the old new social history and the new old social history (tilly c., 1984)

7/29/2019 The Old New Social History and the New Old Social History (Tilly C., 1984)

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Research Foundation of SUNY

The Old New Social History and the New Old Social HistoryAuthor(s): Charles Tilly

Source:Review (Fernand Braudel Center),

Vol. 7, No. 3 (Winter, 1984), pp. 363-406Published by: Research Foundation of SUNY for and on behalf of the Fernand Braudel CenterStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/40241514 .

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Review, II 3,Winter984, 63-406The OldNew SocialHistorynd theNewOldSocialHistory*Charles illySocialHistoryenewed?

In the pringf1968, he earnedournalDaedaluscon-vened covey fhistorians.hegroupncludedome stab-lishedages, uch sFelixGilbert.talsobroughtnpeoplefor xample, rankManuel, ugeneGenovese,eeBenson,and David Rothmanwho had beenexploringew tech-niques ndmaterials,rattemptingoemployn historicalanalysisdeas ndprocedureshat adgrown p nthe ocialsciences.A numberf themwere omingo be known spractitionersfsomethingalled he NewSocialHistory".Severalf he articipantsrepared emorandan dvance,and ome f hememorandaealtwith uch sotericopicss"cliometrics"nd prosopography".hewords rippedhetongue,ut tirredhe magination.or, n the1960's,manyhistorianselt hathistoricalheoryndpracticelikewereundergoingreat hanges.omefelt he hangeshreatenedThis rticlesa much-revisedersion f hekeynoteddress o theConferenceon New Directions n History, tate Universityf New York at Buffalo,October 1980. An intermediateersioncirculatedunder the same title asWorkingPaper No. 218, Center for Research on Social Organization,Universityf Michigan. am grateful o Dawn Hendricksforhelp withbibliography,ndto a UniversityfMichigan eminaredbyLouiseTilly ndEmamanuelLe RoyLaduriefor riticismf the ection n FernandBraudel. 1984 ResearchFoundation f SUNY 363

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364 CharlesTillytheproperperformancefthe historian's unction: acquesBarzun 1974),forone,fulminatedgainst psycho-historyand "quanto-history"s pseudo-history. thersfelt thathistory inallytood on the hresholdfScience:Lee Benson,for xample, pokeof he ikelihoodhat [T]heconditions illexist nthenotdistant uture orAmerican oliticalhistoriansto achieve he scientificstatepredicted yBuckle,or,moreprecisely, . . that such conditions will exist for thoseindividuals ble and willing o pay thepsychological ostsrequired o breakfreefromold routines"1966: 16). Mostalerthistorians,whetherwithfear or hope, sensed that theprofessionaced mminenthoiceswhoseconsequences ouldprofoundlyransformhehistory,nd thehistoriography,hattheyhad learned.Participantsn that1968meeting isagreedboutthefutureof hepast.Yetthey greed n thedesirabilityfdiscussion. oDaedalus flew o another onclave, hisone in Rome. Thencame a pairof ournalissues, ndfinally wholebook. Thebook,publishedn 1972,appearedunder he titleHistoricalStudiesToday.Its topicscovered widerange:quantitativehistory,heNew UrbanHistory, ralhistory,n epitaphfortheoldpoliticalhistory,mixed ssessment frecentpplica-tions fpsychologyohistoricalnalysis,nd aspromiseda thoughtfulreatmentfprosopography.Convenedtoday,how would a similar et of historianspronounceon thefuture fhistory?What has come ofthe1960's promises?What changes n historicalpracticehaveoccurred incethen?What essonshavewelearned?Concen-tratingnsocialhistory,roadly efined,etus wander mongthese uestions,withoutmakingoostrenuousnefforto ocktheir nswersnplace. Let us payparticularttentiono thehistoricalndeavorswhich nthe 1960'sbegantodisplay hestigmata fsocial science: elf-consciousxplication f con-cepts ndmodels; eliberateomparisonf ndividuals,roups,places, reventsoftenmany f hem) lacedwithin commonframework;nd fixation n reliableforms fmeasurement,frequentlynvolving umerical reatment f evidence.Eco-



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OldNew,NewOld SocialHistory 365nomic istory,rcheology,emographicistory,rban istory,plussomekinds fpolitical,abor, gricultural,ndfamilyhistoryualify. iplomatic istory,ntellectualistory,hehistoryf cience,rthistory,ndother ranchesf gricul-tural, abor,and politicalhistory,n contrast, enerallyremainedloof rom heNew ocialHistorynd ts ntangle-mentsn the ocial ciences.mportanthanges ere ndareoccurringn hose ieldsswell, ut shall eglecthemere,nfavor f he ieldsknow est: he ariousnterprisesnownlooselys socialhistory.Lawrence tone,ProsopographerndProphet

In those ields,rosopographyecamemore han catch-word.t became crucial ractice.hroughlltheDaedaliandiscussions,he hief rosopographerresent asLawrenceStone,thedistinguishedistorianf England. tonehadpublished massive ollective iographyf the Englisharistocracy,ndwasthen ngagedn a vastanalysisfthechangingharacterfEngland'sanded lasses.Thecenter-pieceof that nalysiswas, nfact, n ambitiousenturenprosopography:largeataloguef oursamples"f ountryhousesnd heirwnersownhroughhe enturies.awrenceandJeanne . Fawtiertone ncedescribedhat tudys

designed o applystatisticalmethods fanalysis o data ofvaryingquality, n order o test omesubjectivempressionsnd traditionalassumptionsboutEnglish ocialstructurendsocialmobilityn theEarlyModernandModernperiods. A footnote tthispoint reditsgrants rom heMathematical ocial ScienceBoard andtheNationalScienceFoundation.] t is generallygreed hatEnglandwashistor-icallythe first f the modernizingocietiesof the world,and inparticularhat hewasthefirsto ndustrializendthe irstoevolvestable ndbroadbasedconstitutionaltructure.orover centurythas beenpartof conventionalwisdom hat hesephenomena an bepartlyxplained nterms irstlyfthe lowgrowthfthemiddle lassofbusiness ndprofessionalmen, ndsecondly f he asewithwhichthismiddle lasscouldmoveupward hroughhe ocial andpolitical



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366 CharlesTillysystems. o far,however, hese is no reliablebody of statisticalinformation ithwhich o check nd evaluatethe truth f thisboldandfar-reachingypothesis.hisparticulartudysnarrowlyocusedona single spect,namely hedegree f nterpntrationf he andedandmerchant/rofessionallassesas tested ythechanging ompo-sition fthe ocal rural lites Stone& Stone,1972:56).In this study,then,prosopographywould beginto verifypreviouslyypotheticalrgumentsoncerningocialmobilityinEnglandfrom 540 to 1879.A "reliablebodyofstatisticalevidence"would supplantthe "subjective mpressions ndtraditionalssumptions"hathad so farprevailed.Writing is moregeneral tatementor he1972 HistoricalStudiesToday,Lawrence tonedisplayed autiousoptimism.If historianskept theirheads and hearts,he suggested,prosopographyould sharpen heir yes. "Prosopography","collective iography",r "multiple-career-linenalysis",hepointedout,all referredo a rather ld procedure hathadSimply cquireda newrangeof applications. t was "[T]heinvestigationfthecommonbackgroundharacteristicsf agroup f ctorsnhistory ymeans f collectivetudy f heirlives" Stone, 1972b:107).That old procedure, roperlyol-lowed,hadhealing owers. t could,hedeclared,

combine the humane skill in historical reconstruction hroughmeticulous oncentrationn the ignificantetail nd theparticularexample,withthestatistical nd theoretical reoccupations f thesocial cientists;t ouldformhemissingonnection etween oliticalhistorynd socialhistory hich tpresentre all too often reatednlargely atertightompartments,itherndifferentonographsr ndifferenthapters f single olume. tcouldhelpreconcile istoryosociology ndpsychology. nd tcouldform nestring mongmanyto tietheexciting evelopmentsn intellectualnd culturalhistorydownto thesocial, economic, nd politicalbedrock Stone, 1972b:134).Thus thenewways n historyould lead historians o basicsocialprocesseswithoutosing hem heirontactwith ay-to-dayexperience.Lawrence tonecertainlyadhisfingerntheright utton.Inoneformranother,ollective iographyurelyonstituted



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OldNew,NewOldSocialHistory 367the inglemostnfluentialnnovationn hehistoricalracticeof hepostwareriod. s Stone aid, twasnot ntirelyew:SirLewisNamier1957)had ong ince iographizedight-eenth-centuryarliaments,oman istoriansadbeen erpetua-ting rosopographyor ecades,nd collectiveiography"sone more ame or hemethodfCraneBrinton'sld book(1957)on theJacobins. evertheless,t leastfour eaturesdistinguishedhe ollectiveiographyegunn he 940's romitspredecessors:1) its extensionrom learly-visiblelitepopulationso run-of-the-millilitants,rdinary orkers,and ven ntireommunities;2)the orrespondingncreasenthe heer umbersfpersons escribed;3) thewideuseofstatisticalescription,ometimesncludingtatistical odelsadopted romhe ocialsciences;ndfinally,4) the heerrangendfrequencyf ts pplication.rban istory,opula-tionhistory,aborhistory,ndsomebranchesfpolitical,economic, nd intellectualistoryll created heirownstandardormsf ollectiveiography.ater,hehistoriesfthefamily,fmigration,ndofracial ndethnicminoritiesincorporatedollective iographys a central rocedure.Historianscted s if hey elievedtone's1972 redo: hatcollectiveiographyevealedhepatternf ventsnd socialrelationshilemaintainingontact ithndividualxperience.

