THE FISHING INDUSTRY OF LAKE TANGANYIKA

I A N LIVINGSTONE

TIIF NED t o exploit more fully the potentid of Tmganyik:i’s marine and lake fisheries has hardly to be eniphiisised. A Iiirge part of the African populdtion necds niore food, but i n particular more protein, since supplies of Intat antl dairy produce are in niaiiy areas inadequate: a n increased prodtiction and inore wiJespreat1 distribution of fish would help to relive that demand.

The fishing industry of Lake Tanganyika is already of the greatest iniportiince in Tanganyika Territory, stretching all the way along the four hundred miles of shoreline. Unfortunately no accurate figures exist as t o the nuinbers of inen engaged in the industry, o r to the number of canoes in use: i t seems certain, however, that both these figures would show tremendous increases over tlie past ten years. The people engaged in the trade, including African buyers and part-time pkirtici- pants must number considerably niore than 10,000.

Dagaa, a small fish rather similar to whitebait, is the most important fish obtained, but there are also large quantities of various species of pcIch. Dngna is apparently to be found only in Lake Tanganyika. The adult fish is four inches long, but fish are netted from one and a half inches. The three types, which are given distinct names, seem to be distinguished on a basis of size aloiie. The largest is called kisanibo (kirive), the middle size karirtnba, and the smallest kapirro (in Dar es Salaam, kanzo). D a p u is widely distributed, in vast nunibcrs, tlirougliout the lake. Belgian researchers have found that the present catch could be doul)led easily without any danger of exhausting stocks.’ Tliere is ttiercfore no iininctliate problem of conservation.

Dugan is important both as a source of cash income - - i t is the most valuable of the exports froni Kigoma district, for instance, and of first importance to all tlie traders and merchants of Kigoma itself -- and as a local suhsistcncc food i n a region not rich in cattle. I t has particularly high nutritive content a d forms 311

important part of tlie protein content of “fed” labour. Apart froni local subsistence consumption tlie employer of fcd I;tbour docs in

fact provide the chief market il l TanganyiLa for tl(igoa. I n pr t icu lnr , large quantities are bought by the sisal estates antl mines situated near to the Central Line. In addition dugaa is distribiited by a large nuniher of pcdtllcrs and sniitll traders to towiiships and miiior setlleinents, espcci;illy those :ilong the Czntriil Line iis far as tlie Coast, but even ns fiir as the Soittlicrn Province. Outside Taiignriyika. :I very

I . They cstinialc t h a l 3U.MlO toils of lirc: fish could bc i rrduscd Each y c u quai.. wfcly ftoni t1.v 1.1I.c 6 a H ~ I ~ C . i t FC t a l e h d l 10 rcproc#tt latigaiiyika’s S I M C ui ihc ~ . t t c I ~ , wr‘ yct J IicuIc oi l 5 , W d luni Iivc o r 5.1Khl iS8m & i L d d,rguo. 1u.ice the nniount ofprod, i i l iun crtir&iatrd f‘tr 1 1 1 > 1 ,

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lricrative markct has bccn tlic Ilclgian Congo arid Runnda Urundi, where the price ti l l recently (1959) has bcen very high, this markct also being supported by the dcnxiniis of fed labour. txports have bccn cKcctcd by tlie main dcalcrs in Kigonia; by fishcrnicn-tradcrs transporting tlicir catch direct by boat or lorry; and by pctldlcrs coming south from Ruanda Urundi by foot, and taking back headloads. I n 1955 about one third of the output was estimated as having bcen exported to tlie Congo. Receiitly, however, tlie high Congo price has dropped substantially as ;I rcsult of grcntly incrcascd production on the Congo side by Greek fishing units ucing largc-scalc mctliods, and this has had a depressing erect on the industry.

An iiiiportant part of the tratlc is centred on Kigorna and Ujiji. Tlicse two derive a good (leal of tlicir prosperity from Iiandling, storing and exporting the f i sh , ant1 from supplying boats with fishing gear, nets, lamps, motors, and othcr things, while a t [Jjiji there is now some boot building activity worth mentioning.

