the fourth amendment - ut liberal arts · michael dalton rodriguez . gov 679h . ... was not a...
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The Fourth Amendment:
Property, the Right to Exclude, and Developing Technologies
Michael Dalton Rodriguez
GOV 679H
Undergraduate Honors Thesis
Department of Government
University of Texas at Austin
May 2011
____________________________________
H.W. Perry Jr., Ph.D.
Department of Government
Thesis Advisor
Dana Stauffer, Ph.D.
Department of Government
Thesis Advisor
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Table of Contents
Acknowledgements………………………………………………………………………………..2
Introduction: Privacy and the Fourth Amendment ……………………………………………….3
Part 1 - Historical Foundation of the Fourth Amendment: Original Intention………………….11
Chapter 1 - Early Sanctity of Home……………………………………………………………...14
Chapter 2 - Common Law Understanding……………………………………………………….17
Chapter 3 - Colonial Developments……………………………………………………………...25
Chapter 4 - State Constitutions: 1776-1787……………………………………………………...29
Chapter 5 - Drafting and Ratification……………………………………………………………36
Chapter 6 - Original Intention……………………………………………………………………40
Part 2 - Fourth Amendment Jurisprudence and the Right to Exclude…………………………...46
Chapter 1 - Early Court Interpretation: Liberal Construction and the Right to Exclude………...49
Chapter 2 - Constitutionally Protected Areas and Extreme Trespass Theory…………………...59
Chapter 3 - Reasonable Expectations of Privacy and a Return to Constitutionally Protected
Areas……………………………………………………………………………………………..78
Chapter 4 - A Critique of Katz and the Right to Exclude………………………………………..94
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Acknowledgements
“For this God is our God for ever and ever: he will be our guide even unto death.”
Psalm 48:13
I thank Professor Dana Stauffer for her patience and support during the early stages of
this thesis, and I hope that she and her family find great joy in their newly arrived
member. The reassurance and guidance of Professor H.W. Perry Jr. enabled me to
complete a project that at many times I thought I would not finish, and to him I offer the
deepest thanks. But most of all, I am grateful to my parents, whose loving guidance is the
greatest spring of God’s sustaining grace in my life.
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Introduction: Privacy and the Fourth Amendment
Does an individual have a reasonable expectation of privacy from government agents
entering his driveway in the dead of night and attaching a tracking device to the underside of his
vehicle? In the Ninth Circuit, the answer is a resounding no. This question emerged from the
recent case, US v. Juan Pineda-Moreno, concerning a driveway that even the Government
conceded was within the curtilage of Mr. Moreno’s home.1 The Circuit Court concluded that,
because a gate, fence, or so much as “No Trespass” signs did not surround the driveway, even a
small child could wander upon it, so Mr. Moreno had no reasonable expectation of privacy.
Imagining warrantless government agents sneaking around the home in the late hours of the
morning, Chief Judge Kozinski noted in his dissent that, “There is something creepy and un-
American about such clandestine and underhanded behavior.”2 Disregard for the traditional
privacy protections afforded the home is not the only worrying part of this opinion. 3
The case above also reveals a major concern in applying Fourth Amendment protections
to searches and seizures: the interaction between securing oneself from outside observance and
government protection against crime and violence. The police state of Oceania in Nineteen
Eighty-Four serves as an extreme metaphor for this concern. Orwell depicts a society that has
The Court
also held that the extended tracking of Mr. Moreno’s location with GPS over a four-month
period, as invasive and disconcerting as it might appear, was not a search under the Fourth
Amendment. God is no longer the sole omnipresent being in the universe; in the Ninth Circuit,
Uncle Sam is, too.
1 Curtilage is that property so closely associated with the home that it is given the same protections as the home itself. 2 US v. Juan Pineda-Moreno (2010) 3 “From the English legal tradition, the colonists inherited a special appreciation for the sanctity of their homes.” Robert M. Bloom, Searches, Seizures, and Warrants: A Reference Guide to the United States Constitution (2003).Westport, Praeger Publishers.
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yielded all privacy to secure itself from the Brotherhood, enemies of the governing Party and Big
Brother:
The telescreen [within his dwelling] received and transmitted simultaneously. Any sound that
Winston made, above the level of a very low whisper, would be picked up by it; moreover, so long
as he remained within the field of vision which the metal plaque commanded, he could be seen as
well as heard. There was of course no way of knowing whether you were being watched at any
given moment. How often, or on what system, the Thought Police plugged in on any individual
wire was guesswork. It was even conceivable that they watched everybody all the time. But at any
rate they could plug in your wire whenever they wanted to. You had to live—did live, from habit
that became instinct—in the assumption that every sound you made was overheard, and, except in
darkness, every moment scrutinized.4
The description reveals the demoralization that accompanies constant government surveillance
and the absence of any areas of protected seclusion, and the hardening of the human spirit
towards individual expression, bred from constant fear of retaliation by the general will.
It is important to step back and examine why we may consider arbitrary government
intrusion unreasonable at all, as there are likely some who find a society of complete openness
the best to ensuring security and the tranquility that accompanies it. Orwell’s portrait of Oceana
in Nineteen Eighty-Four demonstrates the harmful effects that a lack of privacy engenders in
society. Without a sphere of solitude in which to reflect, people not only lose their will to be
different out of fear of retaliation from the general will, but also live in an agitated state, as the
ability to relieve oneself of scorn and contempt is circumscribed by the very will that is the
object of one’s hate. While this example comes from a work of fiction, there is scientific
evidence that helps to substantiate these claims.
4 George Orwell, Nineteen Eighty-Four 4 (1949)
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Nature herself offers a defense of seclusion and privacy, as “ecological studies
demonstrating that overcrowding threatens survival… hold[] across a wide range of species,
supporting the contention that having the ability to separate, like food and water, is a necessity of
life.”5
Social customs of human beings also reveal the value of privacy to human existence.
Privacy supports groups by allowing for dissociation whenever we become annoyed with the
company of our fellows and mutually decide to separate.
It may seem farcical to consider privacy in an animal context when our concern is about
the value of privacy to human beings, but we share many survival instincts with our animal
brethren, such as the animal desire to procreate and the territorial spirit that female animals, like
most mothers, feel for their young. Since privacy is necessary to support large populations of
animals, it may be necessary to support large populations of human beings as well.
6 If this were impossible, society would
enter an agitated state much like the one described in Nineteen Eighty-Four. Privacy also
contributes to the social hierarchy, as “a mark of status is a heightened level of access control.”7
The workplace best demonstrates this, as lower employees may work in crowded cubicles while
managers lounge in their own offices, and by wealth, as the affluent are able to barricade their
homes from prying eyes while the less fortunate must to submit to the continuous stream of
headlights that roll through their room through unblocked windows. Lastly, “the very relation of
association and dissociation that comprises friendship, intimacy, and love is central to the notion
of privacy.”8
5 Adam D. Moore, Privacy Rights: Moral and Legal Foundations (2010). University Park, The Pennsylvania State University Press
One can imagine how different a conversation between two newlyweds would be if
they knew that also on the line, there was a government agent listening to every word they
6 Ibid. 7 Ibid. 8 Adam D. Moore, Privacy Rights: Moral and Legal Foundations 54 (2010). University Park, The Pennsylvania State University Press
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uttered with exacting scrutiny. Instead of expressing their true thoughts and feelings, they might
revert to platitudes out of embarrassment or of fear that their intimate conversation may be
broadcast to the world. These findings demonstrate that privacy is both valuable to humans and
necessary across cultures, and that while some may adapt to a lifestyle without solitude, society
could not survive without privacy.
We need privacy and autonomy as individuals and as a society. The Fourth Amendment
was a manifestation of this recognized need. Justice Brandeis describes the hope of the founding
generation in drafting the Fourth Amendment to end arbitrary government searches and seizures
in his dissent in Olmstead v. United States:
The makers of our Constitution undertook to secure conditions favorable to the pursuit of
happiness. They recognized the significance of man's spiritual nature, of his feelings, and of his
intellect. They knew that only a part of the pain, pleasure and satisfactions of life are to be found
in material things. They sought to protect Americans in their beliefs, their thoughts, their emotions
and their sensations. They conferred, as against the Government, the right to be let alone -- the
most comprehensive of rights, and the right most valued by civilized men. To protect that right,
every unjustifiable intrusion by the Government upon the privacy of the individual, whatever the
means employed, must be deemed a violation of the Fourth Amendment.9
While the Fourth Amendment helps to protect privacy that is fundamental to our existence, it
was not the product of an attempt to establish a general right of privacy against government.
The amendment developed through a long tradition focused on the ownership interest in
private property, and the legal authority of the owner to exclude others from the use of that
property. Society came to recognize and prohibit unreasonable intrusions into the use of private
property by the government power of search and seizure, from the specific abuses of King John
9 Olmstead v. United States, 277 U.S. 438 (1928)
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prohibited by Magna Charta, to the general prohibition against unreasonable searches and
seizures of the Fourth Amendment. This authority, the right to exclude, included the ability to
create a zone of privacy from the outside world, by excluding others from the use or possession
of property rightfully owned. While the amendment did not focus on the protection of privacy, it
allowed the individual to assert his privacy by excluding unreasonable government infringement
upon his lawful right to enjoy his property as he wished.
The earliest interpretations of the Fourth Amendment by the Supreme Court focused on
the home and private effects as protected items, relying on older property concepts from the
common law. As government incursions into the private lives of citizens grew through the
development of more sophisticated search and seizure technologies, the Court first applied the
amendment only to tangible constitutionally protected areas, but later expanded the exclusionary
right10
In the late 1960s, the Court moved away from a property-based application of the
amendment to one based upon privacy, hoping to increase the privacy protected by the
amendment. It focused less on property and more on the individual, making his expectation of
privacy the material fact in determining whether a search or seizure occurred under the
amendment. Rather than a conversation being a protected interest in its own right, the Court
evaluated whether the individual had a reasonable expectation of privacy in his conversing, and
whether society found that expectation legitimate. If both were answered in the affirmative, then
of tangible property to intangible interests, such as conversations. This interpretation
provided the amendment sustained force in modern times, while protecting the ability of the
property owner or possessor of the intangible interest to restrain government from intruding upon
his right of security against unreasonable searches and seizures.
10 This is not to be confused with the exclusionary rule of later Fourth Amendment jurisprudence. I mean only the right for the property owner to exclude unwanted intrusions by government upon the use and possession of his property when they are unreasonable.
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the conversation fell within Fourth Amendment protection. This is the Court’s current standard
when applying the Fourth Amendment.
However, the older property-based approach was better adapted to protecting privacy
from developing search and seizure technologies. The privacy approach is too manipulative,
allowing privacy to oscillate with changes in the members on the bench. Ironically, the libertine
Justices who hoped to expand Fourth Amendment protections of privacy through this shift
actually contributed to their contraction. Those who devoted themselves to liberty and who we
most trust to protect it, Justices Brennan, Douglas, and Brandeis, helped to develop the privacy
standard that has allowed for an erosion of traditional Fourth Amendment protection.
Under both approaches, the initial presumption is that warrantless searches are per se
unconstitutional, though we make exceptions to this general axiom.11 This is in line with the
“rule of liberal construction that always has been applied to provisions of the Constitution
safeguarding personal rights.”12
11 This is the axiom that the Supreme Court has adopted: warrantless searches “are per se unreasonable under the Fourth Amendment -- subject only to a few specifically established and well delineated exceptions.” Katz v. United States (1967)
From this liberal rule of interpretation, I draw my thesis. Courts
should use a broad interpretation of the Fourth Amendment to deal with developing technologies,
based upon the general purpose and hope of the framers of the Amendment. The home should
receive the privacy protections traditionally afforded it, and new technologies, such as GPS
tracking, should be subject to the same reasonableness considerations as older forms of
surveillance. The Court should use the original framework of the amendment, and apply the right
to exclude to both tangible and intangible interests, so long as the individual takes reasonable
steps to assert that right.
12 Olmstead v. United States, 277 U.S. 438 (1928) (J. Butler, dissenting.)
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The first part of the thesis moves chronologically through the development of the Fourth
Amendment and evaluates the intentions of the framers in drafting the amendment. These
chapters examine the motivations that led to the Fourth Amendment and the hope that it was
meant to accomplish. The framework they adopted, with its intention to protect the use and
ownership of tangible private property from government interference, should guide the
application of the Fourth Amendment to searches and seizures today. The home is the primary
property interest the Fourth Amendment seeks to protect, and accordingly warrantless searches
and seizures that occur there should be unconstitutional, except for the most exacting of
circumstances. The Court should extend the protected objects of the amendment to intangible
interests, so long as the individual demonstrates reasonable action on his part to exclude the
government from infringing on its use and possession.
The second part reviews the subsequent development of Fourth Amendment doctrine
governing developing technologies. I evaluate Fourth Amendment jurisprudence throughout
three different eras of Court interpretation, the Boyd era, the Olmstead era, and the Katz era.
From this discussion, I comment on the current privacy test that dominates Fourth Amendment
analysis today, and offer my own formulation on the proper application of the amendment to
developing search and seizure technologies. I discuss the problems of my test, and evaluate their
potential effects, concluding that my test offers better protection against the erosion of traditional
Fourth Amendment protections by developing technologies than the current privacy standard.
Overall, I want the reader to come away from this thesis with the respect for private
property that the framers wished to provide within the Fourth Amendment. The home has
traditionally been held as a sacrosanct refuge from the outside world, and I wish the reader to
gain an appreciation for this tradition. Though we agree to cede certain rights to the State in the
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name of security and protection, the right to seclusion, to an area of constitutionally protected
solitude, is at the bedrock of our free society and accordingly deserves zealous protection.
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PART 1
Historical Foundation of the Fourth Amendment: Original Intention
Thesis: Based on property concepts and the result of several centuries of development, the right
to exclude was the intended form of Fourth Amendment protection.
The general warrant was the defining representation of what the colonists saw as the arbitrary
abuse of their private property, and accordingly, the Bill of Rights directly prohibited it, as part
of the fundamental constitution of government. However, searches and seizures conducted under
the indemnification of the general warrant were not the only means of search and seizure
considered unreasonable: under the common law warrantless searches and seizures occurred and
were able to serve as a means of arbitrarily abridging the privacy of the individual, along with
disdain for nocturnal searches and the unannounced entry of the home. Altogether, the Fourth
Amendment established a prohibition against unreasonable search or seizure in the constitution
of government, clearly specifying the warrant procedure to curb the arbitrary practice of general
warrants that had engendered the scorn of public opinion, and incorporating the traditional
understanding of what constituted an unreasonable search or seizure. This tradition was subject
to expansion in later years, and meant to curb arbitrary police action. Most important to this
tradition was the sanctity of the home, due to the cherished privacy it sheltered and nurtured. I do
not advocate an originalist application of the Fourth Amendment, but do find it necessary to
maintain its traditional framework. The amendment protects items from unreasonable searches
and seizures, and applies regardless of the motivations for its use. Though the amendment
purported to tangible property, the Court may vest intangible interests with the right to exclude.
This preserves the amendment’s intended protection. Any information gathered from within the
home by a technology that otherwise was not knowable without entry is an intrusion, equitable to
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forcible entry, and the fourth amendment should apply the same standard to the action. New
forms of surveillance should be subject to the same reasonableness considerations as older
technologies.
13
He was holding the lamp high up, so as to illumine the whole
room, and in the warm dim light the place looked curiously
inviting. The thought flitted through Winston’s mind that it would
probably be quite easy to rent the room for a few dollars a week, if
he dared to take the risk. It was a wild, impossible notion, to be
abandoned as soon as thought of; but the room had awakened in
him a sort of nostalgia, a sort of ancestral memory. It seemed to
him that he knew exactly what it felt like to sit in a room like this,
in an armchair beside an open fire with your feet in the fender and
a kettle on the hob, utterly alone, utterly secure, with nobody
watching you, no voice pursuing you, no sound except the singing
of the kettle and the friendly ticking of the clock.13
—George Orwell
13 Orwell, George. 96 (1949) Nineteen Eighty-Four. New York: Harcourt, Brace & World, Inc.
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Chapter 1
Early Sanctity of Home
The maxim “a man’s house is his castle” became a defining representation of the many
arbitrary claims of Great Britain in dealing with the American colonies in the decades leading to
the American Revolution. Many in the colonies felt their right to enjoy the privacy of their
homes from governmental intrusion eroded from the similar protection in England. The various
excise and trade laws that authorized agents of the Crown to enter into colonial homes upon mere
suspicion and break open locks, chests, and other private cabinets without the neutral judicial
oversight of a magistrate led to this conclusion. The colonial tradition of reverence for the home
was not novel, but the extension of a similar regard found in the mother country herself, a
tradition reaching back to at least the early fourteenth century.14 However, these traditions were
not the first to regard the home as a sacred place of refuge. Many ancient civilizations revered
the home not just because of the privacy it provided from unwanted intrusion, but also because it
formed the foundation of the family, binding together the dominant social group of society.15
The legal codes of many ancient societies evince a clear reverence for the home, and a
clear respect for the right of the owner to exclude others from his sacred confines. The sovereign
often punished burglars with death or held those who slew them blameless.
16
14 Cuddihy, William J. lxi (2009) The Fourth Amendment: Origins and Original Meaning 602-1791. New York, New York: Oxford University Press.
The Bible offers
several examples of Jewish custom barring unwanted intrusions into the home, even on behalf of
official authority, such as the story of Joshua and Achan. Though God revealed to Joshua
Achan’s sin, Joshua waited until Achan confessed to his act and the location of the prohibited
15 Gilson, Etienne. Foreword to City of God 15 (1958). New York, New York: Doubleday 16 Cuddihy, William J. lx (2009) The Fourth Amendment: Origins and Original Meaning 602-1791. New York, New York: Doubleday. For discussion and examples, see Footnote 3 on page lx, discussing the legal codes of Eshnunna, Babylon, The Bible and the Jewish Law, Ancient Greece, and the Burgundian Code.
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items within his tent before sending messengers to perform a search and seize them. 17 Such
respect for the home was a time-honored principle, disallowing entry into the home of another
without express permission.18
The Romans held similar principles as matter of law; religious institutions of society
enshrined the home as a sacred place of worship of the family Gods. The bond of unity between
ancient Roman families was the worship of the “sacred fire”, the hearth, the connection between
the living members and the dead ancestors. Being the shelter of the hearth, society held the home
to be as sacred as our notions of churches today. It was within the home that families worshipped
the Gods, and within the home, that divine protection dwelled.
