the is and ought of niccolo machiavelli · to florentine liberty. vario other cities in the...
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Undergraduate Review
Volume 3 | Issue 1 Article 8
1989
The IS and OUGHT of Niccolo MachiavelliKrista Stearns '89Illinois Wesleyan University
This Article is brought to you for free and open access by The Ames Library, the Andrew W. Mellon Center for Curricular and FacultyDevelopment, the Office of the Provost and the Office of the President. It has been accepted for inclusion in Digital Commons @ IWU bythe faculty at Illinois Wesleyan University. For more information, please contact [email protected].©Copyright is owned by the author of this document.
Recommended CitationStearns '89, Krista (1989) "The IS and OUGHT of Niccolo Machiavelli," Undergraduate Review: Vol. 3: Iss. 1, Article 8.Available at: http://digitalcommons.iwu.edu/rev/vol3/iss1/8
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Stearns '89: The IS and OUGHT of Niccolo Machiavelli
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I
View of Florence. Photo by Susanna Woodard.
Niccolo Machiavell
Notorious for his treatise .
human historyasa ruthless
power and oppression. Ho
the republican government
greatest work, The Discour5t
rule by the people in order tc
style of republican govemn
paradox? Only through can
history of renaissance Italy i
twentieth century audience
The politicsof15th j
general, were tumultous. ~
witnessing a crumbling rep
figure Savonarola. F1orenc~
nornical problems, the resc
regaining Pisa. Pisa was a 1
French occupation. The Fre
to Florentine liberty. Vario
other cities in the northerr
seemed determined to spli
kept in mind that Europe ..
were just beginning to gair
confusion, Machiavelli, a f1
vation of Florence and It
instrumental in establishin
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Undergraduate Review, Vol. 3, Iss. 1 [1989], Art. 8
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View of Florence. Photo by Susanna Woodard.
Niccolo Machiavelli has long been termed the teacher of evil.
Notorious for his treatise The Prince, he has earned a reputation in
human historyasa ruthless individualconsumed with the intricaciesof
power and oppression. However, most overlook his contributions to
the republican government in Florence, as well as, what is perhaps his
greatest work, The Discourses. In The Discourses he extolled the value of
rule by the people in order to attain liberty. He also revered the Roman
style of republican government. How does one reconcile the apparent
paradox? Only through careful evaluation of the nationalistic political
history of renaissance Italy is one able to expose the true Machiavelli to
twentieth century audiences.
The politicsof15thand 16thcentury Florence, and ofEurope in
general, were tumultous. While only in his twenties Machiavelli was
witnessing a crumbling republic under the leadership of the religiOUS
figure Savonarola. Florence was facing other grave political and eco
nomical problems, the resolution of which depended upon Florence
regaining Pisa. Pisa was a valued trading post, as well as a target for
French occupation. The French and other powers were seen as a threat
to Florentine liberty. Various European powers had already captured
other cities in the northern part of the peninsula and all the powers
seemed determined to split Italy among themselves. Here, it must be
kept in mind that Europe was still in a feudal state of affairs. Nations
were just beginning to gain a sense of nationality. In the midst of such
confusion, Machiavelli, a Florentine nationalist interested in the preser
vation of Florence and Italy, became active. For example, he was
instrumental in establishing the rural citizen militia. This militia was a
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56
key factor in the eventual regaining of Pisa in 1509 after thirteen years
of warfare.1
The political upheaval that the people of renaissance Italy
witnessed helps to explain the fascination with war and power for
which Machiavelli is so well known. He, in fact, became particularly
interested in the practical aspect ofwinning warsand wrotebooks such
as the Arle della Guerra on the subject. This demonstrates two things:
one, that Machiavelli's infatuation with war was a natural reaction to
his world as disarmament is to the peopleof today, and two, that he was
particularly interested in the practical world. J. H. Whitfield in his book
Discourses em Machiavelli, in support, states that "before the time of The
Prince.. Machiavelli had never written a treatise without some practical
purpose, and some special contexl."2 The Prince is no exception. In
writing this treatise it isclear that Machiavelli had in mind theestablish
ment of a strong leadership in Florence. This leadership would now
hold Florence together, but, eventually, the leadership would gain
considerable strength so as to unify Italy in order for her to reassert her
greatness. Furthermore, The Discourses are a natural progression from
The Prince. In both works he professes many of the same techniques of
rule and retains his observations on human nature. He regards these
observations as underlying constants that must be considered in any
regime, autocratic or republican.
