the first crusade: inciting agents and retrospective

7/30/2019 The First Crusade: Inciting Agents and Retrospective

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LIBERTY UNIVERSITY

THE FIRST CRUSADE: INCITING AGENTS AND RETROSPECTIVE

PRESENTED TO

DR. RODNEY M. NICKENS

CHHI 302 D02 201240HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH

BY

Michael Wright

L23893877

SPOKANE, WASHINGTON

DECEMBER 2012


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CONTENTS

INTRODUCTION 1

SITUATION IN THE EAST 3

SITUATION IN THE WEST 5

THE INVESTITURE CONTROVERSY 7

THE COUNCIL OF CLERMONT AND BEYOND 10

JUST WAR AND THE CHRISTIAN WORLDVIEW 11

CONCLUSION 16

BIBLIOGRAPHY 19


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INTRODUCTION

In 1095 A.D., Western Christians of every station mobilized into armies and marched

towards the Jerusalem looking to liberate the holy places from the tribes of Islam under the

proclamation ofDeus vult; God wills it. The first four-year campaign resulted in temporary

victory in the Holy Land, establishing Crusader States and the Kingdom of Jerusalem, as well as

increased authority and power to the Western Papacy of the Roman Catholic Church. However

this victory came at a high cost; both sides suffered heavy casualties, Jews and Muslims alike

were massacred, and crusaders committed other violations, trespass, and destruction of private

property. A disorganized mob inspired seven more Crusades. The legacy of the Crusades only

widened the schism between the Roman and Greek churches, and left centuries of believers and

non-believers asking how a Christian nation could allow this to happen. How could Jesus Christ

and His teachings inspire such radical violence? In examining the inciting factors that led to this

First Crusade and holding them to the Christian Worldview, it will be established that nothing

about this campaign could have been inspired by God.

The Crusades were by no means the worlds introduction to the concept of a holy war. In

centuries past, any action taken by a nation in the name of their patron deity could in that sense

be considered a religiously motivated action. Whether it was the Jewish conquest of Canaan, the

Jewish-Roman wars that ended the Second Temple Period or the Muslim conquests that

preceded this Crusade, these wars were considered holy merely by precept of the communal

action of the sacred peoples engaging in them. Despite many known factors involved in the years

leading to the Crusade, Historiographers have had difficulty identifying the one defining its

causes and justifications. The German historian Carl Erdmann in 1935 theorized that a

progressive transformation of Christian ethics, the closing gap between the powers of Church


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and State, the moral decay of the papacy and priestly seats collided with 11 th century reform

movements as both the military and ruling class were fully rooted in Western Christianity.1

As the West moved towards a consolidated Christendom, the Byzantine Empire to the

East was in a state of downfall. Soon after the long schism between the Eastern and Western

churches ended with mutual excommunication, the Empire began to fall into decline. 2 With the

rapid spread of Islam and the threat of the Seljuq Turks advancing across the Byzantine frontier,

Emperor Alexios I Komnenos appealed to Pope Urban II for assistance. Despite the divide in the

church, this may have been seen as an opportunity for reconciliation, but Urban saw it as an

opportunity to quiet the war-like unrest in the West.

3

He began a campaign of preaching that the

Holy Land must be reclaimed, the infidel defeated, and that through this enterprise their sins

would be forgiven. The response was so great that Peter the Hermit prematurely led his own

crusade into the Holy Land before the nobles could assemble.

In examining the issues that led to the First Crusade, it is only natural to categorize these

events by their Eastern and Western perspectives. Additionally since political and church reform

played heavily into the Western side, it is helpful to appraise some of those prominent

motivations, such as the Investiture Controversy. Through retrospective analysis, it will be

necessary to review the tenants of a Christian Worldview, and in holding these motivations to

that standard, examine their consistency.

1 Carl Erdmann, The Origin of the Idea of Crusade (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1977), 3-

15, 57.

2 Gordon M. Patterson,Medieval History: 500 to 1450 Ce, 112 vols. (Piscataway, NJ: Research &

Education Assn, 1995), 15.