19 Roman criminal procedure
offered several protections to the defendant in requiring the accuser to “state the grounds of his
case and take oath that his claim was not vexatious or frivolous,” along with the condition that
probable cause exist for the complaint.20 If the accuser overcame these safeguards, Roman courts
had several writs at their disposal affording the accuser a large amount of discretion in his ability
to search for the evidence. However, the actual seizure of the documents being sought required
that the accuser seal the documents “in the presence of witnesses and within a certain time
deliver what he had taken to the court,” so as to prevent forgery.21
17 Lasson, Nelson B. 14-15 (1937) The History and Development of the Fourth Amendment. Baltimore, Maryland: The John Hopkins Press. Joshua 7:10-26. For further discussion see Footnote 1 on page 14, listing the treatment of Rachab by the King of Jericho earlier in the same book and of Lot’s treatment by the crowd at Sodom in Genesis.
The legal and cultural
practices of the Romans influenced later Anglo-Saxon law, such as the crime of hamscon, which
18 Lasson, Nelson B. 14 (1937) The History and Development of the Fourth Amendment. Baltimore, Maryland: The John Hopkins Press. Footnote 3 “Rosh, in the Hosen Mishpat, chap. 389, sec. 5.” 19 Gilson, Etienne. Foreword to City of God 15 (1958). New York, New York: Doubleday 20 Lasson, Nelson B. 15 -16 (1937) The History and Development of the Fourth Amendment. Baltimore, Maryland: The John Hopkins Press. 21 Lasson, Nelson B. 17 (1937) The History and Development of the Fourth Amendment. Baltimore, Maryland: The John Hopkins Press.
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imposed punishment upon those who forcibly entered into a man’s dwelling.22
No freeman shall be taken or imprisoned or disseised or outlawed or exiled or in any way
destroyed, nor will we go upon him nor send upon him, except by the lawful judgment of his peers
or by the law of the land.
Those looking to
establish a right against unreasonable searches and seizures often cited the 39th Article of Magna
Charta, which reads:
The article was not meant to establish a general right against unreasonable search or seizure, but
merely to address “certain definite power abuses by King John,”23 but does form the basis for the
due process clause of the Fifth Amendment. Over time, creative glosses of this and other
provisions of Magna Charta combined to form a “Talismanic symbol of freedom, subjecting all
authority, including the royal prerogative, to the rule of law.”24 Scholars differ in their
interpretations of the motives behind such glosses. Leonard Levy finds them to be a time-
honored practice of deliberately moving the law in a desired direction,25 while Nelson Lasson
finds them to be the accidental result of applying present understandings to past circumstances.26
Regardless of intentions, the glosses provided those unhappy with general search or seizure
power a means of decrying its use with the backing of the law, and helped to ignite the spark of
revolution in the colonies over writs of assistance and general warrants.
22 Lasson, Nelson B. 18-19 (1937) The History and Development of the Fourth Amendment. Baltimore, Maryland: The John Hopkins Press. 23 Ibid. 24 Levy, Leonard W. 151 (1999) Origins of the Bill of Rights. New Haven, Connecticut: Yale University Press. 25 Ibid. 26 Lasson, Nelson B. 20 (1937) The History and Development of the Fourth Amendment. Baltimore, Maryland: The John Hopkins Press.
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Chapter 2
Common Law Understanding
The Fourth Amendment was in part a response to two methods of British law granting
general search and seizure power to agents of the Crown: general warrants and writs of
assistance. Different in terms of procedure, these authorizations were similar in the unfettered
discretion they allowed government agents to search homes and seize property. Its aim was the
protection of property, and operated through the exclusionary right of the lawful possessor to
prohibit government from infringing upon its use and ownership. General warrants often
authorized officers to search suspected places without evidence of a fact committed, to seize
persons or property not named, or to proceed though the officer did not describe particularly the
offense and support it with evidence.27 Writs of Assistance were general writs granted to officers
by statute to carry out the purposes of search and seizure, usually for the regulation of trade and
the imposition of excise or custom duties. These writs allowed officers to exchange them with
other officers, required any people at hand to assist the acting officer, and were indefinite until
their expiration six months after the death of the monarch during whose reign a court authorized
them. From the first half of the fourteenth century until the end of the seventeenth century
legislation authorizing search and seizure granted a broad power of enforcement that placed little
oversight or limitation upon the actions taken by government agents. When this practice began to
change and popular opinion recognized such a liberal grant of discretion as inimical to the liberty
of the English people, parliamentary legislation and common law reforms came to cast serious
doubt on the legality of general warrants28
27 Virginia Declaration of Rights if May, 1776
.
28 Lasson, Nelson B. 23 (1937) The History and Development of the Fourth Amendment. Baltimore, Maryland: The John Hopkins Press.
18
The earliest manifestation of this resistance was public unrest that required on two
different occasions the withdrawal or repeal of excise legislation. The first occurred in 1733
when Parliament taxed wines and tobacco, not as a custom duty, but as a tax on home
consumption. Playing on the bills expansion of the items customs agents could search for and its
search and seizure provisions, the opposition party aroused popular opposition to the measure,
and the public knew it as the Excise Scheme before the government withdrew it from
consideration.29 The second occurred in 1763 with the cider tax, a commodity bringing virtually
everyone into contact with government agents in the procurement of this duty. Opposition came
from disturbances in cider counties where the government moved troops to restore peace,
petitions by London and many other counties against the enforcement of the bill, and filed
complaints in the House of Lords over the subjugation of cider growers to arbitrary searches, all
of which led to the repeal of the tax a few years later.30
In 1662, Parliament authorized the Licensing Act for the regulation of the press, allowing
the Secretary of State to issue general warrants to obtain evidence of seditious speech against the
government. This act expired in 1679 at Charles II’s refusal to summon Parliament, but the
Secretary of State continued to issue general warrants in prosecuting seditious libel. The
These two incidents show the growing
public discontent with the arbitrary general search power that Parliament often granted,
especially when considering that these were two of the farthest-reaching authorizations of power,
bringing almost all subjects within the jurisdiction of a general warrant or writ of assistance. As
the masses saw their homes subject to inconsiderate and invasive searches, a clear disregard of
the Crown of their right to exclude crown agents from their homes, they clamored to opposition,
as they never had before.
29 Lasson, Nelson B. 40 (1937) The History and Development of the Fourth Amendment. Baltimore, Maryland: The John Hopkins Press. 30 Ibid.
19
“remarkable conclusion” of the twelve judges of England that to “write, print, or publish any
book, pamphlet, or other material was illegal without a license from the king” allowed for
government censorship of the press to continue past the life of the Licensing Act, and helped to
continue a practice lacking in substance.31 Of all those who fell victim to a general warrant
issued by the Secretary of State between the time of the demise of the Licensing Act and the
ascension of King George III to the throne in 1760, only one challenged the warrants validity.
The judge in the case refused to decide the question because he had no authority to order the
return of the papers seized.32
John Wilkes, a member or Parliament, became a hero of liberty on both sides of the
Atlantic after he successfully challenged the validity of the general warrant used to seize his
papers for charges of seditious libel. The resulting opinions composed the basis of the common
law doctrine on general warrants at the time of the American Revolution. Starting in 1762, he
wrote a series of pamphlets criticizing the government called the North Britain, and in Number
45 wrote a particularly scathing attack upon the recent King’s speech that prompted the
government to authorize a general warrant to find and arrest the perpetrator, and to seize his
papers. Lord Halifax, the Secretary of State, issued the warrant, which contained no specific
description of which places to search, or which persons or papers to seize. There was also no
way to record under oath probable cause for the issuance of the warrant because there was little
to swear to in the warrant. The arbitrary discretion granted to the four messengers was so great
that “they proceeded to arrest upon suspicion no less than forty-nine persons in three days, even
taking some from their beds in the middle of the night.” Wilkes refused to obey the warrant,
pronouncing it as “a ridiculous warrant against the whole English nation.” He was imprisoned,
31 Lasson, Nelson B. 37-38, 42 (1937) The History and Development of the Fourth Amendment. Baltimore, Maryland: The John Hopkins Press. 32 Ibid.
20
his house was broken into and the messengers seized all of his private papers. 33 Wilkes refused
to fall victim to such arbitrary power and quickly filed suit against every person connected to the
warrant. Encouraged by the example of Wilkes, many others who had been wrongly imprisoned
filed suit, resulting in dozens of suits for trespass and false imprisonment. Wilkes became so
popular that in the colonies “Wilkes and Liberty” became a rallying cry against the arbitrary
claims of Great Britain, filling “the columns of American newspapers from Boston to
Charleston.”34
Lord Chief Justice Pratt, in the first case of Huckle v. Money, found that to “enter a man’s
house by virtue of a nameless warrant, in order to procure evidence, is worse than the Spanish
Inquisition; a law under which no Englishman would wish to live an hour; it was a most daring
public attack upon the liberty of the subject.” Mr. Leech, a printer who having nothing to do with
the printing of Number 45 was held in custody for almost six hours, sued for damages and won a
judgment of three hundred pounds. Pratt, who on appeal maintained that “the small injury done
to the plaintiff,” did not outweigh the “great point of the law touching the liberty of the subject
appeared to them”, upheld this judgment. “They saw a magistrate over all the King’s subjects,
exercising arbitrary power, violating Magna Charta, and attempting to destroy the liberty of the
kingdom, by insisting upon the legality of this general warrant before them.” Pratt believed the
general warrant to be a violation of the 29th Article of Magna Charta, though its authors did not
intend the clause to receive such a broad interpretation. The case established the common law
doctrine that “crown officers are liable to damage suits for trespass and false imprisonment
33 Lasson, Nelson B. 44 (1937) The History and Development of the Fourth Amendment. Baltimore, Maryland: The John Hopkins Press. 34 Levy, Leonard W. 161 (1999) Origins of the Bill of Rights. New Haven, Connecticut: Yale University Press.
21
resulting from unlawful search,”35
In the case of Wilkes v. Wood, Wilkes received an award of damages of one thousand
pounds from the jury for trespass and false imprisonment, which Lord Chief Justice Pratt upheld.
In similar rhetoric, he decried “If such a power [to issue general warrants] is truly invested in a
Secretary of State, and he can delegate this power, it certainly may affect the person and property
of every man in this kingdom, and is totally subversive of the liberty of the subject.” Pratt then
declared “office precedents…are no justification of a practice in itself illegal” since the
authorization for the Secretary of State to issues such warrants had expired with the Licensing
Act, despite the opinions of the twelve judges of England after the act had expired. Also
important was the lack of recorded inventory about the papers taken, thereby leaving the plaintiff
with no way of verifying all of the papers seized.
a remedy of great importance for warrantless searches and
seizures today.
The decisions of Lord Chief Justice Pratt influenced the Court of King’s Bench, which in
the appeal of the Leach case, Money v. Leach, issued an opinion affirming the judgment of the
plaintiff. It did on the narrow ground that Mr. Leech was not a publisher of the North Britain
Number 45, and therefore the officers imprisoned him wrongly, since the warrant only
authorized the seizure of those who authored or published the pamphlet. However, Lord
Mansfield did express the court’s opinion on the validity of the warrant. “It is not fit, that the
receiving or judging of the information should be left to the discretion of the officer. The
magistrate ought to judge; and should give certain directions to the officer. This is so, upon
reason and convenience”. As the practice was inherently illegal, custom could not save it from
proper refutation. It is important to bear in mind that though Pratt and Mansfield thought the
issuance of general warrants illegal by the common law alone, Parliament was still able to enact 35 Levy, Leonard W. 161 (1999) Origins of the Bill of Rights. New Haven, Connecticut: Yale University Press.
22
statutory authorization for such warrants. Lord Mansfield clearly prefers magistrates to issue
warrants so that a neutral figure can evaluate the facts and determine the scope of the search
rather than a party not meant to be neutral, but instead actively seek out crime by the duty of his
office.36
The most important case arising from the John Wilkes affair was that of Entick v.
Carrington, which has been lauded by the United States Supreme Court as “one of the landmarks
of English liberty” and also as “welcomed and applauded by the lovers of liberty in the colonies,
as well as in the mother country.”
37
36 The United States Supreme Court uses requirement of judicial oversight to invalidate many instances of warrantless searches.
A few months before the publication of Number 45 Lord
Halifax had issued a general warrant to search for John Entick, the author of the Monitor or
British Freeholder, and to seize him and all of his private papers. The warrant described John
Entick as the person of the search, but did not describe which of his papers to seize. Though
Entick originally chose not to seek damages, the success of Wilkes and others in connection with
the Number 45 affair prompted him to file suit, in which the jury awarded him three hundred
pounds. Pratt, now Lord Camden, gave the opinion for the Court of Common Pleas affirming
judgment for the plaintiff. The court decided the case on narrow footing, but Camden, unlike
Mansfield in previous cases, was not satisfied with such a narrow result. Instead he addressed the
validity of the warrant issued, and while the person to be searched was named in this warrant
unlike in the warrants of previous cases, all of his papers were to be seized libelous or not, and
no inventory of the papers seized was taken. A warrant not specifying the papers to be seized
allows “[one’s] most valuable papers [to be] taken out of his possession, before the paper, for
which he is charged, is found to be criminal by any competent jurisdiction, and before he is
convicted of writing, publishing, or being concerned in the paper.” Such an arbitrary power
37 Boyd v. United States, 116 U.S. 616 (1886).
23
would severely curtail the liberty of the subject, allowing libelous and non-libelous writings to be
carried away alike no matter how intimate the latter might be. Most important was the effect
such a practice had on the private property rights of the English people: “The great end, for
which men entered into society, was to secure their property. That right is preserved sacred and
incommunicable in all instances, where it has not been taken away or abridged by some public
law for the good of the whole.” So long as the individual possessed lawful ownership of the
property, its security depended on the exclusionary ability of the owner to prevent government
interference in the use of that property. Besides these structural deficiencies, statutory authority
for the issuance of search warrants for libelous papers had expired with the Licensing Act in
1696. 38 Echoing previous opinions, Lord Camden argued that tradition was not enough to save a
practice illegal in itself. “It would be a strange doctrine to assert that all the people of this land
are bound to acknowledge that to be a universal law, which a few criminal booksellers have been
afraid to dispute.” The judges who had allowed general warrants for seditious libel under the
common law after the expiration of the Licensing Act were acting outside of their judicial
authority, and thereby all warrants that had been issued by the Secretary of State on the reliance
of their understanding were void. It was not long before the House of Commons vindicated the
opinion of the Court by declaring through resolutions all general warrants invalid except those
issued pursuant to statutory authorization from Parliament, and furthermore, that their use against
a member of the House was a breach of privilege. These declarations were a product of the
recent rulings from the Wilkes cases and growing public discontent with unreasonable searches
and seizures.39
38 Telford Taylor, 33 (1969) Two Studies in Constitutional Interpretation. Columbus, Ohio: Ohio State University Press.
William Pitt best expressed the maxim “a man’s house is his castle” in a speech
39 Lasson, Nelson B. 48 (1937) The History and Development of the Fourth Amendment. Baltimore, Maryland: The John Hopkins Press.
24
before Parliament urging for these measures to be passed: “The poorest man may, in his cottage,
bid defiance to all the forces of the Crown. It may be frail; its roof may shake; the wind may
blow through it; the storm may enter; the rain may enter; but the King of England may not enter;
all his force dares not cross the threshold of the ruined tenement.”
At the time of the American Revolution under the common law, a general warrant was
universally invalid unless issued pursuant to statutory authorization from Parliament, having
become an unreasonable method of search and seizure. Protecting the privacy of the home and
the thoughts found within through the exclusionary right inherent in the ownership of private
property against unwanted and arbitrary intrusions was deemed more important than the Crown
interest in seeking out and punishing first seditious speech, and later all crimes. Parliament’s
refusal to abandon altogether the use of general warrants reflected a problem that the Fourth
Amendment sought to correct, knowing that the federal government might deem the practice
appropriate in a future crisis.
25
Chapter 3
Colonial Developments
In the colonies, events spawned from the use of writs of assistance, the method of choice
to authorize officials of the Crown in the Massachusetts Bay province to perform a search or
seizure, led to a resentment against unreasonable searches and seizures that preceded the same
feeling in England. The colonists came to see their homes as having less protection than those of
their English brethren. Unlike the general warrants that dominated English search and seizure,
writs of assistance were general commissions that allowed for the performance of any search or
seizure upon mere suspicion with no virtual limit on the duration of authorization. Such an
infringement on the exclusionary right of private property was a grave affront to its security.
In writs of assistance, an arbitrary power greater than that found in general warrants made
them the greatest instruments of tyranny available to agents of the Crown. While not listed
directly in the grievances of the Declaration of Independence, the phrase “He has…sent hither
swarms of Officers to harrass our people, and eat out their substance” implicates writs of
assistance. The commissions of many of these officers was by a writ of assistance with a general
power of search and seizure, allowing them to enter into colonial homes upon mere suspicion
and pry into their most intimate areas in search of contraband or uncustomed goods. Writs of
assistance and general warrants were a leading grievance against Great Britain that led to
eventual revolution.
The Molasses Act of 1733 was one of many trade regulations enacted on the colonies by
the British government in the furtherance of its economic policies. It laid a duty upon the
importation of molasses from any location other than the British West Indies, hoping to channel
colonial commerce away from non-British West Indies sources. The northern colonies depended
26
upon the rum distilling industry, which needed large amounts of molasses for production. The
British West Indies was incapable of meeting the large demand from the colonies and trade with
French and Spanish islands who could became necessary for economic stability and growth.
Smuggling was a widespread and well-known occurrence on both sides of the Atlantic, but
Parliament continued to reenact the act every five years. The benefits the French received from
the trade was too great to allow it to continue after the Seven Years War had begun, and
Parliament ordered colonial custom agents to bolster execution of trade regulations. Because
stopping the illicit trade would result in economic disaster for the northern colonies, smuggling
once overlooked or ignored by customs agents and members of Parliament “became smuggling
in a very real sense.” In the province of Massachusetts Bay, the primary means of authorizing
custom agents to enforce the act was with writs of assistance. The Superior Court of
Massachusetts acting under the jurisdiction of the Court of Exchequer issued writs of assistance,
due to an extension of an act of Parliament of 1662 that enabled agents of the Crown in England
to receive writs of assistance from the Court of Exchequer to the colonies by an act of 1696.40
In February 1761, six months after the death of King George II, all writs of assistance
expired, leading to an event described by John Adams as “the first scene of opposition to the
arbitrary claims of Great Britain. Then and there the child Independence was born.” Charles
Paxton, a customs agent, went before the Superior Court seeking a new writ of assistance for the
performance of his duties. James Otis, Jr., who represented the sixty-three Boston merchants that
had sought to have a hearing on the issuance of new writs soon after the old had expired,
opposed him.
41
40 Levy, Leonard W. 157 (1999) Origins of the Bill of Rights. New Haven, Connecticut: Yale University Press.
Otis argued that the 1662 statute only authorized the issuance of specific
warrants as its 1660 predecessor had. Then he declared writs of assistance to be “the worst
41 Lasson, Nelson B. 57 (1937) The History and Development of the Fourth Amendment. Baltimore, Maryland: The John Hopkins Press.
