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The Just Word......................1 The Just Word The Ignacio Martín-Baró Fund for Mental Health & Human Rights Volume IX No. 2 A Project of The Funding Exchange Fall 2003 FOCUS ON NICARAGUA................................................................................................................................................................................................. page 3 Project Update - Ibdaa Cultural Center, Dheisheh Refugee Camp, West Bank ............................................ page 4 Project Update - Harvesting Hope, North Atlantic Coast, Nicaragua................................................................ page 5 Project Update - Solidarity & Reconcilation Project, San Marcos, Guatemala ........................................ page 6 MEMORY AS A RESOURCE FOR THE FUTURE ............................................................................................................................................... page 8 La Memoria por venir................................................................................................................................................................................................ page 9 Help Us Make A Difference............................................................................................................................................................................... page 10 10 th Anniversary of Saguaro Fund............................................................................................................................................................. page 11 T ABLE OF CONTENTS Maria de Jesus F ernando Cardenal, Nicaraguan Jesuit and first Minister of Education in the Sandinista government, led the literacy cam- paign in Nicaragua in 1980. He was at Boston College in October speak- ing about his life and work during that important historical moment and about challenges facing Nicaragua and the world today. I spoke with him about many of his views. Below I include some of the highlights of that interview, with a particular focus on the concerns of the Martín-Baró Fund for Mental Health and Human Rights. My thanks to John E. Arias for his tran- scription of the original Spanish. Many people around the world wonder why U.S. citizens do not protest and speak out about the policies of the current U.S. administration. What do you think about this? How can people find their voice under conditions of repression, fear, and intimidation? Before being able to speak out, one needs to develop consciousness. My impression of what is happening [in the United States] is that there is no critical awareness, there is no real knowledge of how North American foreign policy affects our poor coun- tries. I think this is the root cause. I think the media always gives one ver- sion of things. Mass media, particu- larly major newspapers and television news channels portray an incomplete portrait... One cannot have a voice to defend something about which one is uninformed. To give a concrete example: the current war in Iraq. It is enough for us [Nicaraguans] that President Bush manipulated the information, that he spoke of Iraq having weapons of mass destruction as if it were a sure thing, and that Iraq could attack the U.S. in 45 minutes and destroy entire cities. This was false—the United Nations Team never actually found mass weapons. Soon thereafter, the war began and U.S. soldiers are all over the country. Meanwhile, months and months go by and they do not encounter weapons of mass destruc- tion. The regime of Saddam Hussein was an absolutely criminal and dicta- torial regime. This is all true. The war was presented to the U.S. public as something that would protect their security and that if this war had not happened, the U.S. public would be in great danger because [the Iraqi] NICARAGUAN PERSPECTIVE: An Interview with Fernando Cardenal, S.J. Una Perspectiva Nicaragüense: Una Entrevista con Fernando Cardenal, S.J. continued on page 2

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Page 1: The Just Word11/03martinbarofund.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/08/fall03.pdf · The Just Word.....1 The Just Word The Ignacio Mart™n-BarŠ Fund for Mental Health & Human Rights Volume

The Just Word......................1

The Just WordThe Ignacio Martín-Baró Fund for Mental Health & Human RightsVolume IX No. 2 A Project of The Funding Exchange Fall 2003

FOCUS ON NICARAGUA................................................................................................................................................................................................. page 3

Project Update - Ibdaa Cultural Center, Dheisheh Refugee Camp, West Bank ............................................ page 4

Project Update - Harvesting Hope, North Atlantic Coast, Nicaragua................................................................ page 5

Project Update - Solidarity & Reconcilation Project, San Marcos, Guatemala ....................... ................. page 6

MEMORY AS A RESOURCE FOR THE FUTURE ...............................................................................................................................................page 8

La Memoria por venir................................................................................................................................................................................................ page 9

Help Us Make A Difference............................................................................................................................................................................... page 10

10th Anniversary of Saguaro Fund............................................................................................................................................................. page 11TABL

EO

FC

ON

TEN

TS

Maria de Jesus

Fernando Cardenal, NicaraguanJesuit and first Minister ofEducation in the Sandinista

government, led the literacy cam-paign in Nicaragua in 1980. He wasat Boston College in October speak-ing about his life and work duringthat important historical momentand about challenges facingNicaragua and the world today. Ispoke with him about many of hisviews. Below I include some of thehighlights of that interview, with aparticular focus on the concerns ofthe Martín-Baró Fund for MentalHealth and Human Rights. Mythanks to John E. Arias for his tran-scription of the original Spanish.

Many people around the worldwonder why U.S. citizens do not protestand speak out about the policies of thecurrent U.S. administration. What doyou think about this? How can peoplefind their voice under conditions ofrepression, fear, and intimidation?

Before being able to speak out,one needs to develop consciousness.My impression of what is happening[in the United States] is that there isno critical awareness, there is no real

knowledge of how North Americanforeign policy affects our poor coun-tries. I think this is the root cause. Ithink the media always gives one ver-sion of things. Mass media, particu-larly major newspapers and televisionnews channels portray an incomplete

portrait... One cannot have a voiceto defend something about whichone is uninformed.

