311 f.; cf. 3.373 f., etc. 17. Atrahasis I 27-102, pp. 44-49 Lambert and Millard. 18. II. 1 .396-406; cf. W. Kullmann, Das Wirken der Götter in

der Ilias (1956) 14-17; Duchemin (1980a) 864; B. K. Braswell, "Mythological Invention in the Iliad," CQ 21 (1971) 18 f.

19. Cf. J. Duchemin, Prométhée. Histoire du mythe de ses origines orientales à ses incarnations modernes (1974). On trickster mythology and Atrahasis see Burkert (1982b).

SEVEN AGAINST THEBES

1. F. H. Stubbings, CAH II 2 3 (1975) 168. 2. S. Symeonoglou, Kadmeia I (1973) 72-76; F. H. Stubbings,

CAH II 2 5 168 f; T. G. Spyropoulos, Minos suppl. 4 (1975) 53—55; 58-71 . The problem of how to combine the results of excavation with the mythical traditions is discussed in A. Schachter, "The Theban Wars," Phoenix 21 (1967) 1-10; Edwards (1979), esp. 104 f.; C. Brillante, "Le leggende Tebane e l'archeologia," SMEA 21 (1980) 309-340; "more than one hypothesis will fit": Edwards 189.

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Biegen thought the destruction of Thebes (by the Epigoni) and of Troy VII A were about contemporary, ca. 1250. M. I. Finley's denial of the historicity of the Trojan War, Proc. Brit. Ac. 60 (1974) 393-412, receives decisive support from the late date for the destruction of Troy VII A, ca. 1140, as established by E. F. Bloedow, Prähistorische Zeitschrift 63 (1988) 23-52.

3. J/. 2.505 with Schol.B and Strab. 9 p. 412. For the late date of the catalogue see A. Giovannini, Etude historique sur les origines du catalogue des vaisseaux (1969); G. S. Kirk, The Iliad: A Commentary I (1985) 168-195. Note that the Iliad presumes the presence of Boio-toi in Boeotia, who, according to local tradition, came there only after the Trojan War.

4. For the history of Boeotia and Thebes in the early archaic period see P. Cloché, Thèbes de Béotie (1952); M. Sordi, "Mitologia e propaganda nella Beocia arcaica," Atene e Roma, n.s. 11 (1966) 15-24; Jeffery (1976) 77-79; R. J. Buck, A History of Boeotia (1979); H. van Effenterre, Les Béotiens (1989); bibliography inj . M. Fossey and J. Morin, eds., Boeotia Antiqua I (1988).

5. Qfjßric éKTam3Xoio: //. 4.406; Od. 11.263. Fragments of the Thebais: pp. 21-26 Davies. The most extensive study of the whole Theban tradition is still C. Robert, Ödipus (1915). See also Burkert (1981a) 29-34.

6. Following Keramopoullos, see the map in R E V A 1425 f.; cf. T. G. Spyropoulos, Minos suppl. 4 (1975) 62; K. Demakopou-lou and D. Konsola, Archaeologisches Museum Theben: Führer (1981) 22; N. D. Papachatzis, Pausaniou Periegesis V (1981) 64 f.; S. Sy-meonoglou, The Topography of Thebes from the Bronze Age to Modern Times (1985) 32-38. The existence of the seven gates was denied by U. von Wilamowitz-Moellendorff, "Die sieben Tore Thebens," Hermes 26 (1891) 191-242 = Kleine Schriften V 1 (1937) 26-77, esP-62 f., followed by F. Schober, R E V A 1429, who states that only three gates make topographical sense: "drei Tore . . . entsprechen allein der Lage auch der heutigen Stadt, die auch nur drei Ausgänge kennt"; Howald (1939) 3; P. J. Reimer, Zeven tegen Thebe, Diss. Amsterdam (1953).

7. The oldest lists are in Aesch. Sept. 375-652 and from the Argive dedication at Delphi, Paus. 10.10.4; cf. Apollod. Bibl. 3 [63] 6.3; Robert, Ödipus (1915) I 237-247.

8. Amphiaraos, originally probably *Amphiares (connected

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with Ares; see A. Heubeck, Die Sprache 17 [1971] 8-22), called Amphis in Aeschylus fr. 412 Radt, probably had some relation to Amphion, whose tomb was prominent at Thebes. The names Adrastos and Amphios are associated at II. 2.830, somehow reflecting the Thebais(?), cf. B. C. Dietrich, Historia 29 (1980) 499. On Diomedes see above, "Complaint in Heaven," notes 9-10.

9. Howald (1939), criticized by A. Lesky, Die tragische Dichtung der Hellenen (1972 3) 89 with n.25. Sikyon: Hdt. 5.67. On Arion see Burkert (1979) 127.

10. Ed. R F. Gössmann (1956); Cagni (1969); Labat et al. (1970) 114-137; Bottero and Kramer (1989) 680-727; Dalley (1989) 285-312; not in ANET; cf. Reiner (1978) 166-168. Walcot (1966) 49-54 compares the way the poet introduces himself (Ena V 4 2 -61) with the poem of Hesiod. It is strangely reminiscent of Erra the god of war and plague that in Sophocles' O. T! Ares the god of war is introduced as the god of plague (190).