Tlie production economics of tlugna fishing require a knowledge of the technique by wliicli the fish are cauglit. Since they feed on plankton, the fish rather conve- niciitly movc towards tlie shorc at night, and i t is thcn that they may be easily cnught, for tlic fish are attracted by light and can be lured towards the boat by means o f ;i fl:irc, foriiicrly a wood lire, but now a parafin lamp. The effectiveness of the proccclurc, naturally, is reduccd by a bright moon - hence the fishermen are able to operate for 15 or 20 nights per month, fishing generally being abandoned aitogcthcr on moonlight nights. Tlie traditional mehod, having attracted the fish, is to scoop tlicni out using a large scoop nct with a long handle, the Iriserign. The average haul. using this method. is estimated at 60 to 80 pounds per night.2 How- cvcr, fishing is a liiglily chancy aTTnir - a boat may go several montlis without 3 c:itch, wlicrcas it might in one night sccurc a catch worth 500/-.

Tlic industry is pnrticrilarly intcresting in that important tcchnological changes have taken place in it in the past few years, and more radical changes still are imminent. l h i s involves questions such as the adaptability and responsiveness of tlic local Africans to cliangcs, problems of social and economic reorganisation, ;ind thc way in which government should foster and help these changes. The important cliangcs date from about 1953.

The gradual, but fairly rapid replacement of wood fires by parafin lamps from 1953 brought about greatly reduced costs and considerable expansion. This followcd experiments by the Governnient Fisheries Oficer, starting in 1951; it is a pcrfcct illustration of thc rale that government can play in aiding development in backward rcgions. Tlicre were initial dilliculties, such as the breakage of lamps by rough water, atid though there was a certain delay in tlicir acceptance by the fishermcri, once the value of the change was clearly demonstrated by the success of a few of tlicir more progressive fellows, the adoption of tlie lamps was so rapid that dc:ilcrs i n Kigoma could not keep pace with tlie demand. While only 300 men uscd lamps i n 1953, all posscssed them by the end of 1954. Now even double lights arc uscd.

2. J. Stonemon “Fishing Methods and Potential in Lake Tanganyika (Belgian Congo)” in “World Fishing”. Februnry, I Y S Y .

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It is rather uncertain how far nylon nets have replaced mosquito netting. ‘The foriiicr arc ncknowledgcd to be superior by all in the trade, with the advantage of being quick-drying, but not all linve becn able to afford t h e ~ n . ~ Nyloii ncts are, however, selling steadily in Kigoma. Cheap Japanese nets are being sold, ninny for use in the Congo, but there is now competition froni nets manufactured in Usumbura.

At the niornent the niost significant additions are the outboard motors, which are possessed by an increasing number of Africans, helping to extend both the fishing areas and the markets for fish. The boats theinselves continue to bc the rough-fashioned wooden canoes, and represent a nxijor piece of investment for tlie A f r i ~ a n . ~ However, on tlic Congo side, at least, some metal canoes have been in use since 1956 - and not only in Lake Tangaiiyika, but also in Lakes Kwu and Mweru, arid on the Lualaba; and the number is increasing.

I lowever, witliout a doubt, the major technical development has becn the rapid growth of Greek “iiidustrial” fishing in the northern part, mainly, of the Congo lake, starting in 1954, tlie significance of which will be examined presently.

These iniproved methods of production have reduced costs drastically, increased output and stabiliscd supply to some extent. This refers not only to the rise of “industrial” fisliing, but also to the native fisheries. Thus the older fishermen complain that “anyone can fish now”-- evcn boys with no experience can fish successfully. Africans have i n this instance shown theniselves to be eager for new ideas and for ways in which they may increase their incomes. The most striking demonstration of their adaptability is their speedy adoption of the parafin lamp (and the deliberateness of their choice of make). At tlic same time an iniportant reservation nitist be in:de in this case: at the time of their adoption, wood supplies were running extreniely short as local tiriibcr was cut back. Hence wood priccs rose tremendously and specialised m w i g c dealers bring wood (rirkitrirrigic, Ptero- carpus chrywfhrix) long distances for use iis fuel made great profits. The difference in costs therefore was so great that one would expect a rapid change-over.5

Tlic Africans engaged in tlie industry are not usually fishermen exclusively: outside Ujiji at least most of them combined fishing with farming -- even if their wives did most of tlic cultivating. In Ujiji, however, while most probably had some intercsts in agriculture, a good many derived their incoiiies Inrgely from tlagun, probably as thgcra dcalers rather than as actual fishcrincn. It was not unconinion for thein to lease tlicir land, situated perhaps three or four miles away, to Africans from 13uhn or Ruanda Urundi. They might thus obtain rent from two sources, for their land, and from the fishing equipment they owned. The latter is derived as follows.

