the herald of kosovo and metohija _ easter issue

7/30/2019 The Herald of Kosovo and Metohija _ Easter issue

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had He not, as He had promised, risen on the third

day, He would have been and remained the only

Christian in the history of the world. The Resurrection

of Christ, the greatest miracle in the universe, is

attested to and confirmed more convincingly than the

very existence of this world.The entire history of Christian Church for the past two

thousand years has been one mighty, loud and clear

sermon on Christs Resurrection. All holy Apostles,

saints, martyrs and all of us, contemporary Orthodox

Christians represent one continuous, uninterrupted

sermon on the truth of Christs Resurrection.

For forty days after His glorious Resurrection, Our Lord

manifested Himself to many and varied people. Hemanifested Himself first to the Myrrh Bearing Women,then to His Apostles, then to Apostle Thomas, then toa group of 500 brethren and many others, testifying toand confirming His Resurrection. Thesemanifestations and testimonies did not inspire faith inthe people who saw them; it created within themknowledge that the Lord had risen. Only thisknowledge, based on verifiable evidence, couldexplain the fact that many of those who had seen it,

TTTHEHEHE HHHERALDERALDERALDOFOFOF

"Come, receive the light

of the never setting light

and glorify Christ whohas risen from the dead!

With these all-joyous

words, my dear and

faithful spiritual

children, we greet

and celebrate the

holiest of all Christian

holy days which

church hymns call theFeast of feasts and

the Celebration of

celebrations. The

Feast of the

Resurrection of Christ

completes and gives

meaning to all other

Christian holy days

from Christmas,

through Theophany

and Transfiguration,to Palm Sunday, as well as all other feast days which

commemorate saints and holy men and women who

have found favor in Gods eyes and whose names fill

the calendar and the Menologion on this earth and the

Book of the Living in heaven.

Had the mission of Christ on earth ended on Calvary,

on Good Friday, in other words, had Christ died on the

Cross and been buried in the grave in Gethsemane,

His Grace Bishop Artemije

Christ is risen! - in front of Gracanica


2/12

especially the Holy Apostles and later the Holy Martyrs, theNew Martyrs, right up to our times, gave their blood and theirvery lives as proof of their faith in and their teaching aboutthe Resurrected Lord.

It is through His Resurrection that Christ Our Lord showed in

the most undeniable way that He is truly God and truly Man.He revealed the meaning and the goal of every mansexistence on this earth, which is that the man was createdfor immortality not death. Before Our Lord and before HisResurrection death ruled over mankind. Death moweddown and swallowed up man after man and generation aftergeneration. Death, the greatest enemy of humankind wasvanquished by Christs Resurrection, and a way to life

everlasting was opened and made passable for man. Ourchurches prove this, and so do our graves. In our churcheswe address not the dead but the living. When we call uponthe most Holy Mother of God, when we pray to SaintNicholas, Saint George, Saint Petka Paraskeva we pray toliving people who found favor in Gods eyes and, because ofthat, now find courage before God and love for us enablingthem to pray to God and intercede for us. When we visit thegraves of our dear ones, we visit the living, not the dead. Weshow our love and our respect for them, we show that wecare for them. We do this through our prayers, through the

prayers of our Church, through the great requiem servicesand memorial services. We treat our dead as we do thosewho still live with us on this earth.

For all these reasons, my dear spiritual children, weexperience the feast of Christs Resurrection as the most

joyous feast, as the feast created by Our Lord for us to beglad and rejoice in it. This spiritual joy is felt by everyChristian soul no matter what material circumstances it is in.The joy of Resurrection is felt in time of war as in time ofpeace, in freedom as in slavery, when we are in our homesand when we are exiled from them.

Here we are, Orthodox Serbs of Kosovo and Metohija,celebrating for the ninth year in succession the Resurrectionof Christ in misery and suffering, amid the horrors of war,amid post-war persecutions, besieged by enemy threatsand the lack of understanding. This year, our circumstanceshave greatly deteriorated because of the illegitimate,

unilateral proclamation of Kosovos independenceandbecause this illegitimate act was recognizedby a number ofpowerful states. This fact cannot and must not lessen ourresolve or dim our spiritual joy. Because the greater oursuffering, the more severe our pain, the closer we resembleour suffering Lord, the greater the joy that the Feast ofResurrection will give us.

Our Lord has shown us that there is no Resurrectionwithout death, as there is no Pascha without GoodFriday. This is the source of our hope and consolationbecause it assures us that our suffering and our Calvary alsowill end in the resurrection of our people, in their renewal and

spiritual rebirth. In this way we shall truly and personally livethe words of the prayer of Christ as High Priest: Father, Iwant for my servant also to be where I am. We are like trueservants of Christ, like Christodouls and Theodouls, withHim, with Our Lord, in suffering, on Calvary, in all known andunknown graves scattered throughout the world.That is what gives us hope and firm belief that we shall bewith Him in His Kingdom after the resurrection of the dead.To this hope let us add also our labor to make our livespleasing to God, blameless, and peaceful, so that we cangive the right answer at the Dread Judgment of Christ.With these thoughts and prayerful wishes, our dear spiritual

children, we wish you again an abundance of spiritual joy,hope and capacity to endure and send you the all-joyful,ancient greeting

CHRIST IS RISEN! VERILY HE IS RISEN!Yours in Our Resurrected Lord Jesus Christ with

our prayers and good wishesBishop of Raka and Prizren

and of Kosovo and Metohija

+RTEMIJESource:Diocese of Ras-Prizren and Kosovo-Metohija

THE HERALD OF KOSOVO AND METOHIJATHE HERALD OF KOSOVO AND METOHIJA Page 2

Verily He is risen!


3/12

(New York, May 5, 2008) Additional information hasemerged that bolsters allegations of abductions andcross-border transfers from Kosovo to Albania after the1998-1999 Kosovo war, Human Rights Watch said

today. The Kosovar and Albanian governments shouldopen independent and transparent investigations to

help resolve the fate of approximately 400 Serbs who went missingafter the war. ""Serious and credible allegations have emerged abouthorrible abuses in Kosovo and Albania after the war," said Fred

Abrahams, senior emergencies researcher at Human Rights Watch,who investigated human rights violations in Kosovo and Albania for theorganization from 1993-2000. "The Prishtina and Tirana governmentscan show their commitment to justice and the rule of law by conductingproper investigations."

The allegations became public recently in a new book by Carla DelPonte, former chief prosecutor of the International Criminal Tribunal forthe former Yugoslavia (ICTY). Human Rights Watch has obtainedindependent information and documentation that provides credibility

and corroboration of much of what Del Ponte writes about postwarabuses in Kosovo. Del Ponte's Italian-language book is titled "The Hunt:War Criminals and Me."

Human Rights Watch wrote letters to Kosovo Prime Minister HashimThaci andAlbanian Prime Minister Sali Berisha on April 4 to requestthat they open investigations into the allegations, but by May 2 neithergovernment had replied, Human Rights Watch said. Top officials inboth places publicly rejected the claims as unsubstantiated andlibelous.

According to Del Ponte, the ICTY received information from "crediblejournalists" in 2003 that individuals in Kosovo had abducted andtransported between 100 and 300 persons from Kosovo into northern

Albania after June 12, 1999, when NATO forces entered Kosovo. Theinformation was consistent with and corroborated what the tribunal haddeveloped in house.

Human Rights Watch viewed the information the ICTY obtained fromthe journalists and considers it well researched and credible: sevenethnic Albanians who served in the Kosovo Liberation Army,interviewed separately, gave details about participating in or witnessingthe transfer of abducted Serbs and others prisoners from Kosovo into

Albania after the war.

