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The Intonation ofVerum Focus and Lexical Contrast

Phonetik und Phonologie 8, Jena, 12.10.2012

Martine Grice1, Horst Lohnstein2, Christine T. Röhr1, Stefan Baumann1, Anika Dewald2Röhr1, Stefan Baumann1, Anika Dewald2

1IfL Phonetik, Universität zu Köln2 FB: A Germanistik – Linguistik, Bergische Universität Wuppertal

DASS - DFG Projekt GR 1610/5

Overview

� Verum focus as contrastive focus

− Syntax

− Semantics

− Discourse pragmatics

− Intonation

� Are listeners able to distinguish a verum focus structure

Intonation of Verum Focus and Lexical Contrast 2

� Are listeners able to distinguish a verum focus structure from a lexical contrast structure by intonational means?− Perception experiment

Phenomenon� According to Höhle (1992) verum focus in German is realized in three

variants at the left sentence periphery:

(1) On the finite verb (F-verum focus):(1) On the finite verb (F-verum focus):

(1) (Aber) Paul HAT die Katze gefüttert.

(2) HAT er die Katze (denn) gefüttert?

(3) Wer HAT die Katze (denn nun) gefüttert?

(2) On the complementizer (C-verum focus):

(1) Maria glaubt, DASS er die Katze gefüttert hat.


(1) Maria glaubt, DASS er die Katze gefüttert hat.

(3) On relative or embedded wh-phrases (R/W-verum focus):

(1) [Das ist der Mann,] DER die Katze gefüttert hat.

(2) [Jetzt will ich wissen,] WER die Katze gefüttert hat.

Semantic Effect

Höhle (1992: 112)

The speaker announces that the thought expressed by proposition p is true:

� This characterization is problematic for several reasons:(1) Rather special case of focus interpretation

(2) No relation to alternatives (regular focus interpretation)

• It is TRUE, that p.


(3) No relation to sentence moods (cf. Höhle’s analysis as IT-operator)

(4) …

Syntactic Structure� No verum effect if head position is lexically filled:

(1) DER hat die Katze gefüttert.

(2) WER hat die Katze gefüttert?

(3) [Das ist der Mann,] DER wo die Katze gefüttert hat.(3) [Das ist der Mann,] DER wo die Katze gefüttert hat.

(4) [Ich weiß nicht,] WER dass die Katze gefüttert hat.

→ R/W-verum focus does not exist

� Structure:


(1) Verum focused clauses are not possible ‘out-of-the blue’.

(2) Discourse structures for …

−

Discourse Function

Sentence mood: Function:

− Declaratives: Don’t discuss ‘yes’ or ‘no’. Believe me!

− Y/N-interrogatives: Don’t discuss ‘yes’ or ‘no’. Give me the true answer!

− WH-interrogatives: Don’t discuss whether Peter, Fred or Mary did it. Give me the true answer!

− Imperatives: Don’t hesitate to do p. Do it!

(3)


Sentence mood: Function:

declarative believe p

interrogative give a true answer (select from a partition)

imperative make p a fact in w (the actual world)

(3)

Structure of Mood Phrase (MP)� Assume CP to be a mood phrase MP determining the (illocutionary)

force of a clause (cf. Lohnstein 2000, 2007):


Hypothesis

Hypothesis (Lohnstein 2012)

Verum focus results from the interaction of two different grammatical means

Verum focus is a contrastive focus which reduces the alternatives to

Verum focus results from the interaction of two different grammatical means in a regular and compositional fashion:

• sentence mood

• focus assignment


Verum focus is a contrastive focus which reduces the alternatives to sentence mood functions in the discourse situation.

Expectation(1) Verum focus accents should share relevant properties with contrastive focus accents.

(2) Differences are expected in view of distinctions concerning ...− lexical vs. functional categories

− kinds of focus: Lexical contrast (XP-bound focus)

(i) Was hat der Junge mit der Katze gemacht?(i) Was hat der Junge mit der Katze gemacht?

(ii) Der Junge hat die Katze geFÜTTert.

(iii) Focus: (gefüttert)

Focus projection (propositional P- or FinP-focus)

(i) Was war los?

(ii) Der Junge hat die KATze gefüttert.

(iii) Focus: FIN(füttern([der Junge], [die Katze]))

Verum focus (clausal MP-focus)


Verum focus (clausal MP-focus)

(i) Man munkelt, der Junge habe die Katze gefüttert?

(ii) Der Junge HAT die Katze gefüttert.