11. See Cagni (1969) 44 f.: ninth century at the earliest; Bottero and Kramer (1989) 720: about 850 B.c.; W. von Soden, Ugarit-Forschungen 3 (1971) 255 f.: 765-703 B.C. ; cf. Dalley (1989) 282-284.

12. Reiner (1960b); cf. Reiner (1978) 167; Cagni (1969) 45; see above, Chapter 2, "Hepatoscopy," note 7 on Tarsos.

13. Seejastrow (1905/12) I 173 f.; Meissner (1920/25) II 203; D . O. Edzard in EI. W. Haussig, ed., Wörterbuch der Mythologie I (1965) 124 f.; Gössmann (note 10 above) 70-72. Wirth (1921) 157 already associated the demoniac "Seven" with the "Seven against Thebes."

14. A collection of incantation texts, Asakki marsuti, Thompson (1903/04) II 28 f.; for etemnm, see above, Chapter 2, "Spirits of the Dead and Black Magic," note 2; for gallu above, Chapter 2 "La-mashtu, Lamia, and Gorgo," note 6.

15. The collection utukki lemnuti XVI, Thompson (1903/04) I 88-103,

m m e context of the eclipses; cf. Tablet V of the same series, Thompson I 50 f., 74 f.

16. Thompson (1903/04) I 184-201; cf. Meissner (1920/25) II 199 f.

17. Meier (1941/44); earlier treatment by Zimmern (1901) 168 f. n.54; cf. Castellino (1977) 716-725; see now F. A. M. Wiggermann, Babylonian Prophylactic Figures: The Ritual Texts (1986) 205-

• 209 •

N O T E S T O P A G E S I I O - I I 3

227. The "divine Seven" and "seven bearers of arms" also appear in a text about the fabrication of magical figurines, Rittig (1977) 154 f., 164 f. (KAR 298).

18. Cf. C. L. Woolley, JRAS (1926) 689-713; R. Borger, Bibl. Or. 30 (1973) 176-183; Rittig (1977); see above, Chapter 2, "Purification," note 31; "Spirits of the Dead and Black Magic," notes 28, 34; and Chapter 3, "From Atrahasis to the 'Deception of Zeus,'" note 29.

19. The form used, mundahse (Gt from mahasu; cf. Chapter 1, "The Problem of Loan-Words," note 34), basically means "fighting reciprocally" (Meier [1941/44] 151) but is also used in a more general sense for "fighter"; see AHw 581, 672.

20. M. von Oppenheim, Tell HalafUl: Die Bildwerke, ed. A. Moortgat (1955) pi. 35b, A 3, 49, p. 54 states that the sculptor obviously intended to render the figures in mirror symmetry: "Die Absicht des Bildhauers war anscheinend, die Männer spiegelbildgleich zu bilden"; H. T. Bossert, Altsyrien (1951) no. 472. See Figure 8. For Etruscan representations see I. Krauskopf, Der Thebanische Sagenkreis und andere griechische Sagen in der etruskischen Kunst (1974)-

21. II Samuel 2:16; cf. C. Grottanelli, "Horatius, i Curiatii e II Sam. 2,12-28," Annali dell'lstituto Orientale di Napoli 35 (1975) 547-

554-22. Liv. 1.24 f.; see Grottanelli (above, note 21). 23. Pind. frs. 162-163; cf. Pyth. 4.88 with Schob; Diod. 5.50

f.; Apollod. Bibl. 1 [53-55] 7.4; Eust. 1687.36. The Aloadae are mentioned in Ii. 5.385 f., Od. 11.305-320; and in Hesiod fr. 19.

24. See R. Hampe, Frühe griechische Sagenbilder in Böotien (1936); Schefold (1964) 6a, advocating a date in the eighth century; but see K. Fittschen, Untersuchungen zum Beginn der Sagendarstellungen bei den Griechen (1969) 213-221. For the parallels, esp. the seven-headed snake in oriental iconography, see Burkert (1979) 8 0 -83; (1987b) 25-29. Boeotians, lawones, and Locrians are grouped together, //. 13.685; see above, Chapter 1, "Historical Background," note 18.

25. See Chapter 2, "Flepatoscopy" and "Foundation Deposits." 26. J. McK. Camp, "A Drought in the Late Eighth Century

B.C.," Hesperia 48 (1979) 397-411; contra, see I. Morris, Burial and Ancient Society (1987) 158-167.

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N O T E S T O P A G E S I I 4 - I I 6

27. I. Krauskopf (see note 20, above) 86, 299, following E. Simon; LIMC I 711 s.v, Amphiaraos.

28. G. Mylonas, Praktika (1953) 81-87, g i y m g a vague date "late geometric"; cf. Paus. 1.39.2; Plut. Thes. 29.5; and Eur. Sup-plices.

29. See J. N. Coldstream, "Hero-Cults in the Age of Homer," JHS 96 (1976) 8-17.

30. See above, "From Atrahasis to the 'Deception of Zeus,'" note 32.

31. For the "Seven Sages" of primordial times (apkalle) see AHw 58 f; E. Reiner, Qrientalia, n.s. 30 (1961) 1-11; R. Borger,

JNES 33 (1974) 183-196-32. The Sibitti appear in the inscription of Sfire I A 11 (see

above, Chapter 2, "Spirits of the Dead and Black Magic," note 28), ANET 659, Fitzmyer (1967) 12 f.

