the early history of chance in evolution

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University of Notre Dame Program in the History and Philosophy of Science Department of Philosophy The Early History of ‘Chance’ in Evolution &HPS4, Athens, Greece Charles H. Pence [email protected]

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Page 1: The Early History of Chance in Evolution

University of Notre DameProgram in the History and Philosophy of Science

Department of Philosophy

The Early History of

‘Chance’ in Evolution

&HPS4, Athens, Greece

Charles H. [email protected]

Page 2: The Early History of Chance in Evolution

A Talk in Three Acts

• Act I: The “standard” historical narrative of chance inevolution

• Act II: A problem for the standard narrative: Pearson andWeldon

• Act III: A speculative philosophical conclusion

Page 3: The Early History of Chance in Evolution

A Talk in Three Acts

• Act I: The “standard” historical narrative of chance inevolution

• Act II: A problem for the standard narrative: Pearson andWeldon

• Act III: A speculative philosophical conclusion

Page 4: The Early History of Chance in Evolution

A Talk in Three Acts

• Act I: The “standard” historical narrative of chance inevolution

• Act II: A problem for the standard narrative: Pearson andWeldon

• Act III: A speculative philosophical conclusion

Page 5: The Early History of Chance in Evolution

The “Standard History”

• Two questions:

1. When did evolutionbecome a statisticaltheory?

2. When did evolutionbecome a theory of“genuinely chancy”processes?

Page 6: The Early History of Chance in Evolution

The “Standard History”

• Two questions:1. When did evolutionbecome a statisticaltheory?

2. When did evolutionbecome a theory of“genuinely chancy”processes?

Page 7: The Early History of Chance in Evolution

The “Standard History”

• Two questions:1. When did evolutionbecome a statisticaltheory?

2. When did evolutionbecome a theory of“genuinely chancy”processes?

Page 8: The Early History of Chance in Evolution

Some Preliminaries: Darwin

Origin (1859), p. 106

Page 9: The Early History of Chance in Evolution

Some Preliminaries: Darwin

Origin (1859), p. 106

Page 10: The Early History of Chance in Evolution

Question 1: Francis Galton

Page 11: The Early History of Chance in Evolution

Question 1: Francis Galton

The principle on which the action of the apparatusdepends is, that a number of small and independentaccidents befall each shot in its career. In rare cases,a long run of luck continues to favour the course of aparticular shot towards either outside place, but inthe large majority of instances the number ofaccidents that cause Deviation to the right, balance ina greater or less degree those that cause Deviation tothe left. […] This illustrates and explains whymediocrity is so common.

Galton, Natural Inheritance (1889), pp. 64–65

Page 12: The Early History of Chance in Evolution

Question 2: Sewall Wright

From Provine, Sewall Wright and Evolutionary Biology

Page 13: The Early History of Chance in Evolution

Question 2: Sewall Wright

From Provine, Sewall Wright and Evolutionary Biology

Page 14: The Early History of Chance in Evolution

A Problematic: Pearson & Weldon

Page 15: The Early History of Chance in Evolution

Traditional Questions: Pearson

In our ignorance we ought to consider beforeexperience that nature may consist of all routines, allanomalies, or a mixture of the two in any proportionwhatever, and that all such are equiprobable....

Pearson, Grammar of Science, 1st ed. (1892), p. 172

Page 16: The Early History of Chance in Evolution

Traditional Questions: Pearson

In our ignorance we ought to consider beforeexperience that nature may consist of all routines, allanomalies, or a mixture of the two in any proportionwhatever, and that all such are equiprobable....

Pearson, Grammar of Science, 1st ed. (1892), p. 172

Page 17: The Early History of Chance in Evolution

Traditional Questions: Weldon

All experience, which we are obliged to deal withstatistically, is experience of results which dependupon a great number of complicated conditions, somany and so difficult to observe that we cannot tell inany given case what their effect will be.