To give a concrete example: thecurrent war in Iraq. It is enough forus [Nicaraguans] that President Bushmanipulated the information, that hespoke of Iraq having weapons of massdestruction as if it were a sure thing,and that Iraq could attack the U.S. in45 minutes and destroy entire cities.This was false—the United NationsTeam never actually found massweapons. Soon thereafter, the warbegan and U.S. soldiers are all overthe country. Meanwhile, months andmonths go by and they do notencounter weapons of mass destruc-tion. The regime of Saddam Husseinwas an absolutely criminal and dicta-torial regime. This is all true. Thewar was presented to the U.S. publicas something that would protect theirsecurity and that if this war had nothappened, the U.S. public would bein great danger because [the Iraqi]

NICARAGUAN PERSPECTIVE: An Interview with Fernando Cardenal, S.J.Una Perspectiva Nicaragüense: Una Entrevista con Fernando Cardenal, S.J.

continued on page 2

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were connected to the terrorists of AlQueda of Afghanistan. ThePresident was forced to state thatthere was no connection between theAl Queda terrorists and the Iraqiregime. The two reasons Bush gavefor the war were not accurate. TheU.S. public massively supported thiswar. People are starting to realizethat it was not as he stated, that theyhad been deceived.

❖❖❖

Can you talk some about U.S.-Nicaraguan relations, please?

We were 4 million inhabitants inthe time of Ronald Reagan... We didnot have an Air Force, a Navy, bombs,or missiles. And he made declarationsto justify his politics and the aggres-sion that we were supposedly commit-ting against the U.S. He stated thatwe were a danger to [U.S.] NationalSecurity. This is what the Presidentsaid; the public believed him. This isa huge problem, declaring somethingthat is completely false. How couldwe threaten such a powerful country?...Later he stated that we were perse-cuting the Catholic Church... [TheU.S. government] was lying...

Also there is another aspect relat-ed to the global economy, capitalism,and another way of managing theeconomy. Some years ago theDirector of a North American maga-zine told me: One can criticize any-thing one wants about the U.S.President but one cannot speak outagainst the capitalist system.

❖❖❖

One of our grantees is “HarvestingHope,” a project of Wangki Luhpia onthe North Atlantic Coast of Nicaraguawhich seeks to assist two indigenousMiskito communities. Can you talkabout the indigenous peoples ofNicaragua?

The majority of people on theNorth Atlantic Coast are indigenous...On the Pacific Coast there are nolonger any indigenous. The onlyindigenous peoples left in Nicaraguaare [there] on the Caribbean coast...They are very abandoned economical-ly. The Nicaraguan government is toopoor to be able to uplift economicallypeople who are so far away. Our gov-ernment is economically weak....

The indigenous of the AtlanticCoast have the best autonomy law inLatin America and it was passed bythe Sandinistas. But that autonomyneeds to be accompanied by econom-ic assistance so that they can improvetheir lives. They have the laws thatallow them to live autonomously, butthey don’t have the economic cir-cumstances that would permit themto survive with dignity.

❖❖❖

Excerpts from Original SpanishInterview:

Mucha gente alrededor del mundose pregunta por qué los estadounidens-es no protestan, y no hablan sobre laspolíticas de la administración actualen los Estados Unidos.

¿Qué piensa usted sobre esto?¿Cómo puede la gente encontrar su vozbajo represión, miedo, e intimidación?

Antes de poder usar la voz en esohay que recuperar la conciencia. Amí lo que me da la impresión de loque pasa es que no hay conciencia, nohay conocimiento profundo de lo quela política exterior norteamericanacausa a nuestros países pobres. A míme parece que eso es la causa másprofunda. Me parece que en losmedios de comunicación siempre seestá dando una versión. En losmedios grandes que a través de losgrandes periódicos, a través de lainformativa de los grandes canales detelevisión, una visión que no es com-

pleta... No pueden tomar una vozpara defender algo que no conocen.

Hablando de algo más concreto:sobre la guerra de Irak actual. Es bas-tante para nosotros que el PresidenteBush manipuló la información, que elhablaba de armas de destrucciónmasiva que habían en Irak como unacosa cierta y que Irak podía atacar aEE. UU. en 45 minutos y destruir ciu-dades enteras. Eso era falso—elEquipo de las Naciones Unidas nuncaencontró arma masiva. Luego vino laguerra y los soldados están por todoEE. UU. el país y luego de meses ymeses y no encuentran armas dedestrucción masiva. El régimen deSaddam Hussein era un régimen abso-lutamente criminal y dictatorial.Todo eso es cierto. Al pueblo EE.UU. se le presentó la guerra comoalgo que iba a proteger su seguridad ysi no lo hacían ellos el pueblo EE.UU. iba a estar en gran peligroporque ellos estaban conectados conlos terroristas de Al Queda deAfganistán. El presidente ha tenidoque decir que no hubo conexiónentre los terroristas de Al Queda y elrégimen iraki. Las dos razones deBush para la guerra no son ciertas. Elpueblo EE. UU. apoyó masivamenteesa guerra. El comienza a darse cuentade que no es como el decía, de quehubo un engaño.