3 Clifford R. Backman, The Worlds of Medieval Europe (New York: Oxford University Press, 2003), 221-

222.


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SITUATION IN THE EAST

For hundreds of years the divide between Eastern and Western Christianity grew wider.

Ecclesiastical and theological disputes frequently erupted on everything from whether or not to

serve leavened or unleavened bread at Eucharist, to the Western Papal claim to universal

authority over the church. While the Eastern Orthodox Church (as it came to be called) had its

roots in Greek philosophy, most of Roman Catholic theology was formed from Roman law. This

conflict came to a head in 1054 AD with the mutual excommunication of Pope Leo IX of Rome

and Patriarch Michael Cerularius of Constantinople. Despite numerous attempts to reconcile,

these churches have not come to terms since.

4

After this the Byzantine Empire fell into discord, as civil war followed with foreign

invasions for twenty-four years. A weak emperor was replaced by ambitious generals who for

various reasons were incapable of holding the throne. The State fell into disrepair and a

considerable portion of its army was disbanded. Safety of the realm was guarded by a select

national guard, who stood no chance at defending the Empire against the incursion of the Seljouk

Turks.5

The Seljouk Turks were a branch of Persian Muslims who, reinforced by kindred clans,

with fanatical agression conquered much of the East, from India through the Persian Gulf to

Byzantine Anatolia. This was a fierce enemy reinforced by a heavily armed and well-trained

military structure, with legions of bodyguards, assasins, light horseman, and expert bowman.

They conquered new territory by flooding into encampments and breaking organized resistance

into disorganized fighting fragments by targeting military commanders. The Turks preferred

4 Timothy Ware, The Orthodox Church, 2nd ed. (Penguin Adult, 1993), 43-50.

5 Charles William Chadwick Oman, The Byzantine Empire, 3rd. Kindle ed. (London: Amazon Digital

Services, Inc. (G. P. Putnam's Sons), 1902; reprint, Amazon Kindle), 249-253.


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making slaves of their enemies, but did not hesitate to slaughter and loot the treasuries in their

invasion. When refugees were discovered they were routed to their next target, driving fear into

the hearts of their next ambition.6

The greatest disaster came in 1071 as Emperor Romanus was drawn by Seljouk

plunderers to Manzikert where he found himself confronted by the full host of the Seljouk

Empire, led by Sultan Alp Arslan himself. With an army of exausted soldiers and two missing

divisions, and despite being completely out-flanked by the Turks Romanus ordered the attack on

Manzikert. Even with the odds against them, poor military strategy led to a decisive defeat of the

Byzantines and Romanus himself taken captive. While Arslan showed Romanus a great deal

more mercy than expected, Romanus was replaced by coup, then ransomed back only to be

murdered to prevent his return to the throne. This marked the ultimate turning point in Byzantine

history.7

As the Seljouks continued their conquest nearly unopposed, another threat to the South

emerged. At nearly the same time as the Battle of Manzikert, the Fatamids, an Islamic state

claiming descendance from Muhammads daughter Fatima invaded Palestine and took

Jerusalem. In doing so all pilgramage routes from Europe to the Holy Land dried up as any

traveler was now at the mercy of marauders and merciless privateers.8

As Emperor Alexios I took power, the Seljouks conquered the entire Anatolian Plateau

with the securing of Nicaea in 1081. While they established their new capitol there, Alexios

grudgingly reached out to Pope Gregory VII of the Holy Roman Empire for support. Indeed

Gregory was anxious to see the Holy Sepulcher back in Christian hands; unfortunately he was far

6 Previt-Orton Charles William, The Shorter Cambridge Medieval History: In Two Volumes, 2 vols., vol. 1

(London, England: Cambridge University Press, 1955), 278-81.

