THE DE MONARCHIAOF

DANTE ALIGHIERI

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.'THE JDE MONARCHIA

OF

DANTE .ALIGHIERI// '- . . ~ - \EDITED WITH TRANSLATION AND NOTES

BY.

AURELIA HENRY

Solen Roma, me iI buon mondo feo,Duo Soli aver, che l'una e l:altra stradaFacean vedere, e del mondo e di Dec,

PURGATORIO, XVI. 106

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BOSTON AND NEW YORK

HOUGHTON, MIFFLIN AND COMPANY

COPYRIGHT 1904 BY AURELIA HENRY

ALL RIGHTS RESERVED

Publisl .. d Septembef' lQ04

TOMY MOTHER

,THIS LITTLE VOLUME OF FIRST FRUITS IS

AFFECTIONATELY DEDICATED

•

PREFACE

THE De Monarchia is easily accessible in Latineditions, but an English version is practically un-obtainable, at least by the American student ofDante. To be sure, it has twice been done intoEnglish, once by Mr. F. J. Church (Macmillan,1878), and again by Mr. P. H. Wicksteed(Hull, 1896). If the former translation hadnot been long out of print, and the latter had notbeen published for private circulation only, thepresent volume would have less excuse forbeing. But with the growing interest in Dante,and the increasing number of Dante studentsin this country, the demand for ready access toall the poet's work becomes imperative. It isin response to this demand of the Americanstudent of Dante in and out of college that thistranslation has been undertaken.

In the notes which accompany the text thetranslator has had in mind chief!.y the needs andinterests of the literary student. Although thepurpose of the annotation is to make the treatise

V11l PREFACEclear in whole and in part by explanation andcitation, it includes the effort to indicate at everypossible point the relation existing between theDe Monarchia and the Divine Comedy, the Con-vito, and the Letters. Many of the notes maybe of little use to the student of civil governmentor to the general reader, but it is believed theirvalue to the literary student will prove sufficientreason for their presence. The source of Dante'stheories is noted wherever practicable, his debtto Aristotle, to the Hebrew Scriptures, and toThomas Aquinas needing most frequent men-tion. In the cross-references to Dante's otherworks the translator has endeavored to pointout as exhaustively as possible the recurrenceof favorite ideas, and even of favorite figures ofspeech, as in the case of the metaphor of theseal and the wax. I

The references to Aristotle, and quotationsfrom him, are almost without exception basedon the Bohn translations of Aristotle. Biblicalreferences are to the Authorized Version, exceptwhere indication is made to the contrary. In ci-

I. See Professor Cook's list of the passages, and referencesto Aristotle, in Mod. Lang. Now 15 (1900). 256 (511,512).

PREFACE .IXtations from the Summa Theologiae, the Latin text(Bloud and Barral, Paris, 1880) has been used,save in the few cases where the translation of theEthics by Joseph Rickaby (New York, 1896) isindicated. In the quotations from the DivineComedy, the edition and translation of A. J. But-ler (Macmillan, 1891-92) has invariably beenmade use of; in quotations from the Conoito, thetranslation of Miss Katharine Hillard (KeganPaul, Trench & Co., 1889), and in those fromthe Letters, that of C. L. Latham (Houghton,Mifflin & Co., 1891).

The principal Latin texts of the De Monar-chia are those edited by Fraticelli, Florence,1860; Witte, Vienna, 1874; Giuliani, Florence,1878; and Moore, Oxford, 1894. The Oxfordtext has been followed without exception, thoughin a few cases variant readings have been givenin the notes. The earliest edition of the DeMonarchia was printed at Basle in 1559. Ithad been translated into Italian in the fifteenthcentury by Marsilio Ficino. There are twoGerman versions, that of Kannegiesser, Leipzig,1845, and that of H ubatsch, Berlin, 1872. Thetwo English translations have already been men-tioned. Of them it only remains to add that a

x . PREFACE

part of Church's translation is reprinted in OldSouth Leaflets, No. 123.

The Bibliography includes books likely to behelpful to the reader of the De Manarchia orthe more general Dante student.

In the notes I am indebted to many commen-taries and reference books. Moore's Studies inDante, First Series, was indispensable for classi-cal sources, Witte's Latin edition of 1874 formediaeval sources, and Toynbee's Dante Diction-ary for general reference.