27
instance of arbitrary power, the most destructive of English liberty, that ever was found in an
English law book.” If the statute had meant to authorize general warrants, then it violated the
Magna Charta, and by its incompatibility to the Constitution, was void. Such an argument failed
to sway Chief Justice Hutchinson and the Superior Court, but it did electrify those in the
audience and the larger American cause.
This first instance of skirmish between customs agents and colonial resentment against
their arbitrary general power of search and seizure foreshadowed the much larger conflict that
was to ensue. In response in 1762, the Massachusetts legislature passed a bill requiring evidence
stated under oath before the issuance of a writ, but the governor vetoed the bill. Soon after
colonials took to “rescuing” goods seized by customs agents, and sought to inhibit them from
carrying out their duties.42
Attorney General DeGrey of Great Britain recognized the apparent illegality of the writs
in the colonies due to the imprecise wording of past Parliamentary statutes. Charles Townshend,
the Chancellor of the Exchequer, was given free reign over colonial policy. DeGrey assisted him
in suggesting revenue bills to the House of Commons, and the House passed a statute that clearly
corrected the past problems with the issuance of the writs in the colonies. The court of issuance
became the high court of each colony, spreading the writ of assistance from its previous confines
of Massachusetts Bay and New Hampshire to all of the American colonies.
43 The legalization of
the writs of assistance did little to help the enforcement of customs duties as the “rescue” of
goods seized by their use continued in Massachusetts Bay and New Hampshire, and judges
refused to issue them in their traditional form elsewhere, if at all.44
42 Levy, Leonard W. 159 (1999) Origins of the Bill of Rights. New Haven, Connecticut: Yale University Press.
The writs issued differed
43 Ibid. 44 Lasson, Nelson B. 72 (1937) The History and Development of the Fourth Amendment. Baltimore, Maryland: The John Hopkins Press.
28
across the colonies, but all imposed limitations imposed upon the general and arbitrary search
power that the traditional writ provided. A preference for specific warrants over general warrants
emerged in American thought between 1761 and 1776, although American judges did not
brigade it with practice. Outside of Massachusetts Bay general warrants remained the
predominate means of authorizing search or seizure. “American rhetoric and reality diverged;”45
the general warrant was too convenient and efficient a tool to be so easily discarded by judges
throughout the colonies, and not until independence and the subsequent codification of basic
inalienable rights in the state constitutions did general warrants begin to fade from use.
45 Levy, Leonard W. 166 (1999) Origins of the Bill of Rights. New Haven, Connecticut: Yale University Press.
29
Chapter 4
State Constitutions: 1776-1787
After the newly sovereign American states declared their independence, they adopted
their own constitutions and established within them rights inalienable by government. Listed
among these rights in almost all of the states that chose to adopt such limitations upon state
power was a denunciation of the general search warrant. They sought to limit the ability of
government to infringe upon the use and ownership of private property. While the long
experience with general warrants and the unreasonable power of search and seizure they
provided led to a deep hatred of their use by the British, the states, freed from the tyrannical yoke
of Great Britain, were not as ready to prohibit outright their use by their own legislatures. Even
in those states that did prohibit general warrants, they sometimes still issued under legislative
enactments. The fourth amendment later sought to cure not just the past abuses of Great Britain,
but the recent abuses of the state governments as well.
The State provisions against general warrants represent American thinking on search and
seizure at the beginning of the revolution. For Madison and the others who helped to author the
fourth amendment, they provided drafting guides and had already set out important prohibitions
to be included in the later federal provision. As with the Constitution, the fourth amendment was
a culmination of American experience with past practice that required rectification and new
experimentation.
When the Virginia legislature first drafted the Declaration of Rights, not all members
thought a search and seizure provision necessary. George Mason and Thomas Jefferson both left
30
such a provision out of their original drafts of the state constitution.46
X. THAT general warrants, whereby an officer or messenger may be commanded to search
suspected places without evidence of a fact committed, or to seize any person or persons not
named, or whose offense is not particularly described and supported by evidence, are grievous and
oppressive, and ought not to be granted.
The condemnation that was
included reads:
As the first such provision in all of the state constitutions, the Virginia legislature made
significant progress in moving towards the demise of the general warrant. Many of the
deficiencies of general warrants received correction: evidence was required before conducting a
search of a suspected place, the official had to name the person he was to seize, and the official
had to particularly describe the offense committed and support it with evidence. However, the
provision failed to address all of the pitfalls of general warrants: the officer was not required to
name the property he was to seize, and there was no requirement that the officer connect the
location of the search to the crime committed.47
The Pennsylvania search and seizure provision in its Declaration of Rights, which
Vermont copied, made significant progress over the Virginia provision, which it drew from in
part. The text reads as follows:
The most glaring deficiency was that general
warrants received no prohibition at all, but merely a stern disapproval, leaving the legislature the
ability to enable their use. North Carolina copied the Virginia provision.
X. That the people have a right to hold themselves, their houses, papers, and possessions free from
search or seizure; and therefore warrants without oaths or affirmations first made, affording a
sufficient foundation for them, and whereby any officer or messenger may be commanded or
required to search suspected places, or to seize any person or persons, his or their property, not
particularly described, are contrary to that right, and ought not to be granted. 46 Levy, Leonard W. 169 (1999) The Origins of the Bill of Rights. New Haven, Connecticut: Yale University Press. 47 Ibid.
31
The amendment described a general right against search and seizure, the first legitimate use of
the concept in American constitutional thought. The same weak “ought” qualified the right, but
for this provision it was likely necessary as the legislature had no desire to eliminate all search
and seizure without warrant issued in the proper form. Warrantless searches were a long-time
practice allowed under the common law in specific circumstances, and too important for
elimination. The requirement of oath of affirmation of sufficient foundation for the warrant was
the first step towards the probable cause requirement of the fourth amendment, an important
safeguard for restricting the arbitrary discretion of search and seizure allowed under the general
warrant. Pennsylvania added property to the Virginia requirement that the officer include the
person he was to seize in the warrant. This improvement helped to prevent the seizure of
documents and personal items not a part of the crime committed, protecting the individual’s
privacy from government abuse.
The Delaware declaration on search and seizure digressed from its Pennsylvania guide,
though it contributed its own concept later included in the fourth amendment. It also drew from
the not yet passed Maryland search and seizure provision, to which it bears an almost identical
resemblance. Section 17 reads:
That all warrants without oath to search suspected places, or to seize any person or his property,
are grievous and oppressive; and all general warrants to search suspected places, or to apprehend
all persons suspected, without naming or describing the place or any person in special, are illegal
and ought not to be granted.
The legislature removed the general right against searches and seizures, and the requirement that
the officer particularly describe the property he would seize. The novel concept, at least by past
state constitutions, was the declaration that warrants that did not meet the listed requirements of
the provision were illegal, though not necessarily void. The word “ought” again appeared to
32
qualify the section’s application, though noting the illegality of general warrants was important
in establishing their inconsistency with the fundamental constitution of government.
In 1780 Massachusetts adopted the provision closest to the fourth amendment in text, and
thereby the most important for understanding the meaning behind its later brother. Article XIV
reads:
Every subject has a right to be secure from all unreasonable searches and seizures, of his person,
his houses, his papers, and all his possessions. All warrants, therefore, are contrary to this right, if
the cause or foundation of them be not previously supported by oath or affirmation; and if the
order in the warrant to a civil officer, to make search in suspected places, or to arrest one or more
suspected persons, or to seize their property, be not accompanied with a special designation of the
persons or objects of search, arrest, or seizure: And no warrant ought to be issued, but in cases,
and with the formalities, prescribed by the laws.
The provision is the most detailed of all the rights listed in the Massachusetts constitution.48
48 Levy, Leonard W. 171 (1999) The Origins of the Bill of Rights. New Haven, Connecticut: Yale University Press.
John
Adams, the author of the article, attended the famous Writs of Assistance case in 1761, and was
familiar with the arguments of James Otis against writs of assistance that had inflamed the
American cause. The lasting influence of Otis likely made search and seizure of particular
importance to Adams. Though he strangely omitted the requirement that the officer describe the
places he would search, the “right to be secure from all unreasonable searches and seizures” that
he included was the biggest contribution to the later fourth amendment, setting out the basic
reason behind the prohibition against general warrants. The phrase set a standard for judging
whether a conducted search or seizure should be considered legal, that of reasonableness. It was
the first direct protection of the exclusionary right inherent in property as a means of limiting
arbitrary infringements on the use and ownership of private property.
33
Though most states had sought to discourage general warrants in their state constitutions,
all enacted their use during the war for independence not only as exigencies of war, but for
domestic purposes as well. The resentment to the British practice that helped to ferment the
revolution failed to constrain the state governments from using general warrants for their own
legislative aims. An incident in Pennsylvania became the most notorious example of such
sacrifice of principle for expediency. In 1777, fears of a British landing at the Chesapeake
prompted Congress, sitting in Philadelphia, to request the Pennsylvania executive council to
disarm a group of people suspect of being British spies and seize their political papers. The
council authorized the arrest of persons who had not taken a loyalty oath and the search of their
homes for their political papers. Officials arrested around forty people, deporting them to
Virginia without trial to an indefinite prison sentence, which lasted about a year. The officials
also seized their personal papers in their entirety. Throughout the ordeal, the council and
Congress refused to take action, each asking the other body to hold a hearing for the exiles, and
both claiming that the exigencies of war constrained them from so doing. The exiles remained in
Virginia, in accordance with the will of Congress, though their containment was contrary to the
state’s constitution and in violation of a writ of habeas corpus issued by the state chief justice.49
General warrants remained in use throughout the war, as their users thought, “enemies of
the revolution had no entitlement to [the] civil rights” of the state constitutions.
50 Despite being a
perceived necessity of war, five states continued their use of the general warrant after fighting
ceased. Maryland, the Carolinas, Georgia, and New York all continued the practice to enforce
impost laws based upon past practice.51
49 Levy, Leonard W. 172 (1999) The Origins of the Bill of Rights. New Haven, Connecticut: Yale University Press.
In the four states of New Hampshire, Connecticut,
50 Cuddihy, William J. 634 (2009) The Fourth Amendment: Origins and Original Meaning. New York, New York: Oxford University Press. 51 Levy, Leonard W. 172 (1999) The Origins of the Bill of Rights. New Haven, Connecticut: Yale University Press.
34
Pennsylvania, and Virginia, general warrants remained in use for similar purposes, but the
specific warrant came to occupy an equal preference in the time leading to the adoption of the
constitution. The case of Frisbie v. Butler from Connecticut was important in limiting the use of
the general warrant in that state, which had no constitution. A general warrant that declared “all
persons and places throughout the world to be searched” was “illegal and void.” The court did
not void multiple-specific warrants, warrants describing several places instead of a single home
or shop for an officer to search, but upheld them obiter dictum.52
Between 1782 and 1787, the general preference for general warrants reversed, helping
American idealism to overthrow the arbitrary practice that custom and expediency had sheltered
for so long. Also in this period, several other search and seizure practices besides general
warrants became illegal due to their unreasonable nature. Despite the affirmation of the use of
multiple-specific warrants in Connecticut in Frisbie v. Butler, other states moved to require that
the warrant list a single location and not several. Massachusetts and Rhode Island did so
gradually, while Delaware and Virginia did so instantaneously through legislative statute.
Importantly, these statutes required that the warrant specify the objects of search as well as the
The judge thought it “the duty
of a justice of the peace granting a search warrant to limit the search to such particular place or
places,” requiring a neutral figure detached from the passions of the investigation evaluate the
presence of probable cause. This case was important as a judicial push against unreasonable
searches and seizures, a mere continuation of the Pratt and Mansfield tradition in the states. The
remaining four states, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, New Jersey, and Delaware, came to prefer
the specific warrant to the general warrant as the dominant method of search and seizure in the
same period.
52 Cuddihy, William J. 659 (2009) The Fourth Amendment: Origins and Original Meaning. New York, New York: Oxford University Press.
35
location, extending the traditional protections of the home to “its outbuildings and the things that
they contained.”53 The unannounced search, in which an officer forced his way into the home to
perform a search without notifying the owner of his intentions, was limited in at least ten states
by statute, many of which only allowing it in cases of resistance.54 All of the states except
Delaware found searches at night to be unreasonable and enacted legislation prohibiting their
general use.55 Before the Fourth Amendment was drafted and ratified, “seven states had
foreclosed nocturnal searches to the federal government…and nine states permitted federal
searches only by warrant.”56
Four states also had prohibited the federal government from using
general warrants. The states limited federal means of search and seizure beyond what they
themselves permitted.
53 Cuddihy, William J. 660 (2009) The Fourth Amendment: Origins and Original Meaning. New York, New York: Oxford University Press. 54 Ibid. 55 Ibid. 56 Ibid.
36
Chapter 5
Drafting and Ratification
During the Constitutional Convention, the first proposal for the addition of a Bill of
Rights to the Constitution came a week before the body was to disband. The conventioneers
struck the proposal down, having worked through an extremely hot summer and being ready to
return home to families and associates. Richard Henry Lee produced his own version of a Bill of
Rights that he urged Congress to adopt ten days after the convention ended, with the following
provision on search and seizure: “the Citizens shall not be exposed to unreasonable searches,
seizures of their papers, houses, persons, or property.”57
Anti-federalists pointed to the Necessary and Proper Clause, noting the potential abuse
that it might receive absent additional constitutional limitations on the means available for use.
Their argument was given weight by Congress ability to lay imposts on goods, since the
traditional means of enforcing revenue bills was with the general warrant, and thought the states
His proposal was based upon the general
right from the search and seizure provision in the Massachusetts Constitution, and the broadest
on the subject. The measure met fierce opposition in Congress, led by James Madison, who
thought it would lead to an unacceptable situation. For Congress to pass the bill all thirteen states
would have to vote for it under the Articles of Confederation, though the Constitution only
required that nine state conventions ratify it for it to go into effect. Federalists argued that a Bill
of Rights was unnecessary since the federal government was to be of enumerated powers. It
would be unable to infringe upon the liberty of the people because listed in Article 1 Section 8
were the only powers it had at its discretion, and they were of a limited nature. They worried that
a Bill of Rights would expand the power of the federal government by setting out limitations on
powers that did not exist, but would later come into being through implication.
57 Levy, Leonard W. 173 (1999) The Origins of the Bill of Rights. New Haven, Connecticut: Yale University Press.
37
had limited the issuance of federal general warrants under the Articles of Confederation, the new
federal courts under the Constitution would be able to do so with authorization from Congress.
Thus, the arbitrary search practices of a far-away government became a dire threat for a second
time. Their argument also received credence by the inclusion of several individual rights against
the powers of the federal government in Article 1 Section 9, such as prohibitions against Bills of
Attainder and ex post facto laws, and the protection of the writ of habeas corpus absent
Congressional suspension. Anti-federalists argued that the inclusion of certain rights into the
Constitution showed that potential federal abuses of power were possible, and that while some
were already protection, a vast majority were not.
The Anti-federalists had a larger goal than just protecting individual rights from the new
federal government within the constitutional framework; they sought to defeat ratification of the
new Constitution by the states and to reconvene a second Constitutional Convention to rectify
the original problems of the Articles of Confederation without creating a novel system of
government. Playing upon public fears, they argued that without a Bill of Rights the new
government would be capable of the gravest abuses of individual liberty. Virginia first, and later
other states, adopted the Constitution on the understanding that the first Congress would submit a
Bill of Rights for state ratification soon after it convened. Five of the states that ratified did so
with recommendations for the first Congress to consider in drafting amendments.
James Madison proved genius in his response to Anti-federalist and Federalist opposition
alike. His original proposal placed the amendments throughout the text of the Constitution,
mostly in Article 1 Section 9 with the limitations upon Congressional power. Because it would
appear that the signers of the document signed a document including the amendments, though
they did not, Congress abandoned this idea for placing the amendments at the end of the
38
Constitution as a Bill of Rights. The Anti-federalists who had sought the demise of the
Constitution still hoped for a second Constitutional Convention at which they could alter the
document to limit the powers of the proposed federal government. A Bill of Rights would
preclude this possibility and settle public fears of the new federal government; the Anti-
federalists had to accept a Bill of Rights and its consequences or come out against it, in
contradiction to their past arguments. Madison made the similar argument that the Anti-
federalists had made about the inclusion of a few individual protections in Article 1 Section 9,
and the necessity to add others through amendments as possible abuses of power clearly existed.
He meant these arguments to sway the Federalists who truly believed that a Bill of Rights was
unnecessary.
Madison drew from the Pennsylvania and Massachusetts provisions on search and seizure
to draft his own. His original amendment reads as follows:
The rights of the people to be secured in their persons, houses, papers, and their other property
from all unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated by warrants issued without
probable cause, supported by oath or affirmation, or not particularly describing the places to be
searched, or the persons or things to be seized.
The general right against unreasonable searches and seizures is listed, but is tied in operation to a
prohibition against general warrants. The amendment contains a fully developed concept of
probable cause, a less restrictive basis for a search than evidence of a fact committed. This aimed
at “ensuring custom searches that would be a major source of revenue for the colonies.”58
58 Bloom, Robert M. (2003) Searches, Seizures, and Warrants: A Reference Guide to the United States Constitution. Westport, Connecticut: Praeger.
No
longer would the issuance of a warrant depend upon the judgment of the officer and his
suspicion, but instead upon the judgment of a neutral judge or magistrate in whether probable
cause for the warrant existed. Madison’s proposal would have allowed for multiple-specific
39
warrants to issue, since the warrant only had to list the “places” of search and not the place of
search. His proposal went to a Committee of Eleven, made up of a member from each state that
had ratified the Constitution, for debate upon the proposed amendments and drafting changes.
The Committee corrected the word “places” to “place” to eliminate multiple-specific warrants,
and changed the phrase “their other property” to “effects” to broaden the protection of personal
property. Elbridge Gerry suggested that “rights” be changed to “right” and “secured” to “secure”
so as to make the phrase a statement of an individual right rather than of the effect of banning
general warrants. Egbert Benson then proposed that the words “by warrants issuing” be changed
to “and no warrants shall issue,” which failed to pass. However, the amendment went to the
Senate in the form that Benson had proposed, despite the House never having agreed to it. As
chairman of the Committee that reported the final arrangement of the amendments, he likely
switched his version for that of the House, though he may have been mistaken in doing so.
Regardless of intentions, the Senate passed the amendment in its present form, and the states
later ratified it as such. Through this the right to be secure, to exclude government from
infringing upon the use and ownership of private property, received full constitutional sanction.
