the mismeasure of man
TRANSCRIPT
The Mismeasure of Man is a 1981 book written by the Harvard paleontologist Stephen Jay Gould. The
book is a history and critique of the methods and motivations underlying biological determinism, the belief
that "the social and economic differences between human groups — primarily races, classes,
and sexes — arise from inherited, inborn distinctions and that society, in this sense, is an accurate
reflection of biology."[1]
The book also critiques the principal theme of biological determinism, that "worth can be assigned to
individuals and groups by measuring intelligence as a single quantity." Gould discusses two prominent
techniques used to measure such a quantity, craniometry and psychological testing. Gould describes
these methods as suffering from "two deep fallacies". The first fallacy is of reification, that is, "our
tendency to convert abstract concepts into entities." These entities include IQ (the intelligence quotient)
and g (the general intelligence factor), which have been the cornerstone of much intelligence research.
The second fallacy is one of ranking, or our "propensity for ordering complex variation as a gradual
ascending scale."
The Mismeasure of Man investigates "the abstraction of intelligence as a single entity, its location within
the brain, its quantification as one number for each individual, and the use of these numbers to rank
people in a single series of worthiness, invariably to find that oppressed and disadvantaged groups—
races, classes, or sexes—are innately inferior and deserve their status."[2]
The book's second edition (1996) was revised to challenge the controversial arguments of Richard
Herrnstein and Charles Murray's The Bell Curve.
Contents
[hide]
1 Summary of contents
o 1.1 Historical bias in biological sociology
o 1.2 Bias and falsification
o 1.3 Statistical correlation and heritability
2 Reception
o 2.1 Awards and Accolades
o 2.2 Praise
o 2.3 Criticisms
2.3.1 Response by persons mentioned in book
2.3.2 Response to the revised edition
3 See also
4 External links
o 4.1 Praise
o 4.2 Criticism
5 Further reading
6 References
[edit]Summary of contents
Cover of the 1996 printing of The Mismeasure of Man.
[edit]Historical bias in biological sociology
The first parts of the book are devoted to a critical analysis of early works on the supposed biologically
inherited basis for intelligence, such ascraniometry, the measurement of skull volume and its relation to
intellectual faculties. Gould argues that much of this research was based more on prejudice than scientific
rigor, demonstrating how in several occasions researchers such as Samuel George Morton, Louis
Agassiz, and Paul Broca committed the fallacy of using their expected conclusions as part of their
reasoning. The book contains a complete re-working of Morton's original data of endocranial volume, and
asserts that the original results were based on biases and manipulations, both by the selection of data
and by Morton physically manipulating his results. Gould claims that when these purported biases are
accounted for, the original hypothesis—an ordering in skull size ranging from Blacks through Mongols to
Whites—is not supported in any way by the data. A subsequent study by John Michael found Morton's
original data to be more accurate than Gould describes, concluding that "contrary to Gould's
interpretation... Morton's research was conducted with integrity." However, there were some
discrepancies in Morton's calculations as well.[3] As of now, there are no definitive answers. This issue
remains to be resolved and is one of the most contested portions of the book.
[edit]Bias and falsification
The following chapters presented a historical evaluation of the concept of IQ and of the g factor, which
were and are measures of intelligence used by psychologists. Gould argued that most race-related
psychological studies have been heavily biased by the belief that human behavior was best explained
by heredity. Gould noted that the often-cited twin studies by Cyril Burt on the genetic heritability of
intelligence is often criticized for having used falsified data. According to L. S. Hearnshaw (1979), fraud
had also been found in Burt's studies in kinship correlations in IQ, and declining levels of intelligence in
Britain.
[edit]Statistical correlation and heritability
Gould devoted a large part of the book to an analysis of statistical correlation, which is used by
psychologists to assert the validity of IQ tests and the heritability of intelligence. For example, to claim that
an IQ test measures general intelligence factor, answers to various questions must correlate highly. The
heritability of g requires that the scores of respondents who are closely related exhibit higher correlation
than those of distant relations.
Gould pointed out that correlation was not the same as cause. As he put it, measures of the changes,
over time, in "my age, the population of Mexico, the price of Swiss cheese, my pet turtle's weight, and the
average distance between galaxies" have a high positive correlation, but that did not mean that Gould's
age goes up because the population of Mexico goes up. Second, and more specifically, a high positive
correlation between parent and child IQ can be taken as either evidence that IQ is genetically inherited or
that IQ is inherited through social and environmental factors. Since the same data can be used to argue
either side of the case, the data in and of itself are not useful.
Furthermore, Gould argued that even if it were demonstrated that IQ were highly genetically heritable
within a group, this does not explain the causes of IQ differences between groups or whether those
differences can be changed by environment. Gould gave the example of height, which was known to be
determined mostly through genes within socioeconomic groups, but group differences in height may be
due to nutrition as well as genes. Richard Lewontin, a colleague of Gould's, is well-known for
emphasizing this argument as it pertains to IQ testing.
According to Gould, a good example of the confusion of heritability is found in the statement "If all
environments were to become equal for everyone, heritability would rise to 100% because all remaining
differences in IQ would necessarily be genetic in origin."[4] He says that this claim is at best misleading
and at worst, false. First, it is very hard to conceive of a world in which everyone grows up in exactly the
same environment; the very fact that people are spatially and temporally dispersed means that no one
can be in exactly the same environment, for example, a husband and wife may share a house, but they
do not live in identical environments because each is married to a different person. Second, even if
people grew up in exactly the same environment, not all differences would be genetic in origin. This is
because embryonic development involves chance molecular events and random cellular movements that
alter the effects of genes.
Gould argues that heritability is not a measure of phenotypic differences between groups, but rather
differences between genotype and phenotype within a population. Even within a group, if all members of
the group grow up in exactly the same environment, it does not mean that heritability is 100%. All
Americans (or New Yorkers, or upper-class New Yorkers — one may define the population in question as
narrowly as one likes) may eat exactly the same food, but their adult height will still be a result of both
genetics and nutrition. In short, heritability is almost never 100%, and heritability tells us nothing about
genetic differences between groups. This is true for height, which has a high degree of heritability; it is all
the more true for intelligence. This is true for reasons other than those involving heritability, as Gould
discusses.
Gould also rejects the concept which IQ is meant to measure, "general intelligence" (or g). IQ tests, he
points out, ask many different kinds of questions. Responses to different kinds of questions tend to form
clusters. In other words, different kinds of questions can be given different scores — which suggests that
an IQ test is really a combination of a number of different tests that test a number of different things.