3. . A comparison of costs s h ~ ~ w r rcplactmcnl 10 bc lcss urgcnt iii Iliis cnsc. According to my infnrmation. a net of nionquito ncltiii L ~ I S 401- bul lasts only lour to six tnonllis. Nylon ncts. niatlc i n Japan or lsrilrl (19%) cost Ins/- bul would last f i L n rnonttis.

4. A canoe iiiiglil lasl liflccn years. if niadc olinvrrlr (Clilurophorn e t r r l r ) . A ncw one niight cnsl anything bclwccn

J . l b c wood uccd for oiic trip nii&!lll C O F ~ ;is much i i s SO!:.,ln cniiipariion P pnrnflin lamp. cosling 1201- to 1601- in Kigoina lias n lire of aboul llirec ycarr in llic inductry. Spirit and parallin coslc sonic fifty cents or a shilling per night and rcplnccinciil of parlo occasionally I S necessary. ‘I hc average cost, rncluding dcprccialion. is thsrcforc quite low.

300/- R i d 700/-.

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Each boat operates with a helmsnian and one or two paddlers. Tile cntcll is dividccl in to five or six shares, one going to thc canoe-owner, one to the owtier of the lamp, a third to the owner of tlie nct, a fourth to tlie helmsman, and the reniainder to tlie paddler or paddlers. Thus the p:iddlcr was iidt simply a wngc- earncr, hut shared in the profits, and risks, of tlie undertaking.

‘[lie allocation of the sl iai~b according to t l ~ input contributed is interesting. The system appcars very rigid, and yet secnis to Iiiive rcinkiiiied intact over a long period of years. There is n u doubt considcrable moral pressure to retain a tradi- ditionally “fair” division of the product; oiic would, however, expect factor reliiuncrations to vary with the supply and tlcmand conditions for each factor. I n tlie first place, one would expect tlic canoe-owner to claim a rclativcly Iiigli proportion of the c;itcli coiiipared, for instance, to the lamp-owner. I lowever, it sceinctl fairly common that the crinoe-owner also owned the lamp, and oftcn tlie net too. Thi~ougli liis owncrship of tlie canoe he could no doubt insist on also providing the Iaiiip; while tlicrefore his second share was ostensibly earncd for tiis provision of tlie lamp, i t would in fact reflect liis bargaining position as the supplicr of 111~‘ canoe. Wliere tlie owner provicles all t h e e pieccs of capital equip- ment and lislics himself, with one or two paddlers, the sliitre systcrn is to all iiitet?ts and purposes replaced by something approaching the normal eniployer-er~i~,loyce relationship, altlioiigli the “eniployce” is still not assured of a certain retiirr?.

The remuneration of “employees” probably also varies with tlie degree of responsibility exercised. The gcogtaphicnl area of the fishing grounds served by Kigoiiia and Ujiji extends very far south. Tlius employees go OK to fishing camps for periods of up to six montlis. The owiicr visits tliese periodically, bringing sacks and collecting tlie produce, but riot too frequently. Naturally enough, a substantial portion of the catch is not declared by tlie fishermen - this proportion being estiinatcd by some owiiers as onc third. l’hey complained that in this way the employees often becanie more prosperous than tlieir original eniploycrs. No doubt owners could get a fairly good idea of how much they were losing: if this was excessive tlicy could change their employees. Siniil:irly, their employees coniplaiiicd if they were sirpervised too closely and niiglit leave. I n this way a coiiipetitive rate of “criibe%”eIiictit” would be established.

One of the most interesting fe:itures of tlie iiicltistiy is the existence of a large owner or “rentier” cl:iss living on the interest accruing to it from real capit:il O M W ~ ~ , witliout any active participation i n tlie process of protluctioii ithclf. A large number of Muslim Africans owned up to five canoes, some owned as miny iis

ten; and to this one must add 1:itiips and nets in most cases. All fisherinen aspired to this status, their aim being to secure as many “shares” A S possible, finally retiring on tlie dividends. Nor would entry into this category be too dillicult, as suggested above: ii lurgc proportion of owners had bcen at one tiiiie eiiiployces -- il fislierman who crijoycd some luck or who \\‘as fai: ly tliriky could eventually gct liis own canoe. A p o d many inher~ite~l canoes from tlleir fiithcrs Prom this one would siirmisc t1i:tt tlicrc is no grcat problciii (jT crctlit - -~ t l ia ! is, a aitiiation wlicrc tliz protliicer is t~~r t l e i~c i l T.. i r l i a Inass of iinprotluctivc tlcl)t.