40
Chapter 6
Original Intention
The historical record to the fourth amendment is so complex that Justices of the Supreme
Court often use it to support opposing answers to the same question on search and seizure. The
fourth amendment encompasses all of the following developments: the traditional sanctity of the
home from unreasonable intrusions, the English common law on search and seizure at the time of
independence, colonial resistance to the use of writs of assistance, provisions of the state
constitutions and their subsequent violations, and the drafting and ratification of the amendment
by the first Congress and the States. The developments were a refining process, a centuries-long
culmination of the right to exclude unwanted government intrusions into the possessory and
ownership interest in private property. The amendment established unreasonable searches and
seizures as contrary to the Constitution, with the general warrant prohibition being the clearest
example of what constituted an unreasonable search and seizure practice from the preceding
centuries. The home received the greatest degree of protection, as the threshold marked the
forbidden line behind which the contents of the home were to remain unknown, a fortress of
privacy for those who dwelled within. Society recognized other practices besides the general
warrant as unreasonable then, and as society has experienced “evolving standards of decency” in
applying the eighth amendment, the fourth as well must adapt to changing societal recognitions
of privacy and security.59
The sacred refuge of the home was not a novel concept at the adoption of the fourth
amendment, but the continuation of a long tradition extending back to primitive cultures that
As society advanced, the same reasonableness standards of older forms
of surveillance applied to new forms as well.
59 Trop v. Dulles, 356 U.S. 86 (1958)
41
used the home as a place of worship and the foundation of the social hierarchy.60
In the colonies, the home came under attack from extensive use of writs of assistance
used to collect revenues and enforce the trade laws of Parliament. Colonial customs agents,
armed with writs of assistance, wielded despotic discretion in their ability to search any home
upon mere suspicion without any duration to the commission of their power. The attempt made
by James Otis to challenge these writs failed to stop them from issuing, but it did enkindle the
flame of revolution throughout the continent that later events fed into a blistering inferno. Later
protests in the colonies and the aftermath of the French and Indian War led to the greater use of
writs of assistance in the colonies as the enforcement of the trade laws increased. After the
Townshend Acts extended the ability to issue writs of assistance to all of the colonies, many
judges that did not have a tradition of issuing the writ refused to issue it as an unreasonable and
illegal practice, reaffirming the home as a place outside of the arbitrary discretion of Crown
officials to search.
The early
Romans practiced this belief, and enshrined it into the Roman law of the later empire. The legal
practices preventing unreasonable and unwanted intrusions into the privacy of the home survived
in somewhat crudes forms after the fall of the Roman Empire in Medieval Britain, along with the
spiritual connection that bound society to the inner sanctity of the home. The Magna Charta later
recognized the home as a place deserving of protection from the arbitrary will of King John,
though not to the extent that Lord Pratt and Lord Mansfield later held it to mean. The use of the
general warrant did not receive much challenge until the middle of the eighteenth century, but
when the challenge came, it flogged the forces of the Crown for their use of the arbitrary practice
and restored the home to its lofty and noble position of peace. The home erected a barrier to the
outside world, protecting the intimate thoughts and details within.
60 See Chapter 1
42
After the break of familial bonds with Great Britain, the states sought to discourage the
use of general warrants as an unreasonable practice. The home was too important a refuge to
allow officials such discretion in determining whether a search was necessary. Despite the clear
disdain written into the state constitutional search and seizure provisions for general warrants,
many were reluctant to preclude its use, and even those that did still used them during the
revolution. American idealism failed to trump pragmatic concerns of war and tradition, but after
the fighting stopped, more than half of the states began to use the specific warrant with at least as
much frequency as the general warrant, and some abandoned use of the latter altogether.
Between 1782 and the drafting of the fourth amendment in 1787, protection of the home as a
barrier enveloping the objects within extended to the objects themselves, and also to nocturnal
searches and the unannounced entry of the home. The states constrained the search and seizure
practices of the federal government far past their own prerogatives, fearing that the home would
again fall prey to the arbitrary violations of a far-away power.
During the drafting of the amendment, the original proposal of the amendment by James
Madison sought solely to protect the home against the general warrant, and was not concerned
with warrantless searches. This is clear from the language that tied the general right to the
prohibition against general warrants. This was not because Madison was sympathetic to
warrantless searches. Rather, he was accustomed to police activity authorized by warrants.
Telford Taylor argues that in keeping with Madison’s original proposal, the later amendment
never referred to warrantless searches at all. Instead, he argues that a warrantless search incident-
to-arrest was quite normal under the common law and considered “reasonable.” Warrants were
the real danger, for they were the “authority for an unreasonable and oppressive search.” 61
61 Taylor, Telford. 41 (1969) Two Studies in Constitutional Interpretation.. Columbus, Ohio: Ohio State University Press.
His
43
argument depends upon the practice of law enforcement of the time, as the lack of trained
professionals forced officials to assume a merely peacekeeping function while collecting
revenues and enforcing trade regulations under the Crown.62 The real authority of these officers
rested in their grant of authority through a warrant, for without the warrant they were liable to
trespass suits to the homeowners whose homes they searched. The next hundred years saw the
transformation of ragtag forces into professional units that actively pursued criminals and the
evidence to place them behind bars, and legislatures and courts happily expanded the use of
warrantless searches to aid these new crime stoppers in a few notable exceptions.63
More than anything else, the final text discredits his argument, because even if Madison
and others only sought to prohibit the general warrant, the Senate approved and the states ratified
the fourth amendment in its present form. Madison’s view was not the only one on the subject:
the first proposal that Richard Henry Lee submitted to Congress under the Articles of
Confederation clearly sought to make the right against unreasonable searches and seizures a
general right of application. Many views likely proliferated on the meaning of the final text of
the fourth amendment as it went through the various state conventions, making the phrases of the
amendment a clear guide. In the Massachusetts’ provision on search and seizure that the
amendment drew from, the right against unreasonable search and seizure was a prefatory clause
to the prohibition of general warrants. The text of the fourth amendment made that right distinct
Warrantless
searches infringed upon the privacy of the home in the same ways that general warrants allowed
in the past, and later society came to recognize this distinction as such.
62 Bloom, Robert M. 12 (2003) Searches, Seizures, and Warrants: A Reference Guide to the United States Constitution. Westport, Connecticut: Praeger. 63 Ibid.
44
and operative, and the several practices recognized as unreasonable at that time help to define its
operation.
Society at the time of adoption recognized several practices of search and seizure as
unreasonable. Surveillance became a hefty tool of police forces to catch criminals in the act. Had
today’s extensive surveillance practices existed then, society would likely have found their
arbitrary and unchecked use unreasonable as well. After all, the warrantless officer peeking into
the home with a thermal imaging device upon mere suspicion is as arbitrary as the customs agent
forcibly entering the home under the authority of a general warrant; both exercise a raw,
unchecked, and discretionary police power.64
The framers of the amendment sought to protect tangible private property, through the
exclusionary right inherent in that property. Despite this original meaning, the original intention
of the amendment was to limit the arbitrary interference of government with the use and
possession of intimate and personal items. Intangible interests, such as conversation, are just as
intimate and the Court can bring them within Fourth Amendment protection by investing them
with an exclusionary right, similar to the one in tangible property. The intention of the framers to
provide absolute protection to property interests, rather than one that depended upon the
motivation of exercising that protection, should guide Fourth Amendment application today.
Deviance from this form of application provides opportunity for the future erosion of traditional
Fourth Amendment protections, as I will discuss in the second part. The same constraints of
older forms of surveillance should determine the application of the fourth amendment to new
Where the information gathered from inside the
home by a new technology is that which previously would have required entry into the home to
obtain, then use of that technology should require a warrant.
64 Bloom, Robert M. 12 (2003) Searches, Seizures, and Warrants: A Reference Guide to the United States Constitution. Westport, Connecticut: Praeger.
45
ones. The reasonableness standard in the fourth amendment would thereby turn on the
information revealed by past practices, and apply the old rules regulating the procurement of that
information to new procurement methods. This is not an argument against efficiency. Any
technology that makes gathering information more efficient should be welcomed as a benefit to
law enforcement, but only so far as that efficiency does not erode the traditional protection of the
fourth amendment.
46
PART 2
Fourth Amendment Jurisprudence and the Right to Exclude
Thesis: The “reasonable expectation of privacy” test is insufficient for preventing the future
erosion of traditional fourth amendment protections. A return to the right of exclusion broadened
to include intangible along with tangible interests will better protect society from the
encroachment of developing search and seizure technologies.
Those who ratified the Fourth Amendment considered the protection of private property rights
from arbitrary governmental interference to be its aim. Necessary in the right to be secure from
unreasonable government search and seizure practices was the right to exclude unwanted
government intrusion into the use of property. This right to exclude did not depend upon any
interest of privacy, security, or liberty, but was an absolute in itself. Despite the early liberal
construction of the Fourth Amendment sanctioned by Boyd v. United States,65 the Supreme
Court refused to broaden the right to exclude to intangibles in Olmstead v. United States,66 and
later abandoned the whole concept in Katz v. United States.67 It found the amendment to protect
“people, not places,” but refused to sanction a general right to privacy.68 A privacy analysis
displaced the property considerations of the text, and unduly emphasized privacy as the protected
interest of the amendment. Despite this supposed watermark in Fourth Amendment
jurisprudence, property considerations still weigh heavily in applying the privacy analysis. The
Court refuses to abandon the traditional focus of the amendment, and as recently as Kyllo v.
United States,69
65 116 U.S. 616 (1886).
indicated its unhappiness with the reasonable expectation of privacy test,
66 277 U.S. 438 (1928). 67 389 U.S. 347 (1967). 68 Katz v. United States, 389 U.S. 347, HN1 (1967). 69 533 U.S. 27 (2001).
47
invoking the constitutionally protected areas that were thought to have been discredited by the
majority in Katz v. United States.70 A return to the right to exclude broadened to include the
intangible interests denied in Olmstead v. United States,71
would better protect the original
boundaries of Fourth Amendment protection from erosion by developing technologies. This is
because the subjective nature of the reasonable expectation of privacy test allows for wavering
protections over time. Using the right to exclude approach, expectations of privacy are irrelevant
as those interests and property that the Court finds within Fourth Amendment protection are
secure from unreasonable search and seizure. In determining what intangible interests should
receive protection, the Court would still have wide discretion in applying the Fourth Amendment
to the use of developing technologies. For an intangible interest to receive protection, its
possessor must take reasonable steps to demonstrate the exercise of his right to exclude others
from its use.
70 389 U.S. 347 (1967). 71 277 U.S. 438 (1928).
48
There is a tide in the affairs of men,
Which, taken at the flood, leads on to fortune;
Omitted, all the voyage of their life
Is bound in shallows and in miseries.
On such a full sea are we now afloat;
And we must take the current when it serves,
Or lose our ventures.
Julius Caesar (IV iii 218-224)
49
Chapter 1
Early Court Interpretation: Liberal Construction and the Right to Exclude
One of the first fourth amendment cases to come before the court, Ex parte Jackson,72
established the very broad notion that all sealed letters in the mail required a warrant issued upon
probable cause before postage officials could open them for inspection. In dicta, the Court noted,
“the constitutional guaranty of the right of the people to be secure in their papers against
unreasonable searches and seizures extends to their papers, thus closed against inspection,
wherever they may be,” and likened their protection within the mails to that within the
“domicile.”73
The Court in Boyd v. United States
The extension of fourth amendment protection from the home to outside papers
sealed against inspection marked an expansive interpretation of the right to exclude, as the act of
purposefully shielding the materials within the envelope from outside scrutiny forced the
government to recognize and accept the desired seclusion. No matter if the papers were a
thousand miles away from the sender, the fourth amendment still protected the information
inside.
74 construed the fourth amendment liberally as it had
in Ex parte Jackson,75
72 96 U.S. 727 (1878)
and sanctioned such a construction for future cases. The case arose from a
Federal statute allowing for the issuance of subpoenas compelling the production of documents.
If the defendant failed or refused to produce the documents requested, then the jury was to
presume as true the written statement of the prosecution forming the basis of the subpoena and
describing what it thought was contained in the documents. In determining what constituted a
search or seizure under the amendment, the Court wrote “a compulsory production of a man's
73 Ibid. 74 116 U.S. 616 (1886) 75 96 U.S. 727 (1878)
50
private papers to establish a criminal charge against him, or to forfeit his property, is within the
scope of the Fourth Amendment to the Constitution, in all cases in which a search and seizure
would be; because it is a material ingredient, and effects the sole object and purpose of search
and seizure.”76
The basis for this approach came from the earlier English case of Entick v. Carrington,
To the Court, it did not matter that no physical search had actually occurred,
because the effect of compelling the production of personal papers to incriminate their owner
was a violation of the Fifth Amendment’s prohibition against requiring self-incrimination, and
consequently the acquirement of those papers in court was a search. The statute was a cleaver
means of bypassing the Fourth Amendment, the result of an attempt to retain the inclusion of
personal papers to establish guilt at trial without having to use a method that clearly violated its
text. Justice Bradley described the Fourth and Fifth Amendments as working in tandem, for
when objects prohibited at trial due to the Fifth Amendment were the object of search and
seizure, then the search violated the Fourth Amendment as well.
77
which Justice Bradley characterized as “one of the landmarks of English liberty.”78
76 Boyd v. United States, 116 U.S. 616 (1886)
That case
arose from the John Wilkes affair in England. In 1762, the Secretary of State issued general
warrants to several Crown officials to search all places, seize all documents, and arrest all
persons to find the author of North Britain Number 45, a paper that harshly criticized the Crown.
John Wilkes sued the Assistant Secretary of State, and later the Secretary of State, Lord Halifax,
for damages from trespass and received jury awards of £1000 and £4000 respectively. His
success encouraged John Entick to sue over an earlier incident in which Crown agents had
arrested him and seized his papers under a similar warrant, though it was at least specific to his
77 19 Howell's State Trials 1029 78 Boyd v. United States, 116 U.S. 616 (1886)
51
name. Lord Camden emphasized the importance of private property to society as his reason for
espousing the arbitrary power granted to the officials in the case through the general warrant:
The great end for which men entered into society was to secure their property. That right is
preserved sacred and incommunicable in all instances where it has not been taken away or
abridged by some public law for the good of the whole… By the laws of England, every invasion
of private property, be it ever so minute, is a trespass. No man can set his foot upon my ground
without my license, but he is liable to an action though the damage be nothing; which is proved by
every declaration in trespass where the defendant is called upon to answer for bruising the grass
and even treading upon the soil.79
The right to exclude emanates from his description as the means for invalidating such capricious
invasions by the Crown. Without it, the law whimpers at the whims of every man who wishes to
impose his will on the possessions of others. Lord Camden made the original distinction between
what goods the government may reasonably seize and what goods it may not, looking at the
possessory interests of the goods in question.
80
79 19 Howell's State Trials 1029
For those seized under a common law writ for
stolen goods, the goods belong to someone else, who is merely asserting his ownership interest
to retrieve his property. The government acquires no ownership interest over goods it seized
from me and intends to use against me in a court of law, and cannot do so. This distinction
Justice Bradley applied to all private papers, arguing that compelling their production in a court
of law would violate the possessory interests of the owner. He found the other party entitled to
possession of stolen goods, and government to have a superior interest in goods in breach of
revenue laws, goods concealed to avoid duties, record books the law required be kept, and
contraband.
80 Clancy, Thomas K. 49 (2008) The Fourth Amendment: Its History and Interpretation. Durham, North Carolina: Carolina Academic Press.
52
Justice Bradley found Lord Camden’s judgment to apply to “apply to all invasions on the
part of the government and its employees of the sanctity of a man's home and the privacies of
life. It is not the breaking of his doors, and the rummaging of his drawers, that constitutes the
essence of the offence; but it is the invasion of his indefeasible right of personal security,
personal liberty and private property.”81 The right to exclude rests on no single interest in
security, liberty, or property, but instead on a combination of all three and does not depend upon
them for its existence. Rather, the law establishes restrictions on the actions of government,
which government must follow to allow the individual security in his possessions and self.
Justice Bradley sanctioned a liberal interpretation of all amendments regarding the liberties of
individuals, but especially the fourth amendment as allowing subtle changes in the application of
the amendment might lead to a growth of despotic practices similar to the practice allowing the
Secretary of State to issue general warrants at issue in Entick v. Carrington.82
Justice Miller, concurring in the opinion, could not agree that a search or seizure
occurred, as the events of the case did not implicate the text of the fourth amendment in a literal
way. For him, such a reading of the amendment was an aberration from the original meaning of
the Constitution and no justification for the majority interpretation existed. Even in the first few
search and seizure cases that reached the Court, Justices disagreed over how much weight to
afford the literal text of the amendment in consideration of the personal liberty at stake by an
overly constrictive approach. While Justice Miller’s concern was more reasonable than that of
the later Olmstead Court, he nonetheless misunderstood the danger from unduly narrowing the
amendment’s protection. In limiting the application of the amendment to the mere physical
invasion of a premises or mere physical seizure of an item of property, government receives free
81 Boyd v. United States, 116 U.S. 616 (1886) 82 19 Howell's State Trials 1029
53
reign to use technological means to effect the whole object of what otherwise would have been a
tangible search and seizure. Clearly, Justice Miller had no means of imagining the future forms
that search and seizure technologies would take. This lack of foresight plagues all judges, and is
the reason the Court should refrain from molding fourth amendment protections to the
technologies and practices of the present.
The Court continued its preference for a liberal fourth amendment construction in Weeks
v. United States83 with its creation of the federal exclusionary rule. While a police officer
arrested and held the defendant, other officers went to his home and conducted a warrantless
search and seizure. They turned the seized papers and articles over to a federal marshal, who
later returned to the home and conducted a second warrantless search, in which he collected
several letters and envelopes from the defendant’s room. The defendant later moved to have
those items returned to him as his rightful property, their seizure being through illegal means, a
request the trial court denied. Justice Day, writing for the majority, reviewed the holding of
Justice Bradley in Boyd v. United States84, emphasizing the fourth amendment restraint upon
government action that secures the people, their papers, house, and effects against unreasonable
searches and seizures.85
The Supreme Court adopted the exclusionary rule for two purposes, with the first being
to discourage unreasonable searches and seizures by law enforcement, and the second being to
prevent judicial acquiescence in such illegal practices. “The efforts of the courts and their
officials to bring the guilty to punishment, praiseworthy as they are, are not to be aided by the
sacrifice of those great principles established be years of endeavor and suffering which have
83 232 U.S. 383 (1914) 84 116 U.S. 616 (1886) 85 Because the Fourth Amendment did not become applicable to the States by incorporation through the Fourteenth Amendment until 1961, the restraint recognized in Weeks v. United States applied only to action by the Federal Government.