SecondThoughtsAdecade fterhePrinceton eeting,owever,awrenceStonehad osthis ldzest or henewways.n1979, ehailedthe revivalfnarrative."e concludedhat vents adcomeback nto tyle,s the echniquesnddeterminismhathadcapturedhe istoriansf he 960's egan o ose heirppeal."Manyhistorians,"rote tone,now believe thattheculture f thegroup, nd eventhe willof theindividual,repotentiallyt east s importantausalagents f hangeas the mpersonal orces fmaterial utput nddemographicrowth.There s no theoreticaleasonwhy he atter hould lwaysdictate he



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368 CharlesTillyformer, ather hanviceversa,and indeedevidence s pilingup ofexamples o thecontraryStone, 1979:9).Thebedrockhad crumbled o sand.Thenewwayshad becomeoldways, uspectntheir urn.Threedifferentortsofsoi-disant scientific"istoryweretherefore,ccordingto Stone, losingtheirfallowings: heMarxist conomicmodel, heFrench cological-demographicmodel, nd the American liometricmethod.The supportersof allthree adonce, aidStone, laimed obeon theirwaytocast-ironolutions

forsuch hitherto afflinguestions s the causes of"greatrevolu-tions", f he hiftsrom eudalismocapitalism,ndfrom raditionalto modern ocieties.This headyoptimism,whichwas so apparentfromhe1930s o the1960s,was buttressedmong he irstwogroupsof scientific istorians'*ythebelief hatmaterial onditionsuch schanges n the relationship etweenpopulationand food supply,changesn themeans fproductionndclassconflict, ere hedrivingforces nhistory.Many,but notall, regardedntellectual, ultural,religious, sychological,egal,evenpolitical,developmentss mereepiphenomena. ince economicand/ r demographic eterminismlargely ictated he ontent f henewgenre fhistorical esearch,heanalytic ather han henarrative odewasbest uited oorganize ndpresent hedata,andthedata themselves ad as far s possible obequantitativennatureStone, 1979:7).

Therevival fnarrative,tfollows, egistershedecline fthat"economic nd/ rdemographiceterminism".s theauthorof studies of class structure,ocial mobility, ducationalenrollments,nd thepattern f revolution all significantlyinformedythemodels nd methods fcontemporaryocialscience Stone shouldknowwhereof espeaks.What caused the revival of narrative?What chased thedecline fanalytic istory?tonecatalogues hese auses:a. Widespread isillusionwith conomic eterminismin history,most ikelypromoted ya decline n theideological ommitmentfwesternntellectualsespe-ciallywhen t cametoMarxism;b. revivedwareness f he mportancefpolitical ndmilitaryower;



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OldNew,NewOldSocialHistory 369c. themixed ecord fquantitativeork, speciallywhenarriedutby arge esearcheams,ased ntheuse of computers,nd embodiedn sophisticatedmathematicalrocedures.Thesenew onditions,s Lawrencetone ees he ituation,freed istoriansotryncemore todiscover hatwasgoingon nside eople's eadsn he ast, ndwhattwas ike o iveinthe ast\ uestions hichnevitablyeadback o theuseofnarrative"Stone, 979: 3).Stone saveshis strongestisapproval ortheworkof"cliometricians".He names nly he nevitableobert ogelandStanley ngerman,eaving isreadersorecall hebadexampleswe llknow.") hecliometriciansspecializen heassemblingfvast uantitiesfdataby eamsf ssistants,heuse of theelectronicomputero process t all, and theapplicationfhighlyophisticatedathematicalroceduresto the esultsbtained"Stone, 979: 1).Againsthese rocedures,tone odges he bjectionshathistoricalata are too unreliable,hatresearchssistantscannot etrusted ithhe pplicationfostensiblyniformrules, hatcoding osescrucialdetails, hatmathematicalresultsre ncomprehensibleo he istoriansheyremeantopersuade,hat hestorage f evidence n computerapesblockshe erificationf onclusionsy ther istorians,hatthe nvestigationsend o losetheirwit, race, ndsense fproportionnthe ursuitf tatisticalesults,hat one f hebigquestions asactually ieldedo thebludgeoningf thebig-data eople, nd hat ingeneralhe ophisticationf hemethodologyas tendedoexceed he eliabilityf hedata,whilehe sefulnessf he esultseems upto a point to bein nverseorrelationo themathematicalomplexityfthemethodologynd thegrandiose cale of data-collection"(Stone, 979: 3).Forthis minenturopeanocialhistorian,thelargeenterpriseshattook shapein the 1960'shaveobviouslyost heirttractions.E.J. Hobsbawm,ikewise n eminent uropean ocialhistorian,asrecentlyublishedcommentaryn LawrenceStone'sater ssay.Hobsbawm1980)doubts hat he evival



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370 CharlesTillyofnarrativesas extensive s Stonesuggests,ndquestionsnanycasewhethertconstitutes rejection fthe arlierhopesforsocial history. he visiblechanges n historicalwriting,according oHobsbawm,more ikely epresent:1. experimentsn presentingheresults f complexhistoricalnalysis;2. attemptst synthesisfthosevariedresults;3. theextension f the deas andproceduresfsocialhistoryoareasof nquiry notably olitical istorythathadpreviouslyeen eft utside;4. the desire to have a well-definednd sharply-portrayedsocial situation serve as the historio-graphicalunctionbetweenarge ocialprocesses ndindividual istoricalxperience.

Thesefactors,epliedHobsbawmto Stone,demonstratehat t spossible oexplainmuchofwhathesurveyssthe ontinuationfpasthistoricalnterprisesyothermeans,nsteadofas proofs f their ankruptcy. ne wouldnotwish to deny hatsomehistorians egard hem s bankrupt rundesirable ndwish ochangetheir iscourse nconsequence, orvariousreasons, ome ofthemntellectuallyubious, ometobe taken eriously. learly omehistorianshave shifted rom circumstances" o "men" (includingwomen), rhave discoveredhat simplebase/ uperstructureodelandeconomichistoryre notenough, r since hepay-off as beenvery ubstantial are no longer nough.Some maywellhave con-vinced themselves hat there s an incompatibilityetweentheir"scientific"nd"literary"unctions. ut t snotnecessaryoanalysethepresent ashionsnhistoryntirelys a rejectionf hepast, nd nso far s they annotbeentirelynalysednsuchterms,twillnotdo(Hobsbawm,1980:8).

Theissue ssquarelyoined.On theoneside,Stone nterpretsrecent rendsn thewritingfhistorys signsofdisillusionwithwhatwemustnow,alas, call theold newsocialhistory,as augurs ftherise f henewold socialhistory. n theotherside,Hobsbawm sees thesametrends,omewhatminifiedycomparisonwith tone'sestimatesfthem,s likelyvidence,



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OldNew,NewOldSocialHistory 371that istoriansrenow uildingnthe ccomplishmentsf hesort f ocialhistoryhat egan oflourishn the1960's.Both ur bserversgreehat istoricalracticeasrecentlyshifted,ven f hey isagreenthe xtentfthe hift.heydiffern heir iews f he ttitudehathifteflects,ndof herelationetweenhenew racticesndthe ld.Onthewhole,my eadingfrecentrendss closer o Hobsbawm han oStone. think,owever,hatHobsbawmmisseshe xtentowhich istoriansfa decade gooversold hemselvesntheexplanatoryowers f the ocial ciences, otrealizinghatthose isciplineseremuchmore ffectivenspecifyinghathadtobeexplainednd nrulingut uperficialxplanationsthannproducingxplanationshat ould atisfyhe veragehistorian.heoversellingadedisappointment,nd a newsearch ordeepcauses, nevitable. obsbawm lso fails obringut heparadoxicalink etweenhedemographicndeconomic eterminismshatmanyfusbegan ofavornthe1960's nd a sort fvoluntaristicopulisma belief,nitssimplestorm,hat rdinaryeoplemake heirwnhistory.To a large xtent,he ialecticfhistoricalesearch,atherthan lterationsnhistorians9onsciousness,ccountsor heshiftsnpracticeromhe 960'so he 970's.Weoughto akepleasureromhe act hat he ompetingxplanationsf heshifthemselvesall nto deterministnd a mentalist ode.The debate etween obsbawmnd Stone ecalls ne of heold,fundamentalisagreementsbout henaturesfhistory,historiography,nd ocialreality.How theModelsMatter:New andNewer)UrbanHistory

Shouldwe are bout hese istoriographieurrents?thinkso.They ffecthe efinitionsndustificationsll ofus offerforthehistoricalnterprise.hey nfluencehesystemfprioritiesndrewards e mpose n eachother.And,mostimportant,heyffectistoricalracticet tsmost ulnerable



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372 CharlesTillypoint:thedoctoral dissertation. he numberof Ph.D.'s inhistorywarded achyearntheUnited tates s downfromtsearly1970'speakofmore han1,000 othevicinityf900.Yetitis probably till rue hatthemajority f all person-hoursdevoted to professionalhistoricalresearchgoes into thepreparationfdoctoral issertations.tcould wellbetrue hatthemajority f all pages of professional istory ublishedreport esearch ndertaken or octoral issertations.Wecanmeasure the perverse ndividualismnd/ r inefficiencyfprofessional istory ythefact hatmostdissertation-writersonly acquire the essential skills of theirtrade locatingdocuments n archives,criticizing nd synthesizinghosedocuments,inkingheir indingso the xistingiterature,ndso on inthecourseofdoingtheir issertationesearch,ndlargelyon theirown.) The subjects and stylesof thosedissertations,ofar s I cantell, espondmuchmoredecisivelytoshiftingssessmentsf heviabilityfonesort fresearchranotherthan do the works-in-progressf the discipline'sveterans.Students ook to the future, nd theirteachersencourage hem o take therisks.Whenhistory'suthoritiescredit ne modelor discreditnother, heir olleaguesoftenchallenge hemvigorously nd sometimesmodify heir wnpractices n smallways.But it is their tudentswho reallychangedirection.Those students, ven today,hold futurepracticentheir ands.Myfavoritexample squitegermaneo ourgeneral opic. tconcerns he o-calledNewUrbanHistory. arly nthe1960's,Stephan Thernstrom emonstratedhat informationromwidely-availableources such as citydirectoriesnd manu-scriptensuses ould bereshapednto rigin-destinationablessimilarto those sociologistsused to analyze occupationalmobilityrom athero son orwithin worker's wn career.(Thernstromimself asgraciously eminded s thatHarrietOwsley, rankOwsley,MerleCurti, ndSidneyGoldstein addonesomeof hepathbreakingechnicalwork;nevertheless,twas Thernstrom's overty nd Progress 1964] thatmadeyounghistoriansakenotice.)In the case of Newburyport, assachusetts, hernstromproducedevidence ndicating hat ethnicgroupshad not