Weldon, “Inheritance in Animals and Plants” (1906), p. 97

Page 18: The Early History of Chance in Evolution

Pearson & Weldon on Chance

• Pearson and Weldon theorize extensively about their useof chance

• This theorizing is not captured by the two “traditional”questions

• It provides us the historical impetus we need to build anew framework for understanding chanceAuthor's personal copy

‘‘Describing our whole experience’’: The statistical philosophies ofW. F. R. Weldon and Karl Pearson

Charles H. PenceUniversity of Notre Dame, Program in History and Philosophy of Science, 453 Geddes Hall, Notre Dame, IN 46556, USA

a r t i c l e i n f o

Keywords:BiometryMendelismKarl PearsonPositivismStatisticsW. F. R. Weldon

a b s t r a c t

There are two motivations commonly ascribed to historical actors for taking up statistics: to reduce com-plicated data to a mean value (e.g., Quetelet), and to take account of diversity (e.g., Galton). Differentmotivations will, it is assumed, lead to different methodological decisions in the practice of the statisticalsciences. Karl Pearson and W. F. R. Weldon are generally seen as following directly in Galton’s footsteps. Iargue for two related theses in light of this standard interpretation, based on a reading of several sourcesin which Weldon, independently of Pearson, reflects on his own motivations. First, while Pearson doesapproach statistics from this ‘‘Galtonian’’ perspective, he is, consistent with his positivist philosophy ofscience, utilizing statistics to simplify the highly variable data of biology. Weldon, on the other hand,is brought to statistics by a rich empiricism and a desire to preserve the diversity of biological data. Sec-ondly, we have here a counterexample to the claim that divergence in motivation will lead to a corre-sponding separation in methodology. Pearson and Weldon, despite embracing biometry for differentreasons, settled on precisely the same set of statistical tools for the investigation of evolution.

! 2011 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

When citing this paper, please use the full journal title Studies in History and Philosophy of Biological and Biomedical Sciences

What are the various motivations for taking up the tools ofstatistics? Put differently, what is it that draws historical actors to-ward viewing their subjects in a statistical manner? Two answerstraditionally present themselves.1 First, one might use statistics tosimplify vastly complicated data, reducing it to the mean in order toconstruct a picture of ‘‘the average man.’’ This position is all but syn-onymous with the name of Adolphe Quetelet (1796–1874), whocoined the very phrase l’homme moyen (Porter, 1986, p. 52). As IanHacking describes it, Quetelet began with the normal curve, previ-ously derived as either an error curve or the limit-distribution of theresult of games like coin-tossing, and he ‘‘applied the same curve tobiological and social phenomenawhere themean is not a real quantityat all, or rather: he transformed the mean into a real quantity’’ (1990, p.107, original emphasis). This shift created not a real individual, butrather ‘‘a ‘real’ feature of a population’’ (1990, p. 108). Quetelet then

uses his average man to ‘‘represent this [population] by height [orsome other character], and in relation to which all other men of thesame nation must be considered as offering deviations that are moreor less large’’ (Quetelet in 1844, quoted in Hacking, 1990, p. 105).

On the other hand, one might use statistics to attempt to modeldiversity, to study a statistical distribution with the intent of cap-turing outliers. Francis Galton (1822–1911), as Hacking tells thestory, is a paradigm of this motivation for statistical study. Galtonconcerns himself, again on Hacking’s picture, with ‘‘those whodeviate widely from the mean, either in excess or deficiency’’(Galton in 1877, quoted in Hacking, 1990, p. 180).2 Hacking callsthis a ‘‘fundamental transition in the conception of statistical laws,’’a shift toward Galton’s ‘‘fascination with the exceptional, the veryopposite of Quetelet’s preoccupation with mediocre averages’’(1990, p. 181).3

1369-8486/$ - see front matter ! 2011 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.doi:10.1016/j.shpsc.2011.07.011

E-mail address: [email protected] For example, in Porter (1986), Hacking (1990) or even Igo (2007).2 It is notable that this picture of Galton is up for debate—I thank an anonymous reviewer for pointing out that Galton’s work on composite portraits (e.g., Galton, 1879) looks

much like Quetelet’s use of ‘‘averaging.’’3 A more metaphysical and less ‘‘historicized’’ version of this thesis is discussed in illuminating detail by Sober (1980).