7 Oman, 251-56.

8 Mike Paine, The Crusades (Harpenden: Pocket Essentials, 2005), 28.


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too embroiled in the Investiture Controversy to effectively marshal support.9 It was not until the

Council of Clermont in 1095 that Alexius sent envoys to Pope Urban II to officially request

military assistance against the forces of the Seljouk Turks.10

SITUATION IN THE WEST

When one considers the nature of Christianity in the West at the time of the Crusades, it

is helpful to note that a thousand years earlier France and other barbarian territories were in a

constant state of warfare and absorbption with Rome. The Romans brought a measure of peace

and stability to the region but not for long, as less than a hundred years later the Empires

supremacy began to waver. But the Western Empire did not implode overnight; it progressively

eroded and was replaced by the barbarian nations. While eventually united again by the Frankish

Carolingian Empire of Charlamagne, peace was soon inturrpted by Viking incursion. By the time

of the Crusades the Caroligian dynasty was long evaporated, but hundreds of years of squabbles

between the nobles conserved the image of a Christian warrior class. 11

Since the early Seventh Century the Reconquista, or reconquest of the Iberian peninsula

against the Moores had been a long, ongoing struggle. The first victories were won by Pelagius

of Asturias, a Visigoth nobleman who founded the Kingdom of Asturias. Eventually aid came

from the Franks with Charles Martel at the lead, followed by Pepin the Short and his son

Charlemagne, who brought the area into the Carolingian Empire and the influence of the

church.12 Though the fighting continued, this conflict was never considered a religious endeavor,

9 Jonathan Howard, The Crusades: A History of One of the Most Epic Military Campaigns of All Time,

Kindle ed. (North Charleston, SC: CreateSpace Independent Publishing Platform, 2012), 11.

10 Paine, 31-33.

11 Thomas S. Asbridge, The First Crusade : A New History (New York: Oxford University Press, 2004), 3-

4.

12 Viscount James Bryce, The Holy Roman Empire, Kindle ed. (Chicago, IL: Acheron Press, 1906; reprint,

2012), Location 833-856.


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but a battle to regain the lands of Spain. That is until Pope Urban II altered the tone of the

conflict.

After Charlemagne and before Urban, the remnant lordship fell into a series of petty

fuedal struggles against each other. In an effort to pacify the nobles, the clergy established the

Pax dei (the Peace of God); they developed sanctified peace assemblies, collecting as many

religious relics as possible, bits of bone, vials of blood, pieces of clothe from the clothing of

saints, generally anything that was said to have been touched by a venerated saint. They would

collect them in a field and invite any knights and nobles in the area, gaining their cooperation in

maintaining peace in the West. The idea was the use the fear of the saints, the desire of the

aristocracy to seek out shrines to obtain cures and obtain advice about the future. While not

initially sucessful it would set the stage for later cooperation amongs the meieval community. 13

Then in France around 1033 after a terrible famine resulted in murderous spree, the

bishops and abbots released a united resolution that forbade violence on specific days of the year

on threat of excommunication. This spread to Italy and Gaul, forming the Treuga Dei (the

Truce of God). The Truega Dei was sanctioned and confirmed by nine Synods before it was

signed into general law of the church by Pope Urban II.

13 Richard Landes, "Peace of God, Pax Dei,"Berkshire Encyclopedia of Millenian Movements Vol. (1999).

http://www.mille.org/people/rlpages/paxdei.html (accessed 12/7/2012).


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THE INVESTITURE CONTROVERSY

Emperor Alexios petition for help came as a welcome distraction for Pope Urban, the

opportunity to temporarily put to rest a controversy that endangered the primacy of the church.

From the time of Charlemagne large amounts of land were donated to and put under the care of

the church. Since the church was not in the business of governing land, it fell upon the

ecclesiastical order to appoint lords and vassals, even kings with the obligation of protecting the

lands and vassals under their care. As close to half the land came under the ownership of the

land, the secular lords saw it as their right to appoint and invest in the clergy. The appointed

bishops became vassals of the lords, swearing oathes of fealty to them with the implied duties of

serving the court and drafting soldiers for the defense of the land. And when that bishop died the

lords often held up the appointment of their successor to take advantage of the coffers of the

church. This came to be known as simony, and greatly offended the people of the church,

particularly Pope Gregory VII.14

The turning point came in 1075 when the Germanic Emperor Henry IV appointed his

chaplain Tedald, a German archbishop to the bishopric seat of Milan, giving German control and

income from a diocese he likely never visited. Tedald was a member of the layity with no real

experience or influence in the church, and his appointment was seen as an outright power grab

by the Empire to control the church. In response Gregory issued the Dictatus papae, a collection

14 Philip Schaff, "The War over Investiture.," in History of the Christian Church Vol. V, Medival

Christianity : From Gregory I to Gregory Vii, A.D. 590-1073, ed. Tim Perrine (Grand Rapids, Mich: Eerdmans

Publ. Co, 1997), 44.