Gould claims that proponents of IQ tests assume that there is such a thing as general intelligence, and
analyze the data so as to produce one number, which they then claim is a measure of general
intelligence.
Gould argues that this one number (and therefore, the implication that there is a real thing called "general
intelligence" that this number measures) is in fact an artifact of the statistical operations psychologists
apply to the raw data. He argues that one can analyze the same data more effectively and end up with a
number of different scores (that are as or more valid, meaning they measure something) rather than one
score.
Finally, Gould points out that he is not opposed to the notion of "biological variability", which is the
premise that heredity influences intelligence. Instead, he does criticize the notion of "biological
determinism", which is the idea that genes determine destiny and there is nothing we can or should do
about this.
[edit]Reception
[edit]Awards and Accolades
The Mismeasure of Man won the National Book Critics Circle Award for non-fiction in 1981 and the
Outstanding Book Award from the American Educational Research Association in 1983. An Italian
translation won the Iglesias Prize in 1991. In December 2006 Discover magazine ranked The
Mismeasure of Man as the 17th greatest science book of all time.[5] In 1998, the Modern Library ranked it
as the 24th best non-fiction book of all time.[6]
[edit]Praise
Gould stated that one of the most positive reviews of the original edition had come from the British
Journal of Mathematical & Statistical Psychology, which Cyril Burt had once been an editor of. It stated
that, "Gould has performed a valuable service in exposing the logical basis of one of the most important
debates in the social sciences, and this book should be required reading for students and practitioners
alike."[7]
Leon J. Kamin, an American psychologist, writes that Gould's work "effectively anticipated and thoroughly
undermined" the arguments later presented in The Bell Curve. He praises the additions to the book's
1996 edition, writing that they "strengthen the claim of this book to be 'a major contribution toward
deflating pseudobiological "explanations" of our present social woes.'"[citation needed]
Journalist Christopher Lehmann-Haupt stresses Gould's critique of factor analysis, saying the book
"demonstrates persuasively how factor analysis led to the cardinal error in reasoning of confusing
correlation with cause, or, to put it another way, of attributing false concreteness to the abstract."[8]
The Saturday Review, a British journal, praises the book as a "fascinating historical study of scientific
racism" that "illustrate[s] both the logical inconsistencies of the theories and the prejudicially motivated,
albeit unintentional, misuse of data in each case."[9]
A review in the Sunday Times, another British publication, speaks favorably of the book, suggesting
Gould "shifts the argument from a sterile contest between environmentalists and hereditarians and turns it
into an argument between those who are impressed with what our biology stops us doing and those who
are impressed with what it allows us to do."[citation needed]
Richard York and Brett Clark of the US Monthly Review praise Gould's narrow focus: "Rather than
attempt a grand critique of all 'scientific' efforts aimed at justifying social inequalities, Gould performs a
well-reasoned assessment of the errors underlying a specific set of theories and empirical claims."[10]
[edit]Criticisms
Bernard Davis, professor of microbiology at the Harvard Medical School, accused Gould of setting
up straw man arguments, as well as incorrectly defining key terms (notably "reification"), choosing data in
a "highly selective" manner, and in general being motivated more by political concerns than scientific
ones.[11] Davis claimed that a laudatory review byPhilip Morrison, which appeared in Scientific American,
was written because the journal's editorial staff had "long seen the study of the genetics of intelligence as
a threat to social justice." According to Davis, the reviews of Gould's book in the popular and literary press
were generally very approbatory, whereas, in contrast, most reviews in scientific journals tended to be
critical of many aspects of the book. This claim was, however, countered by Gould, who argued that of a
total of 24 reviews written by academic experts in psychology, 14 were approbatory, three were mixed,
and only seven were critical.[12] Davis also pointed out that Gould mispresented a study by Henry H.
Goddard on the intelligence of Jewish, Hungarian, Italian, and Russian immigrants to America. According
to Gould, Goddard found that most members of these groups were "feeble-minded", whereas in reality
Goddard explicitly described in the first sentence of his paper that the subjects of the study were not
typical members of their groups but rather were selected because of their suspected sub-normal
intelligence.[13]
Statistician David J. Bartholomew, of the London School of Economics, wrote that Gould erred in his use
of factor analysis [14] and irrelevantly focused on issue of reification and ignored scientific consensus on the
existence of the g factor of intelligence.[15] Psychologist John B. Carroll made similar criticisms, arguing
that Gould did not understand "the nature and purpose" of factor analysis.[16]
In an article written for the April 1982 edition of Nature, Steve Blinkhorn, a senior lecturer in psychology
at Hatfield Polytechnic, claimed The Mismeasure of Man was "a masterpiece of propaganda," which
selectively juxtaposed data in order to further a political agenda.[17]
Psychologist Franz Samelson wrote a review in Science, which tended to be critical on a number of
counts.[18] Samelson, for example, was critical of Gould's argument that U.S. Armyintelligence tests
contributed to the Immigration Restriction Act of 1924. According Mark Snyderman and Richard J.
Herrnstein, who studied the Congressional Record and committee hearings related to the Immigration
Act, "the [intelligence] testing community did not generally view its findings as favoring restrictive
immigration policies like those in the 1924 Act, and Congress took virtually no notice of intelligence
testing."[19]
In a 1983 review, psychologist Lloyd Humphreys, the then editor-in-chief of American Journal of
Psychology and Psychological Bulletin, described The Mismeasure of Man as "science fiction" and
"political propaganda". Among other things, he argued that Gould had mispresented the views of Alfred
Binet, Godfrey Thomson, and Lewis Terman.[20]
James R. Flynn, an intelligence researcher known for his criticisms of racial theories of intelligence,
argued that "Gould's book evades all of [Arthur] Jensen's best arguments for a genetic component in the
black-white IQ gap by positing that they are dependent on the concept of g as a general intelligence
factor. Therefore, Gould believes that if he can discredit g no more need be said. This is manifestly false.