COMMON STYLE AND STANCE IN ORIENTAL AND GREEK EPIC

1. Stella (1978) 362-391, with the cautionary statement that direct influence should be excluded: "esclusa naturalmente ogni eventualita di influssi diretti su Omero" (368). Comparisons of Homer with Babylon began with Jensen and Fries and were carried on by Wirth (1921) and Ungnad (1923); for the more recent developments see esp. Bowra (1952), Dirlmeier (1955), Gordon (1955)» Walcot (1966), Gresseth (1975), Helck (1979) 249-251 . See also Burkert (1991).

2. See M. Parry, The Making of Homeric Verse (1971). 3. The bibliography has become abundant. Suffice it to men

tion R. Finnegan, Oral Poetry. Its Nature, Significance, and Social Context (1977); J. M. Foley, Oral-Formulaic Theory and Research. An Introduction and Annotated Bibliography (1985).

4. quradu Enlil in Atrahasis 1.8 = Gilgamesh XI 16. See for this and the following also Bowra (1952) 241.

5. Utnapistim ruqu in Gilgamesh X-XI passim. 6. qarrad la sanan in Erra passim. 7. rkb crpt in Baal passim, /)/// cnt in Baal and Aqhat passim, dnl

rpe in Aqhat passim. 8. mudu tuquntu in Gilgamesh IV vi 30. 9. tabat rigma in Gilgamesh XI 117. 10. ersetim rapastim in Gilgamesh VIII iii-iv 43, 46, 47, p. 49

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Thompson; cf. evQela / Ö C Ü V . A S to "black earth" (youa [XE^atva), Ottinger (1989/90) argues for Hurrite-Hittite provenience.

11. Sumerian prayer to the moon god in SAHG 223 = Castellino (1977) 336 line 16. In Hittite Ullikummi is called "father of the gods"; ANET 121 f., as El is ab adm, father of men, in Ugarit.

12. pasu ippus-ma iquabbi, ana . . . (amatam) izakkar with slight variations; see F. Sonnek, "Die Einführung der direkten Rede in den epischen Texten," ZA 46 (1940) 225-235; the formula occurs also in fables, e.g., Lambert ( i960) 178.7.

13. Gilgamesh X i n f.; cf. X iv, 12-14; Elana II 99; J. V. Kin-nier Wilson, The Legend ofEtana (1985) 98; in Hittite: J. Siegelova, Appu-Mdrchen und Hedammu-Mythus (1971) 48 f.; in the Old Testament, too, people "speak to their heart": Gen. 27:41 f., I Samuel 1:12 f.; cf. Stella (1978) 365; D. O. Edzard, "Selbstgespräch und Monolog in der akkadischen Literatur," in Lingering over Words: Studies in Ancient Near Eastern Literature in Honor of W. L. Moran, ed. T. Abusch, J. Huehnergard, and R Steinkeller (1990) 149-162.

14. mimmu seri ina namari in Gilgamesh XI 48 = 96; cf. Ungnad (1923) 30.

15. ANET 124: the weather god sends Tashmeshu as Zeus sends Hermes in Od. 5. An important assembly of the gods also takes place in Gilgamesh VII 1 3 ff., where the gods decide about the death of Enkidu. The entrance of victorious Ninurta into this assembly, who threatens to rouse panic but is appeased by his mother, in the Sumerian poem ANGIM 71 ff. (Bottero and Kramer [1989] 381 f.), has a marked resemblance to Horn. Hymn Apoll. 3 -13 (I owe this observation to C. Penglase). For Ugarit, see E. T. Mullen, The Assembly of the Gods: The Divine Council in Canaanite and Early Hebrew Literature (1980).

16. See Bowra (1952) 266 f, who includes materials from Gilgamesh.

17. See Wirth (1921) 112 f.; A. B. Lord in A. J. B. Wace and F. H. Stubbings, A Companion to Homer (1967) 198.

18. Gilgamesh III iv 141-148 (in the reconstruction of von Soden), p. 27 Thompson; ANET 79; Dalley (1989) 145. simatu awil-utim in the Babylonian version X ii 4 p. 53 Thompson. Cf. Gres-seth (1975) 14; T. Bauer, JNES 16 (1957) 260, who also refers to the expression "to set one's name for people of later times" (sakin

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sumim ina nisi uhhurati) in school texts; on Greek-Indo-European Ct(j)0iTOV xA.EOg see R. Schmitt, Dichtung und Dichtersprache in indogermanischer Zeit (1967) 61-69.

19. II. 12.322-328, imitated by Stesichorus S 11 Page-Davies. 20. Gilgamesh VI 162 f., ANET8S- Bowra (1952) 63 translates

"member" of the bull, which might be misleading. For imittu, hind leg, see AHw 377.

21. //. 22.20. 22. Od. 18.136 f., taken up by Archilochos 131-132 West, then

by Heraclitus B 17. 23. Ludlul bei nemeqi II 43-45; Lambert ( i960) 40 f. translates

the text ki pite u katami, "like opening and shutting the legs," which may be the original sense, but the commentary on the passage from the library of Assurbanipal (Lambert 40; cf. 291) paraphrases "day and night"; hence ANET 435; so this was the way the passage was understood at the time of Archilochos.