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of 27 affirmations of Papal license giving him the authority to excommunicate Henry IV from

the church, effectively deposing him as Emperor.15

In an ironic twist Henry accused Gregory of being not the pope but a false monk, and

appealing to the bishops in an attempt to depose Gregory. Gregory had already secured the

support of the German aristocracy, princes and nobels eager to secure their liberty from the

oppressive Emperor. To Henrys dismay the bishops declined to support him and marshaled

support for Gregory. As a result Henry was forced to prostrate himself before Gregory, barefoot

and penitent outside the gates of Canossa. Gregory lifted the excommunication but not restore

his position, allowing the German Aristocrats to install Rudolf von Rheinfeld as his successor.

While the fueds between the popes and Roman Emperors continued will into the Twelth century,

the repercussions of this event conferred upon the Papacy total sovereignty over the Western

kingdoms.16

Gregorys actions at Canossa, while significant to the papacy, proved to be detrimental to

his own legacy. The German lords who had supported Gregory felt betrayed by his decision to

lift the excommunication of Henry. The appointment of Rheinfeld was made without Gregorys

council, and Gregory was forced to support his rule and excommunicate Henry again three years

later after Germany fell into civil war. Unfortunately by then it was too late, as Henry had slain

Rheinfeld on the battlefield. Gregory was blamed for the resulting discord, and Henry used the

momentum to elect Clement III, a formerly excommunicated archbiship, in his place. Gregory

appealed to the Normans for help, who repelled Henrys forces but cuased one of the worst

15 Ralph Keen, The Christian Tradition (Upper Saddle River (N.J.): Prentice Hall, 2004), 159-161.

16 R. Scott Appleby, "How the Pope Got His Political Muscle," U.S. Catholic 64, no. 9 (1999).


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sackings of Romes history. While the Normans withdrew, Gregory was forced into exile, where

he died as one of the most despised popes in history.17

Gregorys successor Clement III emerged with strong support of the people and the

majority of the cardinals. Against expectations however Clement acted independantly,

continuing to fight for the measures Gregory did, legislating the end of simony and clerical

marriage. As a pope he turned out to be far more assertive than the Aristocracy preferred, and in

1086 with the help of Countess Matilda of Tuscany was replaced by Victor III. Unfortunately for

the cardinals, Victor died four months after his consecration.

Pope Urban II was elected in 1088, just as committed to Gregorys reforms but far less

confrontational. The atmosphere of the West at this point was precarious, with Countess Matilda

and the Normans as allies, a suspicious German people, and a relentless war continuing in Spain,

Urban adopted the attitude of a realist. Henry IV still opposed the church, but Urban used the

discontent of his army and Henrys damaged marriage to his advantage.18

At the Synod of Piacenza in 1095, Urban was able to re-assert authority of the church and

victory over Henry and the Investiture Controversy bny using Henrys ex-wife and son public

testimony to Henrys participation in the Black Mass to evaporate any remaining support.

Having previously excommunicated Phillip I of France for illegally divorcing his wife, Urban

used Phillips appeal to solidify Clement IIIs removal from office. Also in attendance were

Emperor Alexius ambassadors, pleading for military assisstance. In the hopes of quelling all

Western hostilities and longing to undo the earlier East-West Schism that broke apart the church,

17 John W. O'Malley,History of the Popes : From Peter to the Present, Adobe Digital ed. (Sheed & Ward,

2010), 101-109.