Jensen's arguments would bite no matter whether blacks suffered from a score deficit on one or 10 or 100
factors."[21] Bernard Davis and Jensen himself have made this same criticism.[13][22]
According to psychologist Ian Deary, Gould's claim that there is no relation between brain size and IQ is
outdated. Furthermore, he reports that Gould refused to correct this in new editions of the book, even
though newly available data were brought to his attention by several researchers.[23]
[edit]Response by persons mentioned in book
Arthur Jensen, an educational psychologist at UC Berkeley, was heavily criticized in The Mismeasure of
Man. In his review of the book, Jensen accused Gould of using straw man arguments, misrepresenting
other scientists, and operating from a political agenda, arguing that the book itself is "a patent example" of
the biasing influence of ideology on science that it purports to portray. He also faulted Gould for
concentrating on long-ago disproven arguments instead of addressing "anything currently regarded as
important by scientists in the relevant fields".[22]
Psychologist Hans Eysenck was critiqued in The Mismeasure of Man for using a "non-causal" relationship
to defend a conclusion that black children have lower innate IQ.[24] Eysenck and Gould debated the book
in an exchange of letters to The New York Review of Books.[25][26] Eysenck's review called the book "a
paleontologist's distorted view of what psychologists think, untutored in even the most elementary facts of
the science." Gould criticized Eysenck's correlation of IQ with EEG evoked potentials by citing Arthur
Jensen's own work in Bias in Mental Testing (1980). Jensen could only find "correlations larger than
about -0.4 to -0.5" between reaction time and IQ, with typical correlations ranging between -0.3 and -0.4.
Jensen wrote: "The AEP average evoked potential and IQ research picture soon becomes a thicket of
seemingly inconsistent and confusing findings, confounded variables, methodological differences,
statistically questionable conclusions, unbridled theoretical speculation, and, not surprisingly,
considerable controversy."[27]
[edit]Response to the revised edition
Charles Murray, co-author of The Bell Curve, claimed that Gould misrepresented his views.[28]
Psychologist J. Philippe Rushton accused Gould of "scholarly malfeasance" for misrepresenting or
ignoring relevant scientific research, and attacking dead arguments and methods.[29]
[edit]See also
Race Differences in Intelligence: An Evolutionary Analysis is a 2006 book by Richard Lynn claiming
to represent the largest collection and review of the global cognitive ability data, by nine global regions,
surveying 620 published studies from around the world, with a total of 813,778 tested individuals.
Lynn's meta-analysis lists East Asians (105), Europeans (99), Inuit (91), Arabs [both Middle Easterners
and North Africans] (89 each), Pacific Islanders (85), Hispanics (84), Non-Bushmen Sub-Saharan
Africans (67), Australian Aborigines (62), Bushmen and Pygmies (54), Homo Erectus(50), Apes (22),
and Monkeys (12).[1][2][3]
Broadly speaking, Lynn estimates that about half of the IQ deficit of third world races can be explained by
inadequate nutrition, while the other half is racially genetic. For example Lynn argues that while Africans
living in Africa average IQ 67, African Americans living in the Southern United States (where European
admixture is very low) average IQ 80. Lynn believes the latter figure represents their genotypic
intelligence, while the IQs in Africa are stunted by malnutrition.
Ashkenazi Jews who Lynn classifies as South Asian/European hybrids, average 107-115 in
the U.S. and Britain, and Ashkenazi Jews in Israelaverage 103[4]. Lynn argues that the U.S.
Ashkenazis represent the elite who were intelligent enough to escape persecution in World War II.
However not all American Ashkenazi Jews were from the elite: two million Ashkenazi Jews arrived in the
U.S. between 1880 and 1920, the vast majority of whom were relatively poor when they arrived in the
U.S.[5]
Like much research regarding race and intelligence, Lynn's work has been controversial [6]. When taken
as national averages, the data available, particularly regarding the developing world, is speculative due to
limited sampling, year of testing, and varying type of cognitive ability test used. Lynn's survey is an
expansion by nearly four times of the data collected in his 2002 IQ and the Wealth of Nations with Tatu
Vanhanen, which dealt with the relationship between IQ and economic development. IQ and the Wealth
of Nations was criticized for error, alleged bias, andracism, but the book has also been used as a source
of IQ data and hypotheses in several peer-reviewed studies.[7] Lynn argues the surveyed studies have
high reliability in the sense that different studies give similar results, and high validity in the sense that
they correlate highly with performance in international studies of achievement
in mathematics and science and with national economic development.
As with Lynn's and Tatu Vanhanen's book IQ and Global Inequality, the book was published
by Washington Summit Publishers.[8]
Contents
[hide]
1 Overview
2 Reception
o 2.1 Criticism
3 See also
4 References
[edit]Overview
Average IQ of indigenous populations according to Lynn (2006)[9]
Lynn devotes a chapter to the data on each of the nine genetic clusters or population groups identified in
previous genetic cluster analysis, which Lynn regards as races. The book subsequently defends the
reliability and validity of the measures, concluding that, though additional evidence may be required to
confirm some of the racial IQ estimates, that they correlate highly with performance in international
studies of achievement in mathematics and science and with national economic development.
[edit]Reception
Three reviews of Race Differences in Intelligence have been published in the scholarly literature.[10][11][12] At
least two of these are written by persons who, like Lynn, are connected to the Pioneer Fund.
[edit]Criticism
A review by Nicholas Mackintosh, Emeritus Professor in the Department of Experimental
Psychology,University of Cambridge, criticizes Lynn's occasional manipulation of data, some of it
originally collected by the reviewer, from which distorted conclusions have been drawn. Mackintosh
expresses astonishment that Lynn infers elsewhere that Kalahari bushmen, with an average measured IQ
of 54, should be regarded as mentally retarded; and that an 8 year old European child with the equivalent
mental age would have no problems surviving in the same desert environment. He concludes:[13]
"Much labour has gone into this book. But I fear it is the sort of book that gives IQ testing a bad name. As
a source of references, it will be useful to some. As a source of information, it should be treated with
some suspicion. On the other hand, Lynn's preconceptions are so plain, and so pungently expressed, that
many readers will be suspicious from the outset."