The practical side of Machiavelli may be best explained by
today's term realpolitik. This concept is demonstrated in Machiavelli's
famous phrase from The Prince, "the end justifies the means."3 As Max
Lerner states, Machiavelli distinguishes between what is and what
ought to be.'
Machiavelli primarilyconcernshimselfwith empiricalrealm, view
ing accurate appraisal of existing conditions as the only way to rule
successfully. He reservesan:
Discourses. But, despite the i
republican forms ofgovenu
to the empirical remains. In
strong military, stresses the
controlling the people, reil
Periclean leader, and, finall,
consent for the longevity II
commonalities will be exp8J
realism and nationalism in I
Nationalism,altholl
that helps to reconcile the
examination. Not only was
Italian nation, but, his belief
tionary for his time. In lac:
religiOUS, for he places it as
in The Prince as we see M
preferences which are so pr
was also practiced in Machi
government inFlorenceand
despite the formofgovemn:
The Discourses when he stat;
any means.
For where upon then justiceor iJ ofshame,! allothercc should be, of the cour
.,·,,,iiotr
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g of Pisa in 1509 after thirteen years
at the people of renaissance Italy
scination with war and power for
m. He, in fact, became particularly
winningwarsand wrotebookssuch
ject This demonstrates two things:
with war was a natural reaction to
IOOpleof today, and two, thathe was
cal world. J. H. Whitfield in his book
1, states that "before the time of The
en a treatise without some practical
d."2 The Prince is no exception. In
achiavellihadinmind theestablish
lrenee. This leadership would now
,tually, the leadership would gain
'Italy inorder for her to reassert her
trses are a natural progression from
ses many of the same techniques of
In human nature. He regards these
nts that must be considered in any
IUavelli may be best explained by
pt isdemonstrated in Machiavelli's
e end justifies the means."3 As Max
:J.ishes between what is and what
himselfwithempirical realm, view
:onditions as the only way to rule
successfully. Hereserves any normativediscussion for the themeofThe
Discourses. But, despite the idealized theme applauding the virtues of
republican forms of government, the importance he fonnerly attached
to the empirical remains. In The Discourses he retains an emphasis of a
strong military, stresses the role of religion as a means of unifying and
controlling the people, reiterates the necessity of a strong, almost
Periclean leader, and, finally, Machiavelli emphasizes the need of mass
consent for the longevity and security of any regime. Many of these
commonalities will be expanded upon more as I discuss Machiavelli's
realism and nationalism in specifics.
Nationalism, although referred to earlier, is an important ideal
that helps to reconcile the two texts, and requires a more detailed
examination. Not only was Machiavelli a proponent of a sovereign
Italian nation, but, his belief in the importance of the state was revolu
tionary for his time. In fact his conception of the state was almost
religious, for he places it as the highest good. This is blatantly the case
in The Prince as we see Machiavelli wavering from his democratic
preferences which are so prevalent in The Discourses. This nationalism
was also practiced in Machiavelli's own life by serving the republican
governmentin florenceand byresolving to partidpate inpublicservice
despite the fonnof government. Machiavelli bestdelineates his viewin
The Discourses when he states that the country should be preserved by
any means.