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The remuneration of the owners would not, however, be purc interest: it would include i n addition, firstly, an clement of “wages of nianage~iicnt”-- pfiynient for the worh of organising the “fleet” of canoes, determining whcre to fish, and so on, as well as [or extracting the dividends, which might bc quitc an arduous process; sccondly, entrepreneurial profit for risk-taking o n the production side - returns in ternis of fish are highly uncertain, and having sccurcd a catch, the priceobtainable for it will vary tremendously, as the effect of a variable supply on a rather invariable dcniand; thirdly, profits as a trader - the owner was usually very active in the subsequent trade in the commodity, sometimes selling only his own fish and that of a few of his friends, but sometimes dealing on a much larger scale, bringing bigger quantities in for sale to Kigoma merchants, or taking consignments as far afield as Tabora, Morogoro and Dar es Salaam or westward to the Congo. Just as it would be virtually impossible to separate out the fisherman and the owner, it would be very diflicult to distinguish between the owner-fisherman and the trader.

The situation was one of almost anyone with a little cash buying small quantities of D u ~ a a occasionally, whenever the possibility of making a few shillings was seen - farmcrs, for instance, who had just sold their crops. The case may be cited of a taxi-driver who bought very small quantities now and again, storing them until he had accumulated sufficient to make a trip through the Kibondo and Kasulu districts north of Kigoma, and prices there were favourable. At other times he might make no purchases for months at a time. He was neither the first, nor the last, intermediary, making his purchase not from the fishermen on the lakeshore, but in Ujiji and reselling again to peddlers. Indeed the fish appeared to change hands an incredible number of times after the first purchase, which was usually on the beach, often before drying, the drying being supervised by the peddler. The various activities mentioned were frequently integrated into family concerns: the sons doing tlie fishing in their father’s boat, the father collecting the produce and selling it.

There is a fairly well marked tribal division in the industry. The entrepreneurial and rcnticr class are mostly Muslims (manYcma); but waRuiidi, waHa and waFipa arc eniployed in large numbers as paddlers - more backward tribes from poorcr regions. Many of the paddlers are only part-timers, having found temporary e~nployuier~t i n that capacity during a less busy part of tlie year. Even tlie helmsman nccd not be a full-tinic fisherman, since it would be generally possible for him to hire a canoe for a relatively sliort period.

Tlic Swahili Mnsliiiis are, among the Tanganyika Africans, good and keen brisiiiess men. Iicrc they are dealing with a perishable commodity, always difficult to handle, and selling in a highly uncertain market with rapidly changing prices. Tlierc are very few traders of any size though among the trading populus of Ujiji, peddlers rnClicr than “static” traders: and they lack capital, so that most of the stocks licld over into the off-season to be resold at high prices are held by the Itidian merchants in Kigonia.

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A rcmarkablc fcaturc is the virtual abscnce of Arab traders in the Kigoma- Ujiji districts. This ;ippcars to be due to tlie conipetition of the Swahilis con- ccntr;ited tlicrc sincc Arabs reappcar down the coast, handling produce and dis- tributing retail goods in isolatcd centres and camps. At tlie same time, Swahili pcddlcrs are much less nuincrous in the South. so that the fishermen there is usrially left, for instance, to dry his own fish. This distribution suggests that the Swaliilis may be kept in the northern region by other commitments, that is, farming. A good part of the trade, however, is channelled through tlie seven or eight large Indian mcrcliants in Kigorna, who transfer thc fish down the Central Line, to townships, cstatcs and mines, or export it to the Congo. Dagaa is the most important coinrnodity tliey handle, altliough it is only part of their general produce trade, which tlicy combine with distribution and sometimes transport and otlicr cntcrpriscs.

Tlic systcm of trade advaiices so well developed throughout Tanganyika trade, whereby hundreds of small local produce buycrs are partially or wholly financed by ;i few Inrgc mcrchants, is less important in Kigoma district and particularly unimportant in respect of Dugclu. Elsewhere it i s custoinary for gunny bags to be supplied on loan to small traders: even thcsc arc not provided in this instance. I n fact, traders complained that tliey were frequently not paid by the Indian mcrchants till tlie latter had dcspatched tlie fish, which might mean a wait of one or two niontlis whilc tlie nicrcliant awaited a favourable turn in the market. Trodcrs were not giveii advances, tlicy were giveii I.O.U.’s! As a result, of course, the African niiddlcnian purcliasing the fish o n the beach very often did not pay the fishcrnian till uf/er he had dried and sold it. The explanation of this would scem to be thc spccial risks involved in dealing with this product, and the uncertainty of being able to fulfil contracts. It may be affected also by tlie dominance of the African tradcr conipared with the Arab or small Indian traders, who might have bcen coiisidercd more creditworthy.