24. See M. Lichtheim, Ancient Egyptian Literature II (1976) 57-72 on the various versions, the documents—inscriptions and a papyrus text—and the earlier editions.

25. D. Luckenbill, The Annals of Sennacherib (1924) 43-47; transcription in Borger (1979) I 83-85; translation in Luckenbill (1926/27) II §§ 252-254. //. 20.498-501 .

26. For mercenaries see Chapter 1, "Oriental Products in Greece," at notes 63-68 . Cf. the conclusions drawn from the bowl of Praeneste (Figure 7), Chapter 3, "The Overpopulated Earth," at note 15 (which also has the chariot for the prince).

27. Judges 4. 28. For Ugarit see FI. Gese, Die Religionen Altsyriens (1970) 54;

Dirlmeier (1955) 25 f.; Jeremiah 2:27; //. 22.126; Od. 19.163; Hes. Theog. 35.

29. Od. 19.107-114: otQETCÖai ÖE Xaoi im' avrov (114); Hes. Erga 225-247; Assurbanipal in Streck (1916) II 6 f.; cf. Walcot (1966) 92 f.;Jeffery (1976) 39; West (1978b) 213.

30. See above, Chapter 1, "Loan-Words," note 30.

FABLES

I . See in general W. Wienert, Die Typen der griechisch-römischen Label (1925); K. Meuli, Wesen und Herkunft der Fabel (1954) = Gesammelte Schriften (1975) 731-756; M. Nojgaard, La

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N O T E S T O P A G E S I 2 I - I 2 2

fable antique I (1964); Rodriguez Adrados (1979); T. Karadagli, Fabel und Ainos (1981); O. Reverdin, ed., La fable, Entretiens sur l'antiquité classique 30 (1984); for enormous materials on the influence of ancient fables see Enzyklopädie des Märchens (1977 ff.) s.v. Aso-pika, Babrios, Avianus, Fabel, etc.

2. E. Brunner-Traut, Altägyptische Tiergeschichte und Fabel (1970 3).

3. E. Ebeling, Die babylonische Fabel und ihre Bedeutung für die Literaturgeschichte (1931); see esp. Lambert ( i960) ; RIA VII 46.

4. "The king of trees": Judges 9; "The thistle and the cedar tree": II Kings 14:9.

5. H. Diels, "Orientalische Fabeln in griechischem Gewände," Internationale Wochenschrift 4 (1910), on Callim. fr. 194 compared with "the palm and the tamarisk," for which see now ANET 410 f., Lambert ( i960) 151-164. See also A. La Penna, "Letteratura eso-pica e letteratura assiro-babilonese," RFIC 92 (1964) 24-39; Rodriguez Adrados (1979) 301-379.

6. Babrius 2.2 f.: ZDpcov JtaÀaicov éoxiv eupeu.' àvOptimcov, oi Jtpiv Jtot' fjoav èm Nivou te xat Btfj ou. On the identity of "King Alexandros" mentioned in the dedication of Babrius see B. E. Perry, Babrius and Phaedrus, Loeb Classical Library (1965) xlvii-lii; Inschriften von Ephesus V: Die Inschriften Kleinasiens 15 (1980) no. 1537-

7. On Ahiqar see Chapter 1, "Writing and Literature in the Eighth Century," at note 30; on Lydia, Chapter 1, "Historical Background," notes 25-26. Parallels between Greek and Meso-potamian fables are collected in Rodriguez Adrados (1979) 3 7 6 -378; Hellenistic parallels in West (1969); Aesop no. 137 Perry, Babrius no. 84. "The fly and the elephant" seemed to be especially close to "the bird and the elephant" (Lambert [ i 9 6 0 ] 217 f., 339), but the little animal involved in the Akkadian version, niniqu, is not identifiable, as Moran (1978) 18 n.7 has stressed.

8. Archilochus fr. 174-181 West; Aesop no. 5 Halm = 1 Perry; cf. Williams (1956); I. Trencsényi-Waldapfel, Untersuchungen zur Religionsgeschichte (1966) 186-191; H. Freydank, "Die Tierfabel im Etana-Mythus," Mitteilungen des Instituts für Orientforschung 17 (1971) 1-13; Rodriguez Adrados (1979) 319-321. Further Greek archaic fables: Archilochus fr. 187 West = Aesop no. 81 Perry; Se-monides fr. 13 West = Aesop no. 3 Perry.

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N O T E S T O P A G E S 1 2 2 - 1 2 5

9. ANET 114—118, 517; Labat et al. (1970) 294-305; cf. E. Ebeling, AOF 14 (1944) 298-303; W. von Soden, WZKM 55 (1959) 5 9 - 6 1 ; I. Levin, Fabula 8 (1966) 1-63.

10. See R. Wittkower, "Eagle and Serpent," Journal of the Warburg Institute 2 (1938/39) 293-325; C. Grottanelli, Riu. Stud. Fen. 5 (1977) 16-18; B. Garbe, "Vogel und Schlange," Zeitschrift für Volkskunde 75 (1979) 52-56; Aesch. Cho. 246, etc.