54
resulted in their embodiment in the fundamental law of the land.”86 This was a broad
interpretation of an amendment whose text provided no method of enforcement. Under the
common law, a blind eye governed the procurement of evidence, allowing illegally obtained
items into trial without dispute. The fourth amendment sought to alter or abolish common law
methods of search and seizure that it found unreasonable, this practice being no exception. The
Court found the inclusion of the evidence at trial a prejudicial error, because “to sanction such
proceedings would be to affirm by judicial decision a manifest neglect, if not an open defiance,
of the prohibitions of the Constitution, intended for the protection of the people against such
unauthorized action.”87
This marked a radical departure from the common law, as the Court held the fundamental
principles of the Constitution to supersede the possibility of letting a criminal go free whose guilt
the illegally seized evidence clearly established. The right to exclude was the motivation behind
the decision, for without the ability to remove evidence from trial procured in violation of the
fourth amendment, there would be no security in the person or property. In order to exclude
others, a course of redress is necessary once the government infringes that right.
Several years later, the Court expanded the exclusionary rule to reach information
obtained from illegally procured evidence, barring the violation of an intangible interest along
with use of the tangible evidence at trial. In Silverthorne Lumber Co., Inc. v. United States88
86 Weeks v. United States, 232 U.S. 383 (1914)
,
government agents detained defendants while other agents broke into their corporate office
without warrants and seized all of the books and papers they found there. The District Court
returned the originals to the defendants at their request, but issued new subpoenas for their
production based upon copies of the originals made by the prosecution, though federal agents
87 Ibid. 88 251 U.S. 385 (1920)
55
obtained the originals through a constitutional violation. Justice Holmes, writing for the majority,
found the government position to reduce “the Fourth Amendment to a form of words. The
essence of a provision forbidding the acquisition of evidence in a certain way is that not merely
evidence so acquired shall not be used before the Court, but that it shall not be used at all.”89
This proposition seriously broadened the thrust of the amendment past the mere
protection of a tangible property interest, because the papers and books had already returned to
the defendants before the trial began. The information within the papers received the same
protection as the papers themselves, due to the possessor’s right to exclude others from the
viewing of the documents and the information contained within. Though the concept was foreign
to Justice Holmes, who likely saw this as nothing more than the protection of tangible papers, it
was the information, an intangible interest, which the Court protected. Otherwise, the mere
return of the original papers to the defendants would have settled the case. This recognition did
not extend to a multitude of intangible interests, but just the one concerning the information
within private papers. The concept was ready for an expansion to other intangible interests, but
since the Court did not view its decision in this light, it was not inclined to do so until many
decades later. Justice Holmes recognized that this principle was not actionable in all situations,
such as if the same knowledge came from an independent source. The fourth amendment places
a restriction on government action, not that of private individuals.
90
The next year, the Court found substantive restrictions on the object of search and
seizure, fully developing a property-based application of the fourth amendment in Gouled v.
United States.
91
89 Ibid.
The defendant protested the evidential use of several papers in his trial, one of
which an Army officer took from his office, and the others federal agents seized under two
90 See Footnote 20 above 91 255 U. S. 298 (1921)
56
search warrants. The Court first looked back at Boyd v. United States92, Weeks v. United States93,
and Silverthorne Lumber Co., Inc. v. United States94
The effect of the decisions cited is that such rights are declared to be indispensable to the "full
enjoyment of personal security, personal liberty and private property"; that they are to be regarded
as of the very essence of constitutional liberty; and that the guaranty of them is as important and as
imperative as are the guaranties of the other fundamental rights of the individual citizen -- the right
to trial by jury, to the writ of habeas corpus, and to due process of law. It has been repeatedly
decided that these amendments should receive a liberal construction, so as to prevent stealthy
encroachment upon or "gradual depreciation" of the rights secured by them, by imperceptible
practice of courts or by well intentioned, but mistakenly overzealous, executive officers.
to emphasize the liberal construction that
the fourth and fifth amendments had in tandem, a tradition stretching back to the late 19th
century.
95
The Court recognized three fourth amendment interests of protection: security, liberty, and
property. These interests are not all-inclusive, but demonstrate that the fourth amendment does
not concern itself with one purpose and goal. It is a restriction upon the action of government,
independent in application of the interest underlying protection whenever an unreasonable search
or seizure occurs. The right to be secure takes no view of the purposive interest, but allows for
absolute dominion over the sought exclusion.
96
The Court then addressed whether search warrants could issue for the purpose of
obtaining papers with no pecuniary value and solely for use as mere evidence, finding that “they
may be resorted to only when a primary right to such search and seizure may be found in the
interest which the public or the complainant may have in the property to be seized, or in the right
92 116 U.S. 616 (1886) 93 232 U.S. 383 (1914) 94 251 U.S. 385 (1920) 95 Gouled v. United States, 255 U. S. 298 (1921) 96 Clancy, Thomas K. 78 (2008) The Fourth Amendment: Its History and Interpretation. Durham, North Carolina: Carolina Academic Press.
57
to the possession of it, or when a valid exercise of the police power renders possession of the
property by the accused unlawful and provides that it may be taken.”97 The result was a
formalization of the property rights approach to the amendment that Boyd v. United States98
The last case of major import from the early period of fourth amendment doctrine was
Hester v. United States.
had
first sanctioned. This did not offer absolute protection to private papers, but only those whose
ownership interest had not shifted to the government. The substantive restrictions were as much
a result of the Fifth Amendment as the Fourth, and showed the Court’s affinity for a liberal
construction of both amendments.
99 The case marked a minor retreat from the broad fourth amendment
interpretation sanctioned by prior cases, as it relied exclusively on the literal text. Federal agents
trespassed onto the defendant’s land, where they surprised the defendant and several of his
associates, who dropped several incriminating items of moonshine whiskey in their haste to
escape. Justice Holmes found that because open fields are not listed among the protected items of
“persons, houses, papers, and effects,” they do not receive protection under the fourth
amendment. The decision emphasized that not all private interests in land receive protection; the
home is the castle of the man and his absolute dominion, not the fields surrounding it. The result
is surprising considering the liberal construction of what constitutes a search or seizure in Boyd
v. United States100, and the substantive property restrictions placed upon search warrants by
Gouled v. United States101
97 Gouled v. United States, 255 U. S. 298 (1921)
, but Justice Holmes found the distinction between the home and the
98 116 U.S. 616 (1886) 99 265 U. S. 57 (1924) 100 116 U.S. 616 (1886) 101 255 U. S. 298 (1921)
58
open fields “as old as the common law,”102
and consequently land other than the home to be
outside of constitutional protection.
102 Hester v. United States, 265 U. S. 57 (1924)
59
Chapter 2
Constitutionally Protected Areas and Extreme Trespass Theory
The Supreme Court first addressed the application of the fourth amendment to developing
search and seizure technologies in the case of Olmstead v. United States.103
The basis for the majority opinion relied on practical considerations of the amendment.
As Chief Justice Taft stated in the opinion:
As the telephone was
such an important part of the 20th century, it is hardly surprising that it was the first developing
technology to reach the Court under the fourth amendment. The case involved the legality of
warrantless wiretapping, which the Court held to be constitutional. Defendant Olmstead was the
leading conspirator in an illegal bootlegging operation in the state of Washington, and the
government brought charges against him under the National Prohibition Act. Agents used
wiretaps without warrant to monitor the activities of the conspirators, with careful attention not
to commit a trespass by placing the taps on the wires outside of the home. The transcripts of
months of conversations comprised a majority of the case, and allowed for discovery of the full
extent of the conspiracy.
The Amendment itself shows that the search is to be of material things – the person, the house, his
papers, or his effects. The description of the warrant necessary to make the proceeding lawful is
that it must specify the place to be searched and the person or things to be seized.104
As a conversation between two individuals was not a tangible, material thing, no search had
taken place, and therefore the agents had not violated the fourth amendment. The Court refused
to expand the meaning of the text to include intangible items, finding such an interpretation
would be “attributing an enlarged and unusual meaning to the Fourth Amendment.”
105
103 277 U.S. 438 (1928)
Instead,
104 Olmstead v. United States, 277 U.S. 438 (1928) 105 Ibid.
60
Justice Taft sought to apply the understanding of the amendment at the time of its adoption to the
case at hand. The lack of a physical trespass into the home of Mr. Olmstead weighed heavily in
the majority disposition of the case, and the Court would have decided differently if federal
agents had committed such a trespass.
The decision upheld the right to exclude as an absolute when the item searched or seized
was tangible and within the text of the amendment, but refused to broaden that exclusionary right
to intangible interests whose lack of protection actually diminished the original protection
offered by the Fourth Amendment. No longer were men secure in the transmittance of their
thoughts across great distance, as they had been since Ex Parte Jackson106
106 96 U.S. 727 (1878)
with the stringent
protection offered to letters in the mail. Justice Taft distinguished the mails from the telephone
due to the constitutional power of the Congress to regulate and protect the Post Office
Department and exclude outside business from postal competition. While the government owes a
duty to tax payers to protect and deliver their sealed letters, this duty is not present in the
transmittal of telephone messages, and thereby the government does not need a warrant to listen
to telephone conversations so long as it commits no trespass onto the defendant’s property. The
Court found the situation similar to eavesdropping, which though considered a nuisance, the
common law allowed. While it is reasonable that different mediums of communication receive
different levels of protection, the intimacy involved in telephone conversations provides its own
justification for the requirement of a warrant. There is no way for the police to know what part of
the conversation will concern the criminal content sought, and what will be the intimate
expression of love or contempt until the conversation occurs. Wiretaps allow for a level of non-
specificity similar to the free range provided under general warrants, and necessitate judicial
oversight to curb abuse and undue intrusion. The government monitors more than just the
61
criminal suspect whenever a wiretap is used; it monitors all individuals who happen to call,
hearing not just shipment orders of contraband moonshine whiskey between thugs, but also a boy
wishing his father goodnight, or a husband describing to his wife their Eros. Such intrusion into
the security of the individual is greater than the unreasonable search and seizure of personal
papers prohibited by past cases.
Justice Taft carefully disposed of the Fifth Amendment issue, by suggesting that its
violation followed only if the Fourth Amendment first received violation. This proposition was
not the way that past cases applied the relationship between the Fourth and Fifth Amendments.
For example, in Boyd v. United States107
In dissent Justice Brandeis, echoing the argument of Justice Marshall in McCulloch v.
Maryland
, the Court found the subpoenaed request of personal
papers, whose contents were assumed to be what the prosecution described them to be if the
defendant did not produce them, an unreasonable search and seizure because the object sought
violated the Fifth Amendment, and the form of procuring that evidence effected the sole object
and purpose of search and seizure. If anything, a Fourth Amendment violation in such a case
depended upon a violation of the Fifth Amendment. The lack of government compulsion forcing
the individuals to speak over the wires became the principle distinction, although the government
never forced individuals to commit their personal thoughts to paper either. The public feared the
potential abuses that the decision allowed and Congress passed the Communications Act of
1934, making the interception of conversations over the telephone wires a federal crime.
108
107 116 U.S. 616 (1886)
, found that the Constitution was meant to endure for the ages, and accordingly the
governing principles within must be “capable of wider application than the mischief which gave
108 17 U.S. 316 (1819)
62
[them] birth.”109
The progress of science in furnishing the Government with means of espionage is not likely to
stop with wiretapping. Ways may someday be developed by which the Government, without
removing papers from secret drawers, can reproduce them in court, and by which it will be
enabled to expose to a jury the most intimate occurrences of the home.
The majority opinion underplayed the liberal construction of past Courts in
considering whether a search or seizure occurred, a construction necessary to preventing the
disintegration of fourth amendment protections over time.
Progressive technologies risked pushing back the protection of the Fourth Amendment over time,
and a restrictive interpretation that placed unnecessary limits upon the amendment’s scope would
only exacerbate that problem. His vision was the farthest reaching of all of the opinions that I
have come across, and he meant to provide protection that would last indefinitely into the future.
The test he fashioned to govern the amendment does just that: “To protect [the right to be let
alone] every unjustifiable intrusion by the government upon the privacy of the individual,
whatever the means employed, violates the Fourth Amendment.”110
109 Weems v. United States, 217 U.S. 349 (1910)
Justice Brandeis expanded
the right to exclude to an extreme in the emphasis of privacy, but did not consider its application
to security and liberty. He missed the essential function of the Fourth Amendment as a restriction
upon government action, rather than as a means of protecting merely one interest. Regardless of
privacy, a warrantless trespass into the home infringes upon a right to security and liberty.
Though the right of privacy that Justice Brandeis described was broader than mere application to
search and seizure, the later reasonableness standard adopted by the Court bears close
resemblance to his purported aim. He did not seek to include intangible interests into those
already protected by the amendment, but rather sought to alter the entire form of the amendment
by evaluating privacy and government intrusion into that protected interest. For better or worse,
110 Ibid.
63
his suggestion did have an ultimate influence upon the Court’s current fourth amendment method
of evaluation.
The Court revisited the holding of the Olmstead case in Goldman v. United States.111
The dissenting Justices all sought an overruling of the Olmstead case, finding its doctrine
pernicious and ridiculous. Justice Murphy observed that ”the search of one's home or office no
longer requires physical entry, for science has brought forth far more effective devices for the
invasion of a person's privacy than the direct and obvious methods of oppression which were
detested by our forebears and which inspired the Fourth Amendment.”
Refusing to overrule Olmstead, Justice Roberts found “to rehearse and reappraise the arguments
pro and con, and the conflicting views exhibited in the [Olmstead] opinions, would serve no
good purpose.” The majority merely asserted its affirmation of the Olmstead holding, whose
facts they found consistent with those in the case at issue. Agents used a listening device placed
on a wall adjacent to the defendant’s office to hear conversations, and later introduced transcripts
of what they heard at trial as evidence. The device did not physically penetrate the wall, but
merely magnified the sounds on the other side. The majority found the detectaphone similar to
wiretaps in that both heard what the defendant was saying without a physical intrusion. The
literal construction sanctioned by the Taft Court requiring physical intrusion into the
constitutionally protected area of the office or home led to finding the detectaphone a
constitutionally acceptable method of gathering information within those confines. The Court
held the right to exclude as absolute, but merely the right to exclude physical intrusions rather
than intangible methods of gathering similar information without trespass, severely curtailing the
effect and purpose of the amendment.
112
111 316 U. S. 129 (1942)
Instead of an
112 Goldman v. United States, 316 U. S. 129 (1942)
64
amendment whose protection increased to match the enlarged invasiveness of search and seizure
technologies, the Court constricted the amendment to previous methods of search and seizure,
despite the steady erosion of protection that progress would, and did, engender. The doctrine
ignored the importance that the telephone had assumed in society:
It is strange doctrine that keeps inviolate the most mundane observations entrusted to the
permanence of paper, but allows the revelation of thoughts uttered within the sanctity of private
quarters, thoughts perhaps too intimate to be set down even in a secret diary, or indeed, utterances
about which the common law drew the cloak of privilege -- the most confidential revelations
between husband and wife, client and lawyer, patient and physician, and penitent and spiritual
adviser.
Justice Murphy saw no distinction between the mails and the telephone as means of
communication, since both share the purpose of the transfer of information between individuals.
Even if Olmstead was sound, he saw the cases to differ since the wiretaps at issue there
monitored conversations projected from the home into the public sphere, while the use of the
detectaphone here revealed details the defendant did not wish to leave his office. Such a
distinction focused upon the right to exclude in a narrow sense, looking at the underlying action
of the defendant to determine whether he meant to exclude outsiders from his conversations.
Physical trespass defined the outcome of the next important fourth amendment case
dealing with developing search and seizure technologies, Silverman v. United States.113
113 365 U. S. 505 (1961)
Federal
agents nailed a “spike mike” into the wall of defendant’s home, which pressed against a heating
duct, magnifying vibrations throughout the entire home and allowing the agents to hear and
transcribe all of the conversations within. The Court distinguished the facts from those in the
65
Goldman decision, because here an actual physical intrusion happened violating the right of
security in the home. The Court implicitly recognized a conversation as an item of seizure;
otherwise, the Court would have decided as it had in past cases focusing on the lack of a physical
intrusion into the premises. Though the device penetrated the wall by only a few inches, and may
not have qualified as an actual trespass under local property law, the Court found a fourth
amendment violation. The doctrine broadly expanded the right to exclude to all instances of
physical trespass, no matter how small the infraction, but ignored intangible methods of intrusion
altogether. Though the Court did not recognize the inconsistency of its approach, it clearly
identified it in explaining its decision:
In these circumstances, we need not pause to consider whether or not there was a technical
trespass under the local property law relating to party walls. Inherent Fourth Amendment rights
are not inevitably measurable in terms of ancient niceties of tort or real property law.114
The Court’s reliance on physical trespass as the means of determining a violation of the fourth
amendment, a concept clearly arising from the “ancient niceties of tort or real property law,” is at
odds with such a liberal construction of the fourth amendment. Goldman and Silverman are
identical in all facts except for a minute intrusion into the physical premises of the home, and yet
that seemingly insignificant fact determined what duty the people owe to public safety to allow
the government vision into their most intimate confines. While the distinction between physical
entry and intangible intrusion has solid ground, it is not enough to demand the exposure of
peoples’ homes to the whims of warrantless government inspection through a means that does
not allow to people within knowledge that the government is observing them. Such an intrusion
might work more damage to the liberty of the person than a physical trespass. The liberal
construction of determining what constituted a search or seizure and the narrowly constrictive
114 Silverman v. United States, 365 U. S. 505 (1961)
66
view of what items and places fell within constitutional protection were at odds with one another,
irreconcilable interpretations that demanded the judge both act as a zealous reformer of
unreasonable practices and as a dogmatic protector of the old way.
The constitutionally protected areas approach to the fourth amendment spread from the
home to other areas associated with privacy and desired intimacy. In Lanza v. United States115
A business office is a protected area, and so may be a store. A hotel room, in the eyes of the
Fourth Amendment, may become a person's "house," and so, of course, may an apartment. An
automobile may not be unreasonably searched. Neither may an occupied taxicab. Yet, without
attempting either to define or to predict the ultimate scope of Fourth Amendment protection, it is
obvious that a jail shares none of the attributes of privacy of a home, an automobile, an office, or a
hotel room.
,
the Court outlined a list of constitutionally protected areas in deciding whether a jail should
receive protection:
This form of analysis became common in deciding which areas to include within fourth
amendment protection, with the obvious emphasis being upon the privacy the area afforded. The
Court did not err in its attempt to decide which areas should include protection, but instead in the
protection the amendment affords to the area within the outer boundaries. The right to exclude
received broad scope in defining a violation but limited application to prescribed areas.