I wish to express my gratitude to Mr. CharlesAllen Dinsmore of Boston for his kindly inter-est and assistance in this translation, and to Dr.Albert S. Cook of Yale University, from whomcame the first suggestion of the undertaking,and a continued encouragement and aid with-out which its completion would not have beenpossible.

A. H.

CONTENTSIntroduction

PAGEXV

BOOK IWHETHER TEMPORAL MONARCHY IS NECES-SARY FOR THE WELL-BEING OF THE WORLD

CHAPTU

1. Introduction 3II. To what end does government exist among all

men? 5III. To actualize the whole capacity of the possible in-

tellect in speculation and action 8IV. To attain this end humanity requires universal peace 15V. When several things are ordained for one end, one

must rule and the others obey 18VI. The order which is found in the parts of the hu-

man race should be found in the race as a whole z%VII. The relation of kingdoms and nations to the rnon-

arch should be that of humanity to God zfVIII. Men are made in the image of God; but God isone %5

IX. Men, as the sons of Heaven, should follow in thefootprints of Heaven %7

X. In order to settle all disputes a supreme judge isnecessary %9

XI. The world is best ordered when in it Justice ispreeminent 31

XII. Humanity is ordered for the best when most free fO

xii CONTENTSXIII. He who is best adapted for ruling is the best di-

rector of other men 46XIV. What one agent can do is better done by one

than by many 50XV. In every sort of thing that is best which is most one 54

XVI. Christ willed to be born in the fullness of timewhen Augustus was Monarch 59

BOOK IIWHETHER THE ROMAN PEOPLE RIGHTFULLYAPPROPRIATED THE OFFICE OF MONARCHY

I. Introduction 67II. What God wills in human society is to be held as

right 70III. The Romans as the noblest people deserved pre-

cedence before all others 76IV. Because the Roman Empire was aided by mira-

cles it was willed of God 84V. The Roman people in subduing the world had

in view the good of the state and therefore theend of Right 88

VI. He who purposes Right proceeds according toRight 96

VII. The Roman people were ordained for Empire bynature 100

VIII. The decree of God showed that Empire belongedto the Roman people 104

IX. The Romans were victorious over all contestantsfor Empire 110

X. That which is acquired by single combat is ac-quired with Right 116

CONTENTS xiiiXI. The single combats of the Roman people 120

XII. Christ in being born proved that the authority ofthe Roman Empire was just 12f

XIII. Christ in dying confirmed the jurisdiction of theRoman Empire over all humanity 128

BOOK IIIWHETHER THE AUTHORITY OF THE ROMANMONARCH DERIVES FROM GOD IMMEDIATELYOR FROM SOME VICAR OF GOD

I. Introduction 135II. God wills not that which is counter to the inten-

tion of nature I37III. Of the three classesof our opponents and the too

great authority many ascribe to tradition If 0IV. The opponents' argument adduced from the sun

and moon If8V. Argument from the precedence of Levi over

Judah 157VI. Argument from the election and deposition of

Saul by Samuel I58VII. Argument from the oblation of the Magi 161

VIII. Argument from the prerogative of the keys con-signed to Peter 16f

IX. Argument from the two swords 168X. Argument from the donation of Constantine I7f

XI. Argument from the summoning of Charles theGreat by Pope Hadrian 18I

XII. Argument from reason 183XIII. The Authority of the Church is not the source of

Imperial authority 187

xiv CONTENTSXIV. The Church received power of transference

neither from God, from herself. nor from anyEmperor 190

XV. The prerogative of conferring authority upon theEmpire is contrary to the nature of the Church 193

XVI. The authority of the Empire derives from Goddirectly 196

BIBLIOGRAPHYINDEX

209213

INTRODUCTION

INTRODUCTION

HE who was" the spokesman of the MiddleAges," who saw and told of his fellow-men andtheir destiny, uttered a message not for one cen-tury of time only, nor of one significance. Ineach of Dante's larger works, the Vita Nuoua,the Canuito, the De Monarchia, and the DivineComedy, this message is pronounced in one orall of its three phases, the religious, the philo-sophical, and the political. Because no authorever wrote with such singleness of purpose, northrough such diverse mediums carried to com-pletion a solemn intent, the series of his pro-ductions are bound together as inevitably as thelinks of a chain, lending to one another meaningand value. And because these productions areso similar in purpose, if various in manner ofexpression, we may call them a unified message,and may apply to them all the words of expla-nation the poet sent to Can Grande when hepresented to him "the sublime Canticle of theComedy which is graced with the title of Para-diso." "The aim of the whole and the part,"

XVlll INTRODUCTION

he wrote, "is to remove those living in this lifefrom a state of misery, and to guide them to astate of happiness."