❖❖❖

¿Puede hablar, por favor, sobre lasrelaciones entre EE. UU. y Nicaragua?

Cuatro millones de habitantes enel tiempo de Ronald Reagan... Noteníamos aviación, marina de guerra,bombas, misiles. Y él afirmó para jus-tificar su política y la agresión que sele está haciendo al país. Dijo queéramos un peligro para seguridadnacional. Eso dijo el presidente; lagente le cree al presidente. Esto es unproblema muy fuerte, llegar afirmar

Nicaraguan Perspective: An Interview with Fernando CardenalUna Perspectiva Nicaragüense: Una Entrevista con Fernando Cardenal continued from page 1

continued on page 7

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Editors’ note: In keeping with our decision to develop a deeper understanding of the lives of our grantees, this issue high-lights Nicaragua. In addition to the summary below this issue includes an update on one of our 2003 grantees, “HarvestingHope,” a project of Wangki Luhpia on the North Atlantic Coast of Nicaragua, and an interview with FernandoCardenal, S.J., the Nicaraguan Minister of Education in the Sandinista government, who led the literacy campaign inNicaragua in 1980.

Population (July 2003 estimate): 5,128,517

Ethnic groups: mestizo (mixed Amerindian and white), 69%; white, 17%; black, 9%; Amerindian, 5%

Languages: Spanish (official); English and indigenous languages on Atlantic coast

Religion: mostly Roman Catholic; Protestant

Work Force (1999 estimate): services, 43%; agriculture, 42%; industry, 15%;considerable underemployment (2002 estimate), 24% plus

Literacy (age 15 & over who can read and write): male, 67.2%; female, 67.8%

GeographyArea: approximately 49,998 sq. mi. (slightly smaller than the state ofNew York; largest country in Central America)Capital city: Managua Administrative divisions: 15 departments and 2 autonomous regions(North Atlantic, South Atlantic)Border countries: Costa Rica; Honduras

Economy Monetary unit: Nicaraguan Gold Córdoba ($1U.S.= 15.37NIO)Gross domestic product (2002 estimate): $12.8 billion (U.S.$)Population living in poverty (2001 estimate): 50% Exports: coffee, shrimp and lobster, cotton, tobacco, bananas, beef, sugar, goldMajor markets (2001): U.S., 57.7%; Germany, 5.3%; Canada, 4.2%; Costa Rica, 3.3%

History

The Pacific Coast of Nicaragua was settled as a Spanish colony from Panama in the early 16th century.Independence from Spain was declared in 1821 and the country became an independent republic in 1838.Britain occupied the Caribbean Coast in the first half of the 19th century, but gradually ceded control of theregion in subsequent decades. Violent opposition to governmental manipulation and corruption as well as socialinequalities spread to all classes by 1978 and resulted in a civil war that brought the Sandinista guerrillas topower in 1979. The U.S. organized and supported anti-Sandinista “contra” forces during the 1980s, killed thou-sands, debilitated the economy, and undermined or destroyed the transformational educational and health pro-grams at the heart of the Sandinista revolution. Despite early electoral successes for the Sandinistas, elections in1990, 1996, and 2001 resulted in their defeat. The country was hard hit by Hurricane Mitch in 1998 and is todayone of the hemisphere’s poorest countries, facing low per capita income, flagging socio-economic indicators, andhuge external debt.

Sources: CIA: The World Factbook 2003 (Nicaragua) http://www.cia.gov/cia/publications/factbook/geos/nu.html andBanco Central de Nicaragua http://www.bcn.gob.ni/

Focus On Nicaragua

Guatemala

El Salvador

Nicaragua

I

V

O

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women and children who have suf-fered directly from the intense trau-ma of extreme violence, although allcamp residents have been affected byhardship and poverty. The mainactivities, supported by the MBFgrant, have emphasized mentalhealth workshops and counselingconducted in cooperation with vari-ous health organizations, local spe-cialists, and volunteers such as thePalestinian Red Crescent Society,YWCA, Catholic Relief Services,and Bethlehem University. Theyinclude:

◆ Five workshops for 25 motherswho lost their children in thecurrent Intifada, organized by thewomen’s committee of Ibdaa andfacilitated by local psychiatrists.These workshops prove to beextremely helpful as an outlet formothers to speak about and sharetheir experiences, cry together,and meet others who suffer thesame losses.

◆ A series of workshops for girlsheld by a student majoring inchild psychology from BethlehemUniversity.

◆ A workshop and counselingseries organized by the Union ofSocial Workers for 92 schoolchildren.

◆ Four workshops for approximate-ly 30 women held by a visitingIrish organization.

◆ Support for 13 young womenfrom the 4th generation IbdaaDance Troupe provided by a psy-chologist from Spaford MentalClinic in Jerusalem.

◆ Encouragement of 180 teenagers(including 25 girls) from theIbdaa Sports Program to partici-

pate in these and other ongoingcounseling and workshop initia-tives provided by local experts.

Ziad Abbas, co-director and co-founder of Ibdaa, says of these pro-grams: “I want our funders to knowthat we, at Ibdaa, are working despiteall the difficulties. This mental healthproject has been helping a lot of peo-ple and the children. Although wehaven’t been able to provide enoughservices and programs - because thereare so many women and children inneed, this work has been very impor-tant to our camp and we are workingto expand our coverage.”