18 Ibid. 110-112.


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Urban lifted Alexius Western excommunication and began asking for Christians to assist their

Eastern neighbors.19

THE COUNCIL OF CLERMONT AND BEYOND

Of all the precipitating factors to the First Crusade, the Counsel of Clermont is

considered to be the catalyst for the Crusader avidity. Soon after Piacenza Urban traveled to his

home country of France to deliver an impassioned speech to 300 clerics from around France,

charging Christians to take up the divine enterprise of retaking the Holy Land. He reported the

conditions of attacks on Christian pilgramages that outraged Christendom, probably reported

from Peter the Hermit, who was in attendance. Urban called for the princes and barons to give up

the petty infighting and unrighteous wars in the West, motivated by material rewards, for a holy

war against the Arab infedels who plundered and desecrated Jerusalem. Further, Urban offered

indulgances, promises that all who died in the Crusade would have their sins forgiven and

granted immediate access into Heaven. When Urban finished the crowd began shouting Deus

Vult(God wills it).20

The message at Clermont was carried by the clergy throughout Europe. People of every

class were so excited by the prospect of the endeavor that while the Nobles had agreed to depart

on August 15th, the Feast of Assumption, several armies of peasants, including those organized

by Peter the Hermit departed months earlier in the Peoples Crusade. Another band attacked

19 Richard Butler, "Pope Bl. Urban Ii," The Catholic Encyclopedia Vol. 15(1912).

http://www.newadvent.org/cathen/14257a.htm (accessed 8 Dec. 2012).

20 Schaff, "The Call to the Crusades.," 185-89; Munro Dana Carleton, "The Speech of Pope Urban Ii. At

Clermont, 1095," The American Historical Review 11, no. 2 (1906).


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Jewish settlements across France and Germany, looting and killing in what some called the First

Holocaust.21

JUST WAR AND THE CHRISTIAN WORLDVIEW

In analysis of the factors leading up to the First Crusade to see if they represent the

Christain wordview, we must consider that the ethics of War have been philosophically

scrutinized for centuries. Because the Crusades happened in a different era, it is necessary to first

define the ethics by which the Crusaders justified their actions. This doctrine is known as Just

War, at from the time of Charlamagne through the Crusading Papacy the primary influence of

this philosophy came from Augustine. However unlike his contemporary Thomas Aquinas,

Augustine did not approach the topic systematically. The principles of his approach were

scattered through his many assorted works.22

There are essentially two criteria behind Just War Theory,jus ad bellum (the right to go

to war) andjus in bello (the right to conduct war). Underjus ad bellum there are eight subsets of

principles, just cause, comparative justice, competent authority, right intention, competent

authority, probability of success, last resort, and proportionality. Underjus in bello there are

three subsets, distinction, proportionality, and good faith.

The Following table explains Augustines positions in all these principals.

Jus ad bellum: The Right to go to War

Just Cause To defend the state from

external invasion.

To defend the safety or honor ofthe state, with the realization that

their simultaneous defense might

be impossible.

21 Schaff, "The First Crusade and the Capture of Jerusalem.," 189-192.

22 John Mark Mattox, Saint Augustine and the Theory of Just War, Continuum Studies in Philosophy

(Continuum, 2006), 2-4.


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To avenge injuries; to punish anation for failure to take

corrective action for wrongs

(legal or moral) committed by its

citizens.

To come to the defense of onesallies.

To obey a divine command to

go to war (which, in practice,issues from the political head of

state acting as Gods lieutenant

on earth).

To gain the return of something

that was wrongfully taken.

Comparative Justice The nation which claims to have

just cause to wage war must havea cause which is at least more

just than the other nations

cause.

Right Intention War must not be fought for

territorial expansion.

Those who wage war must notdelight in the wickedness of

potential adversaries.

Those who wage war must view

war as a stern necessity.

Those empowered to wage war

must never act in a way thatwould provoke war.

Competent Authority The sovereign ruler of the statehas authority to wage war.

Those subject to the authority of

the sovereign are duty-bound to

fight in the sovereigns wars(perhaps even in those which are

unjust).

God can, with perfect justice,direct wars to be fought.

Probability Of Success A war justly entered into still

can be held to have been just

even if it is lost.

Last Resort Disputes should be resolved by

means short of war whenever


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possible.