The recognition by the student of this desireto know and to help his brother man, whichgives to Dante's writings a loftiness of tone andelevation of character that six centuries havefailed to obscure, is the preventer of much mis-understanding, and the first essential to appre-ciative interpretation. The keynote of philan-thropic endeavor Dante strikes early in theConuit», where he says, "I, knowing the miser-ablelife of those whom I have left behind me,and moved to mercy by the sweetness of thatwhich I have gained little by little, while not for-getting myself, have reserved for those wretchedones something which I have already for sometime held before their eyes." And again in theDe Monarchia the author determines to con-cern himself" in laboring for posterity, in orderthat future generations may be enriched" by hisefforts. The message that Dante felt calledupon to deliver to the world is, then, virtuallythe same in the four works we have mentioned,but in the Pita Nuova the religious aspect isparamount, in the Conuira the philosophical, in

INTRODUCTION XIX

the De Monarchia the political, while the DivineComedy concerns itself with the message as awhole. We might say that each of the first threewritings has its own melody, a simple motif;in the Comedy the three themes combining swellinto a movement of wondrous and complex har-mony. And we might sum up the thought ofthe entire message in the words of Matthew:"Seek ye first the kingdom of God, and hisrighteousness, and all these things shall beadded unto you."

Lowell, recognizing the ministering spirit ofDante, has said: "There is proof upon proofthat he believed himself invested with a divinemission. Like the Hebrew prophets, with whosewritings his whole soul was imbued, it was backto the old worship and the God of the fathersthat he called his people; and not Isaiah him-selfwas more destitute of that humor, that senseof ludicrous contrast, which is an essential inthe composition of a sceptic."

Or, to put the matter more concretely, Dantehad looked abroad on medieval society, hadengaged in the practical affairs of Italy, hadgrown to feel that he understood conditions bet-ter than other men, and so believed that he was

xx INTRODUCTIONcalled of God to point out to men the rightroad. He beheld the two institutions that hadfor centuries striven to unite all Europe in acommon interest - the Empire that had beenrevived under Charles the Great, and the Churchthat had attained to supremacy under GregoryVII - and he realized how sadly each had failedof its ambition. He saw, further, that despitethese efforts there had come about in Europethe formation of nationalities, each differing inlanguage and character, each having its ownpeculiar government, each torn by internecinestrife, and each at times warring with the oth-ers. And he, together with other thinkers ofthat period, longed for unity among men, forunity that seemed never to be made a reality.Yet Dante believed and proclaimed that sucha unity could come about, but in one way only,through a regeneration of society and a unitingof political interests under one hea~independentof the Church. This is the political aspect ofDante's message.

But the De Monarchia, though jt embodiesDante's political ideals, can be read understand-ingly and sympathetically only when thesepolitical ideals are related to those of his reli-

INTRODUCTION XXI

gion as set forth in his other works. These inturn depend upon his theory of the universeand of moral order. To make this matter clear,we will state briefly the fundamental principlesupon which Dante constructed his theory. Forhim the universe begins and ends with God:it begins with God the First Cause, the PrimalMotor, the Maker, the Alpha of all things; itterminates in God the Ultimate End, the GreatArbiter, the Chief Good, the Omega of all things.The earth, on which dwells man, is at the cen-tre of the created universe. About it are thenine moving heavens, according to the Ptole-maic astronomy, comprehended in the tenth,the Empyrean, the heaven which is at perfectrest because therein dwells God and DivineLove, and nothing is left for this heaven to de-sire. The Empyrean "is the sovereign edificeof the universe, in which all the world is in-cluded, and beyond which is nothing; and it isnot in space, but was formed solely in the PrimalMind." I Not less fundamental than the unitaryconcept of the universe is that of the duality ofman's nature. This duality is not only in man'snature, but in all things pertaining to him, his