For where the very safety of the country depends upon the resolution to be taken, no considerations of justice or injustice, humanity or cruelty, nor glory or of shame, should be allowed to prevail. But putting all other considerations aside, the only question should be, What course will save the life and liberty of the country75
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Here, as in The Prince, Machiavelli is willing to forego morality
and his convictions of the superiority of republican rule in order to
assure the higher good of the preservation of the state. Government is
not about preserving individual liberties, but rather preserving the
existence of the state.
Additionally, it is reasonable to conjecture that these national
istic ideals were an offspring of his realism. In Machiavelli's world
European powers were consolidating, particularly France and Spain
which were at their zenith at this time. In the interests of protecting
Florence, its citizenry, Italian culture, and the liberty of the future,
Machiavelli saw an Italian nation as theonlymeansof recourse. But this
would call for order, and an order that could only be realized through
the leadership of a prince. A prince was needed for the people were
weak. The new, unified nationsemergingin Europe were the force with
which to be reckoned. To survive, the Italians, too, must unify and
practice the ruthless, superficial politics that the rest had already
adopted. Machiavelli was not the progenitor of the practice, he just
happened to be among the first to put it in writing.
AnanalysisofMachiavelli's reallsmbestexplainswhy Machia
velli wrote his little treatise illuminating the immorality of effective,
princely rule. Aside from the bellicose nature of government that
Machiavellicontinuouslywitnessed, perhaps theone thing that had the
most profound influence upon him was thediplomatic missions for the
republican government that Machiavelli participated in during the
early 1500s. These missions helped him to view the strife in the penin
sula from an international perspective. He watched the cold, deliberate
machinations of foreign leaders anxious to wield their influence upon
the weak Italian states. His visit to the court of Cesare Borgia was
especially enlightening. It was there where his strong beliefs on fortuna
58
and virtu fully developed.
Under Borgia, Mad
things, is beyond the conm
ruinous effects. ButMachia'
made to prevent the winds (
This is best exemplified in
fortune to a river thatcanbe
and dykes. For Machiavelli,
Florence. The series of conJ
power of the Church had (
citizenry which was only
under the hand of strong Ie
could Florence be saved. 1
needed for the success of a
present. Machiavelli's assUI
was restored in Florence in .
years until the ousted Medi
The austere measul
Machiavelli'sgoalofrestom
which would subsequently
of government. This isa sim
Lerner. Langton, somewha
The Discourses as a follow
stabilized by following dir
then tum to The Discourses I
handbook for a return to re
be used most effectively w
role as a consultant to the I
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·chiavelli is willing to forego morality
iority of republican rule in order to
!lel'Vation of the state. Government is
liberties, but rather preserving the
Ible to conjecture that these national
his realism. In Machiavelli's world
lting, particularly France and Spain
5 time. In the interests of protecting
lture, and the liberty of the future,
IS theonlymeansofrecourse. Butthis
rthat could only be realized through
lCe was needed for the people were
terginginEurope were the force with
>e, the Italians, too, must unify and
. politics that the rest had already
e progenitor of the practice, he just
)put it in writing.
i'srealismbestexplainswhy Machia
linating the immorality of effective,
ellicose nature of government that
ed,perhapstheone thing that had the
nwasthediplomatic missions for the
:hiavelli participated in during the
d him to view the strife in the penin
tive. He watched the cold, deliberate
:lXious to wield their influence upon
to the court of Cesare Borgia was
re where his strong beliefs on fortUnJl
and virtu fully developed.
Under Borgia, Machiavelli observed that illness, among other
things, is beyond the control of man; yet, these uncontrollables have
ruinous effects. But Machiavelli also witnessed how preparation canbe
made to prevent the winds of fortune from being without redemption.6
This is best exemplified in the passage in The Prince which equates
fortune toa river that can be tamed withhurnan ingenuity suchasdarns
and dykes. For Machiavelli, it was fortune that blew an ill wind upon
Florence. The series of conflicts, of weak leaders, and the continued
power of the Church had corrupted the people. These ills created a
citizenry which was only interested in self-aggrandizement. Only
under the hand of strong leadership (Lorenzo de Medici in this case)
could Florence be saved. The people were so corrupt that the virtu
needed for the success of a republican form of government was not
present. Machiavelli's assumption proved to be accurate when liberty
was restored in Florence in 1527. The new regime only lasted for three
years until the ousted Medici were able to resume power.