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OldNew,NewOld SocialHistory 373simplyifferedn their ates f"success", uthadadoptedsomewhat ifferenttrategiesorsecuringheirfamilies9futures;hat n theaggregateittle ccupationalmobilityoccurred,utthe netmovementas slightlypward; hatoccupationalmobilityad notdeclined ubstantiallyvertime; nd thatunskilled orkers erevery ikely o moveon to leave the city whentheydidn'tmoveup. Thedemonstrationttractedttentionecauseof itstechnicalvirtuosity.tattractedttentionecause hernstromanagedtoexpose hefalsehistoricalssumptionsociologist loydWarner1963)hadmade oncerningewburyporthis amousYankee ity).Most f ll, t ttractedttentionecausetbore,at eastndirectly,ngreatuestionsfAmericanistory: asnineteenth-centurymericaheand f pportunity?idthatpromiseade orAmerica'satermmigrants?idmobilityndethnic ragmentationeduce hechances orworking-classmilitancyn theUnited tates?Graduatetudentsere speciallyuick oseethepromiseof thisnew form f collective iography.oon dozensofdoctoralissertationserenprogress,ursuinghehistoricalanalysisf socialmobilityommunityycommunity,roupbygroup,ndsource y ource.At a famousmeetingn thenineteenth-centuryityheld at Yale Universityn 1968,Thernstromnd crowdf ollaboratorsmainlyoungsters,by he tandardsf hehistoricalrofessionidentifiedhem-selves sa new chool fhistoricalractice. hen hernstromand RichardSennett ditedthe conferenceapers, heypublishedheir ook with hesubtitleEssays n theNewUrban istory".Then,with lagfor he gonies fwritingndrewriting,came he lood f heses,rticles,ndmonographs:hiladel-phia,Omaha, hicago,Milwaukee,oston, irmingham,osAngeles,anFrancisco,amilton,oughkeepsie,roy, ing-ston,ndBuffalorossedhe iewingcreenn he ompanyfmany therNorthAmericanities.Althoughhe nalysisfsocialmobilityevereneratedhe xcitementlsewherehattdid n NorthAmerica,ollectiveiographersikewiseegansortingutmanuscriptensus ecordsnd similarourcessthemeans freconstructingity opulationsnEurope nd



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374 CharlesTillyotherpartsof theworld.For themostpart,that was whathistoriansmeantwhen hey pokeof theNewUrbanHistory.Lookingback at thistorrent factivityn 1975,StephanThernstrom ommentedwryly hat"I am now inclined obelieve hat,ustas theHolyRomanEmpirewasneither oly,Roman,noranempire,henewurbanhistorysnot o new, tshouldnotbe dentifiedsurban, nd theres somedanger hatit will ease to behistory"Thernstrom,977:44). He pointedoutthedangers fthoughtlessmitation,ncriticalompila-tionofdefectiveources,bureaucratized eamresearch,ndslovenlylidingnto heuncouth rose f ocialscience.He didnot,however,pointout thatthe wave he had startedwasspendingtself.Whyand how? First,the inherent imitsof the one-cityoccupationalmobility tudywerebecoming ncreasinglyisi-ble.Therewasthedifficultyftracinghe ivesofpeoplewhoarrived rleft utside hecity tself and,for hatmatter,fdistinguishingrrival rdeparture rom rroneous ecordingand, more mportant, on-recording.herewas theuncer-taintyhat veragesorvariations vermany ities, ased onthe occupationaltitlesreportedfor adult males, actuallyrepresentedhe tructurefAmericanpportunity.herewerethedebatable ssumptionsbout classandmobilityuilt ntothe verymethod:thatoccupationsformed well-defined,unitaryankorder; hat hecentral ssues oncernedheratesandpaths f chievementy ndividuals,amilies,ndgroups;that one could reasonablypostponethe analysisof labormarketsndemployers' iring trategiesntil hedifferentialswerethere o be explained.There were other echnical ndconceptual problemswhich critics and practitioners aduncovered.Secondly,urban historianswere finding he statisticalanswersyieldedby theirhistorical ociology unnecessarilythin.As Peter Deckerputit,at theclose of his own recentcollective iographyfSan Francisco'swhite-collar orkersnthenineteenth-century,The nternal ifferences,f ecognizedtallbyhistorians,retoooftendescribed nly hroughtatisticalmeasuresndtechniques. arely re



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OldNew,New Old Social History 375they xplainedwithin hesocial context n which heyoccur.Thiscontext ncludes hehopes, spirations,nd anxieties f thosewhoselives rebeingmeasured. o exclude hese onsiderations,hroughheexclusiveuse ofquantitative echniques,s to disregard owindivi-duals perceivetheir own reality nd to preclude any normativejudgements egardingocialmobilityna societyDecker,1978:250).We have n Decker's tatementsummaryfthoughtshathave beenoccurringo a greatmanyhistoriansnot ustAmericanrban istoriansworkingnthe hadow f ocialscience.Theyhave discovered actswe all shouldhaverecognizedongago: that tatisticalnalysesn themselvesalmost ever ieldnambiguousonclusions;hathe ffectiveuseof ocial-scientificroceduresenerallyequires ore, otless,xplicittatementf rgumentshan he verage istoricalaccount; nd thaton thewhole, xistingocial-scientificapproaches ork ar ettertdiscreditinguperficialxplana-tions nd at specifyinghathas to be explained han atgeneratingxplanationshathistoriansre likely o findadequate. o the xtent hat nadequate xplanationntailsreconstructingistoricalctors'xperiencesf he ituationsnwhichheyoundhemselves,ollectiveiographynd imilartechniquesfor ll their ower nother egards) old ittlepromisefyieldinguch xplanations.Alternativesnd Syntheses

Not hat ll tudentsfAmericanities adbittens far ntothe tatisticalpple s thepredecessorshomDecker asti-gates-urbanaborhistorians,nparticular,admanagedoconstructkind fpopulist istoryhat ave mple ttentionto the rganizationfwork,he ualityf ife,he verydaystruggles,nd he ormsfmilitancy.lanDawley'sreatmentofLynn'seatherworkers1976)combinedhenow-standardanalysesf ccupational obilityithearchingxaminationsofbelief nd action. avidMontgomery1972)recreatedherhythmsfworknPittsburgh,sheandBruce aurie1973,1980) oth evealedhe atternsf rganizationsnd ompeti-tion nderlyinghe rawlsndprotestsfnineteenth-century



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376 CharlesTillyPhiladelphia.A German,DirkHoerder 1977),discernedhedoctrines fpopular sovereigntymbedded n theworkers'riots frevolutionary assachusetts. erbertGutman1976)mounted a great quest forworking-classultureand themaking runmakingf hatAmericanworkinglass.Gutmanandothers,nfact, rew gooddeal of theirnspirationromEuropean ocial and aborhistoriansuch s E. J.Hobsbawm,GeorgeRude,MichellePerrot, nd E. P. Thompson.Americanurban historynvolvesmuch more activityhaven'tmentioned:heenormous oncatenationfstudies fnineteenth-centuryhiladelphiacoordinatedby TheodoreHershberg1978, 1979);Oliver unz'sexquisitelyine nalyses(1977,1982)of anduseandpopulation istributionnDetroit;Allan Pred's treatments1973) of the time-geographyfAmericanurbanization; xaminationsof Americanurbanmigration,fthedevelopmentfracialsegregation,furbanwomen'swork xperiences,f ob-findingnd the reation foccupationalcommunities,fpowerand class in ourcities,and more. Urbanhistory"verflowstsbanks,and spreadsinto hewholeplain fAmerican ocial ife.Any negeneraliza-tionabout urbanhistoryhereforenvites t leasttwoexcep-tions.Yet in verygeneraltermsmy description olds: In mostprecincts f Americanurbanhistory,he 1960'sbroughtquickeningfenthusiam or elf-consciousonceptualizationandmodeling,or eliberateandoftenuantitative)ompari-son ofmultiple nits, ndfor igorousmeasurement;his ortof enterprise,with its social-scienceovertones, endedtoseparatefrom hefinequalitative tudiesof individual ndgroup xperiencehat ontinued;s the1970'smoved n,moreand moredoubts abouttheadequacyofthesocial scientificmodelarose amongitsfollowers nd itscritics, nd urbanhistorians ried increasingly itherto enrich theirpallidcollective iographieswith olorings f ndividual xperienceor to discover hicker lternativeso thin onclusions boutsocialmobilityndstratification.Themodelapplies eastwellto thefields fhistoricalworkthatdeveloped nclosest oncertwith pecificocialsciences:



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OldNew,NewOldSocialHistory 377archeology,conomic istory,nddemographicistory.e-searchersn hese ieldsended and tillend toget he ulkoftheirrainingutside fhistoryroper,ndtofollow heintellectualgendasof the social sciences ather hanofhistory.orbetternd forworse,hat rientationosocialsciencensulatedhem romheprioritiesndpressuresfother istorians.vennthese ields, evertheless,ome hiftsoccurredaway romhe azzlinghrome-and-glassonstruc-tions f he 960's,et s ay, owardhemorelegant,ubduedwood and brass fthe ate1970's. conomic istorians howerehoroughlyonversantith conomic odelsnd cono-metrics,uch s Jan eVries,he uthor f superbext, heEconomyofEuropein an Age ofCrisis 1976),showedthatthey aredto roottheir nalysesn thetime,place,andhistoriographyf he hangesheywere tudying.On thedemographicide,KeithWrightsonnd DavidLevine ave iven sthe plendidxamplef heir ook1979)on an English illage,erlingEssex),from 52S o 1700.Acollectiveiographyf he ntireecordedopulationver hetwo enturiesormshe ook's ackbone.he ine emographicreconstructionrovidedsensitivendex f hangingortunesamong ifferentlasses f he opulation,swell s some ignsas to thecharacterf ocalsocial structure.t showed, orexample,thatn erlinghe geatmarriagendfertility,ndnotmortality,ere he rimegentsfdemographicontrol.Whilehe hort-runmplicationsf pidemic ortalityere frealconsequence,heywere f ittlemportancenthe ongrun"WrightsonLevine,979: 2).Thus he trict althusianpicturefold-regimeopulations eriodicallyecimatedyplaguendfamineecausehey utgrewheiresourcesails ofit he acts.Yet llwasnot ucolic armonyn erling:he emographicevidenceikewiseeveals hegrowthf a large lassofpoorruralaborers,he ncreasingivision ftheparish etweenlanded aves nd andless ave-nots.hat swhereWrightsonandLevine rovides with model or he ocal ocialhistoryof thefuture. or instead fresting ith heirmpressivedemographicvidence,hey elvednto ourt ecords,hurch