According to the journalists' information, the abducted individuals wereheld in warehouses and other buildings, including facilities in Kukes andTropoje. In comparison to other captives, some of the sources said,some of the younger, healthier detainees were fed, examined bydoctors, and never beaten. These abducted individuals an unknownnumber were allegedly transferred to a yellow house in or around the

Albanian town of Burrel, where doctors extracted the captives' internalorgans. These organs were then transported out of Albania via theairport near the capital Tirana. Most of the alleged victims were Serbswho went missing after the arrival of UN and NATO forces in Kosovo.But other captives were women from Kosovo, Albania, Russia, andother Slavic countries.

"The information on organ trafficking is suggestive but far fromcomplete," said Abrahams. "But the fact remains that hundreds ofpeople, most of them Serbs, are reported to have gone missing afterthe war. The Kosovo and Albanian governments should try todetermine the fates of these people by launching serious investigationswith adequate witness protection."

According to the information obtained by the ICTY, the bodies of someof the abducted individuals were buried near the yellow house and anearby graveyard about 20 kilometers south of Burrel. Investigatorsfrom the tribunal and the UN Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK), accompaniedby an Albanian prosecutor, inspected the house in February 2004. Thehouse had been painted white but, in a photo of the investigation siteviewed by Human Rights Watch, a yellow strip was visible at thehouse's base.

According to Del Ponte, near the house investigators found medicalequipment used in surgery syringes, gauze, drip bags, and medicinevials for muscle relaxant often used in surgery. Using a chemical spray,the team found evidence of significant blood stains on the walls andfloor of one room, except for a clear six-foot by two-foot rectangle on thefloor.

Human Rights Watch spoke separately with two people who werepresent during the visit of the ICTY and UNMIK investigators to thehouse near Burrel. Both people corroborated the story as told in DelPonte's book.

Human Rights Watch also obtained a copy of UNMIK's official reportfrom the February 4-5, 2004 investigation, titled "Forensic Examinationand Assessment in Albania," which largely corroborates Del Ponte'sclaims. The chemical spray called Luminol, the report says, revealedtraces of blood in two rooms, including one spot at a right angle on thefloor, which "would indicate that there may have been by [sic] arectangular item covering this area." In a stream bed next to the house,investigators found an empty intravenous bag, syringes, and emptybottles of medicine, which they collected as evidence.

A tribunal spokeswoman confirmed on April 16 that ICTY and UNMIKinvestigators had looked into the allegations and visited the house nearBurrel, but that they "could not substantiate the allegations and had nofurther basis on which to proceed in relation to [the tribunal's]

jurisdiction." In response to a question, the spokeswoman said theinvestigators found "no reliable evidence" to substantiate theallegations.

"Collecting reliable evidence to launch a criminal prosecution andcollecting evidence that adds weight to assertions are two differentthings, and the evidence found near Burrel clearly adds weight to theassertions," Abrahams said. "The tribunal mandate also only coverscrimes committed during the armed conflict, which ended on June 12,


INVESTIGATE POSTWAR ABDUCTIONS, TRANSFERINVESTIGATE POSTWAR ABDUCTIONS, TRANSFERS TO ALBANIAS TO ALBANIA

Serbian Princess Katarina visiting a Serbian man beaten by

Muslim Albanians in Pec, Kosovo and Metohija, in August 1999


4/12

1999. The alleged kidnappings and other crimes took place after thatdate, so that was a further obstacle to pursuing an investigation."

Last week, Albanian Foreign Minister Lulzim Basha dismissed DelPonte's allegations as "immoral" and "libelous."

"Minister Basha should take the allegations more seriously because heknows from his own experience that there is credible evidence of cross-

border transfers," Abrahams said. "He worked for the tribunal and theJustice Department at UNMIK after the war, and personally investigatedreports of detention facilities in northern Albania."

Human Rights Watch said it had not conducted its owninvestigation into the reports, beyond viewing the materialpresented to the ICTY, obtaining the UNMIK investigation reportand speaking with two people who were present during theinvestigation in Burrel. But it noted the large number of personsmissing from the Kosovo war Albanians, Serbs, and otherethnic groups.

According to the International Committee of the Red Cross,1,613 persons from Kosovo are still reported missing and 350are reported dead, but their bodies have not yet been found andidentified. The organization gives no ethnic breakdown.

According to the Association of Families of Kidnapped andMissing Persons in Kosovo and Metohija, 533 Serbs fromKosovo remain missing, 430 of whom disappeared after June10, 1999.

Human Rights Watch also urged the Serbian government to helpsolve the fate of the roughly 1,500 missing ethnic Albanians fromthe war. Human Rights Watch has documented the removal ofethnic Albanian bodies from 10 places in Kosovo in 1999.Hundreds were reburied in mass graves inside Serbia, includingon a base used by the special police.

"The Serbian government is rightfully complaining about thereported abductions and transfers of Serbs to Albania,"

Abrahams said. "But it has also failed to cooperate enough toshed light on the even larger number of Kosovo Albaniansmissing from the war."

HRW news

RETRIAL IS SOUGHT BY UNRETRIAL IS SOUGHT BY UNRETRIAL IS SOUGHT BY UNFOR EXFOR EXFOR EX---LEADER OF KOSOVOLEADER OF KOSOVOLEADER OF KOSOVOTHE HAGUE: United Nations prosecutors called Friday for a retrial of aformer Kosovo prime minister acquitted last month of war crimesagainst Serbs during the Kosovo conflict.The appeal at the Yugoslav war crimes tribunal comes just days aftertwo former top Kosovo government officials pleaded not guilty tocharges that they tried to dissuade a witness from appearing atRamush Haradinaj's trial.Haradinaj, a former commander of the rebel Kosovo Liberation Armyduring the 1998-99 conflict with Serbia, was acquitted last month ofresponsibility for murder, rape and torture committed by his troops.In their appeal, the prosecutors said widespread intimidation ofwitnesses had prevented them from presenting all their evidence. Theydemanded a retrial on six of the 37 charges against Haradinaj, IdrizBalaj and Lahi Brahimaj.

A retrial would be unprecedented at the Yugoslav tribunal, NermaJelacic, a court spokeswoman said. The tribunal was created in 1993.

Prosecutors called 81 witnesses during the 113-day trial, but severalkey witnesses refused to testify or only took the stand after beingindicted for contempt of court. The court guaranteed anonymity to 34witnesses, but still had to subpoena 18 of them.

Lawyers for the three men did not call any witnesses to testify in theirdefense, saying the prosecution evidence was so weak their clients didnot have to answer.

Haradinaj is already back in Kosovo and seeking to resume his politicalcareer. An ally of the West in the aftermath of the Kosovo conflict,Haradinaj was prime minister for just 100 days before resigning inMarch 2005 after learning of his indictment.

The court is under pressure from the UN Security Council to concludeall trials by 2010.

In their 277-page judgment issued April 3, trial judges said they "gainedthe strong impression that the trial was being held in an atmospherewhere witnesses felt unsafe." But it also said much of the prosecution'sevidence was "vague, inconclusive or nonexistent."

Last Tuesday, a former minister in Haradinaj's government, and his

deputy, appeared at the court in the Hague to face charges of contemptof court for the alleged attempted intimidation of a witness.

Astrit Haraqija, the former minister of culture, youth and sport, isaccused by the Yugoslav war crimes tribunal of sending an aide todissuade a witness from giving evidence. Despite the pressure, thewitness did testify, prosecutors said.