J. Confl. 2. 4. J.

XXIl INTRODUCTION

mode of existence, his mode of acquiring know-ledge. That is, man is endowed'with a twofoldnature, a perishable and an imperishable, a souland a body. He therefore lives for two ends,happiness on earth and happiness to be attainedin heaven. Earthly beatitude is reached by theright ordering of temporal affairs; heavenlybeatitude is made possible by Papal guidancein matters of the spiritual realm. Moreover, hislife is active or contemplative, governed by rea-son or faith, enlightened by philosophy or reve-lation. Armed with these two ideas, we canapproach the work under consideration.

Starting from man's dual nature, the De Mo-narchia sets forth the manner in which the earthlyhappiness of the human race may be acquired bythe right ordering of temporal affairs, the over-lordship of a sole Monarch, the presence in theworld of a Universal Empire. The body ofthe work is divided into three books, in eachof which is expounded one side of the questionat issue: first, the necessity of Universal Em-pire is proved; second, the right of the Romansto imperial authority; third, the direct bequeath-ing by God of this authority to the Romanswithout the mediation of the Church. In the

INTRODUCTION xxiii

first chapter the author says, "The knowledge oftemporal Monarchy, one of the most importantand most obscure of subjects, is brought forthfrom its hiding-place and explained for the goodof the world."

The first book of the De Monarchia pro-nounces that that which is the purpose or endof the human race is "to actualize continuallythe entire capacity of the possible intellect, pri-marily in speculation, • . • secondarily in ac-tion ;" that "in the calm and tranquillity ofpeace the human race fulfills most freely andeasily its given work;" that" universal peace isthe best of those things ordained for our beati-tude; " that "to the shepherds sounded fromon high the message, not of riches, nor pleasures,nor honors, nor length of life, nor health, norbeauty, but peace:' I Peace can come, Dante in-sists, only when there is one Monarch to ownall, to rule all, to embrace in his dominion allkingdoms and states, to harmonize opposingprinces and factions, and to judge with justice·all temporal questions. And let us not forgetthat Dante's passionate plea for peace arisesamid the uninterrupted turbulence and strife ofthe never-to-be-pacified I taly of his day.

I. De Mon. 1.4.

XXlV INTRODUCTION

In taking up in the second book the ques-tion of Rome's foreordination for supremacy,Dante makes use of what was in his day a start-ling premise-that, in the same manner in whichthe Jews were the chosen race for receiving anddispensing the religion of God to the peoples ofthe earth, so the Romans were the race chosento receive and dispense the knowledge of lawand justice. And in the proof at various pointsevidence is adduced as indisputably correct fromRoman as well as Jew, from Virgil and Ovid,Lucan and Livy, Matthew, Mark, and Luke.History and poetic fiction have equal consid-eration and equal weight. To question hisauthorities never occurs to Dante. Especiallyfrom Virgil, (( our divine poet," he takes his ideaof the Roman Empire - from Virgil, who in hisAeneid and Georgics sang of Rome, the con-queror and civilizer of the world; Rome, oforigin divine, of antiquity great, of duration eter-nal, of jurisdiction universal. That Dante's rea-soning throughout this second division of thetreatise is often based on unauthentic statements,that therefore some of his proofs are of no last-ing value, it is unnecessary to emphasize. Norless strange than those that precede it is the

INTRODUCTION xxv

final statement, the climax of the argumentof the second book, that Christ by His birthunder the edict of the Emperor Augustus, andby His death under the vicar of the EmperorTiberius, confirmed the universal jurisdiction ofthe Roman Empire.