Conversations received full recognition as objects of search and seizure under the Fourth
Amendment in Wong Sun v. United States.116
115 370 U. S. 139 (1962). The case was one of the first to involve actions by a state government that violated the Fourth Amendment, which the Court incorporated through the fourteenth amendment to apply to the states in Mapp v. Ohio, 367 U.S. 643 (1961).
The trial court allowed into evidence a
conversation that occurred between one of the defendants and several police officers who had
broken into his apartment without a warrant, which led to the finding of narcotics by which the
116 371 U.S. 471 (1963)
67
police charged defendant with a crime. The Court considered whether conversations fall within
the protected scope of the Fourth Amendment as an intangible interest with the full benefit of the
right of exclusion, finding that “verbal evidence which derives so immediately from an unlawful
entry and an unauthorized arrest as the officers' action in the present case is no less the "fruit" of
official illegality than the more common tangible fruits of the unwarranted intrusion.”117
The “mere evidence” rule met its demise in 1967 in the case of Warden v. Hayden.
The
exclusion of the conversations in the Silverman case provided the basis for the Court
interpretation, though that case had expanded the right to exclude to an intangible interest to
counter the sophisticated intrusion of a developing technology. Nevertheless, by fully
recognizing verbal statements as objects protected from unreasonable search and seizure, the
Court found the means of extending Fourth Amendment protection to intangible interests without
necessitating a radical shift in the Amendment’s interpretation and structure. The right to exclude
offers a sufficient means of preventing the future erosion of Fourth Amendment protection.
118
Police entered a home without a warrant upon word that a robbery suspect had recently entered
it. They searched the home for the defendant, and arrested him as the only male in the house.
During the search, the police found in a washing machine several garments described by
witnesses as those that the robber was wearing, garments the defendant later moved to suppress
at trial due to their being merely evidential in nature. Justice Brennan began by describing the
text of the Amendment, and found that “Nothing in the language of the Fourth
Amendment supports the distinction between "mere evidence" and instrumentalities, fruits of
crime, or contraband.”119
117 Wong Sun v. United States, 371 U.S. 471 (1963)
Riddled throughout his opinion was the assertion, equally unsupported
by the amendment’s text, that privacy is the ultimate interest protected by the amendment. This
118 387 U.S. 294 (1967) 119 Warden v. Hayden, 387 U.S. 294 (1967)
68
association Justice Brennan chose to ignore, opining, “Privacy is disturbed no more by a search
directed to a purely evidentiary object than it is by a search directed to an instrumentality, fruit,
or contraband.”120
Justice Brennan relates that the Court moved away from strict application of common law
property distinctions when applying the Fourth Amendment, but botches the justification for
many of those holdings. The first such instance confuses the holding of Silverthorne v. United
States as one concerned wholly with privacy, ignoring the exclusionary interest the Court sought
to protect in the concerned property. Though the trial court returned the original papers to the
defendants, the Supreme Court found the use of copies of the originals at trial a similar violation
of the amendment. This was not solely because of a privacy interest in the documents, but
because the government violated the amendment when securing the original documents, and
allowing it to avail itself of the use of that information at trial would taint the judiciary with
acquiescence of that illegal practice. He then mentions Henry v. United States
In denying that property interests are relevant in determining whether a search
or seizure is reasonable, the resulting consequence is that the individual exclusionary interest in
the property succumbs to a superior government interest in all property that may establish the
guilt of a criminal defendant. Emphasizing the protection of privacy over the protection of the
property rights the amendment sought to protect reduces its overall thrust as the right to be
secure no longer acts as a restriction upon government in all circumstances, but only those that
concern privacy.
121, Beck v.
Ohio122, McDonald v. United States123, Trupiano v. United States124, and Aguilar v. Texas125
120 Ibid.
, all
121 361 U.S. 98 (1959) 122 379 U.S. 89 (1964) 123 335 U.S. 451 (1948) 124 334 U.S. 699 (1948) 125 378 U.S. 108 (1964)
69
of which sought to expand fourth amendment protection in the traditionally favored broad
construction of the amendment, adding outside procedural constraints upon the protection
already established. Claiming “the requirement that the Government assert in addition some
property interest in material it seizes has long been a fiction,”126
Justice Brennan does not ignore the Fifth Amendment and its connection to the Fourth
sanctioned by the Court reaching back to the Boyd case, but he does distinguish the holding by
denying any self-incrimination that might result from the garments in question. He thus left
evidence of “testimonial” and “communicative” nature as a question for another day, but largely
dismantled the substantive restrictions upon the object of search and seizure and overruled the
holding of Gouled v. United States.
the only fiction he describes is
one of his own making as his analysis of the three governmental possessory interests recognized
as superior to that of the individual in the past merely represents his own understanding of the
reasons behind past practices, a proposition bolstered by his failure to cite a single source
supporting his position. Justice Brennan confuses the relation between property interests and
procedural due process requirements. Though items with government possessory interests are
sometimes excluded from trial on due process grounds, such as a failure of showing proper
probable cause for the issued warrant authorizing search for contraband, this is in no way an
abandonment of the protection afforded individual property interests. The Court meant to expand
the protection of the amendment past property protections, while keeping those property
protections intact.
127
126 Warden v. Hayden, 387 U.S. 294 (1967)
Recognizing that the decision may enlarge the scope of
government search and seizure, Justice Brennan finds the additional intrusions to be “made after
fulfilling the probable cause and particularity requirements of the Fourth Amendment and after
127 Gouled v. United States, 255 U. S. 298 (1921)
70
the intervention of "a neutral and detached magistrate."128 While these procedural safeguards are
enough to protect the security of the individual in a circumstance similar to this, it does not
justify the abandonment of the entire property rights approach to permissible searches and
seizures. As the concurring opinion of Justice Fortas noted, “the use of identifying clothing worn
in the commission of a crime and seized during "hot pursuit" is within the spirit and intendment
of the "hot pursuit" exception to the search warrant requirement.”129 Placing this case in one of
the three exceptions to the warrant requirement would have enabled the Court to reach a
reasonable result without resorting to the use of a blowtorch to light a birthday candle, engulfing
the cake in flames and burning a giant hole through its center. The “mere evidence” rule helped
to discourage general searches by limiting the items that the government could lawfully search
and seize. Its abrogation marked “[the destruction], root and branch, [of] a basic part of liberty's
heritage.”130
Justice Douglas attacked the majority opinion with a zealous defense of privacy, arguing
that the early Entick case created “a zone of privacy which no government official may enter.”
131
128 Warden v. Hayden, 387 U.S. 294 (1967)
The substantive restrictions upon permissible searches and seizures meant to eradicate general
searches that were the bane of colonial settlers. His dissent meshes the protection of property
rights with the protection of privacy, and provides an alternative to the false dichotomy of
choosing between a strictly property-based approach and a strictly privacy-based approach. His
reliance on privacy is as unsupported as the similar reliance of Justice Brennan, but at least the
former does not use the text for the first part of his argument, only to later ignore it in making his
second. The two offer stunning contrast in the application of the fourth amendment when
129 Ibid. 130 Ibid. 131 Ibid.
71
considering the supposedly superior “privacy” interest. The majority opinion dismantles a
century old protection because its absence has little effect on the privacy of the individual, while
Justice Douglas defends the practice as an additional privacy protection that aids in creating an
absolute zone of privacy within which the government may never enter. The privacy protected
depends on the whim of the Justice is determining what amount of privacy is reasonable under
the amendment. For the majority, procedural safeguards are enough to supplant the displaced
practice, while for Justice Douglas the practice is an indispensible boon to privacy. Focus on
privacy allows individual conceptions of what privacy protections the Fourth Amendment allows
much greater influence in its application than a stricter property-based approach focused on the
exclusionary right of the owner of the property. Justice Douglas accepts the exclusionary right of
property as a necessary component of privacy protection, a premise the majority denies.
By reason of the Fourth Amendment, the police may not rummage around among these personal
effects, no matter how formally perfect their authority may appear to be. They may not seize them.
If they do, those articles may not be used in evidence. Any invasion whatsoever of those personal
effects is "unreasonable" within the meaning of the Fourth Amendment.132
The property protected is by its nature so intimate that the government has no prerogative to
conduct a search or seizure with it as the object sought. The jacket and clothing here found did
not seem intimate items, but if the government searched for and introduced a brassiere or pair of
panties into evidence instead, the effect would be much more intrusive into the defendant’s
privacy.
The Supreme Court again addressed electronic eavesdropping in the 1967 case of Berger
v. New York.133
132 Warden v. Hayden, 387 U.S. 294 (1967)
Police discovered a bribery conspiracy after installing eavesdrops in two offices
133 388 U.S. 41 (1967)
72
under a New York statute upheld by the New York courts, each authorized for a sixty-day
period. Justice Clark, writing for a plurality opinion, described the development of numerous
electronic surveillance technologies and acknowledged how “the law, though jealous of
individual privacy, has not kept pace with these advances in scientific knowledge.”134 Such a
frank admittance of the limitations on judicial protection, or rather of judicial abdication in
failing to expand that protection, showed the Court’s recognition that, just as Justice Bradley
urged almost a century earlier in the Boyd case, Fourth Amendment protection must expand
liberally to prevent the subtle encroachments of pernicious search and seizure practices into the
law. The opinion moved through developments in search and seizure law after the Olmstead case
and its trespass doctrine, concluding that the Silverman and Wong Sun cases recognized
conversations as objects of search and seizure under the Fourth Amendment and provided them
protection against unreasonable search and seizure. This negated the premise of Olmstead v.
United States135
Because conversations are a form of property under the amendment, and fall within the
“effects” it protects, warrants authorizing for their search and seizure require their particular
description so that once police obtain the conversation sought the search will terminate. As the
New York statute failed to do this:
and its following lines of cases, that conversations did not receive Fourth
Amendment protection, and all but overruled them.
New York's broadside authorization, rather than being "carefully circumscribed" so as to prevent
unauthorized invasions of privacy actually permits general searches by electronic devices, the
truly offensive character of which was first condemned in Entick v. Carrington, 19 How.St.Tr.
1029 and which were then known as "general warrants.”136
134 Berger v. New York, 388 U.S. 41 (1967)
135 277 U.S. 438 (1928) 136 Berger v. New York, 388 U.S. 41 (1967)
73
The Court found such general authorization similar to the general warrants that directly
prompted the writing of the Fourth Amendment. The right to exclude that the Court expanded to
conversations prohibited general government searches, giving the office a “roving commission to
"seize" any and all conversations,” and rather permitted specific searches for those described in
the warrant and sought for a particular crime.137 Despite the statute’s requirement that the
warrant describe the person whose conversations the police were to monitor, rather than placing
limitations on general searches, this merely noted whose conversations the police searched for
and seized unreasonably. As with any general search, “this leaves too much to the discretion of
the officer executing the order,” rather than vesting a neutral magistrate with the ability to limit
the search to protect the liberty of the individual.138
The second problem Justice Clark identified was the length of the authorization for
search and seizure. A sixty-day period allows for repeated intrusions into the constitutionally
protected area of the individual, the same as an officer returning to the home or office each day
to overhear the conversations there, without a new showing of probable cause for each intrusion.
The search is not limited to a single instance, but allowed to occur continuously for 1,440 hours.
Numerous individuals will call upon the person under surveillance within this time; they will be
subject to the search and seizure as well though for many of them police have no reason to
suspect their connection to the crime behind the authorization. The third was the lack of a
requirement that police end the surveillance once they found the conversation they sought, since
the warrant never particularly described it. This allowed for continued intrusion into the security
of the individual after the reason for authorizing the surveillance expired. Such an allowance
137 Berger v. New York, 388 U.S. 41 (1967) 138 Ibid.
74
granted police greater discretion than that found under general warrants, as they at least required
the search end after the seizure transpired.
Justice Douglas in his concurrence recognized that the plurality opinion overruled the
guiding principle behind the Olmstead decision and its progeny, that conversations did not
receive fourth amendment protection. His principle objection to Justice Clark lay in his
continued support of the “mere evidence” rule. In his conception of the Fourth Amendment, the
framers sought to create a zone within which government could never enter; only when the
government had a superior interest in possessing an object could a reasonable search or seizure
occur. Since the government has no superior possessory interest in the conversations of
individuals, those conversations fall outside of the governmental prerogative to search and seize.
His interpretation might have prevailed had the Court not recently abrogated the “mere
evidence” rule in Warden v. Hayden,139
Justice Stewart concurred in the result on the narrow grounds that the warrant granted in
this case was not legal because the affidavits for its authorization were not adequate to show
sufficient probable cause of a crime committed. His narrow holding aligned with the dissenting
determining it had no real benefit in protecting the
individual from unreasonable search and seizure. His position is consistent in deploring general
government searches of letters as it does of conversations, and firmly relies on the property-
based application previously guiding Fourth Amendment decisions. The right to exclude that he
advocates is far broader than that recognized by the plurality, and not necessary to prevent a
degradation of fourth amendment protection. The requirements of probable cause and
particularity that Justice Clark describes are sufficient safeguards upon the government use of
developing search and seizure technologies.
139 Warden v. Hayden, 387 U.S. 294 (1967)
75
opinions on the larger questions of the statute itself, and was not an affirmation of the reasoning
of the plurality.
Justice Black fully agreed with Justice Douglas that the Court moved to overrule the
Olmstead holding, but disagreed in the appropriateness of such an act. For him, doing so would
substitute the text of the Fourth Amendment for whatever the Court wished it to say. His greatest
grief was in the subtle substitution of privacy over the protected items listed in the first clause of
the amendment, making it read “The right of the people to be secure in their privacy.”140
140 Berger v. New York, 388 U.S. 41 (1967)
Such a
shift worried him not only as a raw assertion of judicial power, but also because it changed
concrete protection to something vague and easily maneuvered to the whims of the Court. He
provided the example of the Fifth Amendment, whose protection against self-incrimination the
Court continued to degrade as it excluded numerous types of evidence from the amendment’s
prohibition. His final complaint against the plurality was that they applied the warrant
requirements of the Fourth Amendment literally to a practice that was included in fourth
amendment protection under a literal construction, and then added new requirements not found
in the text, all of which worked to make electronic eavesdropping nearly impossible to practice
without violating the Fourth Amendment. Many of the practices he saw as invented were
requirements that the Court had repeatedly found necessary in warrants, such as the requirement
that police establish probable cause that a crime occurred or is occurring before a search and
seizure take place. He ends his opinion with a long discourse on the role of the federal judiciary,
and especially the Supreme Court, in adopting the Constitution to present conditions. In his view,
any such attempts are the prerogative of the Congress and the People, and not that of the nine
who sit on the nation’s highest bench. A constitutional amendment would better effect a
76
harmonization of the Fourth Amendment with contemporaneous circumstances rather than
constitutional promulgations made by judicial fiat.
Justice Harlan dissented as well, taking issue with the haste of the Court in deciding the
constitutionality of the New York statute on its face, rather than allowing the state to hash out its
own protections against electronic eavesdropping and its courts to construe the statute within the
probable cause and particularity requirements of the Fourth Amendment. Past judicial glosses on
the same statute for other methods of electronic surveillance had brought it within Fourth
Amendment requirements, and those same glosses, if applied to the statute in this instance,
would have saved it from constitutional invalidation. For him, the affidavits used to issue the
warrant provided a reasonable basis for a magistrate to find probable cause and satisfy the Fourth
Amendment. They contained an adequate description of the conversations sought by the police
conducting the surveillance and limited their search and seizure to those items listed. Despite this
being sufficient for Justice Harlan, the warrants themselves did not describe particularly the
conversations sought and would have allowed for the “roving commissions” decried by Justice
Clark. For Justice Harlan, the sixty-day authorization was not excessive because police
uncovered the conspiracy in thirteen days, and because the sixty-day limitation in itself confined
the search within a set parameter. Like the plurality, he found that “searches by eavesdrop must
be confined in time precisely as the search for tangibles is confined in space.”141
Justice White did not accept electronic eavesdropping to be a general search because, like
a search for tangible items under the amendment, the officer will see other objects in searching
This time
constraint applies to all intangible interests protected by the Fourth Amendment, as the right to
exclude must overcome the government interest in public safety after certain duration of search.
141 Berger v. New York, 388 U.S. 41 (1967)
77
for the object described in the warrant. This assumes that the affidavit provided binding
construction upon the issued warrant, since its text did not particularly describe the conversations
sought. He then performed a long analysis of Congressional actions to regulate the use of
electronic eavesdropping and the results of a Presidential Commission noting both the
importance of electronic eavesdropping to police operations and its potentials for abuse, all to
show that the Court should not eagerly craft fourth amendment standards governing a developing
technology when other branches are attempting to do so. His argument obscures that those actors
may neglect to observe basic fourth amendment requirements, although he finds those standards
met by the New York statute in the case.
The overall impact of constitutionally protected areas and the inclusion of intangible
interests into the “effects” protected by the Fourth Amendment was a judicial approach that kept
the traditional structure of the Fourth Amendment and applied it to developing technologies,
offering those interests rigid protection once included. The Court, in allowing for the protection
of intangible interests, found a way to give equal emphasis to property and privacy in the
application of the Fourth Amendment. Though it began to substitute privacy for the traditional
emphasis on property, property with its inherent right to exclude remained entrenched while
welcoming its newly discovered intangible brethren, birthed from a brave new world of
surveillance technologies unimaginable to the framers of the amendment. The Court had the
opportunity to continue adding intangible interests within the protected “effects” of the first
clause of the amendment, extending to them a similar right to exclude and making them subject
to protection, without radically altering the application of the amendment. However, this route
soon received neglect.
78
Chapter 3
Reasonable Expectations of Privacy and a Return to Constitutionally Protected Areas
The Court made a fundamental shift in its application of the Fourth Amendment in the
case of Katz v. United States.142 From the preceding cases of 1967, the Court clearly was ready
to move the amendment away from its traditional application of the right to exclude
characterized by an emphasis on property and interests in security, liberty, and privacy, to an
overall emphasis on the protection of privacy. Justice Stewart led the effort with the plurality
opinion, refuting the framing of the issues that both the petitioner and the government asserted
based upon the facts of the case. FBI agents attached a listening device to the outside of the
phone booth that Petitioner used, allowing them to monitor and record conversations from
Petitioner’s end in which he transmitted wagering information in violation of a federal statute.
This surveillance occurred on multiple occasions, though the agents maintain they recorded
conversations only when petitioner occupied the booth and were careful to record only the words
spoken by the petitioner himself. Petitioner presented the issue as whether the phone booth was
a constitutionally protected area and whether a physical trespass was necessary for a search and
seizure to occur. Justice Stewart found this framing inappropriate because the amendment might
offer better protection through a concept other than constitutionally protected areas. He then
acknowledged that the Fourth Amendment imparts no general “right to privacy.” Instead, it
protects privacy in some instances and unrelated interests in others. These two factors
contributed to an undue emphasis on constitutionally protected areas by both parties, who should
have focused on the individual, as the amendment “protects people, not places.”143
142 389 U.S. 347 (1967)
He then
143 Katz v. United States, 389 U.S. 347 (1967)
79
described the telephone booth as a place where the individual is justified in his belief that certain
of his actions will be private:
One who occupies it, shuts the door behind him, and pays the toll that permits him to place a call
is surely entitled to assume that the words he utters into the mouthpiece will not be broadcast to
the world.144
Because the user takes action in paying his toll, he may assume that his action remains private.