The Associated Press, Published: May 2, 2008

PUTIN: RUSSIA STILL VIEWS DRUSSIA STILL VIEWS DRUSSIA STILL VIEWS DECLARATIONECLARATIONECLARATIONAND RECOGNITION OF INDEPENDENTAND RECOGNITION OF INDEPENDENTAND RECOGNITION OF INDEPENDENT

KOSOVO UNFAIR AND ILKOSOVO UNFAIR AND ILKOSOVO UNFAIR AND ILLEGALLEGALLEGAL

MOSCOW, April 29 (Itar-Tass) -- Russia has not changed itsmind about the Kosovo situation, Incumbent President VladimirPutin told a Tuesday press conference after negotiations withGreek Prime Minister Konstandinos Karamanlis.

We think that the unilateral declaration and recognition ofindependent Kosovo are unfair and illegal. We cannot accept theopinion that independent Kosovo has simply come to exist. Weknow that is not so, they have become independent with theactive support of certain members of the internationalcommunity, he said.

If they had not supplied weapons to the conflict zone and hadnot promised them independence, that would not havehappened, he said. We cannot understand why people who

fight for their freedom are called freedom fighters in someregions, while people who do the same in other regions arecalled separatists.

We think that the world needs common standards. We alsothink that international laws must be fulfilled. Only in that casesmall and big states will feel secure, Putin said. Other attitudesescalate tensions and the arms race. Small countries believethat they can ensure their security only with a bigger defensepotential rather than international laws.

We will continue debates with all the members of theinternational community. We will insist on the joint elaborationand fulfillment of international legal norms, he said.



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During last few years the permanent status of Kosovo has beenone of the main problems in global affairs. After February 17, whenKosovo declared its independence and was recognized by somenations, the world divided into two opposing camps. Some believe

that the division of Serbia means the final end of the collapse ofthe former Yugoslavia. Others anticipate and worry that therecognition of Kosovo opens a Pandora's box that will lead to achain reaction all over the world, spreading chaos, violence, andinstability.

Undoubtedly, many are keeping a close eye on the Kosovodevelopments, including many in the former Soviet Union. There arefour self-proclaimed, unrecognized and de facto independent states thathave appeared in the aftermath of the Soviet collapse: Abkhazia andSouth Ossetia (which are both legally regions of Georgia), Transdnistria(legally a part of Moldavia), and Nagorno-Karabakh (legally a part of

Azerbaijan). Fighting has claimed the lives of thousands in each ofthese stalemated conflicts. But undoubtedly, Kosovo's precedent raisesthe spectre of thawing the ice on these frozen conflicts.

The Minister of Foreign Affairs of Abkhazia, Sergei Shamba, gave anexclusive interview to The Moscow News on the evolving situation.

MN: Mister Minister, could you tell us what kind of changes happenedin Abkhazian foreign policy after February 17 this year?

Shamba: I can say there have been some serious changes in ourrelations with Russia, even though there have been no changes in ourforeign policy. Step by step we are working toward internationalrecognition, and we are continuing this policy at the present time. Ourgoal is the creation of an independent, democratic, and legal state,corresponding to all international standards, which will be recognized bythe world community. We are sure that such a policy will help us reachour goal sooner or later.

The problem of Kosovo has become the center of attention for theworld community in regards to the settlement of such conflicts. Until

February 17, there was the first wave of recognition of theindependence of former republics of the USSR and Yugoslavia. AfterFebruary 17, after Kosovo's recognition, the second wave of recognitionof the former Soviet and Yugoslavian autonomous states begins.

Certainly, we hope to be in this second wave. We can now discern adirect analogy between Kosovo and Abkhazia, even though Abkhaziahas much greater legal, historical, and moral reasons for having itsindependence recognized than Kosovo does.

When Georgia abandoned the USSR, Abkhazia remained in theUSSR. The Abkhazians didn't participate in the Georgian referendum,but they participated in the referendum to preserve the USSR. Thus,

Abkhazia remained in the USSR until its collapse. Only after thecollapse of the Soviet Union did Abkhazia became a separate entity,beyond both the USSR and Georgia. That is, the Abkhazians are notseparatists. Georgians are the separatists. Another important point of

view is that Abkhazia is absent in the Constitution of Georgiacompletely.

We live on our native land. We ourselves obtained our independencewithout any foreign military aid, in contrast to Kosovo. The Abkhaziansourselves drove out the Georgian aggressors from our territory.

In contrast to Kosovo we have developed all structures of state andgovernment authority, developed civil society, a multiparty politicalsystem, an independent mass media, and non-governmental funds andorganizations. During the last twenty years we have had presidentialand parliamentary elections.

But Kosovo's precedent gives us hope that the process of recognition

can develop more quickly. In global affairs things develop unexpectedlyand quickly. Almost anything can happen as a result of present events.

Our point of view is that the world community has to recognizeAbkhazia after Kosovo. But there are some political circumstanceswhich may influence this situation. Obtaining recognition is a process,and we are making our final push.

MN: Did you feel changes from Moscow regarding to Abkhazia afterFebruary 17?

Shamba: You know that the State Duma (the lower house of theRussian parliament - Ed.) adopted a statement in March this year,which is a very important step for us on the road to recognition. In thisstatement the Russian deputies declared that Abkhazia, Transdnistria,and South Ossetia have more legal, historical, and moral reasons forrecognition than Kosovo.

I had a meeting with the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Russia SergeiLavrov. We discussed the questions of the Russian-Abkhazianrelations.

It is obvious to me that Russia is going to have official relations withAbkhazia. It is an important result for us of February 17. We are waitingand we have such assurances that Russia will act openly and officiallywith us. You may make such conclusions after Russia cancelledsanctions against Abkhazia.

MN: President Putin declared in a news conference in the Kremlin thatif Western states recognize Kosovo, Russia will not act as a monkeyand repeat it in the similar case in its attitude towards Abkhazia,Transdnistria, and South Ossetia. How do you estimate these words?

Shamba: There were many other statements earlier, that Russia willact sufficiently in the similar case. We and all other people have suchexpectations. Gradually Russia is recovering its power in global affairs.Frankly speaking, we wish Russia good luck in returning to theinfluence it lost in the 1990s.

MN: What states are ready today to recognize the Abkhazianindependence?

Shamba: Somebody has to make the first step. We think that if Russiais able to recognize us, other states may then choose to follow suit. It isvery important for us to obtain recognition from such a great state asRussia. It may decide many of our problems.

First and foremost, it opens big opportunities for economic cooperation.Second, such recognition provides the guarantee of our security. Wewould give Russia an opportunity to realize their national interests onour territory. For us the recognition by Moscow means the recognitionof the whole world.


KOSOVO... WILL SPEED UP THE RECOGNITIONKOSOVO... WILL SPEED UP THE RECOGNITIONKOSOVO... WILL SPEED UP THE RECOGNITION OF OUR INDEPENDENCEOF OUR INDEPENDENCEOF OUR INDEPENDENCE

Sergei Shamba , the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Abkhazia


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There is a struggle for influence between Russia and the United Statesin the Caucasus. The U.S. supports Georgia, but Abkhazia is onMoscow's side.

At present, the Georgian-Abkhazian conflict is in a frozen condition.There has been no progress in our negotiations. And stability is alsoabsent. Georgia tried to gain revenge in 1998-2001. More than 100peacekeepers were killed. Our recognition by Russia is a way to peaceand stability in the region. We are ready to sign with Moscow anagreement for allowing the Russian armed forces on our territory, andthe creation of a buffer zone on our borders on Inguri River.