It is easy to object to the conclusions of theDe Monarchia thus far, and to say that the end ofman's being and God's foreordination of the Ro-man supremacy were fine subjects for theorizing,but that they could not carry any remedy forthe evils in mediaeval Italy. It is easy to answerto them that peace was practically impossiblewhen the Roman and Teutonic elements of soci-ety were not yet fused in the peoples of Europe;that the Roman Empire in its ancient sense haddied when Romulus Augustulus laid down thesceptre in 476; that Dante entirely misappre-hended the spirit of the ancient Roman suprem-acy; that, except under emperors of extraor-dinary talents, the Holy Roman Empire eversince its revival had been" a tradition, a fanciedrevival of departed glories;" and that, despitethe endeavors of Imperialists and Papists, prac-tically all power was in the hands of the nationsas such, so that during Dante's life the Empire

xxvi INTRODUCTIONwas growing more German, and the Papacy moreFrench. As Mr. Bryce says, (( In the days ofCharles and Otto, the Empire, in so far as itwas anything more than a tradition from timesgone by, rested solely upon the belief that withthe visible Church there must be coextensive asingle Christian state under one head and gov-ernor." Yet in the first two books, whateverquaint absurdities be present, Dante promulgatesthe doctrine of international peace, a doctrinethat even the twentieth century does not despise.

But the invaluable part of Dante's politicalmessage, and the pith of the De Monarchia, liesin the third division, where are discussed therelations of the Empire and Papacy, and whereDante publishes his belief in the separate exist-ence of the Church and State. Having recog-nized the presence of two chief governmentalelements in Europe, having accounted for theirpresence by the design of God to meet the re-quirements of man's dual nature, and having ac-knowledged that these two elements are wrong-fully at constant war the one with the other,Dante proceeds to show that they are both fromGod for the good of man, but with functionsdistinct and different. Especially does he prove

INTRODUCTION xxvii

that the one in no way depends for its right toexist upon the other. The Papacy, he maintains,is a spiritual power, sovereign over the soulsand the spiritual welfare of men, and the Em-pire is a temporal power, sovereign over thelives and bodily welfare of men. If Empire andPapacy exercised their authority in their ownrealms, the world would have no more war, thanwhich there is nothing more to be desired inthis world.

So much for the argument of this treatise,which has been called" the creed of Dante'sGhibellinism." This designation is only true inpart, for, as Cacciaguida prophesies in the seven-teenth canto of the Paradiso, ((To thee it shallbe honorable to have made thee a party by thy-self." And Dante, though a Ghibelline, was notso in all details of his political creed. Muchthat this party did was beyond the pale of hissympathy, and he rebukes them harshly morethan once in the Divine Comedy. Seeing that theyhave used the Imperial ensign and influence incontests where there was no question of Empire,he writes, " Let the Ghibellines work, let themwork under another ensign, for he ever followsthat amiss, who separates Justice and it." I

I. Par. 6. 103.

xxviii INTRODUCTION

The names Guelf and Ghibelline stand forthe two parties that in the name of Pope andEmperor fought so strenuously on the soil ofItaly for political supremacy. On the one side,the highest power, the right of investiture, wasclaimed by the Emperor, who was the nomi-nal leader of the Ghibellines; on the other,the Popes, since the eleventh century and thestrengthening of Papal control under GregoryVII, had persistently claimed that right [or theChurch, and the Guelf party fought to estab-lish this claim. But it must be borne in mindthat in the Italy of the thirteenth and fourteenthcenturies these party names were often used onoccasions and in disturbances where the princi-ples for which they stood had no place, andwhere the purpose and end of the strife werepurely selfish and personal.

In general, however, the tendencies of thetwo parties were clear enough. The Imperialpower, looking back toward its greater day, re-membering that the Roman Emperor had oncebeen Pontifex Maximus, and that authoritymust stay with the few, and those by precedentthe nobles of ancient name, arrogated to itselfall power, and maintained in all contests the

INT~ODUCTION XXIX

cause of the nobles against the commons, theclaims of antique titles against those of new-won wealth. The Church, moved by the truedemocracy of Christianity, as well as by theselfish wish to keep her hand on the pulse ofthe nations, and to prevent a centralizing in-fluence in northern Italy, maintained the causeof the municipalities, fostered the independ-ence of the cities) discouraged unity of actionand aim among them, and at times sought torelease whole nations from allegiance to theirking.