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378 CharlesTillyrecords,axrecords,ndevery ther crap hey ouldget heirhandson norder otrace hematerial onditions f xistence,the routinesof everydayife,the structuresf powerandpunishment,ndthe ffirmationsffaithnd disbelief. everhave we seen more clearlythe emergence f a confident,comfortablelassof ocalnotablesnpious, ober, esponsible,but above all) firmontrol fthemanyhirelings ho workedtheirand.Neverhavewe had better isplayedhemechanismsandconsequences f theprocesses f ruralproletarianizationthat ookplaceso widelynEurope.WrightsonndLevinedid an extraordinaryieceofwork,but theirgeneralstyleof analysiswas not unique. AlanMacfarlane nd his collaborators1978) have undertakensimilarlyomprehensiveandcomputer-coordinatedanaly-sis ofa singleparish,EarlsColne,from1400to 1750.Jean-Claude Perrot 1975) has made thedemographic istory feighteenth-centuryaen thethread or he titchingogetherof he ity'swhole ound f ife.AsHobsbawm1980)suggests,these ew, hick, emographicallynformedommunitytudiesdo notrepresentn abandonment f analytichistory. heyshowus skilled nalysts roadeningherange f heirnalyses,andseeking ffective ays o communicateheir esults.

Is CrassnessAmerican?Wrightsonnd Levine are not Americans r American-trained;heBriton nd theCanadian earnedheir emographichistoryna Cambridge hathasforyearsbeen a fount f theart.E. A. Wrigley fCambridge nd Louis HenryofParis,veryikelyhe womost nfluentialiguresnthe reation f hedemographic istory eknow oday,havewider allowingsnBritain, rance, nd therest fEuropethan nNorthAmerica.In thisfield, s inthe aborhistoryverwhich uchfiguressE. J.Hobsbawm, . P.Thompson,ndtheir llieshave xercisedso great n influence,uropeanshavecommonlyedtheway.Although ritics, uropeanand American, fquantificationand social-scientific odels n history ave sometimes or-trayedhemsquintessentialxpressionsfAmericanulgarity



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OldNew,NewOldSocialHistory 379and mperialism,he nitialmpulseobothhasoftenomefromuropenfact,nd heir ullestersionsave ommonlyappearedutsidef heUnited tates.The ituationesembleshe aradoxicalrocessesywhichalmostveryityf heRoman mpire,xcept ome, eceiveda "Roman" roundlan,withts rdo nddecumanus,rbywhich hepurestpecimenf French eudalism,ith rantsactually xtendinghrough chainof subordinatesromsovereignopeasant, ppeared ot nFrance ut nQuebec.Forthe eallymassiveuildingf entralized,eam-operated,computer-basediles f process-produced"istoricalata,wego to Germany.or thecreationfnational emographicseriesxtendingver enturiesf xperience,egotoFranceandBritain.orthe oordination,tandardization,ndcom-puter inking f largenumbersf demographically-basedcommunitytudies,we go to Sweden.Perhaps hemostsurprisingase s this ne: f urrentignsrereliable,lmostunimaginablyarge iles f videncenhistoricalopulationchangeswill oonstart obecome vailablen,ofallplaces,mainland hina.By omparisonithhesefforts,mericanforaysnto historicalompilationnd computationookmodestndeed.Letmenot xaggerate. hen neof hesearge nterpriseshas akenhape,Americansave suallyppearedomewhereon the cene. orexample, mericanonaldLeehasfiguredimportantlyn heCambridge roup's orknreconstructingEnglish opulation rends,nd American amesLee (norelation)splayingn importantart nChinese urveysftheir ources ordemographicistory.urthermore,omeratherargeAmericanndertakingsave tronglynfluencedresearchhroughhe est f heworld. woexamplesrethecountry-by-countrynalysesffertilityecline onductedythe rincetonroup nsleyoalecreatedn he 60 s 1979),and hehuge ollectionsfmachine-readablevidencereatedby heMichigan-basednter-Universityonsortiumor oliti-cal and SocialResearchince he1950's. till, heAmericanreputationorBigData andbiggeresearcheams asbeengreatlyxaggerated.n nternationalerspective,heAmericanhistoricalrofessionncludes orehants hare f ndividual



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380 CharlesTillyinvestigators,arryingheirhandwrittenotes boutwiththem,ndusing omachines orexotic han typewriterrphotocopier.

WillAnthropologyave Us?Americanndividualismay elp xplain neof hemajorreactionsothe llegedxcessesf ocial-scientificistory:heself-consciousurn o anthropologys a guide ohistoricalreconstruction.he"anthropology"nquestion as an oddconnectiono thedisciplinehat oesbythatname,with tscontroversiesver volutionndmaterialism,tsdebatesvertheorigins f ideologies f honor, tsexplorationf theintricaciesfkinshipnd anguage,nd ts hroniclesftherise nd fallofpeasantriesndrural roletariats. emight

betterall the nthropologyowhich numberfhistorianshavebeenturningheir opes retrospectivethnography".The idea is to recreaterucial ituationsf thepastas athoughtfularticipant-observerould ve xperiencedhem.Some dvocatesf etrospectivethnographydopt heGilbertRyle-Cliffordeertzrogramf thickescription";heyendtoholdupasexemplarsatalieDavis'sdramaticeconstruc-tions1975)ofsixteenth-centuryestivalsndfollies, ottomentioneertz'swn ortrayal1973) f Balineseockfight.Williamewell asrecentlyrittenbook1980) bout renchworkersn he ra f heRevolution,hichivotsnanalysisfchangingonceptionsfpropertyndgroupdentityn theGeertziandea hatlterationsnfundamentalonceptsre hebases fdeep ocial hange,nd hat hose lterationshow pin heanguagef laims nd ontention.ore uch ffortsretocome.Althoughhephrase retrospectivethnography"as notgainedny urrencynthehistoriographicaliterature,istor-iansfollowinghis ath ftenmake deliberateoint f heirturnoanthropology,ndof heirissatisfactionith he ldnew ocialhistory.ewellhimselfxplicitlynvokes ulturalanthropologyndCliffordeertz,ndself-consciouslye-scribes ismoveway romhe tructuresnddeterminismsf



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OldNew,NewOldSocialHistory 381standardocialhistory.heprefaceoBryan almer'study(1979)of killed orkersnHamilton,ntario,rom860 o1914 ncludesnexceptionallylear tatementf lternatives.It deservesuotationt ength:Hamilton, smany ocial historiansrewell ware,has become ne ofthemost ntenselytudied ommunitiesn NorthAmerica.MichaelB.Katz and hisongoingCanadian Social History rojecthaveutilizedquantitativeatato aunchone ofthemore ophisticatedommunitystudies n thehistory fsocial scientificnquiry.WhileKatz'sworkdemandsrespect, articularly is structuralnalysesof inequality,transiency,nd socialmobility,t remainsnopen question s tohowmuch numerical ata can tell us about culture r conflict. t thusseemedfittingoprobetraditionalources newspapers,manuscriptandarchival oldings,nd ocalrecords) osee what hey ould offer.While such material is truly mpressionistic,t has yielded animpressiveollection fdatathat ellus much bout obscure ornersof thenineteenth-ndtwentieth-centuryorld.Beyondthedata, however,ooms thetheoretical ramework ithinwhichthis studyevolves.While sectionsof the book have beensomewhat nfluenced y mywrestling ith a kindof structuralisttheory . . the attachments to a structuralismooted n historicalanalysis, informedbut not dominatedby the approach of theanthropologist.t s, n hort,he tructuralismfLevi-Strauss,atherthan he tructuralismfAlthusser.Where nehas,atleast, partialrespect orhistorynd empirical indings,he other sunashamedlyantihistorical, asking bstraction ith hereificationftheory.Thisstudy, hen, s no marriage f the ocial sciences nd history.fitdoes nottotally cceptthe udgement fRichardCobb that t isunlikelyhathistorians ill vergetmuchprofitrom he ompany fsocial scientists,tcannot rguewithElizabethFox-Genovese's ndEugene D. Genovese'srecentremarks n thedangers nherentnpromiscuousborrowing" rom therdisciplines. ar too often, hehistorian'swn ackofrigor as movedhim oward he ociologist,hepsychologist,he conomist,rthe nthropologist;ndthe heoreticalgainshave beenminimal.These advocates of the interdisciplinaryapproachhave oftenuccumbed o theworst ind fdefeatism,or nlookingfor answersto history's nterpretiveroblemstheyhavesubordinatedClio to the argonistic ntihumanism f the socialsciences,repletewith theirclinical sterilitynd elaboratecontrolmechanisms. he past,however,was never o tidy Palmer, 1979:xii-xiii).