(iii) Focus: DECL(FIN(füttern([der Junge], [die Katze])))

→ This expectation will be tested with regard to the respective intonation of focus accents.

Prosodic marking: contrast

� Most common accent type: L+H*

� For example reported for German in:

− Féry 1993

− Alter, Mleinek, Rohe, Steube & Umbach 2001

− Steube 2001

− Baumann, Grice & Steindamm 2006


− Baumann, Grice & Steindamm 2006

− Hermes, Becker, Mücke, Baumann & Grice 2008

− Kügler & Gollrad 2011

Prosodic marking: verum

� Turco, Dimroth & Braun, to appear− Production of verum focus in German (picture-difference task):

Negation picture: Auf meinem Bild hat das Mädchen den Geldschein nicht

zerrissen.

Affirmation picture: Auf meinem Bild [hat]F das Mädchen den Geldschein

zerrissen.

�Monosyllabic auxiliary hat realized with H+L* or H* L-


�Monosyllabic auxiliary hat realized with H+L* or H* L-

�But: segmental material [hat] is not optimal for distinguishingamongst accent types.

Perception experiment

Intonational marking of two types of focus in German:

verum focus & lexical contrast

�Hypotheses:(1) Different accent types will be preferred for the two types of

focus.

(2) L+H* will be appropriate for lexical contrast.


(2) L+H* will be appropriate for lexical contrast.

Test stimuli� 5 target words/sentences:

− 4 finite full verbs: lebe, lerne, nähe, wohne

− 1 finite modal verb: wollte− 1 finite modal verb: wollte

� 3 accent types:− H*

− L+H*

− L*+H

� 2 contexts:


� 2 contexts:− Verum focus

− Lexical contrast

Test corpus

Verum focus:A: Du LEBST doch gar nicht auf Rügen.B: Doch! Ich LEBE auf Rügen.

Lexical contrast:A: Du MACHST doch URLAUB auf Rügen.B: Nein. Ich LEBE auf Rügen.B: Doch! Ich LEBE auf Rügen.

A: Du LERNST doch gar kein Spanisch.B: Doch! Ich LERNE Spanisch.

A: Du NÄHST dein Kostüm doch gar nicht.B: Doch! Ich NÄHE mein Kostüm.

A: Du WOHNST doch gar nicht in Köln.

B: Nein. Ich LEBE auf Rügen.

A: Du UNTERRICHTEST doch Spanisch.B. Nein. Ich LERNE Spanisch.

A: Du KAUFTST doch dein Kostüm.B: Nein. Ich NÄHE mein Kostüm.

A: Du ARBEITEST doch in Köln.


B: Doch! Ich WOHNE in Köln.

A: Du WOLLTEST den Hund doch gar nicht füttern.B: Doch! Ich WOLLTE den Hund füttern.

B: Nein. Ich WOHNE in Köln.

A: Du MUSSTEST doch den Hund füttern.B: Nein. Ich WOLLTE den Hund füttern.

Test stimuliA: Du LEBST doch gar nicht auf Rügen.B: Doch! …

A: Du MACHST doch URLAUB auf Rügen.B: Nein. …

verum focus lexical contrast

„Ich LEBE auf Rügen.“

H* L+H* L*+H


Method: „onlineFragebogen (oFb)”How well does the melody of the target sentence fit the respective context?


not at all somewhat medium fairly well very well

1 2 3 4 5

Results: acceptability scoresMore appropriate Subjects:

78 native German speakersL*+HL*+H

L+H*L+H*


Less appropriate accent type * focus typep < 0.001

H*H*

Results: acceptability scoresMore appropriate

Less appropriate


accent type * focus type * target word

p < 0.001

Summary

� How well does the melody of the target sentence fit the respective context?respective context?

� Verum focus: L*+H > L+H* > H*

� Lexical contrast: L+H* > H* > L*+H


� Lexical contrast: L+H* > H* > L*+H

Discussion� H* and L+H* involve a rise up to the accented syllable:

H* L+H*


<

Discussion� Rising onglide as perceptual cue to contrast with a gradient

dimension (Grice, Mücke & Ritter 2012; Ritter, Riester & Grice 2012)Grice 2012)

− The larger the onglide, the more likely the perception of contrast.

�Reflected in a preference of L+H* over H* for both verumfocus and lexical contrast.


focus and lexical contrast.

� Pointing to a relatedness between verum focus and lexical contrast.

L*+H preferred as marker of verum focus, but less preferred for lexical contrast.

Discussion

Verum focus: L*+H > L+H* > H*

Lexical contrast: L+H* > H* > L*+H


� Pointing to a distinction between verum focus and lexical contrast.