The clearest statement of the claims of theChurch in the fourteenth century is found in theUnam Sane/am of Boniface VIII, published in1302. Boniface put his theory into practicemore than once, and sometimes with amazingsuccess. It is said that, seated upon the throneof Constantine and arrayed in crown) sceptre)and sword, he announced himself to the throngsof pilgrims that flocked to Rome at the jubileein 1300) as "Caesar and Emperor." He arbi-trated difficulties between Edward of Englandand Philip of France, and finally declared thelatter excommunicate and offered his throne toAlbert of Hapsburg, then Emperor.

xxx INTRODUCTION

The Imperial rights are best enunciated in theDe Monarchia, which, as we shall try to show,was written in all probability to help establishover Italy, independently of the Church, a right-ful ruler in the temporal affairs of men, a rulerpictured as ideal in an ideal condition of society.The Golden Bull issued by Charles IV at Frank-fort in 1356 takes up constitutional and legalpoints that our treatise never pauses to consider.We learn much, besides, of Imperial rights fromthe rulings of various Emperors. The career ofsuch a man as F,!ederick I I in the preceding~ shows how much the Empire could de-mand and how much obtain under a powerfulleader. That of Henry VII in the fourteenthshows that the time had gone by for Imperialdominion, and how much the Empire couldask and how little obtain even under the leader-ship of a great man.

So Dante's De Monarchia is Ghibelline, in-asmuch as it denies to the Church supremecommand in temporal things, and recognizes auniversal Monarch in temporal affairs; but it isa purer Ghibellinism than that of the partyat large, for he saw Church and State only asseparate powers, viewed Pope and Emperor as

INTRODUCTION XXXI

equal in rank but as wielding authority in differ-ent realms; and under this twofold rule he pro-phesied, with enthusiasm his party could notshare, that the human race would live in the calmand tranquillity of universal peace.

Turning from the treatise for a momentto a consideration of Dante himself, there issomething of deep pathos in the thought that,from the solitude of an exile brought upon himby the warring of his countrymen, he should socontinually and earnestly plead for peace - thatits blessings, now denied to him and to all thehuman race, might come upon the world. Howfar he traveled in search of " the best of thosethings ordained for our beatitude," we learn inanother work. He declares to the spirits inAnte-Purgatory, " If aught that I can do pleasesyou, 0 spirits born to bliss, do ye say it, and Iwill do it for the sake of that peace which makesme, following the feet of a guide thus fashioned,seek it from world to world." I And though hecould not bring peace to' self-willed Italy, hefound it for himself in unquestioning obedi-ence to the will of God, and sang forth his tri-umph and joy in the immortal line, "In His

I. Purge 5. 61.

XXXll INTRODUCTION

will is our peace." It is not strange that a sym-pathetic and imaginative mind should havedrawn the famous picture of the seeker of peaceamong the mountains, at the Monastery ofSanta Croce del Corvo. Though Fra Ilario'sapocryphal letter is so well known, I quote thedescription given therein: ((Hither he came,passing through the diocese of Luni, movedeither by the religion of the place, or by someother feeling: And seeing him, as yet unknownto me and to all my brethren, I questioned himof his wishings and his seekings there. Hemoved not; but stood silently contemplatingthe columns and arches of the cloister. Andagain I asked him what he wished, and whomhe sought. Then, slowly turning his head, andlooking at the friars and at me, he answered'Peace: "

The date of the De Manarchla is uncertain'as far as historical evidence is concerned, andany attempt to establish unquestionably the timeof its composition is met with insurmountableobstacles. To be sure, the earliest biographersof Dante mention the work, and Boccaccio givessome interesting notes of its history, but Boc-caccio is also the only one of them who attempts

INTRODUCTION xxxiii

to assign a period for its composition. Hewrites in his Life of Dante: 1_

"At the coming of Henry VII, this illus-trious author wrote another book, in Latin prose,called the De Monarcbia. This he divided intothree books, in accordance with three questionswhich he settled therein .••• This book, sev-eral years after the death of its author, wascondemned by Cardinal Beltrando of Pog-getto, papal legate in the parts of Lombardy,during the pontificate of John XXII. The rea-son of the condemnation was this. Louis, Dukeof Bavaria, had been chosen King of the Ro-mans by the electors of Germany, and came toRome for his coronation, against the pleasure ofthe aforenamed Pope John. And while there,against ecclesiastical ordinances he created popea minor friar called Brother Piero della Corvara,besides many cardinals and bishops; and hadhimself crowned there by this new Pontiff.