Studies in History and Philosophy of Biological and Biomedical Sciences 42 (2011) 475–485

Contents lists available at SciVerse ScienceDirect

Studies in History and Philosophy of Biological andBiomedical Sciences

journal homepage: www.elsevier .com/locate /shpsc

Page 19: The Early History of Chance in Evolution

Pearson & Weldon on Chance

• Pearson and Weldon theorize extensively about their useof chance

• This theorizing is not captured by the two “traditional”questions

• It provides us the historical impetus we need to build anew framework for understanding chanceAuthor's personal copy

‘‘Describing our whole experience’’: The statistical philosophies ofW. F. R. Weldon and Karl Pearson

Charles H. PenceUniversity of Notre Dame, Program in History and Philosophy of Science, 453 Geddes Hall, Notre Dame, IN 46556, USA

a r t i c l e i n f o

Keywords:BiometryMendelismKarl PearsonPositivismStatisticsW. F. R. Weldon

a b s t r a c t

There are two motivations commonly ascribed to historical actors for taking up statistics: to reduce com-plicated data to a mean value (e.g., Quetelet), and to take account of diversity (e.g., Galton). Differentmotivations will, it is assumed, lead to different methodological decisions in the practice of the statisticalsciences. Karl Pearson and W. F. R. Weldon are generally seen as following directly in Galton’s footsteps. Iargue for two related theses in light of this standard interpretation, based on a reading of several sourcesin which Weldon, independently of Pearson, reflects on his own motivations. First, while Pearson doesapproach statistics from this ‘‘Galtonian’’ perspective, he is, consistent with his positivist philosophy ofscience, utilizing statistics to simplify the highly variable data of biology. Weldon, on the other hand,is brought to statistics by a rich empiricism and a desire to preserve the diversity of biological data. Sec-ondly, we have here a counterexample to the claim that divergence in motivation will lead to a corre-sponding separation in methodology. Pearson and Weldon, despite embracing biometry for differentreasons, settled on precisely the same set of statistical tools for the investigation of evolution.

! 2011 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

When citing this paper, please use the full journal title Studies in History and Philosophy of Biological and Biomedical Sciences

What are the various motivations for taking up the tools ofstatistics? Put differently, what is it that draws historical actors to-ward viewing their subjects in a statistical manner? Two answerstraditionally present themselves.1 First, one might use statistics tosimplify vastly complicated data, reducing it to the mean in order toconstruct a picture of ‘‘the average man.’’ This position is all but syn-onymous with the name of Adolphe Quetelet (1796–1874), whocoined the very phrase l’homme moyen (Porter, 1986, p. 52). As IanHacking describes it, Quetelet began with the normal curve, previ-ously derived as either an error curve or the limit-distribution of theresult of games like coin-tossing, and he ‘‘applied the same curve tobiological and social phenomenawhere themean is not a real quantityat all, or rather: he transformed the mean into a real quantity’’ (1990, p.107, original emphasis). This shift created not a real individual, butrather ‘‘a ‘real’ feature of a population’’ (1990, p. 108). Quetelet then

uses his average man to ‘‘represent this [population] by height [orsome other character], and in relation to which all other men of thesame nation must be considered as offering deviations that are moreor less large’’ (Quetelet in 1844, quoted in Hacking, 1990, p. 105).

On the other hand, one might use statistics to attempt to modeldiversity, to study a statistical distribution with the intent of cap-turing outliers. Francis Galton (1822–1911), as Hacking tells thestory, is a paradigm of this motivation for statistical study. Galtonconcerns himself, again on Hacking’s picture, with ‘‘those whodeviate widely from the mean, either in excess or deficiency’’(Galton in 1877, quoted in Hacking, 1990, p. 180).2 Hacking callsthis a ‘‘fundamental transition in the conception of statistical laws,’’a shift toward Galton’s ‘‘fascination with the exceptional, the veryopposite of Quetelet’s preoccupation with mediocre averages’’(1990, p. 181).3

1369-8486/$ - see front matter ! 2011 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.doi:10.1016/j.shpsc.2011.07.011

E-mail address: [email protected] For example, in Porter (1986), Hacking (1990) or even Igo (2007).2 It is notable that this picture of Galton is up for debate—I thank an anonymous reviewer for pointing out that Galton’s work on composite portraits (e.g., Galton, 1879) looks

much like Quetelet’s use of ‘‘averaging.’’3 A more metaphysical and less ‘‘historicized’’ version of this thesis is discussed in illuminating detail by Sober (1980).