Children’s LibraryIbdaa’s Children’s Library was

severely damaged by Israeli armyinvasions into Dheisheh in the springof 2002. Ibdaa was able to recovermost of the losses through donationsfrom many international donors,including the MBF who coveredmuch of the cost. The MBF donationwas used to replace damaged books,art supplies, and educational toys, aswell as furniture.

Despite repeated invasions andprolonged periods of curfew, thelibrary has carried out many of itsmuch-needed daily activities. Duringcurfew, children are confined to theirhomes, often unable to even attendschool. When the curfew was lifted,the library provided an important

Editors’ note: Interview with Ziad Abasby Sarah Lewis (Ibdaa volunteer) andShirabe Yamada (Middle East Children’sAlliance).

The Ibdaa Cultural Center pro-vides children and youth oppor-tunities to nurture their talents

and to reclaim their national identitiesand heritage, in the face of unendingassaults on their community. Thisupdate of Ibdaa’s work follows a 2003grant from the MBF to support thosewith family members killed or impris-oned since the start of the secondIntifada (September, 2000), and anEmergency Grant (2002) to repairIbdaa’s Children’s Library.

Mental Health Programming At the time of this writing, the

Bethlehem area has been ratherquiet. Since the withdrawal of theIsraeli army (July, 2003), soldiers andtanks have disappeared from thestreets reducing friction with the peo-ple. However, the surrounding arearemains under siege from the armyand the rapid building of theApartheid Wall. The confinementdirectly impacts access to employ-ment opportunities resulting inincreased household poverty and des-peration. According to a recent UNWorld Food Program report, malnu-trition is pervasive in Palestine where60% of the population eats less thanone meal a day.

Under these conditions, Ibdaa’smental health programs focus on

Project Update – Ibdaa Cultural Center, Dheisheh Refugee Camp, West Bank

continued on page 10

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by Vicki Larson Development CoordinatorMADRE, An International Women’sHuman Rights Organization

The Melgara family is one ofmany indigenous families onthe North Atlantic Coast of

Nicaragua who lost the majority oftheir crops and, consequently, mostof their food supply for the entireyear, during Hurricane Mitch in1998. Hurricane Mitch caused flood-ing and mudslides that destroyedentire rural indigenous villages alongthe Coco River. Then, in July 2001,flash flooding of the Coco Riverdestroyed rice crops of an estimated9,000 small farmers. Later in 2001,the worst drought to hit CentralAmerica in decades compounded thedifficulties. More than 470,000Nicaraguans were affected; fewerthan 10 percent of those receivedhelp from relief organizations.

Today, tens of thousands of peo-ple in this area remain homeless andwithout access to sufficient food orclean water, and the economy of theregion has yet to recover. Almostthree-quarters of the population cur-rently suffers from malnutrition.Unemployment is a staggering 90percent. The destruction of these suc-cessive natural disasters and the lossof a secure food supply, as well as alack of basic services and years ofgrinding poverty exacerbated byU.S.-driven economic policies, havegenerated depression, anxiety, andpost-traumatic stress disorder amongmany community members.

Last year, MADRE – a U.S.-basedinternational women’s human rightsorganization that has worked for 20years on the North Atlantic Coast inpartnership with Wangki Luhpia, anindigenous-led community organiza-tion – began implementing a project

called Harvesting Hope in two com-munities in the region. Since the pro-ject’s inception, 10 families (includingthe Melgaras) have planted gardensthat feed their extended families andneighbors. Surplus produce is sold inthe local market, generating incomefor project participants. A communityseed bank has been established, ensur-ing that seeds remain available in theevent of floods or other natural disas-ters. The seed bank also enables seed-sharing, which helps the two commu-nities develop relationships withother nearby communities as theyexchange seeds and knowledge aboutplanting and harvesting.

The families who participate inHarvesting Hope are also raisingchickens, which provide them withessential protein. But the chickensoffer more than nutrients. Mentalhealth studies show that taking care

of animals helps alleviate depressionand the pervasive sense of powerless-ness that many impoverished peoplefeel, because caretakers begin to seethemselves as agents of change andintegral members of a communityproject.

MADRE and Wangki Luhpia arealso offering human rights trainingsand conducting a U.S. public educa-tion campaign through HarvestingHope, ensuring that the project has along-term and international impact.

The Martín-Baró Fund providesapproximately half the funds forHarvesting Hope.

For more information aboutHarvesting Hope or MADRE’s workaround the world, please go towww.madre.org or call us at212.627.0444. ◆

Project Update - Harvesting Hope, North Atlantic Coast, Nicaragua

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Joan W. Williams & M. Brinton Lykes

In July of this year Joan Williamsinterviewed Vilma Gódinez andother members of the REMHI

Solidarity and Reconciliation Projectin San Marcos and Brinton Lykesmet with project coordinators,Rodolpho Gódinez and VictorLopez, in Guatemala City.REMHI has used Martín-BaróFund grants to organize programsfor the more than 75% of the SanMarcos communities that weredirectly affected by massacres,murders, and disappearances dur-ing Guatemala’s nearly 36 yearwar. The project was developed tosupport and motivate local com-munity members “to be successfulin their quest to construct a newGuatemala and develop a morehuman and dignified life for allGuatemalans.”