In a 2008 review of the data used in Lynn's book, Hunt and Wittmann[14] write:
"The majority of the data points were based upon convenience rather than representative samples. Some
points were not even based on residents of the country. For instance, the “data point” for Suriname was
based on tests given to Surinamese who had migrated to the Netherlands, and the “data point”
for Ethiopia was based on the IQ scores of a highly selected group that had emigrated to Israel and, for
cultural and historical reasons, was hardly representative of the Ethiopian population. The data point for
Mexico was based upon a weighted averaging of the results of a study of “Native American
and Mestizo children in southern Mexico” with result of a study of residents of Argentina. Upon reading
the original reference, we found that the “data point” that Lynn and Vanhanen used for the lowest IQ
estimate, Equatorial Guinea, was actually the mean IQ of a group of Spanish children in a home for the
developmentally disabled in Spain. Corrections were applied to adjust for differences in IQ across cohorts
(the“Flynn” effect), on the assumption that the same correction could be applied internationally, without
regard to the cultural or economic development level of the country involved. While there appears to be
rather little evidence on cohort effect upon IQ across the developing countries, one study in Kenya (Daley,
Whaley, Sigman, Espinosa, & Neumann, 2003[15]) shows a substantially larger cohort effect than is
reported for developed countries."
[edit]See also
Richard Lynn (born 1930) is a British Professor Emeritus of Psychology at the University of Ulster [1]
[2] who is known for his views on racialand ethnic differences.[3] Lynn says that there are race and sex
differences in intelligence.
Lynn was educated at Bristol Grammar School and Cambridge University in England. He has worked as
lecturer in psychology at theUniversity of Exeter, and as professor of psychology at the Economic and
Social Research Institute, Dublin, and at the University of Ulster at Coleraine. He has written or co-written
more than 11 books and 200 journal articles spanning five decades. Two of his recent books are
ondysgenics and eugenics.
In the late 1970s, Lynn wrote that he found a higher average IQ in East Asians compared to Whites (5
points higher in his meta-analysis). In 1990, he proposed that the Flynn effect – an observed year-on-year
rise in IQ scores around the world – could possibly be explained by improved nutrition, especially in early
childhood.
Like much of the research in race and intelligence, Lynn's research is controversial. He is cited in the
book The Bell Curve. He was also one of the 52 scientists who signed "Mainstream Science on
Intelligence", an opinion piece in the Wall Street Journal.[4] He sits on the editorial boards of the
journals Intelligence and Personality and Individual Differences.[5] He also sits on the boards of
the Pioneer Fund, and of the Pioneer-supported journal Mankind Quarterly.
Contents
[hide]
1 Early life and career
2 Race differences in intelligence
o 2.1 Past works
o 2.2 More recent works
o 2.3 Immigration
3 Sex differences in intelligence
4 Dysgenics and eugenics
5 The Pioneer Fund
6 Criticism
7 Notes
8 References
9 Further reading
10 External links
[edit]Early life and career
Lynn was educated at Bristol Grammar School and Cambridge University in England.[2] He has worked as
lecturer in psychology at the University of Exeter, and as professor of psychology at the Economic and
Social Research Institute, Dublin, and at the University of Ulster at Coleraine.
[edit]Race differences in intelligence
[edit]Past works
Lynn's psychometric studies were cited in the 1994 book The Bell Curve and were criticized as part of the
controversy surrounding that book.[citation needed] His article, "Skin color and intelligence in African
Americans," 2002, Population and Environment, concludes that lightness of skin color in African-
Americans is positively correlated with IQ, which he claims derives from the higher proportion of
Caucasian admixture.[6]
In IQ and the Wealth of Nations (2002),[7] Lynn and co-author Tatu Vanhanen (University of Helsinki)
argue that differences in national income (in the form of per capita gross domestic product) correlate with,
and can be at least partially attributed to, differences in average national IQ. One study following up on
Lynn and Vanhanen's hypothesis, "Temperature, skin color, per capita income, and IQ: An international
perspective" (Templer and Arikawa, 2006),[8][9] is listed as the most downloaded article
in Intelligence at ScienceDirect (Jan - March 2006).[10]
[edit]More recent works
Race Differences in Intelligence
Lynn's 2006 Race Differences in Intelligence: An Evolutionary Analysis [11] is the largest review of the
global cognitive ability data. The book organizes the data by nine global regions,[verification needed] surveying
620 published studies from around the world, with a total of 813,778 tested individuals.
Lynn's meta-analysis lists the average IQ scores of East
Asians (105), Europeans (99), Inuit (91), Southeast Asians and Amerindians each (87), Pacific
Islanders(85), Middle Easterners (including South Asians and North Africans) (84), East and West
Africans (67), Australian Aborigines (62) and Bushmen and Pygmies (54).[12][13][14]
Lynn has previously argued that nutrition is the best supported environmental explanation for variation in
the lower range,[15] and a number of other environmental explanations have been advanced
(see below). Ashkenazi Jews average 107-115 in the U.S. and Britain, but lower in Israel.[16] Lynn argues
the surveyed studies have high reliability in the sense that different studies give similar results, and
high validity in the sense that they correlate highly with performance in international studies of
achievement in mathematics and science and with national economic development.
Following Race Differences in Intelligence, Lynn co-authored a further paper[17] along the lines of IQ and
the Wealth of Nations with Jaan Mikk (Šiauliai University, Lithuania) - in press in Intelligence - and has co-
authored a second book on the subject with Vanhanen, IQ and Global Inequality, which was published
later in 2006.[18]
Lynn's most recent book is The Global Bell Curve, published in June 2008.[19] In describing the book, Lynn
says "it concludes that IQ is a key explanatory variable for the social sciences, analogous to gravity in
physics."[20] It was reviewed by J. Philippe Rushton around the time of publication.[21]
Further information: Race_and_intelligence#IQ_differences_outside_of_the_USA
In a recent paper in 2010 about IQ in Italy,[22] Lynn concludes that IQs are highest in the north (103
in Friuli–Venezia Giulia) and lowest in the south (89 in Sicily) and highly correlated with average incomes,
and with stature, infant mortality, literacy and education. According to him "the lower IQ in southern Italy
may be attributable to genetic admixture with populations from the Near East and North Africa". In the
same way, he thinks that this explanation "also accounts for the IQs of around 90 for several countries in
the Balkans whose populations are of partly European and partly Near Eastern origin".
[edit]Immigration
Lynn has spoken against immigration in Britain at a 2000 American Renaissance magazine sponsored
conference, citing problems of unemployment, crime, illegitimacy, and low IQ, considering African and
African-Caribbean immigants to perform worse in these measures than Indian and Chinese immigrants.