Studies in History and Philosophy of Biological and Biomedical Sciences 42 (2011) 475–485

Contents lists available at SciVerse ScienceDirect

Studies in History and Philosophy of Biological andBiomedical Sciences

journal homepage: www.elsevier .com/locate /shpsc

Page 20: The Early History of Chance in Evolution

Pearson & Weldon on Chance

• Pearson and Weldon theorize extensively about their useof chance

• This theorizing is not captured by the two “traditional”questions

• It provides us the historical impetus we need to build anew framework for understanding chance

Author's personal copy

‘‘Describing our whole experience’’: The statistical philosophies ofW. F. R. Weldon and Karl Pearson

Charles H. PenceUniversity of Notre Dame, Program in History and Philosophy of Science, 453 Geddes Hall, Notre Dame, IN 46556, USA

a r t i c l e i n f o

Keywords:BiometryMendelismKarl PearsonPositivismStatisticsW. F. R. Weldon

a b s t r a c t

There are two motivations commonly ascribed to historical actors for taking up statistics: to reduce com-plicated data to a mean value (e.g., Quetelet), and to take account of diversity (e.g., Galton). Differentmotivations will, it is assumed, lead to different methodological decisions in the practice of the statisticalsciences. Karl Pearson and W. F. R. Weldon are generally seen as following directly in Galton’s footsteps. Iargue for two related theses in light of this standard interpretation, based on a reading of several sourcesin which Weldon, independently of Pearson, reflects on his own motivations. First, while Pearson doesapproach statistics from this ‘‘Galtonian’’ perspective, he is, consistent with his positivist philosophy ofscience, utilizing statistics to simplify the highly variable data of biology. Weldon, on the other hand,is brought to statistics by a rich empiricism and a desire to preserve the diversity of biological data. Sec-ondly, we have here a counterexample to the claim that divergence in motivation will lead to a corre-sponding separation in methodology. Pearson and Weldon, despite embracing biometry for differentreasons, settled on precisely the same set of statistical tools for the investigation of evolution.

! 2011 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

When citing this paper, please use the full journal title Studies in History and Philosophy of Biological and Biomedical Sciences

What are the various motivations for taking up the tools ofstatistics? Put differently, what is it that draws historical actors to-ward viewing their subjects in a statistical manner? Two answerstraditionally present themselves.1 First, one might use statistics tosimplify vastly complicated data, reducing it to the mean in order toconstruct a picture of ‘‘the average man.’’ This position is all but syn-onymous with the name of Adolphe Quetelet (1796–1874), whocoined the very phrase l’homme moyen (Porter, 1986, p. 52). As IanHacking describes it, Quetelet began with the normal curve, previ-ously derived as either an error curve or the limit-distribution of theresult of games like coin-tossing, and he ‘‘applied the same curve tobiological and social phenomenawhere themean is not a real quantityat all, or rather: he transformed the mean into a real quantity’’ (1990, p.107, original emphasis). This shift created not a real individual, butrather ‘‘a ‘real’ feature of a population’’ (1990, p. 108). Quetelet then

uses his average man to ‘‘represent this [population] by height [orsome other character], and in relation to which all other men of thesame nation must be considered as offering deviations that are moreor less large’’ (Quetelet in 1844, quoted in Hacking, 1990, p. 105).

On the other hand, one might use statistics to attempt to modeldiversity, to study a statistical distribution with the intent of cap-turing outliers. Francis Galton (1822–1911), as Hacking tells thestory, is a paradigm of this motivation for statistical study. Galtonconcerns himself, again on Hacking’s picture, with ‘‘those whodeviate widely from the mean, either in excess or deficiency’’(Galton in 1877, quoted in Hacking, 1990, p. 180).2 Hacking callsthis a ‘‘fundamental transition in the conception of statistical laws,’’a shift toward Galton’s ‘‘fascination with the exceptional, the veryopposite of Quetelet’s preoccupation with mediocre averages’’(1990, p. 181).3

1369-8486/$ - see front matter ! 2011 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.doi:10.1016/j.shpsc.2011.07.011

E-mail address: [email protected] For example, in Porter (1986), Hacking (1990) or even Igo (2007).2 It is notable that this picture of Galton is up for debate—I thank an anonymous reviewer for pointing out that Galton’s work on composite portraits (e.g., Galton, 1879) looks

much like Quetelet’s use of ‘‘averaging.’’3 A more metaphysical and less ‘‘historicized’’ version of this thesis is discussed in illuminating detail by Sober (1980).