The track in Dngnn, as described above, has been the object of much criticism by outside observers: i i i particular the large number of intermediaries, the itinerant tratlcr, thc speculator, and the existence or barter have been condemned for providing tlie fishcrnian with a low return, and the consumcr with a product of the lowest quality. A bricf examination of thcsc charges might be useful.

Tlie direct barter of goods is no longer important in the major part of langan- yika whicli has bcen opcned up by reasonable transport facilities. In those parts wiicre communications arc still vcry poor, however, it persists. These areas are still poorly served by static shops, owned in Western Province by Arabs or Africans with vcry low turnovers and little capital to finance them. Tlie isolated areas in Western I’rovincc arc Ufipa, especially, Mpanda, Kasulu and Kibondo. As a result quite a lot of Dngnn may be paid for by retail goods. In Ufipa, for instance, ail ohscrvcr remarks that “the niiddleinan is usually an impoverished Arab trader, sometimes with iiisirficiciit money on hand, and bartering fish for piece goods”. Dnrtcr is allcged to opcn tlie way for trndcrs to cxploit thcir customers, by obscuring tlie value of tlicir bwgaiii. Its tcriniiiatioii was one of tlie reasons for tlie setting up

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of controlled produce markets in Tanganyika (and for tlic discouragement of itinerant fr;idcrs). Two points may be iii;idc Iieic: first, barter automatically tends to disappear when an area is opcned up - hence i t is less important near to Kigoina than it is further south, for instance; sccondly, since barter reflects the traders’ lack of capital, rather than avoidable exploitation, government restriction of barter trade may mean no trade at all.

Apart from the fact that they are more or less free to engage i n barter, i t is fairly natural that adininislrators with an interest in siinplicity and order should disapprove of itinerant traders. In actual fact, the peddler has not been subjcct to quite tlie same severe criticism in these niorc isolated areas as he has i n tlie niorc dcvcloped areas where his r61c has been less obvious. Yet the rOle of the itinerant trader and his suitability for scrving ;I scattered market are seldom adequately recognised. This failure undoubtedly contributcd to the disappointment of plans to develop fishing on the nearby Lake Ilukwa in 1948, when a monopoly concession was granted to a European firm and itinerant traders prohibited.

Also criticised is the “opportunism” of the speculator, particularly when dealing wi th perishable foodstuffs. H o w fortunate though that soine opportunists exist! I t is not denied that speculation can be excessive or that it may not sometimes induce instability. But there is probably a failure here to distinguish between tlie causes of instability and its clrects. Tlie cause of instability is the unpredictability of supply i n conjunction with a rather elastic demand, aggravated by the perisli- ability of the product, which reduces the possibility of storage to equalise amounts coming on to the market froni one period to the next. The elrcct is fluctuating prices since i t is only to be expected that traders - and producers! .- should charge higher prices when the commodity is scarce. Tlie usual r61e of the speculator is to eveii out prices as between moments of time. He buys in periods of abundance, thus prevcntirig prices from falling even further. and sells in periods of shortagc, preventing prices rroin rising as much as they otherwise would. Given tlie pcrish- ability of dqan, and the extreme uncertainty of supply, this is a very risky business, and not all profit. In 1959, for instance, after dealers had bought up supplies i n anticipation of shortage during the rainy scaso~i, tlie rains were dclayed, fishing w a s Lontiiiucd and supplics maintained, and they were forced to sell OK stocks at I G W prices, with considerable loss.

hlany of the intermediaries which are criticised as being unncccssary are pet forming the above functions of arbitrage through time or between areas. Iii&xd tlic presumption is that an intermedinry is able to maintain his position siiiiply because no more eficient method for doing his job exists. This does not nieaii to say that a more eficient method might not be developed, possibly with governnicnt Iiclp. The point is that something must .be substituted before the niidtllcni:in is cliniiiiated.