11. Seal cylinders in W. H. Ward (1910) 144 nos. 391-394; En-ciclopedia dell'arte antica s.v. Etana. But there is no direct icono-graphic link: In Greek art Ganymede and the eagle appear only after the fourth century B.c.; see LIMC s.v. Ganymedes.

12. Archilochus fr. 196a West = ZPE 14 (1974) 97-112; the proverb ojtetjöouoa KÜarv TU<j>X.a T I X T E I in Aesop 223 Perry, Paroe-miographi Graeci I 381, II 181 and 491, Schol. Aristoph. Pax 1078.

13. See W. H. Moran, HSCP 82 (1978) 17-19; J. Bremmer, ZPE 39 (1980) 28.

14. See above, Chapter 1, "Writing and Literature in the Eighth Century," note 25.

15. Gilgamesh XI 266-289. 16. Ibykos 342 Davies, together with Soph. fr. 362 Radt and

other quotations in Ael. Nat.An. 6.51; Aesch. fr. 45 Radt; Nik. Ther. 343-358; cf. M. Davies, MH 44 (1987) 65-75, who speaks of a folktale.

MAGIC AND COSMOGONY

1. See Chapter 2, "Lamashtu, Lamia, and Gorgo." 2. See Chapter 1, "Oriental Products in Greece," note 23;

Burkert (1987b). 3. See Chapter 2, "Lamashtu, Lamia, and Gorgo," at note 22. 4. Clay relief from Gortyn, Schefold (1964) pi. 33, LIMC s.v.

Agamemnon no. 91 , Burkert (1987b) 28 f., 32. 5. See, e.g., G. van der Leeuw, "Die sogenannte epische Ein

leitung der Zauberformeln," Zeitschrift für Religionspsychologie 6 (1933) 161-180; M. Eliade, "Kosmogonische Mythen und magische Heilungen," Paideuma 6 (1954/58) 194-204.

6. The Adapa versions are in ANET 102 f.; S. A. Pittioni, 17 poemetto di Adapa (1981); for Ena see Chapter 3, "Purification," at note 16.

7. For Atrahasis see Chapter 3, "Craftsmen of the Sacred." The

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passage on the creation of man, I 190-217, was understood as "part of an incantation to facilitate childbirth" in ANET 99 (corrected in ANET 513); an incantation text proper refers to this myth; J. Van Dijk, "Une incantation accompagnant la naissance de l'homme," Orientalia 42 (1973) 505. Atrahasis and rain charm: Atrahasis 27 f.

8. The text is listed HKL i l l 63, "Der Mondgott und die Kuh Amat-Sîn"; see W. G. Lambert, Iraq 31 (1969) 31 f; Labat et al. (1970) 285 f.; connected with the myth of Io by Duchemin (1979), (1980b).

9. "The Worm and the Toothache," ANET 100 f., Bottéro and Kramer (1989) 484; B. Landsberger and T. Jacobsen, "An Old Babylonian Charm against merhu," JNES 14 (1955) 14-21.

10. See C. J. Gadd in S. H. Hooke, Myth and Ritual (1933) 4 7 -58; T. H. Gaster, Thespis (1961 2) 62-64; F. M. Cornford, "A Ritual Basis for Hesiod's Theogony," in The Unwritten Philosophy (1950) 95-116; Dalley (1989) 231-232.

11. "House of the priest" in Ugarit, containing liver models as well as literary texts: J. C. Courtois, Ugaritica 6 (1969) 91-119; for various libraries at Emar see Arnaud (1985/87); a priest's library at Sultantepe: W. G. Lambert, RA 53 (1959) 121 f.; cf. Walcot (1966) 47 f.

12. For Orphism, suffice it to refer to Burkert (1982a), West (1983), Burkert (1985) 296-304; see also above, Chapter 2, "Craftsmen of the Sacred," note 2.

13. Cf. above, "Craftsmen of the Sacred," note 9. 14. Olympiodor. in Phaed. p. 41 f. Westerink = Orphicorum

Fragmenta 220; the "four monarchies" enumerated there seem to match with the Derveni text (ZPE 47 [1982]) col. X 6: Uranos, Son of Night, the first king; Burkert (1985) 297 f.

15. Eur. fr. 912, in the context of conjuring up the dead. 16. See Chapter 2, "Spirits of the Dead and Black Magic," at

note 19. 17. See Chapter 2, "Craftsmen of the Sacred," at note 15. 18. VI 1-34; text from Assur (KAR 4) in A. Heidel, The Bab

ylonian Genesis (1942) 68-72 ; Berossos, FGrHist 680 F 1 p. 373 Ja-coby. See V Maag, "Sumerische und Babylonische Mythen von der Erschaffung des Menschen," Asiatische Studien 8 (1954) 85 -106 = V. Maag, Kultur, Kulturkontakt und Religion (1980) 38-59; G.

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N O T E S T O P A G E S I 2 6 - 1 2 7

Pettinato, Das altorientalische Menschenbild und die sumerischen und ak-kadischen Schöpfungsmythen, Abh. Heidelberg 1971.1.