The first phase of REMHI’swork included the publication in1998 of Nunca más: Informeproyecto interdiocesano de recu-peración de la memoria histórica[Never again: Report of theinter-diocesan project on therecovery of historic memory].The second phase involves educa-tional workshops and the organiza-tion of community-based actions thatacknowledge the past while workingtowards healing some of its effects.To this end, much of the REMHIteam’s current efforts are focused onthe accompaniment of local commu-nities during the exhumations ofclandestine mass gravesites. Theseexhumations and subsequent inhu-mations are among the reparatoryprocesses secured through the PeaceAccords. Permission to conduct anexhumation and reburial requires alengthy legal process beginning witha formal petition and the inclusion ofa forensic anthropology team. This

team carefully excavates the remainsof deceased community members,identifies and marks each bone, trans-ports them to a lab where they can befurther documented, and then,returns the remains to relatives forreburial.

Members of the REMHI’sSolidarity and Reconciliation Projectwork with local communities helpingparticipants to understand theexhumation process and to managetheir relations with the legal system.In contrast to some mental healthworkers in their area who offer indi-vidual counseling services to sur-vivors, the REMHI project providespsychosocial support to communitiesas a whole. REMHI accompaniescommunity members through theunearthing of the clandestinegravesites and waits with familymembers through the identification

processes and the reburial. Projectmembers employ a combination ofMayan and Christian ceremonies, aswell as resources from communitypsychology to support the familiesthroughout this journey.

One exhumation/inhumationwhich was recently completedtook over two years. For thosewho successfully identify theremains of relatives, the exhuma-tion offers an opportunity to final-ly grieve their losses and bringsclosure to what the Argentine psy-chiatrist Fernando Ulloa oncedescribed as “frozen” or “altered”grief. Yet for those who are unsuc-cessful in their quest (as is oftenthe case, as bones may havealready decomposed, be missing orbe unidentifiable), the experiencecan extend an already elongatedgrieving process. Regardless of theoutcome, team members spoke ofthe psychological and emotionalchallenges of the exhumation andinhumation processes, not only forthe families, but also for thosewho accompany them.

In addition to their work withthe exhumation processes, teammembers conduct workshops to

analyze how the years of oppressionand violence have affectedGuatemala. They offer resources atthe individual, familial, and commu-nity levels. Community-based educa-tional workshops focus on partici-pants’ human rights as Guatemalancitizens and as indigenous persons.REMHI is also developing a networkof projects with colleagues from vari-ous parts of the country who arepressing for the development ofnational strategies to establishhealthy reparation processes for allGuatemalans. Finally, REMHI orga-nizes and participates in celebrations

Project Update - Solidarity & Reconciliation Project, San Marcos, Guatemala

continued on page 7

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that mark important anniversaries in the fight foran equitable, peaceful, dignified life for all,including, for example, commemorations of theassassination of Monsignor Gerardi (see The JustWord, Fall, 2002).

At the end of the visits, the intervieweesthanked the Martín-Baró Fund for its financialsupport of their work and expressed appreciationfor our solidarity and for our visits. They empha-sized the importance of knowing that othersbeyond Guatemala are aware of their strugglesand contribute to their work through solidarityand material resources and by supporting theefforts which they make even in the face of hard-ship and, oftentimes, “with saddened hearts.” ◆

Editors: Maria de Jesus, M. Brinton Lykes. Contributors: Maria de Jesus, Leah Diskin, Vicki Larson, Ramsay Liem, M.Brinton Lykes, Catherine M. Mooney, Claire Mooney, Joan W. Williams, Alden Jackson, Facultad de Psicología,Universidad de Buenos Aires. Distribution: Alden Jackson. PLEASE SUPPORT OUR WORK. Letters, inquiries, contribu-tions can be sent to: Martín-Baró Fund, P.O.Box 2122, Jamaica Plain, MA, 02130. Checks payable to: Funding Exchange/Martín-BaróFund, tax deductible to the full extent permitted by IRS code. Thank you.

Pastoral de Solidaridad y Reconciliación-REMHI San Marcos, Guatemala continued from page 6

eso que cosa más falsa. ¿Cómo va ahaber peligro contra un país tanpoderoso? ...Luego afirmó queperseguíamos a la Iglesia Católica...Se miente...

También hay otro aspecto sobrela visión económica del mundo, elcapitalismo y otra forma de llevar laeconomía. A mí, me decía el directorde una revista norteamericana hacealgunos anos: Tu puedes criticarcualquier cosa del Presidente EE.UU. pero no se puede tocar el sis-tema capitalista...

❖❖❖

Un grupo que apoyamos financiera-mente se llama “Harvesting Hope,” unproyecto de Wangki Luhpia en la costanordatlántica de Nicaragua que ayudados comunidades indígenas Mezquitas.¿Puede hablar de los pueblos indígenasde Nicaragua?