As with most of Tanganyika’s produce, however, the chief concern of govern- nient oflicials I~ns becii to iiiiprove the quality of the product. The problem in this cast occurs i n the preparation of the fish, the mctliod of drying. At present most of the fish is sun-dried on the beach. Unfortunately the sand sticks to the fish and

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thc siliid is very difficult to removc aftcrwartls. Frcyucntly the fish is not fully dried, causing i t to tlcterioratc more rapidly; or rain may interfere with the drying, also causing rapid dcterioration, with grcnt loss in value. I n part this is deliberate: sellers of f i s h add dirt deliberately to increase tlie weiglit; and they are aware, too, that tlic f ish is hcavier when not fully dry.

The blainc for the low quality of the protluct is usually p i t on the trader, for his failurc to ofkr prcinium prices for better qiinlities. I t is not always appreciated that quality is only of cconomic significance when consuincrs are willing to pay to securc it . In fact, a certain amount of cleaning is done by dealers in Kigoma; thc largcr tlcalers tcnd to buy from othcr smaller tradcrs, who have already rcinovcd loose sand by shaking and sieving, and have bagged the fish. Moreover there are just as m i n y gradcs now as there were during the wartime period of coiitrol - - - tlirce. And the dilTcrcnce in pricc between the top and the bottom gr;itlcs now is considerably ividcr than in the pcriod of control. In addition the produce is examined fairly closely at the time of purchase and discounts made for sand contcnt and bad drying. Even if the quality is good, if only a small quantity of that quality is brought in, it may not be cconomic for the dealer to oKer a prcniium. I t means a separate consignment, separate invoicing, warehousing, and so on.

Finally, while complaints from consumers are frequent, there is no conclusive cvidcnce that they are sirficiently concerned to pay more for clean fish, that there is “effcctive dernnnd” for quality. It is a common practice for even the main Kigoma dealers to mix gradcs of Dugun: much as this has been criticised, it is good evidence of lack of demand for quality. Had the trader received unsorted material and failed to sort, he might be blamed for lack of diligence or for lack OF foresight in not sccing the opportunities for gain by grading. Verification would be diflicult since no sorted inatcrial would be on the market. But where tlie trader receives the product already sortcd there can be n o question of lack of diligence, since no sorting is required; and the second possibility is highly unplausiblc, since the trader i s prcsumably aware of the premium obtainablc. The final presumption, tlicn, is that the trader does not o fkr a higher price for the bctter grade bccausc hc cannot sell i t nt a higher pricc.

This does not mean tlicre is no problem of quality, but only thzt any scope for iniprovcnicnt probably lics at the processing, riot at the marketing, level. Govern- mcnt experiiiients at Kigonia, using a drying baizdn with wire trays, aimcd at producing bettcr quality, clean Dugan for a more discriminating category of consumers, wcrc reluctantly abandoned recently, the process proving too expensive. Tlie other possibility worth invcstigating is artificial drying. The grcat advantage of this is that drying would not bc airccted by the rains so that the seasonal fall iri production froni I’cbruary to June could be avoided. The question is whether tlic process could bc niadc clicap ciiough to compete successfully with sun-dried fish. This would not appear to be possible until catchcs arc rcgular and large enough to providc a satisfactory tlirougliput. This developmcnt might thercfore have to await dcvelopiiicnts in tlie production k i d .

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A large qucstion inark hangs over another possibility in the marketing field: that of co-operative devclopmcnt. Demands for a co-opera tivc have been voiccd pwticularly strongly in Ujiji for the past ten years. An attempt at group marketing was madc as early as 1950, when twenty Ujiji Africans collaborated to form the “Tanganyika African Fishermen and Traders’ Association”. This had only a very brief existence. In 1954 the “Ujiji Fisheries Association” was launched with 110 members and a contributed capital of a few hundred pounds. The main com- modity handled was Dagna, but quantities of maize, cassavaand rice were also sold each year through the Association. The aim of the group was to achieve marketing economies through marketing in large lots and by-passing intermediaries. The group sold in Kigoma from 1954 to 1956, in Tabora in 1957 and through an agent in Dar es Salaam in 1958, before abandoning operations in 1959. It had never succeeded in getting widespread support in Ujiji.