MN: Is there any possibility for Sukhumi that Abkhazia will join Russia inthe future?

Shamba: We don't state the question in such a way. First andforemost, it is contrary to the Russian and Abkhazian Constitutions.

Abkhazia has a big interest in joining to the United State of Russia andBelarus. After all, we were for the Soviet Union.

MN: Is there any threat of a Georgian invasion to Abkhazia in thepresent time?

Shamba: Georgia has not enough resources for that. Even a state witha powerful military and economic potential couldn't decide these

conflicts. All attempts by Georgia to conquer Abkhazia by force havebeen met with failure. I don't have any doubts that the result would bethe same if hot heads in Tbilisi take the risk of another crazy attempt.Georgia is increasing its military budget permanently. However, we alsoare strengthening our military forces.

MN: How will the leadership of Abkhazia act if Georgia becomes amember of NATO?

Shamba: We can see in the statement of the State Duma that ifGeorgia joins NATO, the question appears concerning the territorieswhere local inhabitants don't want membership in the Alliance. In anycase the chances of our recognition will increase. We have to obtain therecognition of the Abkhazian independence earlier, before Georgia joinsNATO.

MN: How do you estimate the Russian support for Abkhazia today?

Shamba: We have close friendly relations. These relations aredeveloping successfully. Our trade turnover is increasing. We are readyto develop with Russia military cooperation for the purpose ofguaranteeing our security. We are ready to give our territory for thedeployment of Russian military forces.

MN: Does Abkhazia participate in preparing of Winter Olympic Gamesin Sochi in 2014?

Shamba: We discussed seriously this question with the Russianleadership. The abolition of sanctions opens big opportunities for suchcooperation.

MN: Do you have a dream?

Shamba: I have been fighting for the independence of Abkhazia formany years. My dream is liberty and the independence of myMotherland!

Fact box:

Sergei Shamba was born on March 15, 1951 in Gudauta. He was firstappointed as a government minister in May 1997. In 1998 at theYerevan Institute of Archeology, Shamba defended his doctoral thesis,entitled "The political, social, economic and cultural environment ofancient and medieval Abkhazia, based on archeology andnumismatology." During the Georgian-Abkhaz war of 1992-1993, heheld a position of the First Vice Defense Minister. He now holds therank of Colonel. He is the author of various scientific publications, and ismarried, with a son and daughter.

Yuri Plutenko,MOSCOW NEWS WEEKLY

With Senator Barack Obama's pledge to conduct a foreign policy thatwould be sometimes like Ronald Reagan's, and Senator JohnMcCain's description of himself as a foot soldier in the Reagan

Revolution, the iconic shadow of the fortieth president of the UnitedStates continues to fall on American politics, twenty years after he leftoffice.

Most Republicansand many Democrats (some more reluctantly thanothers) proclaim that one of the reasons Ronald Reagan's foreign policywas so successful was that this president was able to balance his

commitment to Americanideals with an understandingof what the strategic interestsof the country required.Whether those who claim tobe Reagan's heirs todaywould be able to do thisremains open to debate.

Why?

Well, we are being told thatthe United States cannotwork with countries which donot share our political values,that the United States has notonly the right but theobligation to intervene in theaffairs of others if we judgetheir domestic politicalsituation to be wanting, andthat the only fit partners forthe United States in worldaffairs are other democracies.We hear that the assertion

that each country should be able to freely determine its own social,

political and economic systems in accordance with the desires of theirown citizens is un-American. (All of this is on display in Robert Kagan'slatest essay in the New Republic). And Kagan's advice has been takento heart by Senator McCain (and speaking of advisors, Senator McCainrecently distanced himself from former Secretary of State James Baker,saying that he is not, quote, an advisor of mine. . . . I certainly admireand respect Secretary Baker . . . but that does not mean that SecretaryBaker and I are in agreement on every issue.) Indeed, the Senator'sspeech to the World Affairs Council was much more in alignment withKagan than Bakerespecially when he declared that unless countriesmoved toward political liberalization, our relationship will be based onperiodically shared interests rather than the bedrock of shared values.

But would Reagan agree?

It is important to remember that Reagan had no difficulty with America

coexisting with nondemocratic or even noncapitalist nationsprovidedthat such nations did not threaten the prosperity or stability of the UnitedStates and its allies. He believed that, over timeand as long as noother power sought to use force to control a country's freedom tochoosea nondemocratic, noncapitalist country would discover foritself the virtues of a free-market, liberal-democratic system. He did notbelieve it wise or prudent for the United States to force the pace ofhistory. Nor did he rule out nondemocracies as fit partners for theUnited States to achieve its global objectives.

In February 1985, Ronald Reagan, the apostle of freedom, stoodbeside Saudi Arabia 's King Fahd. In welcoming this absolutemonarchwhose position was ratified by tradition, history and culture,not the ballot boxto the White House, the president declared:


REAGAN PLAGIARIZED

Nikolas Gvosdev


7/12

The friendship and cooperation between our governments andpeople are precious jewels whose value we should neverunderestimate. The positive nature of our relations demonstratesthat cultural differences, as distinct as our own, need not separateor alienate peoples from one another. . . . Destiny has given usdifferent political and social systems, yet with respect and goodwill, as our two countries have demonstrated, so much can be

accomplished. . . .Hard to imagine a U.S. politician making such a statement today!

Reagan, of course, found common ground with countries espousing awide variety of social and economic systemsnot just democraciesbecause for him, the free world consisted of all those states fightingagainst Soviet attempts to impose their version of communism. This iswhy Reagan could say, The citizens of the Western democracies andthe Muslim world, by all that they believe to be true and just, shouldstand together in opposition to those who would impose dictatorship onall of mankind.

(Is this not a better foundation on which to rebuild U.S. alliances in theMiddle East , by the way?)

Reagan's views found a much fuller expression during his historic April1984 trip to the People's Republic of China .

Reagan used every opportunity to share with his Chinese audienceshis beliefs about the American way of life and its system of governance.He believed he had a unique opportunity to act as an prophet of libertyand his speeches, particularly to the students at Fudan University inShanghai , are among the finest summations of the American creed tohave been delivered in modern times.

And yethe proclaimed no crusades on behalf of freedom. He outlined

the benefits of our way of life, but then, as he said during his toast toChinese prime minister Zhao Ziyang, If you ask our advice, we can

only answer with truth as we see it.Advising democracynot promoting it.

And far from eschewing closer ties with a China that at this point was farmore communist than it is todayhe tried to enlist China into closer tieswith the United States to promote a world defined by increased stabilityand rising prosperity. In his address at the Great Hall of the People inBeijing , he said quite clearly, I see America and our Pacific neighborsgoing forward in a mighty enterprise to build strong economies and asafer world. And despite the lack of free elections, Reagan wasprepared, to declare some twenty-five years ago, we're at the pointwhere we can build the basis for a lasting friendship (Remarks atFudan).

Did Reagan believe that the Chinese were on the verge of becomingdemocrats? Not at all; at Fudan he said, quite clearly,

Now, you know, as I do, that there's much that naturally divides us:time and space, different languages and values, different culturesand histories, and political systems that are fundamentallydifferent. It would be foolish not to acknowledge these differences.There's no point in hiding the truth for the sake of a friendship, fora friendship based on fiction will not long withstand the rigors ofthis world.