En la costa atlántica la mayoríason indígena... En el pacifico ya noqueden indígenas. Los únicos indíge-nas que quedan en Nicaragua están[allí] en la costa caribe...Económicamente están muy aban-donados. El gobierno nicaragüense es

muy pobre como para poder levantareconómicamente a aquello que estánmás lejos. Nuestro gobierno es débileconómicamente...

La mejor ley de autonomía deLatinoamérica la tienen los indígenasde la costa atlántica que fue hechopor el Sandinismo. Pero esaautonomía debe ser acompañada conuna ayuda económica para que ellospuedan levantarse. Tienen las leyespara vivir con autonomía pero notienen la economía que le permitasobrevivir dignamente. ◆

Nicaraguan Perspective: An Interview with Fernando CardenalUna Perspectiva Nicaragüense: Una Entrevista con Fernando Cardenal continued from page 2

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Editors’ note: This article, authored bycolleagues in the Psychology, Ethics, andHuman Rights Faculty of Psychology inthe University of Buenos Aires, brieflydiscusses the psychological importance ofrecent revelations by Argentine militarygenerals and current political responsesto actions taken during the transition todemocracy. The public acknowledge-ment of the military’s responsibility forthe disappearance of between 7,000 and40,000 men, women, and children ear-lier this year as well as the Congressionaland Presidential decisions of recentmonths have created new possibilities forhuman rights activists as well as for thewider Argentine populace. (seehttp://www.psi.uba.ar/academica/car-reradegrado/psicologia/informacion_adicional/obligatorias/etica/index.htm,for more information)

Where are the disappeared going?

look in the water and in the thickets

And why is it that they disappear?

because we are not all equal

And when does the one

disappeared come back?

each time one brings them to mind

How do you speak to the

disappeared?

with a tightened feeling from within.

Rubén Blades, DisappearancesRecorded by Maná in México

How can you get information[out of someone who hasbeen detained] if you don’t

pressure them, if you don’t torturethem?… You think that we couldhave shot 7,000 people? To shootthree, no more than that… look atthe mess that the Pope created forFranco with only three. The worldcomes crashing in on us. You can’t

shoot 7,000 people…. And if we putthem all in prison, what then?That’s what happened here. Thencame a constitutional governmentand they freed them all.”

These words acquire specialimportance because they are the firstin which a repressor from the 1976-1983 military dictatorship explicitlyacknowledged that the disappearedwere secretly assassinated. These arethe words of the Argentine GeneralDíaz Bessone who was interviewed byFrench journalist Marie-MoniqueRobin in the documentary videoDeath Squads: The French School.The program was shown in Franceand in twelve other European coun-tries the 1st of September of this year.

During decades, the LatinAmerican military denied the exis-tence of the “disappeared.” In thebeginning, they pretended that thesewere people who were alive and hadsecretly left the country and were liv-ing in exile; later, they acknowledgeda few cases as “excesses.” The videorevealed that this was a systematicplan: to secretly assassinate and thento remove the bodies of the victims,preventing families from buryingtheir dead.

Such cruelty against one’s politi-cal adversary even after death is notnew. More than 2,500 years ago,Antigone, by Sophocles, presented asimilar argument. Creon, who hadbecome head of the Theban army,prohibited the burial of Polyneiceswho died attacking the city seekingto reclaim his rights to the Thebanthrone. Creon’s edict served as apunishment and also as a threatdirected to those who dared to chal-lenge state power. From this timeforward, Antigone’s heroic deed ofburying the body of her dead brotherin defiance of the city laws has been

interpreted as a symbol of an ethicalact.

The protests about the fate of thedisappeared in Latin America areboth a denunciation and a possibleway forward to process this tragedy.It is also worth noting that the figureof the “disappeared” is a corollary ofthe disappearance of those who dis-appeared them, since they are dilutedor gradually disappeared themselvesthrough an infinite chain of orders.The clearest expression of this per-verse logic is the so-called Law ofDue Obedience that freed thousandsof soldiers who committed aberrantacts, displacing responsibility ontothose higher up in the hierarchy.Psychological arguments underlie thelegal arguments, many of them basedon the conclusions of StanleyMilgram’s experiment on obedienceto criminal orders. This researchgenerated significant discussion inthe mental health field, one of whoseprotagonists was Ignacio Martín-Baró, the anniversary of whose assas-sination is commemorated November16.

Fernando Ulloa [an Argentinepsychiatrist] has said that “makingjustice” is like making love; it con-sists of peak moments and of ongoingeverydayness. The recent annulmentof the Law of Due Obedience inArgentina, together with other long-delayed democratic measures, shouldbe taken not as an end point but as apoint of departure. It’s a wager forthe future: the restitution of respon-sibility and memory as mental healthstrategies. ◆