Studies in History and Philosophy of Biological and Biomedical Sciences 42 (2011) 475–485

Contents lists available at SciVerse ScienceDirect

Studies in History and Philosophy of Biological andBiomedical Sciences

journal homepage: www.elsevier .com/locate /shpsc

Page 21: The Early History of Chance in Evolution

Pearson & Weldon on Chance

• Pearson and Weldon theorize extensively about their useof chance

• This theorizing is not captured by the two “traditional”questions

• It provides us the historical impetus we need to build anew framework for understanding chanceAuthor's personal copy

‘‘Describing our whole experience’’: The statistical philosophies ofW. F. R. Weldon and Karl Pearson

Charles H. PenceUniversity of Notre Dame, Program in History and Philosophy of Science, 453 Geddes Hall, Notre Dame, IN 46556, USA

a r t i c l e i n f o

Keywords:BiometryMendelismKarl PearsonPositivismStatisticsW. F. R. Weldon

a b s t r a c t

There are two motivations commonly ascribed to historical actors for taking up statistics: to reduce com-plicated data to a mean value (e.g., Quetelet), and to take account of diversity (e.g., Galton). Differentmotivations will, it is assumed, lead to different methodological decisions in the practice of the statisticalsciences. Karl Pearson and W. F. R. Weldon are generally seen as following directly in Galton’s footsteps. Iargue for two related theses in light of this standard interpretation, based on a reading of several sourcesin which Weldon, independently of Pearson, reflects on his own motivations. First, while Pearson doesapproach statistics from this ‘‘Galtonian’’ perspective, he is, consistent with his positivist philosophy ofscience, utilizing statistics to simplify the highly variable data of biology. Weldon, on the other hand,is brought to statistics by a rich empiricism and a desire to preserve the diversity of biological data. Sec-ondly, we have here a counterexample to the claim that divergence in motivation will lead to a corre-sponding separation in methodology. Pearson and Weldon, despite embracing biometry for differentreasons, settled on precisely the same set of statistical tools for the investigation of evolution.

! 2011 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

When citing this paper, please use the full journal title Studies in History and Philosophy of Biological and Biomedical Sciences

What are the various motivations for taking up the tools ofstatistics? Put differently, what is it that draws historical actors to-ward viewing their subjects in a statistical manner? Two answerstraditionally present themselves.1 First, one might use statistics tosimplify vastly complicated data, reducing it to the mean in order toconstruct a picture of ‘‘the average man.’’ This position is all but syn-onymous with the name of Adolphe Quetelet (1796–1874), whocoined the very phrase l’homme moyen (Porter, 1986, p. 52). As IanHacking describes it, Quetelet began with the normal curve, previ-ously derived as either an error curve or the limit-distribution of theresult of games like coin-tossing, and he ‘‘applied the same curve tobiological and social phenomenawhere themean is not a real quantityat all, or rather: he transformed the mean into a real quantity’’ (1990, p.107, original emphasis). This shift created not a real individual, butrather ‘‘a ‘real’ feature of a population’’ (1990, p. 108). Quetelet then

uses his average man to ‘‘represent this [population] by height [orsome other character], and in relation to which all other men of thesame nation must be considered as offering deviations that are moreor less large’’ (Quetelet in 1844, quoted in Hacking, 1990, p. 105).

On the other hand, one might use statistics to attempt to modeldiversity, to study a statistical distribution with the intent of cap-turing outliers. Francis Galton (1822–1911), as Hacking tells thestory, is a paradigm of this motivation for statistical study. Galtonconcerns himself, again on Hacking’s picture, with ‘‘those whodeviate widely from the mean, either in excess or deficiency’’(Galton in 1877, quoted in Hacking, 1990, p. 180).2 Hacking callsthis a ‘‘fundamental transition in the conception of statistical laws,’’a shift toward Galton’s ‘‘fascination with the exceptional, the veryopposite of Quetelet’s preoccupation with mediocre averages’’(1990, p. 181).3

1369-8486/$ - see front matter ! 2011 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.doi:10.1016/j.shpsc.2011.07.011

E-mail address: [email protected] For example, in Porter (1986), Hacking (1990) or even Igo (2007).2 It is notable that this picture of Galton is up for debate—I thank an anonymous reviewer for pointing out that Galton’s work on composite portraits (e.g., Galton, 1879) looks

much like Quetelet’s use of ‘‘averaging.’’3 A more metaphysical and less ‘‘historicized’’ version of this thesis is discussed in illuminating detail by Sober (1980).