19. Atrahasis I 213 and 215-217 = 228-230 Lambert and Miliard; cf. Bottero and Kramer (1989) 537; Dalley (1989) 15 with nn. I I - L 2 . Interpretation has remained controversial. W. von Soden, Symbolae biblicae et mesopotamicae F. M. T. de Liagre Böhl dedicatae ( T 973) 349 _ 358 (cf. idem, ZA 68 [1978] 80 f.), contested the reading etemmu and tried to construe a word edimmu, wild man; this has not been followed by other specialists. Cf. W. L. Moran, BASOR 200 (1970) 48-56 ; L. Cagni in V. Vattioni, ed., Sangue e antropologia biblica (1981) 7 9 - 8 1 ; J. Tropper, Ugarit-Forschungen ig (1981) 301-308; J. Bottero in Societies and Languages of the Ancient Near East. Studies in Honour of I. M. Diakonojf (1984) 24-31 , whom I try to follow.

20. See Chapter 2, "Spirits of the Dead and Black Magic," at note 2.

21. The Derveni text (ZPE 47 [1982]) col. IX has Zeus swallowing the phallus of the first cosmic king (this at any rate is what the commentator understood, who was in command of the full text, pace West [1983] 85); this introduces the most startling motif of the Kumarbi myth into Orphic literature.

2 1 7

I N D E X O F G R E E K W O R D S

alabastron (vase for oil), 36 alala (a war cry), 39

alimon (drug to stop hunger), 62 ana (up to, at), 38 apomattein (to wipe off), 61 ara (curse), 64 arrabon (down payment), 37 axine (axe), 39

bothros (pit), 55 byblos (papyrus, book), 31

charassein (to scratch), 38 chartes (papyrus), 31 cheironax (craftsman), 39 chiton (shirt), 36 chrysos (gold), 36

deltos (writing tablet), 30, 34 demioergoi (craftsmen), 23 diphthera, diphtherion (leather,

leather scroll), 31, 33

epagoge (sending magic), 69 ephodoi (assaults), 59

gypson (gypsum), 38

harpe (a kind of sword), 39, 85 hikesios (haunting spirit), 68-72

kalche (a kind of purple), 37 kanon (measuring stick), 34, 38 karos (dizziness), 79 kathairein (to purify), 64 kaunakes (Persian garment), 37 kleos aphthiton (imperishable

glory), 118 kyanos (a blue-coloured sub

stance), 37

lekane (bowl), 36, 53 leon (lion), 120 libanos (francincense), 20, 36 lipa (gleaming with oil), 36 lis (lion), 39, 120 lyma (dirt), 57, 62, 64

machesthai (to fight), 39 makellon (market), 37 menima (wrath), 66 mna (mina), 34, 37 molibdion (lead tablet), 31 myrrha (myrrh), 20, 36

219

I N D E X O F G R E E K W O R D S

oinos (wine), 174n2 ololyge (shrieking cry), 100

pallake (concubine), 40 pharmake (a kind of pot), 62 plinthos (brick), 38, 39 potamos (river), 183n21 propheresthai (to pronounce), 71 prostropaios (haunting demon), 72 pylai (gates), 183n21

rhodon (rose), 174n2

semidalis (fine flour), 36 skana/skene (booth), 39

sky tale (stick), 31 smaragdos (emerald), 37 solos (metal ingot), 39 sphen (wedge), 176n25 sphyrelaton (fabricated by hammer

ing), 22 sylan (to loot), 37

tdanton (talent, unit of weight), 37 Wilms (bull), 39 techne (art, craft), 23, 41 telein (to perform), 70 teras (sign, prodigy), 51 thyoskoos (diviner at sacrifice), 49 titanos (lime), 38, 95

2 2 0

G E N E R A L I N D E X

Adapa, 124 Aeschylus, 65, 79, 108, 111 Aesop, 121 Ahiqar, 24, 32, 121 Aisehines, mother of, 44, 61 Aithiopis, 56

Alalakh, 48 Alasia, 42, 159nl4 Al Mina, 11, 13, 21 Aloadae, 111 alphabet, 26-29 Amarna, letters from, 42 Amphiaraos, 44, 108 Anaphe, 78 Andromeda, 85 antisemitism, 2-3, 34, 36 Aphrodite, 20, 97-99 Apollon, 63, 82, 185n9, 186n9 Apollon Asgelatas/Aiglatas, 75-79 Aramaeans, 9, 28, 114 Aramaic inscriptions, 16, 18, 26,

28, 67, 93-94, 170n6 Aramaic literature, 32, 121 Aramaic script, 11, 30-31 Archilochus, 31, 121-123, 213n22 Artemis of Ephesos, 20, 54 Artemis of Munichia, 73-75 Asclepiads, 44, 179n25

Asclepius, 75-79 Ashurbanipal, 14, 56, 119 asphalt, 61, 187n17 assembly of the gods, 117 Astarte, 20 Athens, 12-13, 16, 17, 23, 26, 42,

43, 60, 162n4 Atrahasis, 88-91, 100-106, 115—

116, 124-125, 204n29 augury, 49, 53

Babrius, 121 Babylon, Greeks in, 24 Babylonian Sibyl, 81 Bellerophontes, 30 Beloch, Julius, 3, 16, 21, 34 Bileam, 42, 64 Branchos, 61, 64 Bronze Age, 5-6. See also Hittites;

Ugarit bronzeworking, 16, 22 By bios, 9, 31, 80

Calchas, 49, 52-53 Carchemish, 9, 13, 22, 25, 37, 83-

84, 165n25 Carians, 25 Carthage, 11, 21

2 2 1


Chaldaeans, 45 Chalkis, 12, 14, 159nl3 chimaera, 19 Cilicia, 11, 12, 13, 49, 52, 170n3.