The record, therefore, is not very good. With one or two notable exceptions, of course, producers’ groups have, in Tanganyika as a whole, suffered from a lack of solidarity. Here this lack of solidarity is aggravated by a number of factors. First, the population is very mixed, tribally. Second, because fishermen, “rentiers” and traders are not clearly divided, group members are not certain of sharing a unity of interest. And it would be very difficult indeed to find a homogeneous group. The Association referred to was organised by a group of petty traders and peddlers and “retired” fishermen. Thirdly, the dependence on an unstable and scattered market, in a region of poor communications, is a great obstacle. Fourthly, the vast area over which the industry is carried on means that contact between organisers and producers is difficult, and trust not easily achieved.

The niost vital problems, however, have not yet been discussed, and occur at the production level rathcr than in processing or distribution. These are tlie prob- lems raised by the development of European, that is, Greek “industrial” fishing in Congo waters, and the pressure from non-Africans, both European and Asian, to enter the industry at the fishing, processing, and/or marketing levels on the Tanganyika side. Greek fishermen are using large-scale Mediterranean methods of fishing, using the ring-net, methods which are immensely productive. but require a large amount of capital. Each “unit” consists of a parent boat, B net boat and four to six lamp boats. The eficiency of the method has been clearly demon- strated by a detailed costing madc by an experimental ring-net unit operated by Belgian researcliers in the Congo.8 Over 200 trips the nvcrage yield was 800 kilo- gramnies, and the average cost per kilo, including depreciation, just two francs (thirty CCII~S). This compares with their estimate for the traditional native method of four francs (sixty cents).

In view of lhcsc costs it is not surprising that Grcck fishing in the Congo should have developed very fast after tlie first unit went into operation in 1954. By thc ciid of 1955, two units were fishing at the northern end of the lake, six at . - - . . . . .-

6. Sce A . Collnrd “ P k h c arlisdiiale e l ptche industriclle au lac Tongnnyika” i t , Bullclin Agricole du Congo Bclgc. Vol. V l l l No. 5, Oclobcr. 1YS8.

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tlic cntl of 1956, tcn at the end of 1957, plus two ccntrcd on Albertville, and, finally, i n 1959. cightecn.

The problem facing tlie Congo and Tanganyiknn administrations alike is this: should non-African interests in the industry be encouraged or not, when the rise of cficient large-scalc production by Europcan or Asian-owned concerns is dctrinicntal to the lcss capitalisetl native production? Thc two administrations have, Iiowevcr, rcactcd to the problem in very difl‘erent ways: wliile European fishing has grown up rapidly in tlie Congo, tlic I’anganyikan government has activcly discouraged non-African enterprise at .the production and processing lcvcls 31 Icast, in order to protcct tlic African industry.

in contrast, the Iklgians have allowed Europcan enterprise to enter the field, simultaneoudy, Iiowcver, trying to reorganise native production. Despite the interest showii by Africans in copying Grcek methods, tlie ring-net method is definitely not a practicable proposition for thcni both becausc of the large amount of capital involved, and becausc of the skill and experience necded. Experiments were tliercforc carried out to find a mcthnd which lias the cheapness of large-scale, but wliicli is not beyond the resources and skill of the African fishermen. The nicthod which lias bcen dcvised consists of a lift-net, attached to a caramaran. A catminrari consists of two metal canoes joincd togcthcr by struts.

The results of a model lift-net unit opcrated by thc Congo researchers are shown below, togctlicr with those of tlic ring-net unit , for comparison.

Ring-tict Unit Lift-net Unit

InvcsimcnI . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 400,000 frs (€2,8GO) 75,000 frs (S5353 Annual Dcprccintion . . . . . . . . . . 80,oM) frs (€570) 13,040 frs (€93) Costs to be rnct cach trip . . . . . . . . 1 ,(a0 frs (230/-) 350 frs ( S O / - ) Yield prr trip . . . . . . . . . . . . 800 kgs 350 kgs Avcrage cost per kilo (approx.) . . . . . . 2 frs (30 cents) 1 fr. (IS cents)

[low satisfactory tlicse costings are, it is dillicult to say, but the difference in costs is great enough to suppose that great possibilities exist for native fishermen using thesc ncw methods. The capital required is probably within the resources or many of the fislierinen now, if they can be weldctl into groups of five or six. Such snlall groups niiglit suit tlic individualistic Swahilis better than a large co-opcrative to bcgin with, and might facilitate the development of co-operative societies a t the proccssing and marketing levels later. A largc part of thc groups, however, would rcquirc loans for the purchxc of cquipmcnt, entailing fairly close supervision by a Fislicrics Oficcr, as well as technical help. Thcrc is ccrtainly keen interest i n the ncw methods of fisliing. In January of 1959 an association was formcd at Ujiji, comprising ciglity nicmbers, the aiin of which was not group marketing of produce but the collcction of funds with a view to copying the Greek ring-net units. The association is already inactive, if not actually dcfunct; nevertheless, this is an interest which. clivertcd into the right channcls, niay prove to be very productive.