Translated by Catherine M.Mooney and M. Brinton Lykes

Memory as a Resource for the Future

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Nota de los editores: Este artículo,escrito por compañeros de Psicología,Etica y Derechos Humanos en laFacultad de Psicología de la Universidadde Buenos Aires, trata brevemente de laimportancia psicológia de las recientesrevelaciones por parte de generales mil-itares argentinos y las respuestas políti-cas actuales a las acciones tomadasdurante la transición a la democracia.El reconocimiento público a principios deeste año por parte de los militaresargentinos de su responsabilidad en ladesaparición de entre 7,000 y 40,000hombres, mujeres y niños, al igual quelas decisiones tomadas por el Presidentey el Congreso en meses recientes, hancreado nuevas posibilidades tanto paraactivistas de derechos humanos comopara toda la población argentina. (Paramás información,http://www.psi.uba.ar/academica/car-reradegrado/psicologia/informacion_adicional/obligatorias/etica/index.htm)

¿Adónde van los desaparecidos?

busca en el agua y en los matorrales

¿Y por qué es que desaparecen?

porque no todos somos iguales

¿ Y cuándo vuelve el desaparecido?

cada vez que lo trae el pensamiento

¿Cómo se llama al desaparecido?

una emoción apretando

por dentro.

Rubén Blades, DesaparicionesGrabado por Maná de México

Cómo puede sacar información[a un detenido] si usted no loaprieta, si usted no lo tortura?

... ¿Usted cree que hubiéramos podi-do fusilar 7,000? Al fusilar tresnomás... mire el lío que el Papa learmó a Franco con tres. Se nos vieneel mundo encima. Usted no puede

fusilar 7,000 personas.... ¿Y si losmetíamos en la cárcel, qué? Ya pasóacá. Venía un gobierno constitu-cional y los ponía en libertad".

Estas palabras adquieren especialimportancia ya que son las primerasen las que un represor de la dictaduramilitar 1976-1983 reconoce explíci-tamente que los desaparecidos fueronasesinados clandestinamente.Pertenecen al General argentino DíazBessone quien fue entrevistado por laperiodista francesa Marie-MoniqueRobin en el video documentalEscuadrones de la muerte: La EscuelaFrancesa. El programa fue emitido enFrancia y otros doce países europeosel 1º de septiembre del presente año.

Durante décadas, los militaresde América Latina negaron la exis-tencia de los "desaparecidos". En unprincipio, pretendiendo que se trata-ba de personas que estaban vivas yque habían salido clandestinamenteal exilio; más adelante, reconociendoalgunos pocos casos en términos de"excesos". Las revelaciones con-tenidas en el video mencionado,demuestran que se trató de un plansistemático: asesinar clandestina-mente y sustraer los cuerpos de lasvíctimas, impidiendo todo ritualfunerario por parte de sus familiares.

Este ensañamiento con el adver-sario político aun después de sumuerte no es nuevo. Hace 2,500años, la Antígona, de Sófocles, pre-sentaba un argumento semejante.Creonte, devenido general en jefe delejército tebano, prohíbe la sepulturade Polinice, quién murió atacando laciudad para reclamar sus derechossobre el trono de Tebas. El edicto deCreonte tenía función de escarmien-to y a la vez de amenaza dirigida aquién osara desafiar el poder delEstado. De allí que la gesta deAntígona, que contra las leyes de laciudad sepulta el cuerpo de su her-

mano muerto, haya sido tomado a lolargo de la historia como símbolo deacto ético.

Los reclamos por el destino de losdesaparecidos en América Latina sona la vez una denuncia y una vía posi-ble de elaboración de la tragedia.Pero ocurre que la figura del "desa-parecido" resulta correlativa de la"desaparición" del desaparecedor, dilu-ido en la cadena infinita de lasórdenes. La expresión más clara deesta lógica perversa es la llamada Leyde Obediencia Debida, que dejó enlibertad a miles de militares quecometieron actos aberrantes,desplazando la responsabilidad a sussuperiores jerárquicos. En los funda-mentos de la ley abundaron los argu-mentos psicológicos, varios de ellosextractados de las conclusiones de laexperiencia de Stanley Milgram sobreobediencia a órdenes criminales. Ellogeneró una enorme discusión en elcampo de la salud mental, que tuvocomo uno de sus protagonistas aIgnacio Martín-Baró, de cuyoasesinato se cumple un nuevo aniver-sario el 16 de noviembre.

Fernando Ulloa, ha dicho quehacer justicia es como hacer el amor;tiene momentos culminantes y con-stantes cotidianos. La reciente dero-gación de la Ley en Argentina, juntoa otras medidas democráticas larga-mente postergadas, debe ser tomadano como un punto de llegada, sinocomo un punto de partida. Unaapuesta al porvenir: la restitución dela responsabilidad y la memoria comoestrategias en salud mental. ◆

La Memoria por Venir

"¿

x

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10......................The Just Word

outlet for the children to participate in art projects, theatrical productions, and artistic competitions that encourage self-expression, confidence, and creativity. Some library highlights include:

◆ April 24, 2003: 162 Dheisheh children participated in a children’s cultural festival in the Bethlehem area sponsoredby the Ministry of Culture (the Palestinian Authority). Ten-year-old Wassim Abdul Halik from Dheisheh was emceeof the event.

◆ June 17, 2003: 80 children took a trip to the Golden Park Swimming Pool in nearby Beit Sahour. Dheisheh has nopool and the children have no opportunity to travel to the sea due to the occupation.