Nor did he believe that friendship with the United States would bedefined by automatic acceptance of all U.S. priorities, preferences,wishes and desires:

Often we have found agreement, but even when we have not,we've gained insight into each other, and we've learned toappreciate the other's perspectives on the world.

This process will continue, and it will flourish if we remembercertain things. We must neither ignore our problems nor overstatethem. We must never exaggerate our difficulties or send alarms forsmall reasons. We must remember that it is a delicate thing tooppose the wishes of a friend, and when we're forced to do so, wemust be understanding with each other.

And consider this guarantee: We do not challenge your borders. Wedo not provoke your anxieties.

Contrast that with what seems to be a very confused and sometimeseven belligerent approach to China nowespecially when dealing withcontentious issues like Tibet and trade. (For example, Senator Clinton's

recent remarks in Pittsburgh: Wellas a President you've got to beable to make up your mind andyou've got to be able to stick withyour decisions and if you can'tstand up to China over an openingceremony, how are you going tostand up to China when it comesto trade.) Not at all in the

Reaganesque spiritas when hedeclared in the Great Hall of thePeople,

We must always be realisticabout our relationship, franklyacknowledging the fundamentaldifferences in ideology andinstitutions between our twosocieties. Yes, let us

acknowledge those differences.Let us never minimize them. But

let us not be dominated by them.

Let us not be dominated by themin other words, not make them thecentral organizing principle of our relationship. As Reagan continued,We can work together as equals in a spirit of mutual respect andmutual benefit. I believe in Chinese you say hu jing hu hui . [mutualrespect, mutual benefit].

Perhaps it might be argued that Reagan was engaged in deception,saying one thing to Saudi kings and Chinese communists, soothingwords about sovereignty and partnership, while all the time waiting forthe moment to unleash U.S. power to reshape the world. But I disagree.

And I think that the approach contained in his remarks cited hereaswell as in countless other speeches delivered during his presidencyare a more useful guide for forging a balance of power that favorsfreedom than what we've been hearing lately.

Nikolas Gvosdev , April 16, 08, The National Interest


Ronald Reagan - 40th President of the USA

Senator Barack Obama


8/12

I opposed intervention in Kosovo in 1999. I was right to do so: itmade things worse on the ground and set a dangerous precedent

Kosovo's recent unilateral declaration of independence brought backmemories. I publicly opposed Nato's attack on Serbia - carried out in thename of protecting the Kosovans from Serb atrocities - in March 1999.

At that time, I was a member of the opposition front bench in the Houseof Lords. The then Conservative leader, William Hague, immediatelyexpelled me to the back benches. Thus ended my (minor) politicalcareer. Ever since, I have wondered whether I was right or wrong.

I opposed military intervention for two reasons. Firstly, I argued thatwhile it might do local good, it would damage the rules of internationalrelations as they were then understood. The UN charter was designedto prevent the use of force across national lines except for self-defenceand enforcement measures ordered by the security council. Humanrights, democracy, and self-determination are not acceptable legalgrounds for waging war.

Secondly, I argued that while there might be occasions when,

regardless of international law, human rights abuses are so severe thatone is morally obliged to act, Kosovo was not such a case. I consideredthe "imminent humanitarian disaster" that the intervention wasostensibly aimed at preventing, to be largely an invention. I furtherargued that non-military means to resolve the humanitarian issue inKosovo were far from being exhausted, and that the failed Rambouilletnegotiation with Serbia in February-March 1999 was, in HenryKissinger's words, "merely an excuse to start the bombing".

This view was vindicated by the Organisation for Security andCooperation in Europe 's (OSCE) report on human rights violations inKosovo, published in December 1999. The report showed that the levelof violence fell markedly when OSCE monitors were placed in Kosovofollowing the Holbrooke-Milosevic agreement of September 23 1998;and that it was only after the monitors were withdrawn on March 201999, in preparation for the bombing, that general and systematic

violation of human rights began.Between March and June 1999 - the period of Nato bombing - thenumber of deaths and expulsions in Kosovo shot up. The "humanitariandisaster" was in fact precipitated by the war itself. Despite this, the term"genocide", freely bandied about by western interventionists, wasgrotesquely inappropriate at any time.

Without doubt, Nato air strikes and the subsequent administration ofKosovo as a protectorate improved the political situation for AlbanianKosovans. Without Nato intervention, they probably would haveremained second-class citizens within Serbia . Against this must be setlarge-scale deterioration in the economic situation of all Kosovans,

Albanian and Serbian (44% unemployment), widespreadcriminalisation, and the fact that under Nato rule, Kosovo was ethnicallycleansed of half its Serb minority.

Kosovo remains in political limbo to this day. Two thousand EU officials

run the country, and 16,000 Nato troops guard its security. Its"independence" is rejected by Serbia , unrecognised by the securitycouncil, and opposed by Russia , China , and most multi-national statesin Europe and Asia , which fear setting a precedent for their owndismemberment. Indeed, Russian foreign minister Sergei Lavrov wasquick to blame the disturbances in Tibet on Kosovo's declaration ofindependence.

A Serbian insurgency and de facto partition of Kosovo remain possible,and we have yet to face the destabilising effects of Kosovo's claim toindependence on other divided Balkan states such as Bosnia andMacedonia . But the balance sheet is even worse in terms ofinternational relations. Kosovo was a stalking horse for Iraq , as the

doctrine of humanitarian intervention morphed into George Bush'sdoctrine of "pre-emptive war", by which the US claimed the right toattack any state that it deemed a threat to its national security. As then-UN secretary general Kofi Annan rightly argued, this opened the door tothe proliferation of unilateral, lawless use of force.

Not the least damaging consequence of the Bush doctrine is that itdispenses with the need for public proof of aggressive intent. The Iraq

invasion was justified by the same use of fraudulent evidence as wasdisplayed in Kosovo.

On balance, I believe that I was right to oppose the Kosovo war. It wasa regressive answer to a genuine international problem: how to holdtogether multi-ethnic, multi-religious states in a reasonably civilised way.Since 1999, Kosovans have rejected Serbian offers of autonomy,because they were confident of American support for independence.

Western countries must consider more seriously how far they shouldpress their human rights agenda on states with both the power and thewill to defend their territorial integrity. Under American leadership, it isthe west that has emerged as the restless, disturbing force ininternational affairs. China should certainly grant Tibet more autonomy;but is pumping up the Dalai Lama into a world leader or threatening toboycott the Beijing Olympics the best way to secure a better deal forTibetans, or to obtain Chinese cooperation on matters that are far more

important than Tibet 's status?Activists, impassioned by the justice of their cause, will not considerthese questions. But world leaders should take them seriously.

With the cooperation of Project Syndicate, 2008.

Robert Skidelsky, The Guardian London , April 21, 2008

RUSSIA NOT EXCLUDEDRUSSIA NOT EXCLUDEDRUSSIA NOT EXCLUDEDFROM KOSOVO DISCOURSEFROM KOSOVO DISCOURSEFROM KOSOVO DISCOURSE

Russia doesnt consider itself excluded from the Kosovodiscussions, the RF Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov said in

response to the question why Russia hadnt been invited to thelast meeting on Kosovo, RIA-Novosti reported.

I havent heard about that meeting of ourwestern colleagues, Lavrov said after thesitting of Middle East quartet. It is the right ofour partners to talk over whatever they wantbetween them, the minister explained.

According to Lavrov, Russia doesnt consideritself excluded from the Kosovo discussions,as this issue is being deliberated on in theSecurity Council, where Russia is thepermanent member.