[23] Lynn spoke on his book IQ and the Wealth of Nationsat a 2002 American Renaissance conference.[24]
[edit]Sex differences in intelligence
Lynn's research correlating brain size and reaction time with measured intelligence led him to the problem
that men and women have different size brains in proportion to their bodies, but consensus for the last
hundred years has been that the two sexes perform equally on cognitive ability tests. In 1994, Lynn
concluded in a meta-analysis that an IQ difference of roughly 4 points does appear from age 16 and
onwards, but detection of this had been complicated by the faster rate of maturation of girls up to that
point, which compensates for the IQ difference. This reassessment of male-female IQ has been bolstered
by Paul Irwing's meta-analyses in 2004 and 2005 which conclude a difference of 4.6 to 5 IQ points
(see BBC coverage). Irwing finds no evidence that this is due primarily to the male advantage in spatial
visualization, and concludes that some research previously presented to show that there are no sex
differences actually shows the opposite. However, Lynn and Irwing's findings are not without controversy.
[25]
[edit]Dysgenics and eugenics
This section may be too long to read and navigate comfortably. Please consider moving more of the content into sub-articles and using this article for a summary of the key points of the subject. (March 2009)
Dysgenics
In Dysgenics: Genetic Deterioration in Modern Populations, Lynn reviews [26] the history of eugenics, from
the early writings of Bénédict Morel and Francis Galton through the rise of eugenics in the early 20th
century and its subsequent collapse. He identifies three main concerns of eugenicists, such as himself:
deterioration in health, intelligence and conscientiousness. Lynn asserts that natural selection in pre-
industrial societies favored traits such as intelligence and character but no longer do so in modern
societies. He argues that due to the advance of medicine, selection against those with poor genes for
health was relaxed.
Regarding intelligence, Lynn examines sibling studies. Lynn concludes that the tendency of children with
a high number of siblings to be the least intelligent is evidence of dysgenic fertility. Lynn concedes that
there has been a genuine increase in phenotypic intelligence (see Flynn effect), but argues that this is
caused by environmental factors and is masking a decline in genotypic intelligence.
Lynn points to evidence that those with greater educational achievement have fewer children, while
children with lower IQ come from larger families [27] as primary evidence that intelligence and fertility are
negatively correlated. Continuing the theme of correlates of fertility, socioeconomic status appears to
have a negative effect on fertility, which Lynn thinks is because there is increasingly ineffective use
of contraception with declining socioeconomic class. Regarding intelligence, Lynn agrees with Lewis
Terman’s comment in 1922 that “[t]he children of successful and cultivated parents test higher than
children from wretched and ignorant homes for the simple reason that their heredity is better”.[citation needed]
Lynn goes on to present evidence that socioeconomic status is negatively correlated with indicators of
conscientiousness such as work ethic, moral values and crime. Next the geneticbasis of differences in
conscientiousness is discussed, and Lynn concludes that twin studies provide evidence of a
high heritability for the trait. The less conscientious, such as criminals, have more offspring.
While most of the book discusses evidence for dysgenics in developed countries, Lynn acknowledges
that it is less strong in developing countries, but concludes that “dysgenic fertility [...] is a worldwide
phenomenon of modern populations” (p. 196).
Lynn concludes with an examination of counter-arguments. These include that the traits discussed are
not genetically determined, that intelligence and fertility can be inversely related without dysgenics, that
socioeconomic classes do not differ genetically, and that there is no such thing as a ‘bad gene’. These
arguments are dismissed, and Lynn asserts that these trends represent a serious problem. Finally, he
expresses support for eugenics, which is the subject of his next book, Eugenics: A Reassessment.[28]
A review of Dysgenics by W.D. Hamilton, FRS, Royal Society Research Professor in evolutionary
biology at the University of Oxford, was published posthumously in 2000.[29] In this lengthy review, written
according to the author in "rambling essay format", Hamilton writes that Lynn, "discussing the large bank
of evidence that still accumulates on heritability of aptitudes and differentials of fertility, shows in this book
that almost all of the worries of the early eugenicists were well-founded, in spite of the relative paucity of
their evidence at the time"; in the second half of the review, several directions not covered in Lynn's book
are explored.
Another review of Dysgenics was written in 2002 by N.J. Mackintosh, FRS, Emeritus Professor of
Experimental Psychology in the University of Cambridge.[30] Mackintosh writes that, "with a cavalier
disregard for political correctness, he argues that the ideas of the eugenecists were correct and that we
ignore them at our peril." While recognizing that the book provides a valuable and accurate source of
information, he criticizes Lynn for "not fully acknowledg[ing] the negative relationship between social class
and education on the one hand, and infant mortality and life expectancy on the other." He calls into
question Lynn's interpretation of data. He also points out that according to Lynn's reading of the theory of
natural selection, "if it is true that those with lower IQ and less education are producing more offspring,
then they are fitter than those of higher IQ and more education"; he writes that, on the contrary, the
eugenecists' arguments rest not as Lynn suggests on some "biological imperative, but rather on a
particular set of value judgements."
In Eugenics: A Reassessment (2001),[28] Lynn argues that embryo selection as a form of standard
reproductive therapy would raise the average intelligence of the population by 15 IQ points in a single
generation (p. 300). If couples produce a hundred embryos, he argues, the range in potential IQ would be
around 15 points above and below the parents' IQ. Lynn argues this gain could be repeated each
generation, eventually stabilizing the population's IQ at a theoretical maximum of around 200 after as little
as six or seven generations.
Eugenics received praise in the American Psychological Association Review of Books (Lykken 2004) as
"[an] excellent, scholarly book ...one cannot reasonably disagree with him on any point unless one can
find an argument he has not already refuted.", as well as by the journal Nature [31] as a "comprehensive
histor[y]" and a welcome one, "given the importance of the topic" of dysgenic trends.
[edit]The Pioneer Fund
Lynn currently serves on the board of directors of the Pioneer Fund, and is also on the editorial board of
the Pioneer-supported journal Mankind Quarterly, both of which have been the subject of controversy for
their dealing with race and intelligence and eugenics, and have been accused of racism. Lynn's Ulster
Institute for Social Research received $609,000 in grants from the Pioneer Fund between 1971 and 1996.
[32]
Lynn's 2001 book The Science of Human Diversity: A History of the Pioneer Fund[33] is a history and
defense of the fund, in which he argues that, for the last sixty years, it has been "nearly the only non-profit
foundation making grants for study and research into individual and group differences and the hereditary
basis of human nature ... Over those 60 years, the research funded by Pioneer has helped change the
face of social science."