Proportionality War must be fought in light of

the object of the restoration ofpeace; and the restoration of

peace will mark the attainment ofa greater good than would haveresulted from the continued

absence of peace.

Peace as the UltimateObjective of War

Peace is the proper object of all

wars.

Jus in bello: The Right to Conduct War

Discrimination Only one acting in the official

capacity of a soldier is justifiedin performing the acts of violence

associated with the profession ofarms.

The clergy should not take up

arms.

Mercy and forbearance should

be shown to captives and non-combatants.

Proportionality All actions taken in war should

be limited by military necessity.

Good Faith Keep promises made to the

enemy.The use of ruses and stratagemsis morally acceptable in anotherwise just war.

Table 1-1: Augustines Values of Just War23

23 Ibid. 74-84.


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Before holding the Cruades up to a Christian worldview, it may be worth asking the

question; did the lead up to the First Crusade measure up to the definition of Just War as

regarded in the day. If those who promoted this enterprise failed to consider their own principles,

than it is reasonable to consider that the First Crusade, and possible every action after, cannot be

considered a Just War.

First, lets look atjus in bello; did the Crusaders have the right to conduct a Just War?

Did they have Just Cause? During this time there was already a long struggle to retake land lost

to the Moores in Spain However the Moors were largely Northern Africans converted to

Islam, while the Selkouk Turks were in part converted Persians, but primarily Sunni Muslims

with a long history of conquest. They were not precisely the same enemy but perhaps held the

same agenda. The Byzentine Empire were not allies of the West until Pope Urban lifted the

excommunication of Alexios, justifying the empire as an ally worth defending. The divine

commandment principal is ony valid if the Pope was legitimately the political head of state

acting as Gods lieutentant on earth; a case can be made that the defeat of Henry IV perceptually

achieved this. Ultimately the most valid justification would be to gain the return of something

that was wrongfully taken, as events in the East led to the closure of pilgramage routes, as well

as the seizire and desecration of Jerusalem. (Whether Jerusalem belonged to Christian hands is

another argument)

Was there Comparative Justice? In this case the West must have a cause which is more

just than the other nations (the Seljouk Turks) cause. While the motivation of the Turks is

complex, it essentially began with early Arab rebellions and victory over the Persian Empire.

Another possible motiviation was the parting words of Caliph Abu Bakr, that to turn ones back

on an enemy was to earn the wrath of Allah. He also specifically issued the decree to refrain


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from attacking monks and monastaries, but to kill all other Christians until they submit to Islam.

It is difficult to conclude whether the Western case was more just, considering Charlemagne

engaged in similar behavior; however the Carolingian wars were short compared to the hundreds

of years of constant Muslim conquest.

Did the Western Crusaders posess the Right Intention? While the First Crusade resulted

in the formation of Crusader States and the Kingdom of Jerusalem, the acquisition of territory

was never a motivating factor in the conquest. It is debateable whether or not the Crusaders

delighted in the wickedness of potential adversaries, as commentary of the day regards the

killing as a holymercy. There are two considerations that the Crusaders may have regarded the

war as a stern necessity. First, Pope Urbans passionate argument that it was the divine will of

God to retake the Holy Land is a legitimate motivation. Second, Urbans offerof Indulgances,

forgiveness of sin and immediate access into Heaven would have resonance in the chaotic fuedal

world. As to the last, acting in a way that would provoke war would not seem to apply, as it

seemed the divine duty of the Turks to murder Christians.

The principle of Competant Authority might be a convoluted subject considering Pope

Urban incited the Crusade, and while the Pope had gained some authority over the military, this

was largely restricted to the protection of the papal office. However if one considers that it was

the princes, lords, and various leaders inspiredby Urbans plea who waged the war, competant

authority is met.

Probability of Success seems to not apply since under Augustine a Just War can be

considered Just regardless of success, and the First Crusade at least met the objective of retaking

Jerusalem. The last three principals ofJus ad bellum can be said not to have been met as they


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regard peace as the point and objective of a war; due to the motivation of the Turks, these are

principles that could not have been met.