" Now inasmuch as his authority was ques-tioned in many cases, he and his followers,having found this book by Dante, began tomake use of its arguments to defend themselvesand their authority; whereby the book, which

I. Earliest Lives of Dante, tr. James R. Smith, p. 69.

xxxiv INTRODUCTION

was scarcely known up to this time, became veryfamous. Afterwards, however, when Louis hadreturned to Germany, and his followers, espe-cially the clergy, began to decline and disperse,the aforesaid Cardinal, since there was none tooppose him therein, seized the book and con-demned it in public to the flames, charging thatit contained heretical matters.

" In like manner he attempted to burn thebones of the author, and would have done so,to the eternal infamy and confusion of his ownmemory, had he not been opposed by a goodand noble Florentine knight, by name Pinodella Tosa, This man and Messer Ostagio daPolenta were great in the sight of the Cardi-nal, and happened to be in Bologna, where thismatter was being mooted."

But if Boccaccio unhesitatingly names theoccasion and approximate date of the De Ma-narchia, Lionardo Bruni (1368-1444), whowrote a biography of Dante somewhat later, dis-misses the treatise with brief but unfavorablecomment. "He also wrote in Latin prose andverse: in prose, a book entitled De Manarchia,written in unadorned fashion, with no beauty ofstyle." We will not stop to contradict Bruni's

INTRODUCTION xxxv

criticism, but merely note that his statement hasno chronological value.

Giovanni Villani, the first historian of Flor-ence, gives a most appreciative but far too briefaccount of the poet in his Cronica: I "He alsowrote the Monarchia, where he treats of theoffices of popes and emperors." That is all theinformation Villani vouchsafes on our subject.

If we could believe Boccaccio implicitly, anyfurther search for the date of the De Monarchiawould be idle; but Boccaccio has proved himselfuntrustworthy in many instances, and in thiscase, whether his statement rests on his own as-sumption, whether he took it from current tra-dition, or whether he knew whereof he spoke,we shall never be able to prove absolutely.However, we can to some extent strengthen orweaken Boccaccio's claim to belief by internalevidence in the writing itself. Unfortunately,there is a singular absence of such evidence inthe De Monarchia. This book stands uniqueamong the works of Dante in its impersonal na-ture, whereas his writings generally are markedby their strongly autobiographic character. In

1. See lib. 9, cap. 136; tr, Napier's Florentine History, bk.r, ch. 16; also Dinsmore, Aids to the Sllidy of Dante, p. 61.

xxxvi INTRODUCTION

it is no personal reference definite enough toindicate any certain time in the author's life;there is no unmistakable allusion to contempo-rary events; nor is there mention of any otherof his own writings either finished or planned.Nevertheless, the fact that the book is in Latinand is of polemical nature, the parallelism ofexpression between this and other works, theconfession of political experience in the firstbook, of changed political views in the second,and the indirect allusion to his own exile inthe third, are clues which various scholars havefollowed up with zest, and from which theyhave arrived at three differing conclusions asto the time of its composition.

Some Dante students think the work was writ-ten previous to Dante's exile, January '27, 130'2,most probably during his political life in Flor-ence; others believe it to be a heralding orcommemoration of the coming of Henry ofLuxemburg to Italy, and would place it between1308 and 1314; a third class consider it moreprobable that it is one of the last labors ofthe author, and assign it to some period between1318 and 13'2I.

Scartazzini has stated very clearly the points.

INTRODUCTION XXXVll

in favor of each of the three views, and com-mented on each in turn.' But before we reviewhis line of argument, let us notice some of themore general facts of this internal evidence.