Studies in History and Philosophy of Biological and Biomedical Sciences 42 (2011) 475–485

Contents lists available at SciVerse ScienceDirect

Studies in History and Philosophy of Biological andBiomedical Sciences

journal homepage: www.elsevier .com/locate /shpsc

Page 22: The Early History of Chance in Evolution

Pearson & Weldon on Chance

1. What was the content of Pearson’s and Weldon’sphilosophical work on chance?

2. What is the right way to understand their philosophicalproject?

Page 23: The Early History of Chance in Evolution

Pearson & Weldon on Chance

1. What was the content of Pearson’s and Weldon’sphilosophical work on chance?

2. What is the right way to understand their philosophicalproject?

Page 24: The Early History of Chance in Evolution

Pearson and Biometry

[The last step of the scientific method is] thediscovery by aid of the disciplined imagination of abrief statement or formula, which in a few wordsresumes the whole range of facts. Such a formula…istermed a scientific law. The object served by thediscovery of such laws is the economy of thought.

Pearson, Grammar of Science, 1st ed. (1892), p. 93

Page 25: The Early History of Chance in Evolution

Pearson and Biometry

[The lack of progress in biology is] largely owing to acertain prevalence of almost metaphysical speculationas to the causes of heredity, which have usurped theplace of that careful collection and elaborateexperiment by which alone sufficient data might havebeen accumulated, with a view to ultimatelynarrowing and specialising the circumstances underwhich correlation was measured.

Pearson, “Mathematical Contributions to the Theory of Evolution.III. Regression, Heredity, and Panmixia” (1896), p. 255

Page 26: The Early History of Chance in Evolution

Weldon on Statistics

If we want to make a statement about the stature ofEnglishmen, we must find a way of describing ourwhole experience; we must find some simple way ofdescribing our whole experience, so that we caneasily remember and communicate to others howmany men of any given height we find among athousand Englishmen. We must give up the attemptto replace our experiences by a simple average valueand try to describe the whole series of results ourobservation has yielded.

Weldon, “Inheritance in Animals and Plants” (1906), p. 94

Page 27: The Early History of Chance in Evolution

Weldon on Cause

Prof. Weldon declared, with some expressions of reluctance andregret – due, as he was good enough to say, from an old pupilto the teacher whom he is about to denounce and demolish –that to attempt to say which of two or more correlated growthsis the cause of survival is unreasonable, and that when Isuggested, even as a matter for consideration, that a certaingerm-slaying quality in phagocytes accompanying a pigmentedskin, rather than the pigment itself in the skin, is the cause ofthe survival of dark-skinned people in malarial regions, I was“absolutely illogical.” “It is,” said Prof. Weldon, “impossiblelogically to separate these two correlated phenomena. Thecoloured skin is as much a cause of the survival of the dark manas is the germ-destroying property of his blood.”

E. Ray Lankester, “Are Specific CharactersUseful? [letter]” Nature 54:1394 (1896), p. 245

Page 28: The Early History of Chance in Evolution

Pearson vs. Weldon

On the second point [causation], surelyProf. Lankester is entirely in the right? It is notsufficient to show that there is a correlation betweena certain frontal ratio and death-rate in order toassert that the frontal ratio is a cause of death-rate.Very probably it may be, but the definition is notlogically complete, or at any rate a definition of causehas been adopted which does not appear of muchutility to science.

Pearson, “The Utility of Specific Characters [letter]”Nature 54:1403 (1896), pp. 460–461

Page 29: The Early History of Chance in Evolution

Weldon’s Crabbery

Page 30: The Early History of Chance in Evolution

Pearson & Weldon on Chance

Pearson:• Positivist role of science for the economy of thought• Statistics as a tool for simplification of data• Causation as precise mathematical law (think Newton)

Weldon:• Science as the maximally complete description of nature• Statistics as a tool to capture all causal influences• Causation = correlation (and experiments sharpen ourcorrelations)

Page 31: The Early History of Chance in Evolution

What’s the Driving Question?