See also Karatepe; Tarsos Cimmerians, 14 clay molds, 22 Corfu, 84-85 Corinth, 14, 22, 23 craftsmen, 21-25, 27, 38, 39, 41-

42, 44-45, 55 Crete, 11, 16, 22, 25, 26-27, 54,

63. See also Epimenides; Gortyn; Idaean cave; Knossos; Kommos

cult of the dead, 65-66 Cypna, 101-104 Cyprus, 11, 12, 13, 14, 16, 27, 48,

49, 54, 98, 103-104. See also Ration; Salamis

Cyrene, 68-73

defixions, 66-68, 70, 192n30 Delos, 15, 17, 54 Delphi, 16, 17, 56, 68, 79-82 Derveni papyrus, 41 Didyma, 61 Diels, Hermann, 121 Diomedes, 98-99 Dione, 97-98 Diotima, 43 divination, 41-53, 79-82 divine garments, 20 dogs, 75-79 DornseifF, Franz, 4

Egypt, 14, 31, 67, 68, 182nl6 Egyptian literature, 92, 121 Egyptian priests, 45 Eleusis, 43, 114 Emar, 125 Embaros, 73-75 Empedocles, 43, 92, 126

Enuma Elish, 92-95, 103, 125-126 Ephesos, 20, 21, 54 Epimenides, 42, 60, 62, 63, 66, 126 Ereshkigal, 68, 74 Eretria, 6, 12, 14, 15, 16, 17 erotic charms, 67 Erra, 109-110, 115, 124 Essarhaddon, 14, 68 Etana, 122-123 Etruscans, 12, 13, 16, 17, 46-53,

111-112, 114 Euboea, 7, 12, 13, 14, 26, 113. See

also Chalkis; Eretria; Lefkandi Eumolpidae, 43

family, model of the, 25, 43-46, 48

Farnell, Lewis Richard, 56-57, 80 fish mask, 61 fish-tailed monster, 19 flood, 89, 101, 103, 117 foundation deposit, 22, 49, 53-55 frankincense, 20

Ganymede, 122 Gello, 82 Gilgamesh, 3, 32-33, 65, 81, 88-

90, 116-118; tablet \\\ ii 1-21: 100; III lv 141-148: 117-118; VI 1-91: 96-99; VI 16-17: 117-118; XI 182-185: 206n4; XI 266-289: 123

Gordion, 161n26 Gorgon, 25, 83-85, 124 Gortyn, 22, 49, 54-55, 63, 82 griffins, 19, 165n24 Gula, 75-78 Gyges, 14

haruspices, 45, 50-51

Hazael, 16, 18, 159nl5 heaven and earth, 94, 109

2 2 2


hepatoscopy, 46-52, 82, 113 Herakles, 87, 113, 124 Hesiod, 5, 7, 90, 119, 121, 209nl0;

Erga, 102; Catalogues, 102

Hippocrates, On the Sacred Disease,

41, 59, 62 Hippocratic Oath, 44 Hittites, 4, 5, 39, 42, 48, 52, 53,

68, 83, 94, 117. See also Illuyan-kas; Late Hittites

Homer, 5, 48-49, 56, 88-100, 114-120. See also Iliad; Odyssey

Hovvald, Ernst, 108-109 Humbaba, 100 Humbaba masks, 20, 49

ladnana, 13 lamani, 13 lamidae, 43 lapetos, 1-2, 177n37 lawones/Iawan/Ionians, 12-13, 14,

26, 31, 160nl8 Ibycus, 123-124 Idaean cave, 16, 22, 63, 167n42 Iliad, 49, 90-100, 114, 117-118,

208n3; 11, 1.5: 101; //. 1.314: 57, 62; //. 1.396-406: 207nl8; //. 5.330-431: 97; //. 6.119-211: 30, 172n20; //. 12.322-328: 118, 213nl9; //. 13.685: 13, 210n24; //. 14.183: 15; //. 14.201, 246, 302: 90-92; //. 14.315-328: 99; //. 15.187-193: 90; //. 21.505-513: 97; II. 22.20: 118; //. 23.65-107: 200nl

Iluyankas, 5, 7, 103 immortality lost, 123-124 Indo-European linguistics, 2, 5, 34 Io, 125 Ionia, 12, 170n3. See also lawones Iranian influence, 178n3 Iranian magi, 45

Ischia/Pithekoussai, 6, 12, 15, 26, 33

Ishtar, 80, 96-99 ivory, 19, 22, 162n2

Kabeiroi, 153n3 Kadmos, 2, 154n2 Karatepe, 9, 33, 52 Karmanor, 64, 186n9 Kition, 11, 13, 21, 54 Knossos, 22, 27, 54, 158n3 Kommos, 20-21 Kumarbi, 5, 7, 94