Palmer alls, nstead,n thetraditionf"empirical arx-ism" xemplifiedyE. P. Thompson.ulturendconflictre



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382 CharlesTillyto be his themes, ympatheticeconstructionis method.Although almerdoes notsummonClifford eertz otestifyagainst he mpoverishedigidityf ocial-scientificistory,edoes advocate program fthick escription.The best-known ecent xample of retrospectivethno-graphy, owever, as esstodowith lifford eertz,ndmoretodo with heold-fashionedillage tudy. mmanuel e RoyLadurie'sspectacularMontaillou 1975) givesan accountoflife nd love in a fourteenth-centuryyrenean ommunity.tfollows n outlinehat ouldeasilyhaveguided nethnographydone 50 years ago: sex, courtship,marriage, ife-cycles,gatherings,orms fsolidarity,nd ondownthechecklist.Itwouldconvey hetexture fthe book a bitmorefaithfullyandexplain omeof tsbest-sellingppeal to enumeratehesubjects s sex, ourtship,ex,marriage,ex, ife-cycles,ex ..and so on.)ButLe RoyLaduriedoes the tandardthnographywith xceptional anache, ndwith n extraordinaryource:thetranscriptf the nquisition'searchingnterrogationsflocal people. Montaillou nurturedheresy;the inquisitivebishopsent to trackdown the heretics ollowed hetrailofmistaken elief nto theroutines, rises, nd peccadillosofday-to-dayife.Le RoyLaduriehad theclevernessohandlethe ranscriptike n oral-historyape, plicingtstestimoniestogether ith isowncommentaries,omparisons,ndspecu-lations. Result:a revelation. he readerfindshimselfn theverymidst f weird, arthy,ndyet omehow amiliar oundof ife.Le Roy Ladurie did not,to be sure, nvent hemethodentirelynhis own.Ethnographersuch as OscarLewis e.g.,1961)hadlong ince ubstitutedaperecordersornotebooks,and insertedong strips f their aped interviewsnto theirbooks on rural and urban life. A whole guild of "oralhistorians", ith tspublicrunning romgeneralreaders oantiquarians throughthe studentsof recenthistory,hassprungntobeing.Within renchhistory,e RoyLaduriehadthe plendidxample fAlainLottin,whobuilt broad recon-struction1 68)ofLille's eventeenth-centuryocial ife n thebase of a journal keptbya modest extile rtisan. nsteadofsettlingor n edition fthe extwith long ntroductionnd



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OldNew,NewOld Social History 383learnedfootnotes, ottin hoseto interweavehephrasesoftheournalwith isownportraitf heman,hismilieu,ndthecity s a whole.Theportraitelies n the tandard ources fdemographic, conomic,and institutional istory. ottin'sChavatte, uvrierillois hereforeiessomewhere etween hestructuralistoryfLevine ndWrightsonndthe etrospectiveethnographyfLe RoyLadurie.Yet another ariant fanthropological orkhas appearedin thehistoryf women nd feminism. thnographersftenput a greatdeal of thiereffortnto notingthe concreteconnections ithinome mportantegmentf hepopulation.Similarly,omeofthemost-read merican esearch n wom-en-for example,thewritings f Carroll Smith-Rosenberg(1975) and NancyCott (1977)- attemptso reconstructhenetworksnd solidaritiesinkingwomento each other.Thetracing f interpersonal etworks angesfrom nformal oprecise,ustas it does inanthropology.n both ts historicaland itsanthropological ersion, henetworknalysis ervestwopurposes: irst,oclarify owmembersfthegroup opewith ifficultieshey ace n other reasof heirives; econdly,to helpexplainthe solidaritiesnd conflictshat howup inpublic ffairs.his pproach ecomes ontroversial,bviously,to the extentthat it reduces women's public claims toexpressions ftheirprivatepreoccupations. ompetinghis-toriographicalraditions,fter ll,basewomen's nvolvementinthe trugglesor bolition, uffrage,ndwomen's ightsnthe articulation f real interests,n thedevelopment f asolidary,elf-consciousocialmovement,r both.A similar ivision ppears n thehistoryf thefamily. nthe anthropological"ide to stretchhe erm bit),wehavewritersuchas PhilippeAries,RandolphTrumbach, dwardShorter, nd our mentor, awrenceStone. Although heydisagree mong hemselvesnmany egards,hey onvergenthe nterpretationfchanges nfamilyife s expressions fchange nattitudes,mentalities,Weltanschauungen.husforAriestheriseofoverridingndividualismnourownera hasbroken he old solidarityfthefamily. n the"materialist"and "political"sides (to use a pair of equally tendentiousterms), ehave uch nterpretationss that fLouiseTilly nd



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384 CharlesTillyJoan cott,whoportraylterationsnfamilytructurenderindustrialapitalisms collectivehiftsn trategyonditionedespeciallyy hangesnthe rganizationfproduction.incecontemporarynthropology ctually ontains nergeticspokesmenormaterialist"nd political"ccountsf ociallife, he distinctionetweennthropologicalnd other p-proacheso ocialhistoryeginstthis ointo ose llclarity.Nevertheless,he distinctionemains.t representsn olddivision ithinnthropologytself: etweenhosewho, nthewhole, ive xplanatoryriorityoculture,elief,rwill,ndthosewhogive riorityomaterialonditionsndpower.Materialism ives

Despiteall I havesaid,materialismas byno meansdisappearedrom ocialhistory. s Hobsbawm's eply oStone ndicates,ocialand economic istorians ave beentryingosort ut nd ynthesizehemass fnew videncehathasbeen ccumulatingntheworld'sargeconomic,olitical,and social ransformations.orEuropean istoryince 400or o, he randhemes ave een he oncentrationf apital,thegrowth f a proletarianaborforce, hecreation fpowerfulationaltates ndsystemsf tates,he mergenceofmass oliticst nationalcale, he ise ndfall fEuropeanhegemony,hedecline ffertilityndmortality.obsbawmhimselfasmademportantontributionsothe ynthesis.arfrom itheringway, he iscussionf hese hemessgainingincoherencendenergy.By and large, hiswork likeHobsbawm's)s broadlyMarxistn onception:t minimum,tbegins ithnalysisftheorganizationfproductionndits mplicationor lassformation.n the mall cale, hework fWrightsonndLevinexemplifieshe ort f ynthesishat as ts ounterpartsinother ork nEngland,rance, ermany,ndSweden. nthe arge cale,promisingecentynthesesake heform fKriedte, edick,nd chlumbohm'sssaysnprotoindustriali-zationfor ll theirooseends), fLis andSoly's urveyf



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OldNew,NewOld SocialHistory 385povertynd apitalismnEuropefor ll ts ack f ttentionovariationromegionoregion),f mmanuelWallerstein'ssecond olume n the eventeenth-centuryuropeanworld-systemfor ll ts ontroversialreatmentf he strength"fdifferenteventeenth-centurytates).Theawardfor hemost umptuousifnot for hemostconclusive)ecentynthesisoeshandsdownto FernandBraudel's iant hree-volumexplorationfcapitalismndmaterialife romhefourteenthenturynward. raudel'sscope xtendseyond urope o heworldsa whole. etakesin lmostllthe ocialhistoryhave een eviewing,ndmore.Demography,echnology,ommunication,eography,olitics,and ulturalroductionlowogether,nd hroughach ther,inhis ccount. raudel inds arallels,ommonhreads,ndinterdependencieshere he est fusbarely are oventurefactual ummaries. ard to classifys a Marxist or asanythinglse Braudel onethelessomes hroughs a thor-oughgoing aterialist.hatmaterialismppearsteach f hethree evels reated ythe book'ssuccessiveolumes: heroutinesnd onstraintsf verydayife;ommercialtructuresandcapitalism;orldconomiesnd nterdependence.Twodecadesgo,Braudel'samblingurveyf he ixteenth-centuryediterraneanisplayednextraordinaryense f heinterdependencemong tructuresndchangeshat eemedremoteromneanother,reven ntitheticalfornstance,the ise ndfall fupland anditrysa functionf luctuationsin owland tate ower.Nowheconveyshat ame ense tascale hat warfsheMediterraneannd he ixteenthentury:his ubject asbecomehe xperiencef he ntire orld romthe ifteenthhroughhe ighteenthenturies.ven hose ourcenturieso notcontain im, s he moves ackwardotheRomanEmpirendforwardo the 1970's. n three ulgingvolumes, raudel ttemptso ess han generalccount ftheprocessesywhichhe apitalist orld f henineteenthandtwentiethenturiesook hape.Braudel'sccountacks he chematismf hework f nH.G.Wells ra V. Gordon hilde. omplexities,uances,on-



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386 CharlesTillytradictions,nd doubts filleverychapter.The marvelous,abundant llustrationsplates,graphs,maps,diagrams, ndtablesby hehundredsccupy bouta fifthf he ext nearlyalwaysendnew nsights,et arelyallneatlynto developingargument.ndeed,Braudeloftenmakes nexplicit istinctionbetweenhisprocedure nd theassembling fevidenceforaconnected et of propositions.As he beginsa survey f anumber f nstancesnwhich griculturalapitalism ecamedominant, orexample,he declaresthat"our aim is nottostudy hesedifferentases for heir wnsakesor to seekthemeansofpreparingnexhaustiveist or hewholeofEurope;weonlywant osketch lineofreasoning"Braudel,1979: I,245).As crystallizedn titles and subtitles, he topic's threedivisions un s follows:1)material ulture ndthe tructureof verydayife;2) economyndtheworkingsf xchange;3)capitalism nd world-time.he breakdown oes distinguishthe mphases f he hree olumes. tdoesnot,however,eflecta causalhierarchyr a tight nalyticalmodel hatweshall eeclearly s we work urwaythroughnevolume fternother.Inthe irstart, raudel eeks odescribe ow he echniquesofproduction,istribution,ndconsumptionaried hroughoutthe world especiallythe Westernworld over the fourcenturiesfter 400, ndtoshowhowthose echniques hapedeveryday xperience. hefirst olumereveals herichness fBraudeFs eading ndreflection.ackedbyhisengagingndwell-producedllustrations,e givesus disquisitions n epi-demics, nagriculturalechniques,nthevarieties fherring,onthevagaries f lothingtyle. eta careful eader ncounterssurprises nd disappointments.or one thing,t eventuallybecomes lear hat despite he mpledemographicocumen-tation nwhich edraws Braudelhas ittle oncernwith italprocesses s such.The opening ection n population voidsmost f he uestionsnwhich uropeanhistoricalemographyhas focused:the responsivenessf vital ratesto economicfluctuation,herelationshipetween ousehold tructurend