The austere measures in The Prince were necessary to achieve
Machiavelli'sgoalofrestoringorderand buildinga basic infrastructure
which would subsequently work to realize his ideal: a republican form
ofgovernment. This is a similar view to thoseofJohn Langton and Max
Lerner. Langton, somewhat convincingly, extends his view to include
The Discourses as a follow up to The Prince. Once Florence became
stabilized by follOWing directives delineated in The Prince, one could
then tum to The Discourses for guidance. He regards The Discourses as a
handbook for a return to republican rule. This book would, of course,
be used most effectively with the assistance of Machiavelli playing a
role as a consultant to the prince?
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60
Machiavelli's view of leadership in both texts pronounces the
need for ruthless, sometimes unjust measures. He first stresses the
ability to adapt to changing circumstances. This is consistent with his
views on fortuna, for it is fortuna that necessitates these characteristics.
Chance can bring good luck or bad luck. And, when chance knocks at
the door, the leader must be prepared to take action and adapt to
changing conditions. The ability to act with the cleverness a fox and to
speak with the force of a lion is also vital. To do otherwise, that is to be
neutral, to refuse to act or act quickly and with confidence, would be
cruel. It would put the state at risk to aggression or subject it to undue
hazards of fortune.
It is also the responsibility of the leader to establish institutions
and laws that will outlive the leader. Machiavelli was counting on this
inboth works. He implores Lorenzo to adopt new "laws and measures"
that will liberate Italy and immortalize Lorenzo as her savior.8Thus, for
Machiavelli, a leadermustpossessflexibility, sagacity, physical strength
(especially in the form of an organized military), and foresight- all
qualities that seem to add up to Machiavelli's ideas on virtu. For ifvirtu
truly means to do one's duty well, these assets are what it takes to
succeed in a principality or a republic. A leader who possesses these
qualities will be able to act as the situation requires yet he will still
maintainappearances that appease the people. This ishighly important
in maintaining the civil peace and the unity of the people.
Those who criticize Machiavelli for extreme ruthlessness, evi
dence of which can be found in both texts, mistakenly evaluate his
thoughts from a post-Lockeian framework. What people of today find
problematic is that the state which Machiavelli desires to build seems
to ignore that the construction of such a nation may ruin the things that
are beautiful within it. But, from a sixteenth century perspective, when
there was no conception 01
seems excessive. Ideas sud
processes, and beliefs of nol
not widely held nor even in
to absolute rulers who coule
rulers governed only in om
What does seem pal
deceit and trickery. A ruler I
appear so; he need notbejust
can do what a situation det'l
concern for humanity. But,
sumption that running a gal
what separates him from til
knowledge a separation of t:
This position regare
and Machiavelli himself, ne:
solely as a response to the UI
upon florence. Rather, Mad
ism, are viewed as the only E
the time. Dietz's arguments.
example, she harps on his
historical data contradictor
smart politician or realist,
evidence most appropriate t
as a complete historical acee
historian but a politician tUI
Discourses, too, are filled wi
Theformer work, then, isno.
ignored or misconstrued. A
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ship in both texts pronounces the
1 measures. He first stresses the
tances. This is consistent with his
necessitates these characteristics.
lick. And, when chance knocks at
il"ed to take action and adapt to
ct with the cleverness a fox and to
rita!. To do otherwise, that is to be
yand with confidence, would be
)aggression or subject it to undue
the leader to establish institutions
Machiavelli was counting on this
o adopt new '1awsand measures"
roe Lorenzo asher savior.8 Thus, for
xibility, sagacity, physical strength
red military), and foresight- all
riavelli's ideason virtu. For ifvirtu
these assets are what it takes to
lic. A leader who possesses these
.ituation requires yet he will still
!lepeople.This ishighly important
le unity of the people.