The principle of acting in a way that justifies a reasonable expectation of privacy carries over to
other locations, such as in a taxicab, where the intention to pay the fare allows the individual to
assume some amount of privacy in his conversations and actions. Societal reliance on the
telephone for its general communicative function contributes to this expectation.
Justice Stewart then did away with the physical trespass requirement altogether, using the
holding in the Silverman case that conversations are subject to search and seizure, and relying on
his proposition that the amendment protects people, rather than places, to overrule Olmstead v.
United States145. He quoted Justice Brennan from the recent case of Warden v. Hayden146
144 Katz v. United States, 389 U.S. 347 (1967)
to
bolster his argument, which provides that “[t]he premise that property interests control the right
of the Government to search and seize has been discredited.” The property interests referenced in
that quote were those that determined whether a search could occur under the substantive
property-based restrictions that the Court overruled in that case, and did not reflect upon the
trespass doctrine at issue in Katz, already broadened to other areas other than the “home” listed
in the amendment. His determination that a physical intrusion was not necessary for a search and
seizure to occur was correct, but not because of his reasoning. Physical trespass no longer
controlled because past cases gave to conversations an intangible property interest, which
145 277 U.S. 438 (1928) 146 387 U.S. 294 (1967)
80
superseded the old physical trespass doctrine that relied on conversations being outside of fourth
amendment protection. It was not because property interests no longer had import on the
question of whether a search or seizure occurred. Justice Stewart finally concluded that a search
occurred when “[t]he Government's activities in electronically listening to and recording the
petitioner's words violated the privacy upon which he justifiably relied while using the telephone
booth”147 This determination clearly rests on a violation of individual privacy and completes the
transformation in the amendments application which Justice Black predicted in Berger v. New
York.148
Having established that a search and seizure occurred, Justice Stewart found that the
search was unreasonable since the agents lacked a warrant when performing it. However closely
they observed Fourth Amendment protocol of meeting the probable cause requirement and
tailoring the search and seizure to the Petitioner himself, their inability to obtain a warrant
rendered the entire endeavor unconstitutional. The search and seizure needed a neutral magistrate
to predetermine its scope so as not to leave the entire effort in the discretion of the police. As a
matter of established jurisprudence, “searches conducted outside the judicial process, without
prior approval by judge or magistrate, are per se unreasonable under the Fourth Amendment –
subject only to a few specifically established and well delineated exceptions,”
149
Justice Douglas concurred to note that no distinction should exist between domestic
crimes and those of national security; the executive, by his constitutional vesture, is an adversary
those being for
exigent circumstances and a “search incident to arrest.” In neither of those circumstances could
this kind of electronic surveillance be reasonable.
147 Katz v. United States, 389 U.S. 347 (1967) 148 388 U.S. 41 (1967). His prediction was that Court would interpret the first clause of the Fourth Amendment to read “The right of the people to be secure in their privacy…” rather than “The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects…” 149 Katz v. United States, 389 U.S. 347 (1967)
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to criminal proceedings, and is therefore unable to fulfill the neutral role of magistrate that the
Constitution demands for authorizing and monitoring such electronic surveillance as in this case.
This was in response to the concurrence of Justice White, who argued that requirements of
national security might allow for warrantless wiretapping. The question, in his mind, went
unanswered. Justice Black, in dissent, argued that nothing had changed. Instead, he found, just as
the majority in Olmstead, that the words of the Fourth Amendment in no way convey the
meaning attributed to them by the majority opinion. The two cases the majority cited as having
eroded the holding in Olmstead never actually achieved that result. The Court instead hoped to
bring the Constitution “into harmony with the times,” and he worried that such an authority
“would make [the Court] a continuously functioning constitutional convention,” a power never
bestowed upon it.150
The concurring opinion of Justice Harlan is important for its later influence on future
members of the Court. His concurrence operates within the constitutionally protected areas
concept, or at least does not abandon it, recognizing that the telephone booth receives similar
protection to the home once the toll is paid and the door is closed. While this appears great from
the perspective of the telephone user, realizing that the home receives similar protections to a
phone booth is a bit discomforting. The important part of his opinion is the enunciation of a two
part test to determine whether a fourth amendment violation occurs through search: “first that a
person have exhibited an actual (subjective) expectation of privacy and, second, that the
expectation be one that society is prepared to recognize as "reasonable."
151
150 Katz v. United States, 389 U.S. 347 (1967)
He then proceeds to
speak of the “reasonable expectation of privacy” throughout the latter part of the opinion,
determining that the Petitioner had such when he entered the booth and paid the toll. The right to
151 Ibid. I will evaluate this test in the next part of my thesis and compare it to my recommendation.
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exclude and intangible interests receive short thrift in this analysis, as privacy becomes the focus
of protection. The result was a radical shift from past application of the amendment, based upon
its text even with broad interpretation, for an application based upon how the Court best thought
it could protect privacy.
The reasonable expectation of privacy test came to dominate the application of the Fourth
Amendment in later cases dealing with developing technologies. After Katz, the Court “showed
some signs that privacy might be a vital source of protection of individual interests.”152 Professor
Thomas Clancy argues that the Court first sought to broaden fourth amendment protection
significantly through the newly fashioned privacy standard. A significant case was Delaware v.
Prouse153
An individual operating or traveling in an automobile does not lose all reasonable expectation of
privacy simply because the automobile and its use are subject to government regulation.
Automobile travel is a basic, pervasive, and often necessary mode of transportation to and from
one's home, workplace, and leisure activities. Many people spend more hours each day traveling in
cars than walking on the streets. Undoubtedly, many find a greater sense of security and privacy in
traveling in an automobile than they do in exposing themselves by pedestrian or other modes of
travel.
, in which the Court found police stops of motorists for no other reason than to check
their driver licenses and vehicle registrations too arbitrary an invasion into the protected privacy
of the individual.
Police had to demonstrate a reasonable suspicion for such searches because the Court found
motor vehicles to harbor a sufficient expectation of individual privacy to warrant protection. The
Court liberally construed the momentary detention of the motorist at the roadside by the officer a
“seizure” under the amendment, since it prevented the driver from the unrestricted use of his
152Clancy, Thomas K. 61 (2008) The Fourth Amendment: Its History and Interpretation. Durham, North Carolina: Carolina Academic Press. 153 440 U.S. 648, (1979)
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vehicle. The Court still recognized the right to exclude in form, though it abandoned it in name.
In the decades closely following the Katz decision, the Court found numerous instances where
society recognized the subjective expectation of privacy asserted by individuals, adding such
places as a home recently victim to arson154, the contents of a suitcase155, and even certain places
of business subject to inspection through statutory authorization156
Changes in the membership of the Court soon led to a contraction of the sphere of
protected privacy it recognized. In United States v. Place
to more traditional areas of
expected privacy such as the home, office, and hotel rooms.
157, Justice O’Connor, writing for the
majority, found that the use of a narcotics dog for a “sniff test” of luggage suspected of
containing drugs does not constitute a search under the Fourth Amendment. This is due to the
exceptional nature of the canine sniff; it does not require opening the luggage, protecting the
contents within from the fondling touch of government agents, nor does it reveal any information
of the enclosed materials other than an affirmation or rejection of the presence of contraband
narcotics.158
154 Michigan v. Taylor, 436 U.S. 499 (1978)
The Court found no reasonable expectation of privacy from a procedure so well
targeted, intimating that it might allow similar searches so particularized as to recognize only the
targeted item in other circumstances. This is no doubt an intrusion into the right to exclude, as
government agents obtain information of the contents of the suitcase, regardless of whether that
information concerns contraband or the type of pajama pants preferred by the owner. This small
and useful intrusion is a reasonable encroachment into the right of exclusion, although the
accumulation of such subtle exceptions may culminate in the introduction of despotic search
155 Arkansas v. Sanders, 442 U.S. 753 (1979) 156 Marshall v. Barlow’s, Inc., 436 U.S. 307 (1978) 157 462 U.S. 696 (1983) 158 The canine nose is not always accurate, as Justice Souter acknowledges in his dissent in Illinois v. Caballes, 543 U.S. 405 (2005).
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procedures into the law, the direst warning of Justice Bradley in Boyd v. United States159
In a later case on the reasonable expectation of privacy found in a home damaged by fire
and believed a victim of arson, the Court laid out several conditions that weakened the strong
expectation it previously espoused six years prior. In Michigan v. Clifford
. A
procedure that solely identifies a contraband item within an enclosed area without revealing any
other information is reasonable since it precludes the arbitrary use of police discretion and fails
to infringe on guaranteed security, so long as there is probable cause to validate the procedures
use. Developing technologies may engender future procedures that result in the procurement of
similar information about contraband items in the same manner accepted as reasonable in this
case. We should not discourage this method, as a procedure that reveals only whether contraband
is present within a confine based upon probable cause and is an efficient end to the wide range of
search required by other search methods increases the security of the individual. It does this
through eliminating the government eye from irrelevant areas and by increasing the likelihood of
the government ferreting out criminals from the public domain.
160
Privacy expectations will vary with the type of property, the amount of fire damage, the prior and
continued use of the premises, and in some cases the owner's efforts to secure it against intruders.
Some fires may be so devastating that no reasonable privacy interests remain in the ash and ruins,
regardless of the owner's subjective expectations. The test essentially is an objective one: whether
"the expectation [is] one that society is prepared to recognize as reasonable'" Katz v. United
States, 389 U.S. 347 (1967).
, Justice Powell
described:
161
Despite the objective description from Justice Harlan, the long list of determinative factors
revealed that under different circumstances, the same property receives different levels of Fourth
159 116 U.S. 616 (1886) 160 464 U. S. 287 (1984) 161 Ibid.
85
Amendment protection. Under an application of the right to exclude, the home receives absolute
protection form arbitrary search of the premises, regardless of the structural beams resting twelve
feet above the floor on proper supports, or smoldering as ashes upon the ground. As a bastion of
sacred tradition and refuge, its confines of protection do not yield to the flames like its
constituting materials. Though the tangible exterior may be gone, memories of childhood, Eros,
and family love remain.
The Court still recognizes the right to exclude in considering whether a seizure occurs,
exemplified by the case of Soldal v. Cook County.162 A property management company forcibly
evicted a tenant and his family from their mobile home by removing it from its position on a
rented lot two weeks before a proper eviction hearing occurred, under the protection and by the
acquiescence of local law enforcement. In rejecting lower court determinations that the action
was not a seizure under the Fourth Amendment because it did not intrude upon the privacy of
Soldal and did not occur through the regular actions of law enforcement, the Court found that
“our cases unmistakably hold that the Amendment protects property as well as privacy.”163
Searches rest upon the infringement of a reasonable expectation of privacy recognized by
society, while seizures occur when there is “some meaningful interference with an individual's
possessory interests in [] property” by government.164
162 506 U.S. 56 (1995)
Justice White noted that the Court never
abandoned property interests as a guide to applying the amendment, though it asserted privacy as
more important in considering the occurrence of a search. Justice Stewart actually expressly
denied in the Katz case that privacy was the only interest involved in applying the amendment,
noting that its protections often affect interests unrelated to privacy. In considering the “plain
view” doctrine, Justice White found that possessory interests were the basis for subjecting
163 Ibid. 164 Ibid.
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seizures of items within plain view to fourth amendment scrutiny, for otherwise the lack of
privacy in their position would render them immune from protection. This case was a
resurrection of the right to exclude, welcoming its return to fourth amendment analysis, though
the Court found it never left. This is at odds with the various appellate court decisions holding
that privacy interests determined whether a seizure actually occurred under the amendment. The
right to exclude dominates analysis for determining if a seizure of property occurs, restoring the
right of the people to be secure in their “effects” to its original force.
The Court hashed a middle ground to the dichotomous question of whether a subjective
expectation of privacy that society recognizes as legitimate exists or not, finding that in some
circumstances government interests outweigh interests in individual privacy due to the
reasonableness standard of the amendment. This lowered privacy expectation provides
constitutional sanction to “suspicionless searches and seizures to conduct drug testing of railroad
personnel involved in train accidents165, to conduct random drug testing of federal customs
officers who carry arms or are involved in drug interdiction166, and to maintain automobile
checkpoints looking for illegal immigrants and contraband167, and drunk drivers168.”169 The
reasonableness standard becomes the guide, evaluating lowered privacy expectations and the
protection of that privacy against legitimate government interests in protecting the health and
safety of the public. A telling example of this analysis is the case of Vernonia School District 47J
v. Acton170
165 Skinner v. Railway Labor Executives’ Association, 489 U. S. 602 (1989)
, involving the privacy of student athletes from a search and seizure of their urine for
drug testing.
166 National Treasury Employees Union v. Von Raab, 489 U.S. 656 (1989) 167 United States v. Martinez-Fuerte, 428 U.S. 543 (1976) 168 Michigan Dept. of State Police v. Sitz, 496 U.S. 444 (1990) 169 Vernonia School District 47J v. Acton, 515 U.S. 646 (1995) 170 515 U.S. 646 (1995)
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Justice Scalia, writing for the majority, found that the societal recognition of legitimate
expectations of privacy varies with context, especially dependent upon the legal relationship of
the government to the individual it acts upon and the location that the action takes place. In the
context of public schools, the legal relationship between school and student is one of “custodial”
and “tutelary” responsibility, permitting the school a “degree of supervision and control [over
students] greater than it could exercise over free adults.”171 The location of the search is the
locker room, which Justice Scalia found “not for the bashful.”172 Many of the amenities there are
communal, with lockers, showers, and urinals together in the open. By the agreement, the search
itself occurs in an empty locker room, as a monitor observes the student athlete as he stands at
the urinal, or she sits in the stall, listening to ensure the urination is legitimate. Justice Scalia
found these conditions “nearly identical to those typically encountered in public restrooms,
which men, women, and especially school children use daily. Under such conditions, the privacy
interests compromised by the process of obtaining the urine sample are in our view
negligible.”173
171 Vernonia School District 47J v. Acton, 515 U.S. 646 (1995)
However common it may be to overhear the urination of a fellow patron while in
the public restroom, the deliberate attempt to listen and discern if it is genuine is certainly not
what many people would recognize to be a common experience. The whole ordeal implies that
the observed individual is suspect of the commission of a crime, a discomforting feeling
uncommon to many users of public restrooms. The student athletes further reduced their privacy
when they agreed to submit to greater school control over their behavior to join the team. Justice
Scalia then evaluated the actual examination of the urine, which revealed only the presence or
absence of drug use. This method was similar to the “sniff test” of luggage by narcotics dogs
172 Ibid. 173 Ibid.
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approved in United States v. Place,174
He then evaluated the school interest in preventing its students from using drugs, and
ending its contribution to disorderly conduct in the classroom that detracted from the learning
process. The data presented into evidence was sufficient to provide legitimacy to the interest.
The school targeted student athletes for these searches because they were the role models of the
school, the primary users of the drugs influencing other students to partake in similar
debauchery. By addressing the problem at its source, the school hoped to eradicate it from the
student body. In finding these school interests legitimate, Justice Scalia weighed them against the
reduced privacy of the student athletes, and found the suspicionless drug testing of the student
athletes a reasonable search and seizure under the Fourth Amendment. This balancing test
reduces Fourth Amendment protection because it allows for greater expansion of government
intrusion into spheres of privacy, even if the Court labels those spheres as less rigid than
traditional ones, such as the home. In this case, it was clear that the urine was subject to seizure;
a fact the majority, nor Justice O’Connor in dissent, seemed to mention. Though urine may have
left the body, the information it contains about the individual is enough to invest in it a right of
exclusion, prohibiting government agents from infringing that right without a properly issued
warrant. The time necessary to obtain the warrant is minimal and can be done in advance, though
it does require probable cause. While student athletes submit many of their interests in liberty
and security to school authorities to engage in competitive sports, protection from government
infringement of their security in their bodily fluids should not waver in force due to what a
majority of the Court views a diminished expectation of privacy.
though there individualized suspicion was necessary for
the search to occur.
174 462 U.S. 696 (1983)
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In dissent, Justice O’ Connor decried the majority acceptance of blanket searches, which
made no distinction between the innocent and the guilty. Past precedent that upheld such
searches did so only because there were no practicable alternatives to promote the legitimate
government interest advanced. Here, suspicion-based searches would likely have accomplished
the same goal, because teachers often knew of instances in which students were abusing drugs,
and school authorities could search for that contraband without a warrant under past doctrine.
The requirement that school authorities have some suspicion before searching students was the
last fourth amendment protection still in effect for students at public schools, which the majority
eliminated here for student athletes. She saw the student athletes as having a greater privacy
expectation with societal recognition of legitimacy because many of the required vaccinations
and physicals forced upon them were non-adversarial in nature, unlike the suspicionless search
and seizure here. The whole purpose of negating the need for a warrant might be to deny the
need for probable cause, so that the drug testing of student athletes is efficient and timely. But
absent suspicion for drug use, the innocent as well as the guilty fall within the prerogative of the
search and seizure. The length of time necessary to obtain a warrant is not an issue since school
authorities can plan drug tests, after gathering sufficient information to establish probable cause.
Even if a warrant is not required, there is still enough time to gather information showing
individual suspicion of such use before the actual urine test takes place.
The Court laid out its current doctrine governing developing technologies used to search
the interior of the home in Kyllo v. United States.175
175 533 U.S. 27 (2001)
Police used a thermal imaging camera to
measure the amounts of heat emanating from the walls and roof of the home of Petitioner,
hoping to find probable cause that he was growing marijuana in his home. The growing process
requires the grower to use heating lamps that will make the rooms they occupy abnormally
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warmer than the rest of the home, resulting in their having brighter spots on the thermal images
than their surroundings. Justice Scalia began his analysis by deciding whether Petitioner had a
subjective expectation of privacy in his home that society is prepared to recognize as legitimate,
finding that:
“[I]n the case of the search of the interior of homes--the prototypical and hence most commonly
litigated area of protected privacy--there is a ready criterion, with roots deep in the common law,
of the minimal expectation of privacy that exists, and that is acknowledged to be reasonable.”176
Using the common law as the foundation for the privacy Petitioner reasonably expected in his
home, the majority adopted an approach to the home similar to the older right to exclude
approach that the Court diminished in its decisions after Katz. Justice Scalia found that
“obtaining by sense-enhancing technology any information regarding the interior of the home
that could not otherwise have been obtained without physical "intrusion into a constitutionally
protected area," Silverman, 365 U.S. 505, constitutes a search--at least where (as here) the
technology in question is not in general public use.”