Lamashtu, 82-87, 124 Lamia, 82-83 Late Hittites, 9, 11, 16, 39, 52 leather scrolls, 30-33, 123 lecanomancy, 53 Lefkandi, 6, 12, 15 libations, 54, 55, 65, 70, 71, 74 lions, 19, 120, 124, 163nll liver divination. See hepatoscopy Luwians, 9, 34, 52. See also Late

Hittites Lydians, 14

magic, 41-46, 55-75, 82-87, 109, 124-125

Magnesia, 44 Mallos, 52 Man, 80 masks, 20 Melampus, 42 mercenaries, 25, 39, 49 Midas, 13 Mistress of the Animals, 19 Mopsos, 52 Munichia, 73-75

Naxos, 12, 13, 26, 160nl8 Nereus, 177n37

223


Nineveh, 24, 32, 121 Northern Syria, 9, 11-12, 16, 24,

28, 37, 61, 82. See also Late Hittites; Luwians

oath, 45, 67, 68, 93-94 Odyssey, 21, 49, 88, 117; Od. 1.1-

4: 200nl, 117; Od. 1.184: 12; Od. 4.759-767: 99-100; Od. 5.396: 187nl9; Od. 7.321: 159nl0; Od. 12.382-383: 205n5; Od. 17.383-385: 6, 23, 41; Od. 18.136-137: 118; Od. 19.107-114: 119, 213n29

Olbia, 31 Old Testament, 25, 30, 111, 119,

180n30, 188n20, 189n36, 214n4. See also Bileam; flood

Olympia, 4, 15, 16, 17, 25 Olympiads, 81 omphalos bowl, 20 onions, 62 Orestes, 56-59 "Orient," concept of, 1 Orphism, 125-127 Ortheia, 20 Ovid, on striges, 58-59

pan-Babylonianists, 3 Paphos, 13, 49 papyrus books, 31 Patroclus, 200nl Persepolis, 24, 31 Perseus, 85-87, 124 Petronius, 62 Philistines, 9, 25 PhilonofByblos, 5 Phoenicians, 2, 3-4, 11, 12, 15-

19, 20-21, 28-30, 83, 104, 128 Phoenician inscriptions, 16, 26, 27,

28, 45, 52, 83, 158n3, 168n62 Phoenician literature, 32, 92, 94

Phoenician script, 25-26, 28-30 Phrygia, 13, 27, 161n26, 169n3 physicians, 41, 44, 75-79 Piacenza, liver from, 46, 47 Pithekussa. See Ischia Plato, 91; Phaedrus 244d, 66; Resp.

364L>-e, 42, 125; Laws, 66, 67 Plato comicus, 77, 194n6 Polemainetos, 43 Praeneste, 16, 19, 104-105 Proetids, 57-58 Prometheus, 106 Ptolemy Philopator, 44 Ptoon, 79 purification from blood guilt,

56-60 Pythia, 79-81

Qumran, 32, 3.3

Ramses II , 118 Rhakios, 64 Rhodes, 16-17, 21 Royal Road, 14

Salamis (Cyprus), 13, 98 Samos, 15, 16, 17, 18, 20, 55, 75-

77, 82 script, 5, 9, 11, 25-33 seers, 41-53, 55, 61, 75, 113,

191nl8 Sennacherib, 13-14, 32, 118-119 Seven Gods/Demons, 94, 108-114 Seven Sages, 114 shamanism, 56, 180n37 Sibyl, 79-81 Sidon, 9, 11, 14, 16, 21 silver bowls, 16, 168n62 Soloi, 12 Sparta, 42 sphinx, 19

224


spirits of the dead, 65-66, 126, 200nl

Stella, Luisa Achillea, 115 symposium, 19 Syria, Greeks in, 6, ll-12. See also

Northern Syria

Tamasos, 159nl4 Tamiradae, 49 Tarsos, 11, 13, 14, 23, 32, 48, 52,

56, 209nl2 Teiresias, 51, 52 Teisamenos, 42, 43 Tell Halaf-Guzana, 9, 32, 111-112 Tell Sukas, 12 Telmessos, 49 Temesa, 159nl4 Tethys, 91-93 Thaletas, 42, 63 Thebes, 44, 106-114 Theocritus, Pharmakeutria, 67 thunderbolts, 19-20 Tiamat, 92-93 Titans, 94-95, 125-127 trade in metal ores, 6, 11, 12 tripod cauldrons, 16

Triton, 19 Twelve Tables. Rome, 74 twins, 111-113 Tyre, 9, 11, 24

Ugarit, 5, 42, 48, 83, 89, 119, 125 Ugantic alphabet, 28 Ugaritic literature, 5, 116-117 Ulu Burun, wreck found at, 30 Urartu, 11, 23, 25

Veiovis, 74 voodoo dolls, 66-67

warrior god, 19 wax figures, 67-70 Wilamowitz-Moellendorff, Ulrich

von, 2, 107-108, 154n9, 155nl0, 155nl2

writing, 7, 9, 25-33 writing tablets, 30-33

Zeus Atabyrios, 34, 163nl5 Zeus Dipaltos, 165n30 Zmcirli, 9, 13, 37, 83, 165n25,

197n2

225