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OldNew,NewOldSocialHistory 387fertility,he nset f ong-termeclinesnfertility,nd o on.Braudel oncerns imself ith opulationize,growth,nddeclinemainlys indicesfpower, elfare,ndvulnerabilityto the nvironment.Again, sthe olume roceeds raudel uilds pa caseforinefficientransportations a majorbrake on Europeaneconomicrowth.etheneveruitemanagesoreconcilehatconclusion ithhisearlier ortrayalf theMediterraneanshippingoutes s speedy liquid oads", r with he ort fevidence ande Vrieshas assembledoncerninghegreatimportancef low-costwater ransportn theeconomicdevelopmentndcommunicationtructuref he ow Coun-tries. t a minimum,nemightave xpected comparativeanalysisf he dvantagesnjoyed yregionshat adaccesstonavigableivers,anals, ndseas.Most of all, Braudeltantalizes is readersby raisingfundamentaluestions,heneavinghe uestionso evitatethemselves.ne xampleshis iscussionfLewisMumford'sclaim hat ascentapitalismroke pthenarrowramef hemedievality ysubstitutinghepower f a newmerchantaristocracyorhat f andlordsndguildmasters:Nodoubt,but nlyo ink tselfoa statewhichonqueredhe ities,utonly o nherithe ld nstitutionsndattitudes,ndentirelyincapable fdoingwithouthose nstitutionsndattitudes"(1979: , 53).Anothersthe onclusionf long,nformativetreatmentf he ariantsnd nteractionsfmoneynd redit:"But f ne anmaintainhat ll smoney,ne an alsoclaim,on he ontrary,hat ll scredit:romises,ealityt distance.... Inshort,he ase anbe made irstneway, henhe ther,withoutrickery"1979: , 19). ndeed,he o-calledconclu-sions" f the ntire olume avethe ame mbivalentone,withnadditionalote f omplaintbout henadequacyfthe vailablevidence:I wouldhavelikedmoreexplanations,ustifications,nd examples.But book snot ndefinitelyxpansible.And norder opindown he



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388 CharlesTillymultiple spectsof material ife, t would require lose, systematicstudies, ottomentionwhole etsof yntheses. llthat s still acking(1979:1,493).Fivehundred ages intoa densecompilation-cum-synthesis,onewonders.Inthe econdvolume, raudelproceeds rom surveyf hetechniquesbywhichpeople in differentartsof theworldexchanged oodstoa discussion fvarious ypes nd scalesofmarkets. e then ries o dentifyhepeculiaritiesf apitalismas activityndorganization,efore xaminingts rticulationwith ocial hierarchies,tatestructures,nd broad forms fcivilization. espitea thick nd thoughtfulurvey fdefini-tions,Braudelnever uite aysout a working efinitionfthecapitalismhehas inmind. t takesa while o see thathe haschosen to emphasize heconditions fexchangerather hanthe elationsfproduction; ehas thus lignedhimself,mongrecentcombatants on that bloody field,with ImmanuelWallersteinndAndreGunderFrank, nd separatedhimselffrom nalysts uchas RobertBrenner nd Witold Kula. Inresponse oKula'sclaim hat he andlordswho"refeudalized"eastern uropedidnot, ndcouldnot, alculate s capitalists,Braudeldeclares:

To besure, hat s not he rgumentwish ochallenge.tseems ome,however,hat he econd erfdom as the ounterpointf merchantcapitalismwhich ookadvantage f he ituationntheEast,andeven,tosomeextent, ased tsoperation here. hegreat andlordwas notcapitalist, ut hewas a tool and a collaborator t the service f thecapitalism fAmsterdamnd other laces.He waspart ofthe ystem(1979: II, 235).What, then, s that capitalist system?Gradually,Braudelreveals visionofcapitalism s an arrangementn which woor more arge, oherent,market-connectedeconomicworlds"become inked nd interdependenthroughheagency fbigmanipulatorsfcapital.Thus, nEuropeanhistory,heroleofgrandcommerce n thedevelopment fcapitalismbecomesparamount. hus, nBraudel's iew, single apital-concentra-tingmetropolisends oemerge s thedominant enter fanycapitalistworld-economy.



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OldNew,NewOld Social History 389Braudel's ackmoves s n a very ifferentirection rom heidentificationfcapitalism s the ystemnwhich heholdersofcapitalcontrol hebasic meansofproduction,nd reducelabor to a factor fproduction, commodity ne buysandsells; nthat ort fdefinition,he onfrontationf capitalistwith proletarian a personwhodependsfor urvival n thesale of aborpower occupies hevery enter.WithBraudel,we do not recognize apitalismby its characteristicocialrelations,utby tsgeneral onfiguration. ith he lternative,werecognize capitalist ystem ytheprevalence f a socialrelationshiphatwe can observe t the mallest cale. It is thedifferenceetween blancmange nd a Saint-Honor: hesmallest poonful f thealmond elly s stillblancmange; utunlesscrust, ream, nd icedpuffballsometogethern theright attern, ouhaveno Saint-Honor. aradoxically,withBraudel's aint-Honorapitalism,ncewehave dentifiedhedish s awhole, very art f tqualifiess Saint-Honor. hatis how Braudel ansayofthenoncapitalistandlord: He waspartof the ystem."Theexchange-orientedefinitionassome nalyticaldvan-tages. For one thing, t trainsattention n the enormousimportancefbankers,merchants,nd other apitalistswhoknewnothing fproduction utplenty fprices ndprofits;their ctivities reatly acilitatedhanges n the relations fproduction. or another hing,heexchange-orientedefini-tionbrings utthecontinuityetween mall-scale nd large-scale productionunder capitalism,and thus reduces ourfixationnfactories,arge irms,nd aborunder onditions fintensive ime-and work-discipline;he concentration fcapitaland ofwork-spacesertainlymadea differenceo theautonomy fworkers nd thequalityofwork,butcottageindustryndrelated orms fproductionften roceededn athoroughlyapitalistmanner.The exchange-orientedefini-tionofcapitalismteers ar learofa misleadingmphasis nthetechnologyfproduction.Still,thedisadvantages f Braudel's definitionutweighthe dvantages. hedefinition,nturningwayfrom echnol-ogy, abandons the relationsof production ntirely. nco-



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390 CharlesTillymienda,hacienda, lavery,nd,as we haveseen,serfdom llbecomecapitalistforms f labor control.Large chunksofworldexperience ecomecapitalist.The historically-specificanalysisof thedevelopment fcapitalism s a system ivesway, paradoxically, o thevery nquiry twas supposedtoreplace: he earch or xplanations ftheBritishnd westernEuropean takeoff.In fact,Braudel gives some signsof compromisingheexcessive roadness fhisdefinition;nthis egard,s inmanyothers,he neglectsto stick to his announced principlesthroughout he inquiry.Having committedhimself o aconception fcapitalismnvolvinghe inkage ftwoor morelarge,distinctmarkets ycapital-wielding erchants,e hasalreadycommittedhimself o seeingthe whole of thosemarkets s integral lements f a capitalist ystem.Yet hepersistsn searchingwithin hosemarkets orsignsof theemergencef apitalism. hushedeclares or he ndof he ldregime hat Themajorityf thepeasantworldremained arfromapitalism,tsdemands,tsorder,nd tsprogress"1979:II, 255). Thushe concludes hat Capitalismdid not invadeproductions suchuntil hemoment f he ndustrial evolu-tion,whenmechanization ad transformedheconditions fproductionnsuch fashionhatndustryecome n arenafortheexpansionofprofits"1979: II, 327). Ifconsistencye ahobgoblin f ittleminds, raudelhas no trouble scaping hatparticular emon.WhenBraudel s notbedeviling s withour demandsforconsistency,e againparadeshis ndecision. hroughouthesecondvolume,herepeatedly egins o treat herelationshipbetween apitalists nd statemakers,henveers way. Savorthis ummaryfhis efforts:Finally ndespecially,mustwe eaveunansweredhequestionwhichhas come up timeafter ime: Did thestatepromote apitalism, rdidnt it? Did itpushcapitalism orward? venif one raisesdoubtsabout thematurityfthemodern tate,f- movedbyrecentvents-onekeepsone's distance rom he tate, nehas to concede hat romthe fifteentho theeighteenthentury,he statewas involvedwitheveryonendeverything,hat twas oneofEurope'snewforces. ut



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Old New,NewOld Social History 391does it explain everything,ubjecteverythingo itscontrol?No, athousand imes o.Furthermore,oesntthereverse erspective orkas well?The statefavored apitalism ndcameto its aid- no doubt.But et'sreverse heequation:the tate hecks heriseofcapitalism,whichn ts urn anharm he tate.Both hingsretrue, uccessivelyorsimultaneously,eality lwaysbeingpredictablendunpredictablecomplexity.avorable,unfavorable,hemoderntatehasbeenoneofthe realities mid whichcapitalismhas made its way, sometimeshindered,ometimes romoted, nd often noughmoving head onneutral round1979: II, 494).Yes, tappears,wemust eaveunansweredhe uestionhathas ome ptime fterime.Whenwe rrivetthe ame ointagain nd gain,webeginosuspect e rewalkingncircles.That stheprice, suppose,fwalking ith greatmuser.Thethird artofBraudel'smagnumpus beginswithdelineationfworld-economiess thefundamentalnits fanalysis,nd ontinuesith roughlyhronologicalortrayalof the uccessive orld-economieshatprevailednEuropeand elsewheren theworld. hesurveyscomplicatedy hesimultaneousffortsospecifyhe hanginglaces f mallerareas nd ndividualitieswithinhoseworld-economies,otracehenteractionsmongworld-economiesnd as if hatwerenotalreadynough toexplainhowandwhy uropefinallyecameheworld'smasternd tsprimeocus f arge-scale ndustrialization.ereespecially raudel ets hinescintilla fsentimentalhauvinism: hydid Francenever

quite ecomeNumberne?Atonemoment,raudel ermitshimselfhespeculationhat hedemands f Pariswere oblame. n themid-sixteenthentury:Did Parismissthechance to acquirea measureofmodernity,ndFrance withher?That is possible. t is permissibleo blameParis9possessing lasses,overly ttracted o offices nd land, operationswhichwere socially nriching,ndividuallyucrative,ndeconomicallyparasitic"(1979:II, 280;thequotation s fromDenis Richet).