Discussion� Verum focus and lexical contrast

− Both show aspects of the intonation of contrast.Rising onglide: L+H* > H*Rising onglide: L+H* > H*

− Both can be realized by two distinct pitch accents.Verum focus: L*+HLexical contrast: L+H*

� Although there is an overlap in their intonational marking,


� Although there is an overlap in their intonational marking, different accent types are preferred for a verum focus structure and a lexical contrast structure.

Conclusion

The analysis of verum focus as contrastive sentence mood

focus leads to a coherent picture of the following levels of grammatical description: grammatical description:

� Syntax

� Semantics

� Discourse pragmatics

� Intonation


� Intonation

Thank you for your attention!

Acknowledgements

� This study is part of the DASS - DFG Projekt GR 1610/5.� This study is part of the DASS - DFG Projekt GR 1610/5.

� We thank:

− Simon Ritter who realized the test stimuli for theperception experiment.

− Timo Röttger for his help with the statistical analysis.


− Timo Röttger for his help with the statistical analysis.

References 1/2� Alter, K., I. Mleinek, T. Rohe, A. Steube & C. Umbach. (2001). Kontrastprosodie in Sprachproduktion und

–perzeption. In A. Steube & C. Umbach (Eds.), Kontrast – lexikalisch, semantisch, intonatorisch, 59-79.Leipzig: Linguistische Arbeitsberichte 77.

� Baumann, S., M. Grice & S. Steindamm (2006). Prosodic Marking of Focus Domains - Categorical orGradient?. Proceedings of the 3rd International Conference on Speech Prosody, Dresden. 301-304.Gradient?. Proceedings of the 3rd International Conference on Speech Prosody, Dresden. 301-304.

� Féry, C. (1993). German Intonational Patterns. Tübingen: Niemeyer.

� Grice, M., D. Mücke & S. Ritter. (2012). Focus Marking: Tonal Onglides and Oral Gestures. Talk atWorkshop on Dynamic Modeling of Articulation and Prosodic Structure, IfL Phonetik, University ofCologne, 7-8 May.

� Hermes, A., J. Becker, D. Mücke, S. Baumann & M. Grice (2008). Articulatory Gestures and FocusMarking in German. Proceedings of the 4th International Conference on Speech Prosody 2008,

Campinas, Brasil. 457-460.

� Höhle, T. (1992). Über Verumfokus im Deutschen. In J. Jacobs (Ed.), Informationsstruktur und

Grammatik, 112–141. Opladen: Westdeutscher Verlag (= Linguistische Berichte, Sonderheft 4).


Grammatik, 112–141. Opladen: Westdeutscher Verlag (= Linguistische Berichte, Sonderheft 4).

� Krifka, Manfred (2008). Basic notions of information structure. Acta Linguistica Hungarica, 55. 243–276.

� Kügler F. & A. Gollrad (2011). Production and Perception of Contrast in German. Proceedings of the

17th International Congress of Phonetic Sciences, Hong Kong. 1154-1157.

� Lohnstein, H. (2012). Verumfokus – Satzmodus – Wahrheit. In H. Lohnstein & H. Blühdorn (Eds.), Fokus

– Wahrheit – Negation, 31-67. Hamburg: Buske (= Linguistische Berichte, Sonderheft 18).

References 2/2� Lohnstein, H. (2000). Satzmodus – kompositionell. Zur Parametrisierung der Modusphrase im

Deutschen. Berlin: Akademie Verlag (= studia grammatica 49).

� Ritter, S., A. Riester & M. Grice. (2012). Onglides von Nuklearakzenten: Brauchen wir Leading Tones?Talk at Workshop DIMA II, Konstanz University, 21-22 March.

� SoSciSurvey. 2011. oFb - der onlineFragebogen. https://www.soscisurvey.de.� SoSciSurvey. 2011. oFb - der onlineFragebogen. https://www.soscisurvey.de.

� Steube, A. (2001). Correction by Contrastive Focus. Theoretical Linguistics, 27. 215–249.

� Stommel, H. (2011). Verum-Fokus im Deutschen. Marburg: Tectum.

� Truckenbrodt, Hubert (2006). On the semantic motivation of syntactic verb movement to C in German.Theoretical Linguistics, 32. 257-306.

� Turco, G., C. Dimroth & B. Braun. (to appear). Intonational means to mark Verum Focus in German andFrench. Language and Speech.


the intonation of verumfocus a · pdf fileprosodic marking: verum turco, dimroth& braun,...

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