Later on at the briefing, Lavrov reminded ofRussias standing whereby any new movesin the region should be taken in view ofposition of both parties. No matter whathappens in Kosovo and around it, Lavrovwent on, it should be done by concent of bothparties, Belgrade and Pristine. If any steps

are beyond Resolution 1244, they call for a new resolution of the U.N.Security Council.

Slovenias Foreign Minister Dmitrij Rupel recalled the special role of theEU in sorting out the Kosovo problem under the U.N. Resolution 1244.

A raft of new ways to tackle the issue may emerge in the framework ofthat resolution, the minister made clear. Slovenia chairs the EUnowadays.


THE KOSOVO EFFECTTHE KOSOVO EFFECTTHE KOSOVO EFFECT

RF Foreign Minister

Sergei Lavrov


9/12

Proud European though I am I would besorely tempted to vote for Mr Kostunica'salliance of anti-EU radicals and

nationalists were I Serbian and eligible tovote in their Parliamentary elections on 11May.

For with indelicate haste earlier this weekthe European Council agreed aStabilisation and Association Agreementfor Serbia which the pro-EuropeanSerbian President, Boris Tadic, wassummoned to Luxembourg by telephoneto receive. For him, of course, and hispro-European Parliamentary party that isfacing Mr Kostunica in the 11 May

elections, the SAA - the first step to joining the EU - is goodnews; something in fact that Mr Tadic has been long expecting,

but of which he has been baulked by the International CriminalTribunal, who judge that the Serbs have been lax aboutrounding up their indicted war criminals and delivering them to

justice.

The Tribunal's views have hitherto been a stumbling block,especially for the Netherlands, where the Tribunal is based, andfor Belgium; but under pressure from the rest of the EU andrelying on weasel words about not implementing the Agreementuntil the Tribunal is satisfied, the two countries have given in.Suddenly, the SAA is on the table.

The purpose, of course, is to help Mr Tadic's election campaign.For all that, this is blatant interference in the internal electoralaffairs of an independent state. It is bribery, there is no otherword for it, and it is reprehensible. Not for nothing was Mr

Kostunica moved, reportedly, to describe this as 'an act againstthe state.'

The EU has form in this. Two months ago in an attempt toensure Mr Tadic won Serbia's Presidential election, it promised

just such an agreement. I wrote then that this sort of behaviourwas wrong. It continues to be wrong.

The EU prides itself on its practice of democracy. Whether thispride is deserved is another matter, but it remains the case thatpeople and parties in many states whose position in thedemocratic pecking order is a lot lower than ours, look to the EUas some sort of model. How can we look these states in the eye,while acting in a manner that, were they do do the same, weshould disapprove of?

It is not even as if the outcome of the Serbian election really

matters. Whether and when Serbia joins the EU will depend atleast as much on internal EU politics and the public's appetite foranother large round of enlargement, as on what happens inSerbia itself. Besides, the time scale is likely to be far longerthan a single Parliamentary term. The interests of Serbia and ofthe other Balkan states lie so obviously with a European futurethat we shall not find any lack of Serbian response once weourselves are genuinely in a position to make them an offer.

Even if we lay aside the malpractice of interfering in otherpeople's elections, it was still inadvisable to drop the condition ofcompliance with the Tribunal's demands before signing the SAA.

The EU has an altogether unfortunate tendency of rushing intoagreements with a kind of Panglossian optimism. The conditionof re-unification before accession was dropped to accommodate

Cyprus; Bulgaria was allowed to complete its reforms afteraccession and so on. In both these cases we are still waiting.

Moreover, the rushed imbroglio has upset that most upsettableof Balkan countries: Bosnia-Herzogovina, still waiting to sign itsown SAA, which been delayed for 'technical reasons,' of a non-Bosnian variety. The country had every reason - and right - tohave expected to be signing its own SAA before Serbia. Bosnianow feels snubbed. It is out of such snubs that distrust grows.

The European Council seeks to influence voters elsewhere too.Ireland will vote on the Lisbon Treaty on 12 June. In this casetheir perhaps more legitimate intervention is not by makingagreements but by avoiding discussion of anything that mightantagonise the Treaty's dwindling band of supporters.

Various initiatives - including the important discussion of the jobdescription for the new European President and a single methodfor taxing companies across the EU (but not of course aligningtax rates), have been put on hold until after the referendum lestthey scare Irish voters. This pussy-footing may end up beingcounterproductive. What is being hidden, voters may ask?

Ireland seems equally split on the Treaty into a 'yes' camp, a 'no'camp and a camp that couldn't care less, with the 'yeses' justmanaging to keep their noses in front, despite the politicalshenanigans that have assailed the Taoiseach, Bertie Ahern,and which will see his departure from office before the votetakes place. As with the first and second Nice referenda, theresult will depend on turnout.

In this febrile atmosphere, the European stage is left to lesser

players. High politics gives way to unseemly name-calling - orrather name not-calling. In vetoing its application to join NATOuntil it stops calling itself the Republic of Macedonia, Greece hastaken the 17 year battle over the name of its Northern neighbourinto new territory.

Most of those (and there can't be many) who might have hadsome sympathy for the Greek case - that the Republic's namemight otherwise serve as a catalyst for Macedonian nationalism- must nevertheless have thought that the Greek governmentwas being excessively precious, especially when theyrepeatedly call Alexander the Great as a witness.

Why the Greeks do this I have no idea. He may have been amilitary genius, but otherwise he was a cruel and evil barbarianwho murdered his best friend in a drunken brawl, burntPersepolis, jewel of the ancient world, and abandoned his loyalarmy in India, like a child becoming bored with a toy.

Now comes the news that some Greeks are trying to take legalaction against those with Sapphic tendencies. They want toreserve to the inhabitants of Lesbos alone, the right to callthemselves Lesbians. This really is nomenclature silliness of thefirst order; enough to make Irish, Serbs and Macedonians of allpersuasions run for cover as far from the EU as they can get.The poetess Sappho (who treated her best friends ratherdifferently) must be rolling in her grave with laughter.

The author is editor of EuropaWorldPeter Sainley Berry,EU OBSERVER (BELGIUM)


WE SHOULD STOP TRYING TO INTERVENE IN SERBIA'S ELECTIONS

Peter Sainley Berry


10/12

The new situation arising from the unilateral Kosovo declarationof independence shapes a new reality that will have multitudeand mostly negative consequences for countless nations acrossthe globe. It is important also to illuminate around the existence

of the Kosovo issue as a demographic one, shaped by theexpansion of one group of people (Albanian Muslims) versus theother one (Serbian Christians). Moreover the existence of factson the ground as resulting from the population growth of theformer, signify a real precedent for other regions in the world.In 1913 when Kosovo & Metojia became a part of the Serbianstate the population of Christians exceeded 50% , whilst the

Albanians counted around 350,000 souls, approximately 40%,the rest being occupied by Roma, Bosniaks, Turks and people ofmixed origin. A generation later in 1948, after WW2 that resultedin the killings of 20,000 Serbs and the expulsion of some other150,000 by the Nazi Albanian collaborators, the balance tilted infavor of the Albanians. In addition, the Tito administrationwillingly opened up the border up to 1949 and accepted 150,000illegal immigrants in order to deliberately change the populationmakeup of the province as a counter-measure against theSerbs. Titos motto was For a strong Yugoslavia we need aweak Serbia.Thus, in 1961 the Albanians numbered 650,000 people, and theanalogy was 65% Albanians, 28% Serbians. From that periodonwards a dramatic And basically unexplained- populationexpansion derived from the Albanian community. In the mid-60sthe Albanian population had a 6.5 children per woman ratio,whilst the Serbians around 2.5. Although the second number isenough to replace the previous generation, it was much less andthat resulted in a virtual takeover of the land by the Albanians. In1981 just after Titos death and the start of the first rebellions inPristina, the Albanians numbered 1.2 million, a 100% increase inless than 20 years. The pressure exercised by them against the