[edit]Criticism
Lynn's review work on global racial differences in cognitive ability has been cited for misrepresenting the
research of other scientists, and has been criticized for unsystematic methodology and distortion.
Many of the data points in Lynn's book IQ and the Wealth of Nations were not based on residents of the
named countries. The datum for Suriname was based on tests given to Surinamese who had emigrated
to the Netherlands, and the datum for Ethiopia was based on the IQ scores of a highly selected group that
had emigrated to Israel, and, for cultural and historical reasons, was hardly representative of the
Ethiopian population. The datum for Mexico was based on a weighted averaging of the results of a study
of “Native American andMestizo children in Southern Mexico” with results of a study of residents
of Argentina.[34]
The datum that Lynn and Vanhanen used for the lowest IQ estimate, Equatorial Guinea, was the mean IQ
of a group of Spanish children in a home for the developmentally disabled inSpain.[35] Corrections were
applied to adjust for differences in IQ cohorts (the “Flynn” effect) on the assumption that the same
correction could be applied internationally, without regard to the cultural or economic development level of
the country involved. While there appears to be rather little evidence on cohort effect upon IQ across the
developing countries, one study inKenya (Daley, Whaley, Sigman, Espinosa, & Neumann, 2003) shows a
substantially larger cohort effect than is reported for developed countries (p.?)[34]
In a critical review of The Bell Curve, psychologist Leon Kamin faulted Lynn for disregarding scientific
objectivity, misrepresenting data, and for racism.[36] Kamin argues that the studies of cognitive ability of
Africans in Lynn's meta-analysis cited by Herrnstein and Murray show strong cultural bias. Kamin also
reproached Lynn for concocting IQ values from test scores that have no correlation to IQ.[37] Kamin also
notes that Lynn excluded a study that found no difference in White and Black performance, and ignored
the results of a study which showed Black scores were higher than White scores.[38]
Journalist Charles Lane criticized Lynn's methodology in his New York Review of Books article "The
Tainted Sources of 'The Bell Curve'" (1994),[39] to which then Pioneer Fund presidentHarry F.
Weyher replied.[40]
Nature versus nurtureFrom Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
The nature versus nurture debate concerns the relative importance of an individual's innate qualities
("nature", i.e. nativism, or innatism) versus personal experiences ("nurture", i.e.empiricism or behaviorism)
in determining or causing individual differences in physical and behavioral traits.
"Nature versus nurture" in its modern sense was coined[1][2][3] by the English Victorian polymath Francis
Galton in discussion of the influence of heredity and environment on social advancement, although the terms
had been contrasted previously, for example by Shakespeare (in his play, The Tempest: 4.1). Galton was
influenced[4] by the book The Origin of Species written by his cousin, Charles Darwin. The concept embodied in
the phrase has been criticized[3][4] for its binary simplification of two tightly interwoven parameters, as for
example an environment of wealth, education and social privilege are often historically passed to genetic
offspring.
The view that humans acquire all or almost all their behavioral traits from "nurture" is known as tabula
rasa ("blank slate"). This question was once considered to be an appropriate division of developmental
influences, but since both types of factors are known to play such interacting roles in development, many
modern psychologists consider the question naive - representing an outdated state of knowledge.[5][6][6][7]
[8] Psychologist Donald Hebb is said to have once answered a journalist's question of "which, nature or nurture,
contributes more to personality?" by asking in response, "Which contributes more to the area of a rectangle, its
length or its width?"[9][10][11][12] That is, the idea that either nature or nurture explains a creature's behaviour is a
sort of single cause fallacy.
In the social and political sciences, the nature versus nurture debate may be contrasted with the structure
versus agency debate (i.e. socialisation versus individual autonomy). For a discussion of nature versus nurture
in language and other human universals, see also psychological nativism.
Contents
[hide]
1 Scientific approach
2 Heritability estimates
3 Interaction of genes and environment
4 IQ debate
5 Personality traits
o 5.1 Advanced techniques
6 Moral difficulties
7 Philosophical difficulties
o 7.1 Are the traits real?
o 7.2 Biological determinism
o 7.3 Is the problem real?
8 Myths about identity
9 History of the nature versus nurture debate
10 See also
11 References
[edit]Scientific approach
To disentangle the effects of genes and environment, behavioral geneticists perform adoption and twin
studies. Behavioral geneticists do not generally use the term "nurture" to explain that portion of the variance for
a given trait (such as IQ or the Big Five personality traits) that can be attributed to environmental effects.
Instead, two different types of environmental effects are distinguished: shared family factors (i.e., those shared
by siblings, making them more similar) and nonshared factors (i.e., those that uniquely affect individuals,
making siblings different). To express the portion of the variance due to the "nature" component, behavioral
geneticists generally refer to the heritability of a trait.
With regard to the Big Five personality traits as well as adult IQ in the general U.S. population, the portion of
the overall variance that can be attributed to shared family effects is often negligible.[13] On the other hand, most
traits are thought to be at least partially heritable. In this context, the "nature" component of the variance is
generally thought to be more important than that ascribed to the influence of family upbringing.
In her Pulitzer Prize-nominated book The Nurture Assumption, author Judith Harris argues that "nurture," as
traditionally defined in terms of family upbringing does not effectively explain the variance for most traits (such
as adult IQ and the Big Five personality traits) in the general population of the United States. On the contrary,
Harris suggests that either peer groups or random environmental factors (i.e., those that are independent of
family upbringing) are more important than family environmental effects.[14][15]
Although "nurture" has historically been referred to as the care given to children by the parents, with the mother
playing a role of particular importance, this term is now regarded by some as any environmental (not genetic)
factor in the contemporary nature versus nurture debate. Thus the definition of "nurture" has expanded to
include influences on development arising from prenatal, parental, extended family, and peer experiences, and
extending to influences such as media, marketing, and socio-economic status. Indeed, a substantial source of
environmental input to human nature may arise from stochastic variations in prenatal development.[16][17]^88
[edit]Heritability estimates
This chart illustrates three patterns one might see when studying the influence of genes and environment on traits in
individuals. Trait A shows a high sibling correlation, but little heritability (i.e. high shared environmental variance c2; low
heritability h2). Trait B shows a high heritability since correlation of trait rises sharply with degree of genetic similarity. Trait C
shows low heritability, but also low correlations generally; this means Trait C has a high nonshared environmental
variance e2. In other words, the degree to which individuals display Trait C has little to do with either genes or broadly
predictable environmental factors—roughly, the outcome approaches random for an individual. Notice also that even
identical twins raised in a common family rarely show 100% trait correlation.