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Now if these possibilities are to be developed, there is a case for discourage- mcnt of European enterprise during the transitional period necessary for a “modcrnised” native industry to establish itself (the so-called “infant industry” argument). This no doubt is the hope. The case for an i&jhite/y prolonged protection of one business group, though, is not strong. The penalty for protecting these interests is that the consumer is made to pay higher prices - a consumer who badly needs protein and who will often be worse off than those protected. Proteclion can only be partial in any case. Already the previously very remunerative market in the Congo has declined: Tanganyika may soon find itself importing Dugan from the Congo. There are, of course, strong non-economic arguments in favour of the present policy. Quite apart from feelings which niay be aroused elsewliere i n Tanganyika, local hostility towards non-African fishing is intense. These factors do not concern us: it is desired here to examine only the economic aspects.

The Greek units have not, however, been concerned mainly with D o p a , but with the supply of large fish, fresh, to Usumbura and Bukavu. Unfortunately, Tanganyikan fishermen have no such ready market for fresh fish: development of the industry must depend on refrigeration or other methods of preservation. Prospects appear reasonably good: Kigoma lies at the end of the Central Line, linking it dircctly to a number of urban centres, including Dar es Salaam. Belgian fisheries officers were highly optimistic about the possibility of supplying fresh- frozen fish from Albcrtvillc to all main inland centres accessible by rail, even so far as Luluabourg. This method of preservation is economical when the period of conservation is relatively short, that is, two to three weeks. But it requires a concentrated market with a fairly rapid turnover and reasonably speedy transport to that market. It means a chain of refrigeration facilities and therefore co-opera- tion between those engaged in the industry, government, and railway authorities. This seenis to be a possible project for a development corporation on the lines of Tufinac i n Uganda, involving as it does substantial capital and organisation, but i t would have to await the expansion and re-organisation of the native fishing industry. Meanwhile several firms in Usumbura have shown interest in precisely this project : Iiowevcr, a refrigeration plant unacconipanied by the larger and more regular supplies pertaining to Greek large-scale fishing would probably not be a success. I f the native industry cannot be rapidly established on a new basis, there- fore, there is a strong, purely economic case, of course, for permitting free entry into the industry.

Plans for the expansioii of the industry on Lake .Tanganyika must not be considered in isolation. The industry can expect competition froni other sources which are expanding simultaneously. First there is the fishing industry at Nguruka on the Central Line. Here there are tremendous resources in the. Malagarasai Swamp area. Lake lisli would also come into competition with another developing source, fish from local dams. Tabora, for iiistance, obtains its supplies largely

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from tlic nearby lgombc dam. Dodoma is supplied from the Hornbolo dam, conipletcd only in 1957 but already, by May, 1959, producing more than thirteen tons of fish per month, and fished by some scvcnty Africans. Finally, of course, there is tlic production of the coastal regions supplying Dar cs Salaam and Tanga in particuhr.

With all tlicsc potentialities, it is very important that some pcrmanent body shoiild cxist to undcrtakc advisory work, supervise research, and promote develop- merit, in particular recommending and supervising loans to African fishermen and fishing companies as tlicsc arc developed. A Fisheries Board should therefore be set up to work in close conjunction with that alrcady functioning in Albertville, that which is rcsponsiblc for the greater advaticc on that side of the lake towards fullcr exploitation of the vast potential. In collaboration with other boards, a Tanganyikan board could facilitate trade across the lake by providing market infornintion and by preventing the non-payment of debts owed to or by citizens of other tcrritories, from which Kigoma traders have suKcred greatly in the past and which is very dctrinicntal to trade. However, the first job of a Lake Tanganyika Fishcries h a r d might be to supcrvisc the undertaking of a detailcd statistical invcstig:ition of thc industry to elucidatc such things as prices and profit margins throughout thc lake, quantity and distribution of production in the lake, the amount and direction of exports, the numbers cngaged in the trade, by occupation as far as possible, the number of canoes, types of net used, the number of outboard motors. and so on.