Fortunately,raudel'sloom everastsong. oonhe ets ffon a knowledgeablexplorationfthechanging egionaldivisionswithin he French conomyone of thefinest



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392 CharlesTillysurveys fthesubjectanywhere. hat conversationalmodeprovides oththecharm nd thefrustrationf thevolume.Precisely ecausethe onversationanges owidely, lookback over the thirdvolume'ssubjectmatterbringsout anastonishing act: the grand themesof the firstvolumepopulation, ood,clothing,echnology have almost ntirelydisappeared!Despitethe enseof material ife s a constraintonhuman hoices owell-conveyedythat irst olume,nowwe seen nothing f constraint. raudel's discussionof thepeoplingofNorthAmerican olonies 1979: III, 348ff.), orexample, nvolves oeffort hatsoever o udgethe ontribu-tions f hanges nfertility,ortality,uptiality, igration,rtheir elationso eachother.ndeed,bythispointBraudelhasbecome so indifferento populationproblems hathe settlesfor raphs fEnglish ertilityndmortalityhanges1979:HI,489) drawn fromG. M Trevelyan's ncient exton socialhistory. espite contraryndicationsn theopeningvolume(anddespite he rucialplaceof Braudel's ollaboratorsnthedevelopmentfdemographicallyased socialhistory),raudelmakes no significantffort ither o analyze demographicdynamics r toincorporatehemntohisexplanatoryystem.Somehowthatno longer eems obe partof theproblem.What is? Early in Volume II, Brandel calls his readers9attentionoa perplexingituation.nthe ixteenthentury,econcludes,the hicklyettled egions f heworld, ubject o thepressuresf argepopulations,eem lose tooneanother,more r ess qual.No doubtsmall differencean be enoughto producefirst dvantages, hensuperiorityndthus, n the ther ide, nferiorityndthen ubordina-tion. sthatwhathappened etween urope nd the est f heworld?. . One thingooks certain ome: thegap between heWestand theother ontinentsppeared ate;toattributetto the rationalization"of hemarketconomy lone, s toomany fourcontemporariestillhavea tendencyodo,isobviously implistic.n any ase,explainingthegap, whichgrewmoredecisivewiththeyears, s the essentialproblemnthehistoryf themodernworld 1979: II, 110-11).The suggestion,ucked nto VolumeI, thata differencenenergyupplies etween urope nd therest f heworldmight



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OldNew,NewOldSocialHistory 393havebeen rucial, asby his ime anished.heaction f hestate as, s we have een, issolved s a likelyxplanation.China, ndia, ndother arts f theworld urn ut tohavecreatedommercialechniquesssophisticatedsthose f heEuropeans.aulBairoch'sstimatesf ross ationalroductsatthe ndof he ighteenthenturyquotedwith mixturefconsternationnd pprovaln stop-pressevisionnsertedtIII,460-461)how osignificantdvantagefwesternuropeoverNorth mericarChina so"initialdvantage"oses tsremaininghredsf redibilitys anexplanation.Bypage481 ofVolume II, Braudel ffersn indirectadmissionf heoreticalefeat:[T]he ndustrial evolutionwhich verturnedngland,ndthen hewholeworld,wasnever,tanypointn tspath, preciselyelimitedubject,given undle fproblems,na particularlaceat a certaintime."All theprevious istoryecountednthis astreview,Braudel ells s,somehowonvergedn that utcome. heonlyway oanalyzendustrialrowthstobreak t nto tsmanylements,o takeupthose lementsnebyone, ndtotraceheir ultipleonnections.hatBraudel'sarliernalysesforecastustsuch n intellectualtrategy,ndthatBraudelfollowshe trategyithubtle rilliance,onot liminatecertain isappointmenthatno answerwhatsoevermergesfrom ll this owerfuluestioning.At he tartf he hirdolume,t ooks sthough raudelwilltry o performismiracle y relyingn ImmanuelWallerstein'sodel f he uropean orld-system,speciallyits distinctionf core,semiperiphery,nd periphery.utBraudelventuallypts or more elaxeddentificationf heworld'sconomicallyndependentegions,eans gainstWal-lerstein'slaim hat heEuropean apitalist orld-economywasthefirstne nottoconsolidatento politicalmpire,doubts hat mpiress such stiflehepotentialf world-economies,ndmaps utmultipleuropean orld-economieswell eforehe upposedlyriticalnificationf he ixteenthcentury. e followWallersteinspeciallyn building isaccount roundhe uccessiveegemoniesf apitalist etro-polises:Venice, enoa,Antwerp,msterdam,ondon,New



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394 CharlesTillyYork.He accepts, or while,Wallerstein'snconventionalcharacterizationf he eventeenth-centuryutch ndEnglishstates s "strong"tates, n theground hat heirmodestapparatusemonstratedhe fficiencyithwhich heir om-inantlasses ouldworkheir ill.Whenelf-consciousbouttheproblem, e remains aithfulo Wallerstein'socus nconditionsf xchange,atherhan elationsfproduction,sthe ssentialeaturesf apitalism.ut nfact eneithersesthe ore/emiperipheryeripherychemes atool f nalysisnor ttemptsotesttbymeans fhis tore f nformation.t sa grandtory,legantlyold . . andnothingike definitivesolutiono the essentialroblem".Whateverlse tdoesorfails odo,however,raudel's rand urveystablishesheenormousmportancefmaterialonditionsnthe volutionofEuropeanife.Materialismives.ConclusionThepointsmore eneral. otice,syoureadBraudelndother yntheses,ow little hey xemplifyherevival fnarrative,owrarelyhey ely nretrospectivethnography,howmuch hey uildtheir aseson thevery uantitative,demographic,nd ocial-scientificorks hat awrencetonehascondemnedobankruptcy.omehowhey efuse ogobroke.Worksf he ld new ocialhistoryavenot,t strue,locked ogetherntheScientific istory ee Benson nceanticipated.heyhave, nthe ontrary, ade hehistoricalspecificityf socialstructuresnd processes ll the moreapparent.ut he ldnew ocialhistoryasmadetpossibleoconnectndividualxperienceithargeocial rocesses oreclearly,recisely,ndfullyhan verbefore. esearch ndwritingnthat ein ontinueothriveneconomic istory,nthe istoryf he amily,ndemographicistory,n he istoryofpopular ebellionndcollectivection,nthehistoryfschoolingnd iteracy,nhistoricaltudiesfpoverty,ging,genetics, igration,rime,trikes,thnicity. . evennurbanhistory.hepractitionersftheoldnew ocialhistoryave



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OldNew,NewOld SocialHistory 395foundtperfectlyeasible o incorporatento heirmodel-mongering,omparative,uantitative,ollective-biographicalendeavorshe evicesnd nsightsf etrospectivethnography.Wemust ndup agreeing ithhe awrence tone f1972,fnot f1979,ndwith he .J.Hobsbawm f1980: hemissionofsocialhistorys still o "tie theexciting evelopmentnintellectualndculturalistoryown o the ocial, conomic,andpoliticaledrock."ReferencesThisbibliographyncludes verytem ited nthe ext, t eastonerepresentativetembyeach authormentioned, number f recentwritingsn historiography,lus avariety f recentworks n social history. ocial historians ave been producingpublications t far too fast a pace for this to be anythingike a comprehensiveinventory,ndmy eadings too selective or t to be a representativeibliography.have tried implyoprovide woor three xamples feach kind fresearch iscussedin thearticle, lustwentyrthirtyitles iving heflavor f the ocialhistory eingproduced n the 1970's.Akerman, une;Johansen, ansChristian; Gaunt,David,eds. 1978).Chance ndChange:Social and Economic Studies n HistoricalDemographyn theBalticArea. Odense:ScandinavianUniversitiesress.Alapuro,Risto 1977). "Peasants, States,and theCapitalistWorldSystem,**ctaSociologies XX, 2, 181-93.Aminzade,Ronald 1981). Class,Politics ndEarly ndustrial apitalism: Study fMid-Nineteenthentury oulouse.Albany: UNY Press.Anderson,Michael (1971). FamilyStructure n Nineteenth-Centuryancashire.Cambridge: ambridgeUniv.Press.Aries,Philippe1960). L'Enfant t a viefamiliale ous l'ancien gime. aris:Pion.Aris, hilippe1971).Histoire espopulationsranaises t de leurs ttitudes evantla viedepuisdeXVIII sicle.Paris: Seuil.Armstrong, lan 1974).Stabilitynd Change n an EnglishCountyTown:A SocialStudy f York, 801-1851. ambridge: ambridgeUniv.Press.Aya, Rod (1979). "Theoriesof RevolutionReconsidered:ContrastingModels ofCollectiveViolence,**heorynd Society,VIII, 1,July, 9-100.Aydelotte,WilliamO. (1971).QuantificationnHistory. eading,MA: Addison-Wes-