relli for extreme ruthlessness, evi
th texts, mistakenly evaluate his
~work. What people of today find
lachiavelli desires to build seems
1a nation may ruin the things that
teenth century perspective, when
there was no conception of inalienable or natural rights, he hardly
seems excessive. Ideas such as freedom of speech, access to judicial
processes, and beliefs of non-interference from the government were
not widely held nor even in existence. People were commonly subject
to absolute rulers who could do as they pleased. Often these absolute
rulers governed only in order to advantage themselves.
What does seem particularly invidious, though, is his call for
deceit and trickery. A ruler must be a fox. He need not be religiOUS but
appear so; he need not be justbut must appear to be just. Ifclever, a ruler
can do what a situation demands while convincing the people of his
concern for humanity. But, to the reader, this demonstrates his pre
sumption that running a government calls for means of its own. This is
what separates him from the classicists. Machiavelli is willing to ac
knowledge a separation of the public and private domains.
This position regards The Prince, in relation to The Discourses
and Machiavelli himself, neither as an aberration, nor as a set up, nor
solely as a response to the uncertainty and unrest that fortuna had laid
upon Florence. Rather, Machiavelli's realism, and notably his national
ism, are viewed as the only effective means of governing the people of
the time. Dietz's arguments against this theory are unconvincing. For
example, she harps on his historical examples and his exclusion of
historical data contradictory to his arguments. I assert that like any
smart politician or realist, Machiavelli simply selected supportive
evidence most appropriate to his purposes. The Prince was not intended
as a complete historical account. Furthermore, Machiavelli was not an
historian but a politician turned writer. As Leo Strauss points out, The
Discourses, too, are filled with inconsistencies regarding past events.9
The former work, then, isnot the onlyevidenceofmaterial thathasbeen
ignored or misconstrued. Additionally, the fact that Machiavelli only
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62
designed The Prince for the eyes of Lorenzo de Medici. support my
thesis. Again, one notes that history suggests Machiavelli, in every
other treatise he wrote, intended it to address a very specific set of
circumstances such as those we find in The Prince. And, lastly, the final
chapter of The Prince not only serves as a call to action for Lorenzo but
suggests that he truly believed that the action he calls for would be in
the best interests of all. Rule under The Prince would not be as brutal as
the prevailing circumstances. In the closing of The Prince he states,
''What Italian would withhold allegiance? This barbarous domination
stinks in the nostrils of every one/'IO
The differences between these two great works are best recon
ciled by viewing the measures for ruling a state called for in The Prince
as being consistent with measures described in ruling a republican
government modeled after the great republic of Rome. The underlying
practice of the two governments remains remarkably constant. But,
Machiavelli's effort to sustain Medici rule created a dichotomy which
can only be resolved through evaluating his visions of realpolitik and
a unified Italian state. These are the reflections of the practical politics
that he was concerned with throughout his adult life. And, despite his
love of liberty he acknowledged his forceful rules as being more
important than the establishment of a weak republican state. For such
a statewould be incapableofmaintainingorderand ofcreating the new
strength that Italy needed in order to flourish. Italy could not be
extravagant. The Italians were not in a solely epistemological world,
but rather the empirical, practical world of feudal 16th century Euro
pean politics.
IHale, J.R. Machiavelli and til. Ian Company, 1960), p.10.
2 Whitfield, J.H. Discourses W. Heffer & Sons Ltd., 196!
3 Machiavelli, Niccolo. The _ tion by Max Lerner (NewY
4 Jensen, De Lamar. Machit (Lexington, Massachusetts:
5 Machiavelli, Niccolo. The _ tion by Max Lerner (New'"
6Hale, J.R. Machiavelli and th Ian Company, 1960), p. 25.