Serbian farmers that took the form of homicides, arsons, rapesand vandalism obliged to an exodus a considerable part of theChristian populous.Nowadays the Albanian population is estimated at around 1.8million people, and one has to consider that a part of thepopulation immigrated to Western Europe and Northern Americaduring the past 15 years. In short the demographic imbalancesaltered the established order and of course the internationalintervention took advantage of this fact by initiating a round ofland takeover from the Serbian state. The message that aneutral observer can get is the following: Population imbalancesendanger national sovereignty therefore measures have to betaken to ensure that the Kosovo precedent does not apply tothem.In simple terms no prudent government would let its minority

citizens reproduce to a pace that will ultimately lead them todeclare themselves independent, or even worse form a statethat will constitute a real threat against them. The intervention inKosovo instead of making a positive contribution to the worldstage will certainly raise the above issue and result to futureminority massacres, forced abortions and ethnic cleansing of agrand scale. For the policy-makers who conduct their professionbased on a pragmatic approache of every day life it is a notionperfectly understandable. Unfortunately modern day diplomacyseems to be hijacked to an extent, by radical elements that leadeach and every nation towards a new age of barbarity.In Kosovo the 1,500 Churches, Monasteries and pilgrimages

constitute one of the Holy places of Eastern OrthodoxChristendom on par with Mount Athos, Meteora, Constantinople(Hagia Sophia), Alexandria, Jerusalem, Ohrid and Mystras andother important regions. A 350 million strong Eastern Orthodox

population is being subject to a humiliation of historicalproportions, similar to that of the Ottoman conquest with twomajor differences: The Turks were far more tolerant andrespectful towards the Christians than the modern-day

Albanians and secondly the role of the West has been a totaldisappointment, to say the least.

The rest 1.2 billion Roman Catholics, Protestants and the Jewishcommunities are also negatively affected judging by the demise

of their numbers in the world stage and the re-emergence of twocultural and social giants; the Arabic-Muslim one and theConfucian-Chinese one. Of course there are quite a fewanalysts that do not conform to the notion that the world was, isand will be divided in ethnic-cultural zones on which religionoften plays a decisive role. It seems the everyday news andspecial broadcasts from the Middle East, Africa or East London-(-istan) havent still grasped their attention. Human history is aspiral never-ending procedure. On that basis everything ispossible and nothing can be excluded at the end of the day.Since 13/06/1999, 350,000 Serbians, Roma, Gorani and otherwere forced to flee from Kosovo. It was a flight of survival,considering the 1,500 homicides against Serbs in the comingmonths, up to early 2000. Around 80 UNESCO protectedChristian monuments were blown up by the Albanians in front of

the eyes of 40,000 KFOR personnel. It has to be stressed oncemore that even during the days of the Ottoman Empire and thenumerous battles in the eparchy, nowhere close did thedestruction of shrines came that close. This constitutes anotherissue having to do with the psycho-synthesis of the nationalitythat committed these acts and has a specific modus opperandifrom the medieval ages and onwards. Another 1,300 Serbswere killed up to 2003, 80,000 houses and estates weregrabbed by the Albanians along with 20,000 automobiles and15,000 shops, barns and commercial property. Some other30,000 houses were burned to the ground in well-organizedarson a campaigns another method regularly exercised by


THE WEST-EAST CONFLICT IN A MICROSCOPE: KOSOVO & POPULATION IMBALANCE


11/12

Kosovo-Albanians over the 20th century. It is also interesting topoint out the situation in Pristina, the capital of Kosovo. Until1999, Serbians constituted some 20% of the population.Nowadays there is a mere 0.1% having being entirely wiped out.The declaration of Kosovos independence as a multiculturalstate-Without minorities- is one of the worst public relationcampaigns that someone would advise the Albanian leaders in

Kosovo. Certainly it is something that only certain State Dept.officials could explain.In 2004 the last phase of the most recent genocide in aEuropean soil (By Muslims against Christians) took place. In aspace of 2 days, 27 Churches were burned to the ground, 7Serbian villages, 40 people dead, 1,000 wounded and 4,000refugees on their way to Serbia. The 17th of March 2004constitutes a stigma for the United Nations and marks theimposition of the will of the fanatics that control Kosovo.

A state that is much interested in the Kosovo precedent andhistory is Israel. Up to 1987, Tel-Aviv controlled the situation inthe West Bank and Gaza, having being victorious in fiveconsecutive wars against its Arab neighbors. The start of the

first Indifada, the population explosion of the Muslim Arabs, thedramatic appearance of international Jihad, and the relativedecline of the Western (European) support to Israel poses astrategic-survival dilemma to the Israeli policy makers:Should they try to push towards a conciliation approach towardsthe Palestinians and decide for a low key strategy against them;or to oppose all calls for bargain and form a strategy of a totalwar. That was the same dilemma the Serbians reached in theearly 90s. The firstly used the tactic number one and it failed.The second option was barely begun to be implemented in late1998 and would have yielded total success bar the NATO aircampaign in 1999. Note however the Kosovo is a province ofthe Serbian state therefore in contrast with the Israelis theSerbians are not in fear of Being driven to the sea. One certain

conclusion is that countries such as Israel will investconsiderable intellectual capacity in making concrete analysisbased on Kosovos recent history.The present day situation in Kosovo will lead ultimately to adivision between the Serbian-controlled North and the rest of theprovince. That means that the multiethnic concept is dead and anew Christian-Muslim division line will be established. The onlyhope for the region is the assistance of the EU in creating thenecessary conditions for an overall security framework for theWestern Balkans. It is a gigantic task that has to face the USA-Russian antagonism, the internal EU differences, movestowards a Great Albania, the widespread poverty & corruption,

and the presence of active Islamic groups. If there was a betmost would choose the option for another conflict in these lands.The Kosovo issue will soon become another frozen conflict thatwill erupt from time to time in accordance to the local geopoliticalbalances, the demographic shifts and the various economicinterests. What will remain though is that Kosovo marks the firstdefinite victory of the European Islam since the occupation of the

island of Crete by the Ottomans in 1669. The difference was thatthen all the major European powers fought in unity.NOTE: The role of religion is often omitted by many analyses onthe issues of regional conflicts. By itself any religion cannotignite a war, but one has to take into account that any religion issimply the outer appearance of a whole system of beliefs, normsand mentalities of particular groups of people that have beenmolded by historical events and have constructed collectivearchetypes and cultural icons. The mistakes made by Westernpolicy makers will come to haunt sooner than latter, even if theyarent aware of the stakes involved in the first place.Sources:1) Link to images depicting destroyed Churches in Kosovo:http://www.interfax-religion.com/kosovo/?id=2http://www.interfax-religion.com/kosovo/?id=3

http://www.interfax-religion.com/kosovo/?id=4http://www.interfax-religion.com/kosovo/?id=5http://www.interfax-religion.com/kosovo/?id=10http://www.interfax-religion.com/kosovo/?id=11http://www.interfax-religion.com/kosovo/?id=12http://www.interfax-religion.com/kosovo/?id=13http://www.interfax-religion.com/kosovo/?id=25http://www.interfax-religion.com/kosovo/?id=29http://www.interfax-religion.com/kosovo/?id=30http://www.interfax-religion.com/kosovo/?id=33http://www.interfax-religion.com/kosovo/?id=67http://www.interfax-religion.com/kosovo/?id=78http://www.interfax-religion.com/kosovo/?id=80http://www.interfax-religion.com/kosovo/?id=81http://www.interfax-religion.com/kosovo/?id=822) RADIO FREE EUROPE Research, RAD Background

Report/186 (Yugoslavia), 4 August 1983EMIGRATION AND DEMOGRAPHY IN KOSOVO, By SteveReiquam:http://files.osa.ceu.hu/holdings/300/8/3/text/118-2-80.shtml3) Counter Punch Magazine, March 4, 2008.