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396 CharlesTillyBarton,Josef1975). Peasants ndStrangers:talians,Rumanians nd Slovaks nanAmericanCity, 890-1950. ambridge: ambridgeUniv.Press.Barzun,Jacques 1974). Clio and theDoctors:Psycho- istory, uanto-HistoryndHistory. hicago:Univ.ofChicagoPress.Benson,Lee (1966). "Quantification,cientific istory,nd Scholarly nnovation,**AmericanHistoricalAssociationNewsletter,V, June,11-16.Berding,Helmut, d. (1980). "WegederneuenSozial- und Wirtschaftsgeschicte,*'special ssueofGeschichte ndGesellschaft,I, 1.Bergesen,Albert, d. (1980). Studiesof the Modern World-System. ew York:AcademicPress.Best, Heinrich,& Mann, Reinhard,eds. (1977). Quantitativemethoden n derhistorisch-sozialwissenschaftlichenorschung. tuttgart: lett-Cotta.Blok, Anton(1974). The Mafia of a Sicilian Village,1860-1960.Oxford:BasilBlackwell.Borscheid, eter 1978). Textilarbeiterschaftn der ndustrialisierung:oziale Lageund Mobilitt n Wuttemberg19. Jahrhundert).tuttgart: lett-Cotta.Bowen, Roger (1980). Rebellion and Democracyin Meiji Japan: A Study ofCommonersn thePopularRightsMovement. erkeley: niv. fCalifornia ress.Braudel,Fernand 1979). Civilisationmatrielle, conomic et Capitalisme,XVe-XVIHe sicle,3 vols.Paris:ArmandColin.Braun,Rudolf 1978). "Early Industrializationnd DemographicChange in theCanton ofZurich," nCharlesTilly, d. Historical tudiesof Changing ertility.Princeton: rinceton niv.Press, 89-334.Brinton, rane 1 57). TheJacobins:AnEssay n theNewHistory. ewYork:RussellandRussell.Brown, Brian R. (1981). "IndustrialCapitalism,Conflict, nd Working-ClassContentionn Lancashire,1842" n Louise A. Tilly& CharlesTilly, ds., ClassConflictnd CollectiveAction.Beverly ills:Sage.Carlsson, ten 1977). Froknar,mamseller,ungfrur chpigor: Ogifta vinnor detsvenska tandsumhallet.tockholm:Almqvist Wiksell.Centre e a Mditerrane oderne tContemporaine1974).Lesmigrationsans espaysmditerranensn XVlllme t au dbut du XIXme. Nice: Univ. de NiceCentre e aMditerrane oderne tContemporaine,ashers e aMditerrane,SrieSpciale,No. 2.Chesnais,Jean-Claude1976). Les morts iolentes n Francedepuis1826:Comparai-sons internationales.aris:PressesUniversitairese France, NED, TravauxetDocuments, ahier75.Chesneaux,Jean 1976). Du passfaisonstablerase?Paris:Maspro.Chudacoff, oward 1972). Mobile Americans:Residential nd Social MobilitynOmaha1880-1920.NewYork: OxfordUniv. Press.Clark,Samuel (1979). Social Origins fthe rishLand War.Princeton: rincetonUniv. Press.



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Old New,NewOld Social History 397Clubb,Jerome Scheuch,ErwinK. (1980). Historical ocial Research:TheUseofHistoricalnd Process-Produced ata. Stuttgart: lett-Cotta.Coale,Ansley;Anderson, arbara;& Harm,Enna 1979). HumanFertilitynRussiasince theNineteenthentury. rinceton: rinceton niv.Press.Cohen,Mirian 1977)."Italian-American omen nNew YorkCity, 900-1950:Workand School,"*n MiltonCantor& BruceLaurie, ds.,Class,Sex and theWomanWorker.Westport,T: Greenwood, 20-43.Conell,Carol (1980). "The Impactof UnionSponsorship n StrikesnNineteenth-CenturyMassachusetts."npubl.Ph.D. diss.Univ. ofMichigan.Conze, Werner, d. (1976). Sozialgeschichte er Familie in der NeuzeitEuropas.Stuttgart:rnstKlett.Conzen,KathleenN. (1976). ImmigrantMilwaukee, 836-1969:Accomodation ndCommunityn a Frontier ity.Cambridge:HarvardUniv. Press.Corbin,Alain (1975). Archaisme t modernit n Limousin u XIXe sicle. Paris:Marcel Rivire.Cott,NancyF. (1977). The Bonds of Womanhood:"Woman's Sphere"in NewEngland, 780-1835.NewHaven,CT: Yale Univ. Press.Cronin,JamesE. (1979). IndustrialConflictn ModernBritain.London: Croom

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398 CharlesTillyDupaquier, Jacques 1979). La populationruraledu Bassm Parisien l'poquedeLouis XIV. Paris: Editions e l'Ecole des Hautes Etudesen Sciences ociales.Elder,Glen H. Jr., 1974). Children ftheGreatDepression: ocial Change nLifeExperience. hicago:Univ. ofChicagoPress.Eriksson,ngrid Rogers,John1978).Rural Labor and PopulationChange: ocialand DemographicDevelopmentn East-Central wedenduring heNineteenthCentury.tockholm:Almqvist Wiksell.Foster,John 1974). Class Strugglend the ndustrialRevolution: arly ndustrialCapitalismn ThreeTowns.London: Weidenfeld Nicolson.Fremdling,Rainer & Tilly,Richard,eds. (1979). Industrialisierungnd Raum:Studien zur rgionaleDijferenzierungm Deutschlanddes 19. Jahrhunderts.Stuttgart: lett-Cotta.Fridlizius,Gunnar 1975). "Some NewAspects n SwedishPopulationGrowth. &II," Economy nd History, VIII, 1, 3-33; XVIII, 2, 126-54.Frisch,Michael 1972). Town ntoCity: pringfield, assachusettsnd theMeaningof Community,840-1880. ambridge:HarvardUniv. Press.Frisch, Michael (1979). MAmericanUrban Historyas an Example of RecentHistoriography,"istorynd Theory, VIII, 3,350-77.Furet, ranois 1978). Penser a Rvolutionranaise.Paris: Gallimard.Furet, rancois& Ozouf,Jacques 1977).Lire t crire: 'alphabtisationes ranaisde Calvin JulesFerry, vols.Paris:Editions e Minuit.Gamson,WilliamA. (1975). TheStrategy fSocial Protest.Homewood, L: Dorsey.Gaunt, David (1977). "Pre-Industrial conomy and Population Structure: heElements fVariance nEarlyModern weden," candinavian ournal fHistory,II, 3, 183-210.Geertz, lifford1973). The nterpretationfCultures.NewYork: Basic Books.Gemery, enryA. & Hogendorn, anS.,eds. 1979).The UncommonMarket: ssaysin theEconomicHistory ftheAtlantic lave Trade.NewYork:AcademicPress.Geschwind,Franz (1977). Bevo'lkerungsentwicklungnd WirschaftsstrukturerLandschaftBasel im 18. Jahrhundert.iestal: Kantonale Drucksachen-undMaterialzentrale.Gilbert, elix,& Graubard, tephenR., eds. 1972). Historical tudiesToday.NewYork:W. W. Norton.Gillis,JohnR. (1981). Youth nd History:Tradition nd Change nEuropean AgeRelations.New York: AcademicPress.Goheen,PeterG. (1970). "Victorian oronto,1850to 1900: Pattern nd ProcessofGrowth," niv.ofChicago,DepartmentfGeography, esearchPaperNo. 127.Goldstein, idney 1958). Patterns f Mobility, 910-1950.Philadelphia:Univ.of

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OldNew,NewOld Social History 399Goody,Jack;Thirsk, oan;& Thompson, . P., eds. 1976). Family nd Inheritance:RuralSocietyn Westernurope,1200-1800. ambridge: ambridge niv.Press.Graff,HarveyJ. (1979) The LiteracyMyth: Literacy nd Social Structure n theNineteenth-Centuryity.New York:AcademicPress.Griffen, lyde& Griffen,ally (1978). Natives nd Newcomers:The Ordering fOpportunityn Mid-nineteenth-entury Poughkeepsie.Cambridge:HarvardUniv. Press.Gutman,Herbert1976). Work, ulture ndSocietyn ndustrializingmerica.NewYork:Knopf.Gutman,MyronP. (1980). War nd RuralLife n theEarlyModernLow Countries.Princeton: rinceton niv. Press.Haines,Michael 1977). FertilityndOccupation: opulationPatternsn ndustriali-zation.NewYork: AcademicPress.Hanagan,MichaelP. (1980).TheLogicofSolidarity: rtisans nd ndustrialWorkersin Three renchTowns, 871-1914.Urbana:Univ. of llinoisPress.Hanson, John R. II (1980). Trade in Transition: xports romthe Third World1840-1900.NewYork:AcademicPress.Hareven, amaraK., ed. 1977).Family nd Kin nUrbanCommunities,700-1930.New York:NewViewpoints.Hareven,Tamara K., ed. (1978). Transitions: he Familyand theLife Course nHistorical erspective. ew York: AcademicPress.Hareven,Tamara K. & Vinovskis,MarisA., eds. 1978). Family nd Population nNineteenth-Centurymerica.Princeton: rinceton niv.Press.Hay, Douglas, et al. (1975). Albion's Fatal Tree: Crime nd Society nEighteenth-Century ngland.NewYork:Pantheon.Henry, ouis,& Blayo,Yves 1975)."La population e la Francede 1740 1860," nLapipde lof,Numereao pcialede Population,Nov., 1974:72-122.Hershberg,heodore 1978)."TheNewUrbanHistory: oward an Interdisciplinary

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400 CharlesTillyHobsbawm,E. J. & Rude, George 1969). Captain Swing.London: Lawrence&Wishart.Hoerder,Dirk (1977). CrowdAction in a Revolutionary ociety:Massachusetts1765-1780.New York: AcademicPress.Hvidt,Kristian1975). Flight o America:The Social Background f300,000DanishEmigrants. ew York: AcademicPress.Jaher, rederick opie,d. 1973). 77ieRich, heWellBorn, ndthePowerful: litesand UpperClasses nHistory.Urbana: Univ.of llinoisPress.Jasper,Karlbernhard1977). Der Urbanisierungsprozessargestelltm BeispielderStadt Kln.Cologne:Rheinisch-Westflischenirtschaftsarchivu Kln.Johansen,Hans Christian1975). BefolkningsudviklinggfamilieStruktur:et 18.arhundrede. dense: OdenseUniv. Press.Johnson,RobertEugene 1979). Peasant and Proletarian:The Working lass ofMoscow in the Late Nineteenth entury.New Brunswick, J: RutgersUniv.Press.Kaplan,Temma 1977). Anarchists fAndalusia,1868-1903. rinceton: rincetonUniv. Press.Katz,MichaelB. 1975). ThePeople ofHamilton, anada West: amily nd Class nMid-Nineteenth-entury ity.Cambridge:HarvardUniv.Press.Kellenbenz, ermann,d. 1975). Agrarische ebengewerbendFormen erReagra-risierungmSpatmittelalternd 19. 0. Jahrhundert.tuttgart: ustavFisher.Knodel,John 1978). "European populationsn thepast:family-levelelations, inSamuelPreston, d., TheEffects f nfant nd ChildMortalityn Fertility. ewYork: AcademicPress, 1-46.Knodel,John 1979). "From NaturalFertilityo Family