7 Langton, John and Mary I Teaching the Prince,"Ame 1987), p. 1282.
8 Machiavelli, Niccolo. The tion by Max Lerner (New")
9 Strauss, Leo. Thoughts 071
Press, 1958), p. 36.
10Machiavelli, Niccolo.The tion by Max Lerner (New ~
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Lorenzo de Medid support my
y suggests Machiavelli, in every
to address a very specific set of
in The Prince. And, lastly, the final
as a call to action for Lorenzo but
he action he calls for would be in
Ie Prince would not be as brutal as
eclosing of The Prince he states,
~7nusbarbarousdonUnation
!Ie two great works are best recon
ling a state called for in The Prince
described in ruling a republican
republic ofRome. The underlying
mains remarkably constant. But,
:i rule created a dichotomy which
lting his visions of realpolitik and
reflections of the practical politics
out his adult life. And, despite his
Us forceful rules as being more
a weak republican state. For such
ningorder and ofcreating the new
r to flourish. Italy could not be
na solely epistemological world,
orld of feudal 16th century Euro-
NOTES
1Hale, J.R. Machiavelli and the RenaissanceItaly, (New York: the MacnUlIan Company, 1960), p.10.
2 Whitfield, J.H. Discourses on Machiavelli, (Cambridge, Great Britain: W. Heffer & Sons Ltd., 1969), p. 23.
3 Machiavelli, Niccolo. The Prince and the Discourses, with an introduction by Max Lerner (NewYork: Random House, 1950), p. 66.
'Jensen, De Lamar. Machiavelli: Cynic, Patriot, or Political Scientist?, (Lexington, Massachusetts: J.e. Heath and Company, 1960), p. 10.
5 Machiavelli, Niccolo. The Prince and the Discourses, with an introduction by Max Lerner (New York: Random House, 1950), p. 528.
6Hale, J.R. Machiavelli and the RenaissanceItaly, (New York: The MacnUlIan Company, 1960), p. 25.
7 Langton, John and Mary Dietz, "Machiavelli's Paradox: Trapping or Teaching the Prince,"American Political Science Review (December , 1987), p. 1282.
8 Machiavelli, Niccolo. The Prince and the Discourses, with an introduction by Max Lerner (New York: Random House, 1950), p. 96.
9 Strauss, Leo. Thoughts on Machiavelli, (Glencoe, illinois: The Free Press, 1958), p. 36.
10Machiavelli, Niccolo.The Prince and the Discourses, with an introduction by Max Lerner (New York: Random House, 1950), p. 98.
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BIBLIOGRAPHY
Dietz, Mary. "Trapping the Prince: Machiavelli and the Politics of Deception." American Political Science Review (September, 1986): p. 777797.
Gilbert, Felix. Machiavelli and Guicciardini. Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1%5.
Hale, J.R. Machiavelli and Renaissance Italy. New York: The Macmillan Company, 1960.
Jensen, De Lamar, ed. Machiavelli: Cynic, Patriot, or Political Scientist? Howard RcLexington, Massachusetts: D.C. Heath and Company, 1960.
Langton, John and Mary Dietz. "Machiavelli's Paradox: Trapping or Teaching thePrince." American Science PoliticalReview (December1987): Maryp.1277-1288.
Machiavelli, Niccolo. The Prince and the Discourses. IntroductionbyMax Lerner. New York: Random House, Inc., 1950.
Machiavelli, Niccolo. The History ofFlorence. Edited by Hugh R. TrevorRoper. New York: Twayne Publishers, 1970.
Strauss, Leo. Thoughts on Machiavelli. Glencoe, nlinois: The Free Press, 1958.
Whitfield, J.H. Discourses on Machiavelli. Cambridge, Great Britain: W. Heffer & Sons Ltd., 1969.
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