◆ September 12, 2003: 100 children participated in a U.S. comedy show, “Clowns without Borders,” in which theylearned to juggle and put on a circus clown performance.

Ibdaa is determined to insure that these and other activities of the Children’s Library are maintained in spite of thesurrounding violence.

Project Update – Ibdaa Cultural Center, Dheisheh Refugee Camp, West Bank continued from page4

84%

1%

7%

4%3% 1%

Grants 84%

FEX Management Fees 3%

Bowl-athon 1%

Spring Newsletter 4%

Fall Newsletter 7%

Office Supplies andSolidarity Efforts 1%

Other Communications 33%

Bowl-a-thon 25%

Spring Newsletter 3%

Fall Newsletter 4%

FEX Donors 35%

33%25%

3%

4%

35%

The number of grants we are able to make is determined by the success of our fundraising efforts. Last year we dis-tributed more funds than we raised. You can help us meet the growing demand for our resources and expand ourgrant-making by sending a generous contribution to the Ignacio Martín-Baró Fund, P.O. Box 2122, Jamaica

Plain, MA 02130, www.martinbarofund.org. Checks should be made to: FEX/ Martín-Baró Fund and are tax-deductibleto the full extent permitted by the IRS. ◆

Charts by Alden Jackson

Help Us Make A Difference

FY2003 Revenues $58*

FY2003Expenses $77K

*Funds carried over from FY2002 covered the difference between Revenues and Expenses in FY 2003.

. .

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MISSION STATEMENT

The Ignacio Martín-Baró Fund forMental Health and Human Rights wascreated to foster psychological well-being, social consciousness, and activeresistance in communities affected byinstitutional violence, repression, andsocial injustice. We believe that thescars of such experiences are deeplyseated in both the individual and soci-ety and, therefore, seek to support pro-jects that explore the power of commu-nity to collectively heal these woundsand move forward. As an organizationbased in the United States, we have aspecial responsibility to support groupsin regions harmed by U.S. policies andaddressing problems created or aggra-vated by those policies.

Through grants, networking, and tech-nical support, the Fund seeks to encour-age the development of innovative,grassroots community projects that pro-mote progressive social change andcommunity mental health. In pursuitof this mission, the Fund’s goals are:

◆ To develop a holistic perspectivefor understanding the connectionsbetween state and institutional vio-lence and repression, and the men-tal health of communities and indi-viduals;

◆ To support innovative projects thatexplore the power of community tofoster healing within individualsand communities trying to recoverfrom experiences of institutionalviolence, repression, and socialinjustice;

◆ To build collaborative relationshipsamong the Fund, its grantees, and itscontributors for mutual educationand empowerment; and,

◆ To develop social consciousnesswithin the United States regardingthe psychological consequences ofstructural violence, repression, andsocial injustice.

Leah Diskin

On October 7th,the FundingExchange host-

ed a dinner in Boston tocommemorate the 10thanniversary of theSaguaro Fund, one of itsthree activist advisedfunds that supportsorganizations servingcommunities of colororganized and led bymembers of those com-munities. The Ignacio Martín-BaróFund was a co-sponsor of the eventalong with Grassroots International,Haymarket People’s Fund, PoliticalResearch Associates, and United fora Fair Economy. This celebration ofthe Saguaro Fund’s first decade pro-vided an opportunity to highlightrecent accomplishments of theFunding Exchange. Towards thatend, Ramsay Liem, a Martín-BaróFund co-founder, gave a lucid andmoving account of the fund’s incep-tion and current work.

The evening also featured thepresentation of a new FundingExchange report on the impact ofU.S. imperialism on people of color –Colonies in Question Supporting

10th Anniversary of Saguaro Fund

d

Indigenous Movements in the U.S.Jurisdictions – by activist and authorSurina Khan. Conceived out of dis-cussions that Saguaro Fund membersheld on grantmaking in Puerto Ricoand other U.S. jurisdictions, thereport aims to identify the complexi-ty and range of issues facing thesecommunities particularly with regardto U.S. colonization, militarization,and cultural hegemony. In additionto examining local economies andindustries, the report looks at existingcommunity organizing efforts and theenormous need for greater financialresources to support them. Copies ofthe report are available from theFunding Exchange, 666 Broadway,5th floor, New York, NY 10012. ◆

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XIgnacio Martín-Baró Fund P.O. Box 2122Jamaica Plain, MA 02130

PRST STDU.S. Postage

PAIDBoston, MA

Permit # 59215Printed on recycled paper.

UNIONLABEL172

RED SUN PRESSPsychosocial trauma...constitutes the concrete crystallization in

individuals of aberrant and dehumanizing social relations like those

prevalent in the situation of civil war...[which] especially affect children who

must construct their identities and develop their lives within the network of

these dehumanizing relations.... Therefore, we cannot be satisfied with

treating post-traumatic stress.... It is of primary importance that treatment

address itself to relationships among social groups, which constitute the

normal abnormality that dehumanizes the...oppressor and the oppressed,

soldier and victim, dominator and dominated, alike.”

—Ignacio Martín-Baró

Martín-Baró, I. (1994). Writings for a liberation psychology. (A. Aron & S. Corne, Eds.), Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.