What is the relationship between statistical scientific theoriesand the processes those theories intend to describe?

• Pearson: acausal, anti-realist view of biological theories• Weldon: statistical theories as causal descriptions of theworld

Page 32: The Early History of Chance in Evolution

What’s the Driving Question?

What is the relationship between statistical scientific theoriesand the processes those theories intend to describe?

• Pearson: acausal, anti-realist view of biological theories• Weldon: statistical theories as causal descriptions of theworld

Page 33: The Early History of Chance in Evolution

What’s the Driving Question?

What is the relationship between statistical scientific theoriesand the processes those theories intend to describe?

• Pearson: acausal, anti-realist view of biological theories

• Weldon: statistical theories as causal descriptions of theworld

Page 34: The Early History of Chance in Evolution

What’s the Driving Question?

What is the relationship between statistical scientific theoriesand the processes those theories intend to describe?

• Pearson: acausal, anti-realist view of biological theories• Weldon: statistical theories as causal descriptions of theworld

Page 35: The Early History of Chance in Evolution

Speculative Philosophical Coda

The “causalist/statisticalist debate” in the philosophy ofbiology:

• Causalist: Biological theories describe causal processes ofnatural selection and genetic drift

(Hodge, Beatty, Finsen, Millstein,Stephens, Ramsey, Abrams, Otsuka, Turner, Allen, Lloyd)

• Statisticalist: Biological theories are merely statisticalsummaries of genuinely causal individual-level events

(Walsh, Matthen, Ariew, Lewens, Ernst, Krimbas, Brunnander)

Page 36: The Early History of Chance in Evolution

Speculative Philosophical Coda

The “causalist/statisticalist debate” in the philosophy ofbiology:

• Causalist: Biological theories describe causal processes ofnatural selection and genetic drift

(Hodge, Beatty, Finsen, Millstein,Stephens, Ramsey, Abrams, Otsuka, Turner, Allen, Lloyd)

• Statisticalist: Biological theories are merely statisticalsummaries of genuinely causal individual-level events

(Walsh, Matthen, Ariew, Lewens, Ernst, Krimbas, Brunnander)

Page 37: The Early History of Chance in Evolution

Speculative Philosophical Coda

The “causalist/statisticalist debate” in the philosophy ofbiology:

• Causalist: Biological theories describe causal processes ofnatural selection and genetic drift

(Hodge, Beatty, Finsen, Millstein,Stephens, Ramsey, Abrams, Otsuka, Turner, Allen, Lloyd)

• Statisticalist: Biological theories are merely statisticalsummaries of genuinely causal individual-level events

(Walsh, Matthen, Ariew, Lewens, Ernst, Krimbas, Brunnander)

Page 38: The Early History of Chance in Evolution

Speculative Philosophical Coda

The “causalist/statisticalist debate” in the philosophy ofbiology:

• Causalist: Biological theories describe causal processes ofnatural selection and genetic drift (Hodge, Beatty, Finsen, Millstein,Stephens, Ramsey, Abrams, Otsuka, Turner, Allen, Lloyd)

• Statisticalist: Biological theories are merely statisticalsummaries of genuinely causal individual-level events(Walsh, Matthen, Ariew, Lewens, Ernst, Krimbas, Brunnander)

Page 39: The Early History of Chance in Evolution

Speculative Philosophical Coda

Pearson and Weldon’s question: What is the relationshipbetween statistical scientific theories and the processes thosetheories intend to describe?

Causalist/statisticalist question: The same?

Odd case: historical case responds better to contemporaryquestions than to historical questions?

Page 40: The Early History of Chance in Evolution

Speculative Philosophical Coda

Pearson and Weldon’s question: What is the relationshipbetween statistical scientific theories and the processes thosetheories intend to describe?

Causalist/statisticalist question: The same?

Odd case: historical case responds better to contemporaryquestions than to historical questions?

Page 41: The Early History of Chance in Evolution

Speculative Philosophical Coda

Pearson and Weldon’s question: What is the relationshipbetween statistical scientific theories and the processes thosetheories intend to describe?

Causalist/statisticalist question: The same?

Odd case: historical case responds better to contemporaryquestions than to historical questions?

Page 42: The Early History of Chance in Evolution

.

.ευχαριστώ!

[email protected]