While there are many examples of single-gene-locus traits, current thinking in biology discredits the notion that
genes alone can determine most complex traits. At the molecular level, DNA interacts with signals from other
genes and from the environment. At the level of individuals, particular genes influence the development of a
trait in the context of a particular environment. Thus, measurements of the degree to which a trait is influenced
by genes versus environment will depend on the particular environment and genes examined. In many cases, it
has been found that genes may have a substantial contribution, including psychological traits such as
intelligence and personality.[18] Yet these traits may be largely influenced by environment in other
circumstances, such as environmental deprivation.
A researcher seeking to quantify the influence of genes or environment on a trait needs to be able to separate
the effects of one factor away from that of another. This kind of research often begins with attempts to calculate
the heritability of a trait. Heritability quantifies the extent to which variation among individuals in a trait is due to
variation in the genes those individuals carry. In animals where breeding and environments can be controlled
experimentally, heritability can be determined relatively easily. Such experiments would be unethical for human
research. This problem can be overcome by finding existing populations of humans that reflect the
experimental setting the researcher wishes to create.
One way to determine the contribution of genes and environment to a trait is to study twins. In one kind of
study, identical twins reared apart are compared to randomly selected pairs of people. The twins share identical
genes, but different family environments. In another kind of twin study, identical twins reared together (who
share family environment and genes) are compared to fraternal twins reared together (who also share family
environment but only share half their genes). Another condition that permits the disassociation of genes and
environment is adoption. In one kind of adoption study, biological siblings reared together (who share the same
family environment and half their genes) are compared to adoptive siblings (who share their family environment
but none of their genes).
Some have pointed out that environmental inputs affect the expression of genes (see the article
on epigenetics). This is one explanation of how environment can influence the extent to which a genetic
disposition will actually manifest.[citation needed]The interactions of genes with environment, called gene-environment
interaction, are another component of the nature-nurture debate. A classic example of gene-environment
interaction is the ability of a diet low in the amino acid phenylalanine to partially suppress the genetic
disease phenylketonuria. Yet another complication to the nature-nurture debate is the existence of gene-
environment correlations. These correlations indicate that individuals with certain genotypes are more likely to
find themselves in certain environments. Thus, it appears that genes can shape (the selection or creation of)
environments. Even using experiments like those described above, it can be very difficult to determine
convincingly the relative contribution of genes and environment.
[edit]Interaction of genes and environment
This section does not cite any references or sources.Please help improve this article by adding citations to reliable sources. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. (June 2008)
In only a very few cases is it fair to say that a trait is due almost entirely to nature, or almost entirely to nurture.
[citation needed] In the case of most diseases now strictly identified as genetic, such as Huntington's disease, there is
a better than 99.9% correlation between having the identified gene and the disease and a similar correlation for
not having either. On the other hand, Huntington's animal models live much longer or shorter lives depending
on how they are cared for (animal husbandry).
At the other extreme, traits such as native language are environmentally determined: linguists have found that
any child (if capable of learning a language at all) can learn any human language with equal facility. With
virtually all biological and psychological traits, however, genes and environment work in concert,
communicating back and forth to create the individual.
But even in the most clear-cut cases, extreme genetic or environmental conditions can overrule the other – if a
child is born mute due to a genetic mutation, it will not learn to speak any language regardless of the
environment; similarly, someone who is practically certain to eventually develop Huntington's disease
according to their genotype may die in an unrelated accident (an environmental event) long before the disease
will manifest itself.
Examples of environmental, interactional, and genetic traits are:
Predominantly Environmental Interactional Predominantly Genetic
Specific language Height Blood type
Specific religion Weight Eye color
Skin color
The "two buckets" view of heritability.
More realistic "homogenous mudpie" view of heritability.
Steven Pinker (2004) likewise described several examples:
concrete behavioral traits that patently depend on content provided by the home or culture—which
language one speaks, which religion one practices, which political party one supports— are not
heritable at all. But traits that reflect the underlying talents and temperaments —how proficient with
language a person is, how religious, how liberal or conservative— are partially heritable.
When traits are determined by a complex interaction of genotype and environment it is possible to
measure the heritability of a trait within a population. However, many non-scientists who encounter a
report of a trait having a certain percentage heritability imagine non-interactional, additive contributions of
genes and environment to the trait. As an analogy, some laypeople may think of the degree of a trait
being made up of two "buckets", genes and environment, each able to hold a certain capacity of the trait.
But even for intermediate heritabilities, a trait is always shaped by both genetic dispositions and the
environments in which people develop, merely with greater and lesser plasticities associated with these
heritability measures.
Heritability measures always refer to the degree of variation between individuals in a population. These
statistics cannot be applied at the level of the individual. It is incorrect to say that since the heritability
index of personality is about .6, you got 60% of your personality from your parents and 40% from the
environment. To help to understand this, imagine that all humans were genetic clones. The heritability
index for all traits would be zero (all variability between clonal individuals must be due to environmental
factors). And, contrary to erroneous interpretations of the heritibility index, as societies become more
egalitarian (everyone has more similar experiences) the heritability index goes up (as environments
become more similar, variability between individuals is due more to genetic factors).
A highly genetically loaded trait (such as eye color) still assumes environmental input within normal limits
(a certain range of temperature, oxygen in the atmosphere, etc.). A more useful distinction than "nature
vs. nurture" is "obligate vs. facultative" —under typical environmental ranges, what traits are more
"obligate" (e.g., the nose —everyone has a nose) or more "facultative" (sensitive to environmental
variations, such as specific language learned during infancy). Another useful distinction is between traits
that are likely to be adaptations (such as the nose) and those that are byproducts of adaptations (such
the white color of bones), or are due to random variation (non-adaptive variation in, say, nose shape or
size).
[edit]IQ debate
Main article: Heritability of IQ
Evidence suggests that family environmental factors may have an effect upon childhood IQ, accounting
for up to a quarter of the variance. On the other hand, by late adolescence this correlation disappears,
such that adoptive siblings are no more similar in IQ than strangers.[19]
Moreover, adoption studies indicate that, by adulthood, adoptive siblings are no more similar in IQ than
strangers (IQ correlation near zero), while full siblings show an IQ correlation of 0.6. Twin studies
reinforce this pattern: monozygotic (identical) twins raised separately are highly similar in IQ (0.74), more
so than dizygotic (fraternal) twins raised together (0.6) and much more than adoptive siblings (~0.0).[20]
[edit]Personality traits
Personality is a frequently cited example of a heritable trait that has been studied in twins and adoptions.