To examineJus in bello, the first consideration is Discrimination. Here it can be said that

only some armies were partially justified as acting in official capacity as soldiers; they all fail on

the principal that the clergy should not take up arms, and mercy and forebearance should be

shown to captives and non-combatants. Captives were rarely taken and non-combatants on their

own side were slaughtered.

Under proportionality, actions being limited to military necessity, there are several

factors where the Crusaders failed. One began with the indescriminate killing of Jews in Europe

before the campaign was even launched. Another is reports of cannibalism by the Crusaders at

Ma'arrat al-Numan. Lastly the indescriminate murder of Jews and Muslims in Jerusalem who

were promised safed passage if they surrendered, and having done so were killed anyway. Good

Faith fails for many of the same reasons stated previously, as promises to the enemy were not

kept.

In evaluating whether the Crusades measured up to their own standards, an interesting

dichotomy comes into play. They met nearly all principles ofJus ad bellum; the right to go to

war. However they failed every regard ofJus ad bello; the right to conduct war. One might say

that in the analysis the Crusaders had every right to engage in the First Crusade, but perhaps they

lacked the discipline to actually carry it out.

CONCLUSION

This First Crusade changed the course of history in the known world, for better and for

worst. Crusader States were established in Antioch, Edessa, Jerusalem, and Tripoli. Alexios

made the Crusading Lords swear fealty to him as they passed through Constantinople, bringing a


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temporary alliance with the West and momentarily reuniting the Roman Catholic and Orthodox

churches. The returning Crusaders were seen as heroes, inspiring a mass of poetry and literature

on their deeds.

There were many negatives, at times so many criticisms that the Crusades become the

defining hallmark of a polemic against Christianity. The indulgances offered were never

particularly clear, and eventually led to Luthers Reformation which further divided the church.

In the end the Holy Land was never recovered, and the advance of Islam was never fully

stopped. The schism between the East and West while temporarily set aside, were eventually

only driven further apart by insolent popes. The primary objectives, while achieved in the First

Crusade, were in the end completely lost.

Many evils were committed during this time, for which many falsely claim were

committed in Gods name. Many considered the fight over an earthly city ignored the larger

Christian purpose of attaining the Heavenly Kingdom of God. Further the hatred between

Christians and Muslims, as well as the persecution of Jews were advanced to a near incurable

level. Ultimately the Crusades, particularly through Pope Urban II, changed the motives of war

in such a way that conquest of land was no longer the real, percieved motive. Instead wars of

personal conscience were now considered acceptable.24

Further, the justifications of the Crusades failed to meet their own standards. While the

Christians were warranted in engaging in warfare against the Muslim conquest, they were not

disciplined in a manner that would allow them to meet the requirements of carrying out such a

war. This is possibly the fault of the then living concept of Christendom, a theocratic society

led by imperfect humans using the justification of being led by God to govern their society.

24 Schaff, "Effects of the Crusades.," 232-235.


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The Crusades are perhaps the ultimate evidence that such a government, absent the direct and

probably physical presence of Jesus Christ, will always result in failure.


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BIBLIOGRAPHY

Appleby, R. Scott. "How the Pope Got His Political Muscle." U.S. Catholic 64, no. 9 (1999): 36.

Asbridge, Thomas S. The First Crusade : A New History. New York: Oxford University Press,

2004

Backman, Clifford R. The Worlds of Medieval Europe. New York: Oxford University Press,

2003

Bryce, Viscount James. The Holy Roman Empire. Kindle ed. Chicago, IL: Acheron Press, 1906.

Reprint, 2012

Butler, Richard. "Pope Bl. Urban Ii." The Catholic Encyclopedia Vol. 15 (1912).

http://www.newadvent.org/cathen/14257a.htm [accessed 8 Dec. 2012].

Charles William, Previt-Orton. The Shorter Cambridge Medieval History: In Two Volumes.Vol. 1. 2 vols. London, England: Cambridge University Press, 1955

Dana Carleton, Munro. "The Speech of Pope Urban Ii. At Clermont, 1095." The American

Historical Review 11, no. 2 (1906): 231-242.

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