Kosovo and the Press, By MIKE AVERKO: http://www.counterpunch.org/averko03042008.html4) The Hamilton Spectator, February 25, 2008Kosovo -- A dangerous precedent, By Michael Biljetina: http://www.thespec.com/Opinions/article/3299355) Arutz Sheva -Israel National News.com-, February 25 2008

Kosovo and Us, By Atty. Elyakim Haetzni: http://www.israelnationalnews.com/Articles/Article.aspx/77906) University of California, Berkeley-Departments of Anthropology

and Demography-Anthropology Today 9 (1): 4-9, Feb 1993 Royal Anthropological

Institute of Great Britain and IrelandDemography and the Origins of the Yugoslav Civil War, By E. A.Hammel: http://www.demog.berkeley.edu/~gene/migr.html7) Videos of cultural genocide in Kosovo

www.youtube.com/watch?v=dfGKT394gEIyoutube.com/watch?v=dfGKT394gEI&feature=PlayList&p=9CB60FFFC8874BCF&index=38) Excerpts from Albanian Nazi troops in WW2 Launched a WideSpread Terror Against Kosovo SerbsBy Carl Kosta Savich: http://www.michaelsavage.com/kosovo-genocide.html

Ioannis Michaletos, 04 May 2008 , InternationalAnalyst Network


Kosovo PoljeChurch surrounded in barb wire


12/12

Question: You are on good terms with Vladimir Putin. But whatabout Dmitry Medvedev? You must know him well - he was one of

the heads of Gazprom.Answer: I've known Medvedev for many years, and respect him as aman open and ready for discussion and guided by firm principles. Asfirst deputy prime minister, he has shown that he is not only competentin economic and social policies, but is strong enough to implement hisdecisions. He has stated that consolidating a law-based state is one ofhis priorities. I'm sure that he will achieve this goal. There is no doubtthat he has amassed enough experience in the world arena during hisnumerous meetings abroad. He will continue following the path thatRussia chose as a stable and reliable partner in international politicsand as a G8 member. There are complicated international tasks whichcan only be resolved by cooperating with Russia, such as the non-proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, settling conflicts in theMiddle East, and climate change. I'm convinced that Russia will make asubstantial contribution to the resolution of these problems underMedvedev's leadership.

Q: The West believes that Medvedev will be a more liberalpresident than Vladimir Putin. What do you think on this score?

A: I don't see any political differences between Putin and Medvedev. Upuntil now they have jointly determined Russia's policies. The West oftenmisinterprets Putin's policies and convictions. There is no doubt thatRussia has become a more open, democratic, stable and successfulstate than it was before Putin became president. By and large, the newpresident will continue Putin's policy, as he has declared. This is thecorrect decision. In the last few years, Russia has been a stable factor,unlike the rest of the world. I'm sure that under Medvedev, Russia willremain stable.Q: On the eve of the recent NATO summit in Bucharest, Germany,France and some other European countries were against Ukraine

and Georgia immediately joining the NATO Membership ActionPlan. Nevertheless, NATO said that its doors are open to everyoneand promised to resume a discussion of this issue at the end ofthis year. What chance do Ukraine and Georgia have of joiningNATO? Will Germany side with its NATO allies on this issue, or willit consider the position of Russia, which is resolutely againstNATO's advance toward its borders?

A: Many nations, including some NATO countries, are skeptical aboutUkraine and Georgia's entry into NATO. I'm skeptical, too. Most people


in Ukraine are against joining NATO. The domestic political situation inGeorgia is uncertain; moreover, it has outstanding conflicts, whichcannot be taken into NATO by any means. I'd advise refraining fromany action that may be interpreted as encircling or deterring Russia.NATO membership for these countries would be such a step.Q: Kosovo's unilateral declaration of independence has not yetreceived broad international support. Moreover, some countries,

including Russia and a number of EU members, insist that theactions of the Kosovo authorities violate international law and UNSecurity Council Resolution 1244. Moscow believes that thosewho have strongly supported Kosovo's independence have failedto explain why its situation is unique. Do you believe that it isunique? Do you think it may trigger off a chain reaction in otherregions with "frozen conflicts"?

A: Indeed, having recognized Kosovo's independence, the majority ofEU members and the United States have created many problems. Imean not only Kosovo but also the conflicts that you have mentioned.In my opinion, this step was wrong because it was premature. Therewere other options. I think that Serbia should be admitted to the EU, if itwants. Kosovo could join the EU as part of Serbia, or it could acquireindependent statehood when Serbia becomes a member. In any event,this conflict cannot be resolved without the participation of pro-European forces from President Boris Tadic's team. However,Kosovo's recognition has weakened these forces, probably so muchthat we will soon have to deal with an isolated and unpredictableKosovo. To be honest, it is a pity that the EU has followed the UnitedStates' lead on this issue. This decision was probably in America'sfavor, but it was not at all in Europe's interests.Q: Some of Germany's neighbors are accusing it of being friendswith Russia over their heads' with regard to Nord Stream. Is NordStream really that dangerous for Poland, the Baltic nations andSweden? They are going to all-out to impede its construction. Willit be put into operation as planned - the first line in 2011 and thesecond in 2012?

A: Nord Stream is not directed against anyone. To the contrary, it willmake a major contribution to Europe's reliable supply of natural gas.This is a Russian-European rather than a Russian-German project.This is why the European Union views Nord Stream as a project which

is of interest to all of Europe. And this is why all EU members shouldsupport it. Needless to say, the gas pipeline's construction andoperation will comply with all environmental and technical standards.We believe that accelerated construction and intensive dialogue withother countries will allow us to start gas supplies in 2011.Q: What about the attitude of other countries toward NordStream's sea route? When will they finally agree to it?

A: Responding to their wishes, we are currently studying alternativeroutes for Nord Stream. In order to avoid delays, we are trying tostreamline construction and allocate enough time to getting theapproval of other countries. We will harmonize our subsequent actionswith all Baltic states during international consultations. This process willtake several months. Concrete deadlines will depend on howconstructive the efforts of all countries are.Q: Why has the project become more expensive - 7.4 billion eurosaccording to Gazprom's estimate? Its price tag was previously

about 6 billion euros.A: The previous estimate was too rough; it was made more than twoyears ago, when the project had just been launched. Now a number ofimportant factors have been taken into account during its planning. Aconsiderable part of the increase is explained by safety regulations andenvironmental considerations. The dynamicsof world prices have alsoexerted considerable influence on Nord Stream's costs, as well as on allits relevant infrastructure projects.

RIA Novosti , May 05, 2008

Gerhard Schroeder:

SERBIA SHOULD BE ADMSERBIA SHOULD BE ADMSERBIA SHOULD BE ADMITTED TO THE EUITTED TO THE EUITTED TO THE EU

I'm sure that under Medvedev, Russia will remain stable

the herald of kosovo and metohija _ easter issue

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