Identical twins reared apart are far more similar in personality than randomly selected pairs of people.
Likewise, identical twins are more similar than fraternal twins. Also, biological siblings are more similar in
personality than adoptive siblings. Each observation suggests that personality is heritable to a certain
extent. However, these same study designs allow for the examination of environment as well as genes.
Adoption studies also directly measure the strength of shared family effects. Adopted siblings share only
family environment. Unexpectedly, some adoption studies indicate that by adulthood the personalities of
adopted siblings are no more similar than random pairs of strangers. This would mean that shared family
effects on personality are zero by adulthood. As is the case with personality, non-shared environmental
effects are often found to out-weigh shared environmental effects. That is, environmental effects that are
typically thought to be life-shaping (such as family life) may have less of an impact than non-shared
effects, which are harder to identify. One possible source of non-shared effects is the environment of pre-
natal development. Random variations in the genetic program of development may be a substantial
source of non-shared environment. These results suggest that "nurture" may not be the predominant
factor in "environment"[citation needed].
[edit]Advanced techniques
The power of quantitative studies of heritable traits has been expanded by the development of new
techniques. Developmental genetic analysis examines the effects of genes over the course of a human
lifespan. For example, early studies of intelligence, which mostly examined young children, found
that heritability measures 40 to 50 percent. Subsequent developmental genetic analyses found that
variance attributable to additive environmental effects is less apparent in older individuals,[21][22][23] with
estimated heritability of IQ being higher than that in adulthood. However, the high IQ heritability estimates
are derived with questionable methodologies, according the work by Peter Schönemann.[24].
Another advanced technique, multivariate genetic analysis, examines the genetic contribution to several
traits that vary together. For example, multivariate genetic analysis has demonstrated that the genetic
determinants of all specific cognitive abilities (e.g., memory, spatial reasoning, processing speed) overlap
greatly, such that the genes associated with any specific cognitive ability will affect all others. Similarly,
multivariate genetic analysis has found that genes that affect scholastic achievement completely overlap
with the genes that affect cognitive ability.
Extremes analysis, examines the link between normal and pathological traits. For example, it is
hypothesized that a given behavioral disorder may represent an extreme of a continuous distribution of a
normal behavior and hence an extreme of a continuous distribution of genetic and environmental
variation. Depression, phobias, and reading disabilities have been examined in this context.
For a few highly heritable traits, some studies have identified loci associate with variance in that trait in
some individuals. For example, research groups have identified loci that are associated
with schizophrenia (Harrison and Owen, 2003) in subsets of patients with that diagnosis.
[edit]Moral difficulties
Some observers believe that modern science tends to give too much weight to the nature side of the
argument, in part because of social consciousness. Historically, much of this debate has had undertones
of racist and eugenicist policies — the notion of race as a scientific truth has often been assumed as a
prerequisite in various incarnations of the nature versus nurture debate. In the past, heredity was often
used as "scientific" justification for various forms of discrimination and oppression along racial and class
lines. Works published in theUnited States since the 1960s that argue for the primacy of "nature" over
"nurture" in determining certain characteristics, such as The Bell Curve, have been greeted with
considerable controversy and scorn.[citation needed]
[edit]Philosophical difficulties
[edit]Are the traits real?
It is sometimes a question whether the "trait" being measured is even a real thing. Much energy has been
devoted to calculating the heritability of intelligence (usually the I.Q., orintelligence quotient), but there is
still some disagreement as to what exactly "intelligence" is.
[edit]Biological determinism
If genes do contribute substantially to the development of personal characteristics such as intelligence
and personality, then many wonder if this implies that genes determine who we are. See Genetic
determinism and Biological determinism.
[edit]Is the problem real?
Many scientists feel that the very question opposing nature to nurture is a fallacy. Already in 1951, Calvin
Hall in his seminal chapter[25] remarked that the discussion opposing nature and nurture was fruitless. If
an environment is changed fundamentally, then the heritability of a character changes, too. Conversely, if
the genetic composition of a population changes, then heritability will also change. As an example, we
may use phenylketonuria (PKU), which causes brain damage and progressive mental retardation. PKU
can be treated by the elimination of phenylalanine from the diet. Hence, a character (PKU) that used to
have a virtually perfect heritability is not heritable any more if modern medicine is available (the
actualallele causing PKU would still be inherited, but the phenotype PKU would not be expressed any
more). Similarly, within, say, an inbred strain of mice, no genetic variation is present and every character
will have a zero heritability. If the complications of gene-environment interactions and correlations (see
above) are added, then it appears to many that heritability, the epitome of the nature-nurture opposition,
is "a station passed".[26]
[edit]Myths about identity
Within the debates surrounding cloning, for example, is the far-fetched contention that a Jesus or
a Hitler could be "re-created" through genetic cloning. Current thinking finds this largely inaccurate, and
discounts the possibility that the clone of anyone would grow up to be the same individual due to
environmental variation. For example, like clones, identical twins are genetically identical, and unlike the
hypothetical clones share the same family environment, yet they are not identical in personality and other
traits.
[edit]History of the nature versus nurture debate
Further information: Empiricism and Tabula rasa
Traditionally, human nature has been thought of as not only inherited but divinely ordained.[citation
needed] Whole ethnic groups were considered to be, by nature, superior or inferior. Since the late Middle
Ages, intellectuals increasingly attributed differences among races, classes and genders to socialization
(nurture), rather than to innate qualities (nature).[citation needed] In the 20th century, the Nazis pursued an
agenda based on the concept of human nature as defined by one's race. The Communists, on the other
hand, largely followed Marx's lead in defining the human identity as subject to social structures, not
nature. In scientific circles, this conflict led to ongoing controversy of sociobiology and evolutionary
psychology.[citation needed]
[edit]See also
Look
up nurture in Wiktionary, the
free dictionary.
behavioural genetics
communibiology
developmental systems theory
diathesis–stress model
differential susceptibility hypothesis
epigenetic theory
genetic determinism
heritability of IQ
The Nurture Assumption (book)
race and crime in the United States
David Reimer
social determinism
structure and agency