177 The approach is striking for its reliance
on concepts used by the Court in its property-based approach to the Fourth Amendment, such as
the common law, constitutionally protected areas, and comparisons to physical intrusion.
Professor Thomas Clancy finds “this language has much more in common with Olmstead than
Katz.”178
Justice Scalia’s reliance upon the home and its traditional protection under the Fourth
Amendment is a reemergence of the right to exclude in Fourth Amendment analysis.
Homeowners have the right to exclude any unwanted intrusions into their home that otherwise
The Katz decision abhorred the concept of constitutionally protected areas, as it found
the Fourth Amendment to protect people, and not places.
176 Kyllo v. United States, 533 U.S. 27 (2001) 177 Ibid. 178 Clancy, Thomas K. 312 (2008) The Fourth Amendment: Its History and Interpretation. Durham, North Carolina: Carolina Academic Press.
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could only have been accomplished by physical intrusion, making intangible intrusions just as
unconstitutional as tangible ones. While the Court adopted this approach within the Katz
framework, its differences are striking enough to make it better than the Katz privacy approach.
The Court adopted a firm line at the entrance of the home for what action requires a warrant,
finding that any intrusion past that line by a developing technology is a search under the
amendment. This is an absolute approach, rather than a limited one based upon a subjective
expectation of privacy whose legitimacy society is prepared to recognize.
The thermal imaging camera in this case did not penetrate the walls of the home, but
rather viewed the heat emanating from the home. The dissent found this to be nothing more than
observing the outside of the home, similar to looking through the open window to gather
information about the occurrences in the home. The majority saw such a distinction as
dangerous, because some search technologies already reveal very intimate details about the
inside of the home using minimal emanations of light or sound, and the future may bring an
expanded production and use of these technologies. The majority breaks with tradition,
“take[ing] the long view from the original meaning of the Fourth Amendment forward,”179 rather
than evaluating each developing technology on a case-by-case basis. While often providing
examples of developing search technologies in past opinions, previous Courts never sought to
address “what limits there are upon this power of technology to shrink the realm of guaranteed
privacy.”180
179 Kyllo v. United States, 533 U.S. 27 (2001)
This approach recognizes the dangers inherent in judicial reticence to address the
use of developing technologies for search and seizure, finding that “it would be foolish to
contend that the degree of privacy secured to citizens by the Fourth Amendment has been
180 Ibid.
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entirely unaffected by the advance of technology.”181
Justice Stevens decried in dissent the majority caveat attached to this rule, holding that
the only intrusions into the home that are a search under the amendment are those done by
developing technologies “not in general public use.”
Without a clear and definite approach,
developing technologies will continue to erode the traditional protections afforded by the
amendment; the Court is often too slow to halt their advance.
182 In his words, “this criterion is somewhat
perverse because it seems likely that the threat to privacy will grow, rather than recede, as the
use of intrusive equipment becomes more readily available.”183
Lastly, Justice Stevens found application of the Court's new rule to "any information
regarding the interior of the home" unnecessarily broad.”’
If use of the thermal imaging
camera involved in this case spread throughout the public, then under the reasoning of the
majority opinion the use of this same technology would be reasonable. The right to exclude
should prevent others, and especially the government, from obtaining information about the
inside of the home that otherwise it could not have obtained but by a physical intrusion without a
warrant. The “general public use” exception opens the Fourth Amendment to future abuses.
184 He worried that previous actions the
Court found not to constitute a search, such as the targeted use of the canine sniff185, would fall
within that designation under the rule adopted here. The Court addressed this issue in Illinois v.
Caballes186
181 Ibid.
, which concerned the use of a narcotics dog to sniff test a car for the presence of
drugs during a lawful traffic stop. Unlike the canine sniff, which targets only the presence of
illegal contraband, “the device [in Kyllo] was capable of detecting lawful activity, [the] intimate
182 Kyllo v. United States, 533 U.S. 27 (2001) 183 Ibid. 184 Ibid. 185 United States v. Place, 462 U.S. 696 (1983) 186 543 U.S. 405 (2005)
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details in a home.”187
Despite the new direction that the Katz decision hoped to move Fourth Amendment
jurisprudence concerning developing technologies, subsequent cases relied on similar property
concepts rejected by that case, and even affirmed that the amendment protects both privacy and
property. The right to exclude has not disappeared from Fourth Amendment jurisprudence.
Rather, the Court reaffirmed its importance in the Soldal and Kyllo cases. It offers the best hope
for protecting the traditional protections of the amendment, offering absolute protection rather
than focusing on the subjective expectations of privacy held by the individual the government
searches and on the recognition by society of the legitimacy of that expectation.
The Court upheld the uniquely targeted procedure of the sniff test against
the physical intrusion analogy into a constitutionally protected area, intimating that future
technologies so narrowly prescribed might find favor with the Court as well.
187 Illinois v. Caballes, 543 U.S. 405 (2005)
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Chapter 4
A Critique of Katz and the Right to Exclude
The Katz test of Justice Harlan for determining whether a search has occurred under the
Fourth Amendment with a developing technology, whether the individual subject to government
surveillance had a subjective and reasonable expectation of privacy that society recognizes as
legitimate, is fraught with several problems that limit the protective benefits it purports to
provide. The Katz Court adopted the test in response to failure of the Olmstead Court to provide
adequate protection to the individual against such searches, abandoning the older standards of
tradition and the common law that had helped to keep Fourth Amendment doctrine grounded in
well-established and tried concepts. The general move towards the protection of privacy, a
position advocated by Justice Brandeis in his Olmstead dissent, offered the Court what it thought
to be a feasible alternative to the traditional right to exclude approach to the Fourth Amendment.
This approach originated in property concepts, as inherent in the right of property ownership is
the right to exclude others from using that property.
Though the Court never explicitly tied its approach to the right to exclude, “the
exclusionary function of the Amendment is so bound up with the right to be secure as to be
equivalent to it: There is no security if one cannot exclude the government from intruding.”188
188 Clancy, Thomas K. 78 (2008) The Fourth Amendment: Its History and Interpretation. Durham, North Carolina: Carolina Academic Press.
This can be seen throughout the Court’s long history of Fourth Amendment jurisprudence, as in
the early cases property concepts so dominated its application, in the Olmstead era the Court
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sought to provide absolute protection against physical intrusion into the protected area of the
home, and even in the Katz era of expected privacy the amendment still functions to allow the
individual to exclude the government from protected zones of privacy.
The right to exclude makes up the central recommendation of Professor Thomas Clancy
for the proper application of the Fourth Amendment, and I find his proposition the best for
preventing the erosion of Fourth Amendment protection by developing technologies. He defines
several problems with the privacy standard adopted by the Court in the Katz case. The first is the
substitution of privacy as the sole means for exercising the right to exclude provided by the
Amendment. Past Courts recognized several motivations guiding fourth amendment protections,
such as “personal security, personal liberty, [] private property,”189 and the privacy190 that the
Court has so emphasized. By focusing its analysis on one of these several motivations, the Court
limits the full thrust of the Amendment past its original intention. The amendment serves to
protect against unreasonable searches and seizures, not an invasion of a reasonable expectation
of privacy. An unreasonable search may have no effect upon privacy at all, though it should still
fall outside of constitutional sanction. As Professor Clancy notes, “the purpose of exercising
one’s Fourth Amendment rights neither adds to nor detracts from the scope of protection
afforded by the Amendment.”191
189 Boyd v. United States, 116 U.S. 616 (1886)
The Katz Court recognized that privacy is not the sole
motivation behind the amendment’s protection, but the test it adopted ignored that distinction
when evaluating if a method of government surveillance is a search within the text of the
amendment. Rather than focusing on whether government action in some way infringed on the
190 Katz v. United States, 389 U.S. 347, (1967) 191 Clancy, Thomas K. 79 (2008) The Fourth Amendment: Its History and Interpretation. Durham, North Carolina: Carolina Academic Press.
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individuals exclusionary right to the information he seeks to protect, the Court focuses on his
privacy expectation and its legitimacy.
While it seems that I am arguing the flip side of the privacy test because I still recognize
that privacy motivates certain individuals to exercise their exclusionary right, my position allows
for other motivations to initiate fourth amendment protection other than mere privacy. Security is
one such motivation, as the night searches found unreasonable at the adoption of the Fourth
Amendment were likely unreasonable not just for the protection of the privacy of the colonial
property owners, but for their security as well. The approach of government agents onto private
property in the dead of night would have frightened and disturbed colonial homeowners
accustomed to a limited rule of law, night raids, and frequent robberies.
By focusing solely upon privacy, increasing governmental regulation and the increased
dispersion of developing search technologies throughout the public allows for a decrease in
fourth amendment protection because of lessening expectations of privacy rather than the
increase necessary to help offset these infringements upon the individual’s right to exclude. The
Court uses a diminished expectation of privacy approach in such situations, which allows for a
balancing between the reduced privacy interests and the importance of the governmental
objectives advanced by its surveillance. This balancing test, which reduces the strong protection
the amendment affords in situations where the Court does not consider privacy diminished, can
only become more common under current jurisprudence. An example of the erroneous results
accompanying application of the diminished privacy standard is Vernonia School District 47 v.
Acton192
192 515 U.S. 646 (1995)
, “where the Court readily deprecated the privacy interests of school children and
permitted suspicionless urinalysis of student athletes by maintaining that they had a lesser
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expectation of privacy due to such considerations as the configuration of locker rooms.”193
Another criticism offered by Professor Clancy rejects the value of the subjective
component of the Katz analysis. While many people throughout the nation share similar views on
privacy, because one individual does not share such a view should not place him outside of
fourth amendment protection if government surveillance would otherwise be found a search for
other individuals. The Court has recognized this need for a normative evaluation of expected
privacy, and in Smith v. Maryland
Privacy is a subjective term, one that is relative from person to person, and should not diminish
fourth amendment protection merely because those persons see the world through different eyes.
194
Where an individual’s subjective expectations had been ‘conditioned’ by influences alien to well-
recognized Fourth Amendment freedoms, those subjective expectations obviously could play no
meaningful role in ascertaining what the scope of Fourth Amendment protection was. In
determining whether a ‘legitimate expectation of privacy’ existed in such cases, a normative
inquiry would be proper.
noted in dicta that:
195
For example, if a man grew up accustomed to government searches of his home on a regular
basis without probable cause and expected similar occurrences here, a warrantless government
search is not constitutional merely because he has no subjective expectation of privacy. Basing
protection upon subjective notions of privacy allows for too much variance between the
protections offered to individuals.
Professor Clancy further comments on the ease with which different Courts can
manipulate the test. The term itself is amorphous, and never clearly defined. It is related to the
privacy protection found under the Due Process Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment, being the
193 Clancy, Thomas K. 80 (2008) The Fourth Amendment: Its History and Interpretation. Durham, North Carolina: Carolina Academic Press. 194 442 U.S. 735 (1979) 195 Ibid.
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product of a similar reimagining of the Constitution to incorporate privacy as a protected
individual right. However, the Court explicitly decried in Katz that the Fourth Amendment offers
a general right to privacy like that advocated by Justice Brandeis, preferring to leave the concept
vague and formless. Justice Black found “That expression, like a chameleon, [to have] a different
color for every turning” when dissenting in Berger v. New York.196 “Thus, while a liberal Court
substituted privacy in lieu of property analysis to expand protected interests, a conservative
Court has employed privacy analysis as a vehicle to restrict Fourth Amendment protections.”197
Individuals have differing views on what is reasonable, and naturally conservative member of the
Court will find different areas of privacy more important than those of their liberal counterparts.
The firm and bright line that the majority of the Kyllo v. United States198
A final critique of the Katz test is its circular nature. Justice Scalia acknowledged this
criticism in his opinion in Kyllo v. United States, stating that the test “has often been criticized as
circular, and hence subjective and unpredictable.”
decision drew at the
entrance to the home requiring warrants for government searches by developing technologies is
one such example. Of course, this decision marked a return to the older property concepts and
the right to exclude character of pre-Katz Court Fourth Amendment jurisprudence.
199
196 388 U.S. 41 (1967)
This claim entails that societal recognitions
of legitimate expectations of privacy are not only influenced, but often engendered by, Court
opinions that declare the existence of their recognition. For example, because of the Olmstead
decision many in society came to recognize expectations of privacy from warrantless
wiretapping as illegitimate. However, after the Court asserted that society recognized an
expectation of privacy from warrantless wiretapping as legitimate, society came to adopt that
197 Clancy, Thomas K. 69 (2008) The Fourth Amendment: Its History and Interpretation. Durham, North Carolina: Carolina Academic Press. 198 Kyllo v. United States, 533 U.S. 27 (2001) 199 Ibid.
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view. This is a simplified example, as throughout society different individuals have different
views of privacy, but overall it shows that the Court often determines through judicial fiat what
society recognizes a legitimate expectation. Once the Court makes this determination, society
adopts the view with the assurance that a majority of the Supreme Court holds a similar view to
their own.
I suggest that the Court readopt the right of exclusion as the primary method of applying
the amendment. To better protect against the erosion of traditional Fourth Amendment
protections by developing technologies, the Court should recognize a search or seizure through
their use whenever the right to exclude is infringed upon by the gathering of information which
that right is meant to protect by means which otherwise would have required a physical entry
into or seizure of that property by police. This applies the physical intrusion analogy framework
of the Kyllo case to all searches and seizures under the amendment. Containers, an office, a suit
case, all are examples of areas whose confines protect inside property and intangibles through
the right of exclusion. Whenever police violate the right to exclusion, a warrant is required for
the search or seizure to be reasonable under the Fourth Amendment.
Courts must broaden the right to exclude to intangible objects to prevent its decimation
by the expanded capabilities of developing search and seizure technologies to infringe it without
physical intrusion or possession. For the Court to vest an intangible interest with the right to
exclude, the individual must take reasonable steps to demonstrate he seeks to withhold it from
government. For example, the Court vested conversation, an intangible interest, with the right to
exclude after it recognized the individual wished to keep it private in the confines of his
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office200, or after recognizing the importance of the telephone to society at large and the desire of
the individual to exclude the government from the telephone booth he occupied.201
There are several difficulties with my test, but they are the lesser of two evils when
compared with the Katz privacy analysis. The first is that the Court is already moving towards
my method of analysis, albeit through a different approach. This is no weakness, but it does
lessen the need for a return to traditional concepts if the Court is already using those concepts,
even under a different guise. Kyllo v. United States
202 marked a turning point in applying the
Katz privacy test as it attempted to root analysis of the amorphous term privacy into solid
concepts such as the common law and the meaning of the amendment at its adoption. Its
grappling for substance led it to adopt the older standard of constitutionally protected areas and
led to an emphasis on an analogy to physical trespass in determining whether an intrusion has
occurred. The right to exclude others from the sacred confines of the home permeates the
opinion, and suggests that future cases will receive similar treatment in other areas. The
subsequent case of Illinois v. Caballes203
The second criticism is that it may be just as subjective as the privacy analysis. While the
protection it offers is absolute, depending on no motivation other than to prevent unreasonable
searches and seizures, the Olmstead case demonstrates its inherent danger. If the Court chooses
not to expand the right to exclude in a broad manner then intangible interests requiring vesture of
protection will not receive it. The Court would have just as much discretion in determining what
bolsters this view, as the Court reaffirmed its past
holding in Kyllo, though it limited its breadth to protect only information relating to lawful
activity within the home. However, it is unclear whether this analysis will extend to other areas.
200 Silverman v. United States, 365 U. S. 505 (1961) 201 Katz v. United States, 389 U.S. 347, (1967) 202 Kyllo v. United States, 533 U.S. 27 (2001) 203 Illinois v. Caballes, 543 U.S. 405 (2005)
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intangible interests should receive the right, although the requirement that an individual take
reasonable steps to demonstrate his desire to withhold it from government would help guide this
process. There would be an inherent danger that another infamous decision equal in ill effects to
Olmstead v. United States204
My final critique is the permanency of the right to exclude itself. As Justice White noted
in several cases dealing with developing search and seizure technologies, the reasonable
expectation of privacy analysis allows the Court to circumscribe Fourth Amendment protections
during times of national emergencies. Surely, a nation at war does not expect the same privacies
it does under peaceful conditions, especially if enemy troops may be hiding within their homes.
Fortunately, we have never faced such an extreme situation. Under the right to exclude approach,
once the Court vests the right in a tangible or intangible object or interest, it is absolute and does
not waver. The Court could attempt to make the right relative and balance it against competing
government interests in health and safety, but such an action would violate the Fourth
Amendment’s prohibition against unreasonable searches and seizures. There is no exception for
such exigencies, because constitutional prohibitions apply during times of peace and war alike.
might come down, which adamantly protected the right to exclude,
but it interpreted it far too literally. However, the subtle erosion of Fourth Amendment protection
currently occurring under the diminished privacy standard, a process that will only continue to
increase with greater government regulation and the dispersion of developing search
technologies throughout the public, is far worse than an abrupt carving out of the amendment.
The latter has a better chance of creating strong public ire and engendering Congressional action
to uphold the right to exclude wrongly denied the intangible interest at issue as occurred in the
wake of the Olmstead decision.
204 Olmstead v. United States, 277 U.S. 438 (1928)
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The Court can consider the permanency of its decision whenever it considers whether to vest the
right to exclude into a tangible object or intangible interest.
Though my approach is not perfect, its benefits outweigh those of the reasonable
expectation of privacy test, and it is the lesser of two evils. It offers absolute protection for a
variety of motivations, rather than focusing solely on privacy to determine whether a search has
occurred by a developing technology. It does not allow protection to decrease as governmental
regulations increase, or as developing technologies disperse throughout the public. Finally, the
Court cannot manipulate an amorphous term to extend or restrain Fourth Amendment protections
as it sees fit.
In the words of Brutus: “we must take the current when it serves, or lose our ventures.”
Now is the ideal time for the Court to return to a traditional approach to the Fourth Amendment,
one that broadens its protections and limits the extent to which future Courts can restrain them.
Our innovative society continues to produce technologies that push the boundaries of Fourth
Amendment protection, and the future may bring the dispersion of these technologies throughout
the public. Their widespread use would diminish the importance of the Fourth Amendment under
its current interpretation. Government regulation will increase as technology expands its
surveillance abilities, enabling greater enforcement of those laws. As the Fourth Amendment is
currently interpreted, this will also diminish Fourth Amendment protections. The Court must
change its approach before technologies develop to such a level that the opportunity for return
becomes impossible, enabling freedom to withstand the test of time.