That the language of the De Monarchla isLatin puts it at once into comparison with theuncompleted Latin writing De Pulgari Elo-quentia, But as the date of this second treatiseis as uncertain as the first, it can in no way helpus. The second treatise must have been in pro-cess of writing as late as 1308, while Villani andothers date it 1321. Next, is there any markedchange in opinion or power between this andDante's other works, any differences that wouldbetray immaturity of judgment, growth of in-sight, or even retrogression? No; as might bedrawn from our generalizations at the beginningof this introduction, the content agrees in allessentials with the author's other writings. Inthe maturity of its religious faith; in the know-ledge of classic and Hebrew authors; in theideal civil polity outlined; in the concept ofthe universe and moral order; in the theorywhich makes cupidity the basic sin of mankind,and free will his most divine gift, this political

I. Scartazzini, .A Companion to Dante, pp. 318 fr.

XXXV111 INTRODUCTION

document agrees with the Conuita and the Di-vine Comedy. So much alike are they that, espe-cially in the case of the Conuita, the order ofideas is at times the same. The phraseologyis in some places identical with that of Dante'sthree letters written during Henry's sojourn inItaly, those written '1'0 the Princes and Peoplesof Italy, '1'0 the Florentines, and cfo Henry rII.'

Now for Scartazzini's opinion. He gives sixreasons for the theory that the date was priorto the exile in 1302. (I) As in the rita Nuoua,some scholars see in the De Monarchia no allu-sion to Dante's banishment, in a failure to men-tion which it would differ from the Convito, theDe rulgari Elaquentia, and the Comedy. (2) Theopening paragraph is too modest for Dante,unless at the beginning of his literary career.(3) The reference made in the first canto ofthe Inferno to Dante's beautiful style must havebeen to the De Monarchia. (4) If written sub-sequent to 1302, the treatise would certainlycontain an allusion to the Unam Sanctam of thatyear. (5) The discussion of nobility a differsfrom that of the Convito,3 while the view in

I. Latham, Letters 5, 6. 7.3· Can«, 4· 3·

z. De Mun. 2. 3.

INTRODUCTION XXXIX

the Convito accords with that expressed in theParadiso.' (6) Were it not true that Dante'swork was written before or very early in thefourteenth century, his assertion would be falsethat the subject of Monarchy had been treatedby no one hitherto.

Scartazzini answers each of these objec-tions:-

(I) In De Monarchia 3. 3. 12, Dante says ofthose who" boast themselves white sheep ofthe Master's flock," that" in order to carry outtheir crimes, these sons of iniquity defile theirmother, banish their brethren, and scorn judg-ments brought against them." We can findno excuse for the bitterness of this statementunless the writing was after his exile, promptedby the sting of present pain.

('2) To boast of one's experience in public af-fairs, to undertake to enrich posterity from one'sstore of wisdom, as Dante does in the first par-agraph to the De Monarchia, Scartazzini thinkscan scarcely be called overwhelming modesty.Besides, the Convito and the De Vulgari Elo-quentia were not brought to their present stateof completion until the coming of Henry VII

I. Par. 16. 1 fr.

""'-.~.. ~.. -- ~

xl INTRODUCTION

in 131I, and Dante's literary achievement wouldnot be large until such time as these writingswere known. This would allow the De Mo-narchla a date as late as this in which to havemade its appearance, and yet precede them.But is it probable that both these works wouldfail to mention the De Monarchia, had it beencompleted prior to them? Besides, we mustnot forget that the author's change from Guelf-ism to Ghibellinism took place before this writ-ing, as is evident from the first chapter of thesecond book. And though it is impossible toassert at what time such a change took place, itcould not have been in the author's early years.

(3) The allusion to Dante's beautiful stylein the first canto of the Inferno, and to the fameit had brought him, is doubtless not to the DeMonarchic, but to the early and beautiful lyrics.

(4) The whole argument of the third book isvirtually a reply to the Unam Sanctam, thoughthat bull is not and could not well have beenmentioned by name.

(5) As for the alleged contradiction in thetreatment of the nature of 'nobility, it is evidentthat the writer's purpose was not the same inboth contexts. In the De Monarchia he is speak-

INTRODUCTION xli

ing of nobility that gives the possessor power,which is surely a hereditary nobility. In theConvito he speaks of nobility of soul, which can-not be hereditary.

(6) Dante's declaration that no' one else hadtreated of the subject of temporal Monarchysimply means that no one whose work wasworthy his consideration had done so.

Scartazzini treats, secondly, of the theory thatthe De Monarchia was written between 1318 and1321, passing rapidly over the facts advanced inits support. Of first importance are the wordsfound in so many of the manuscripts, I in thediscussion of free will, " Sicut in Paradiso Come-diae iam dixi." Were these words genuine, andnot spurious as the best students of the textsaffirm, we could be certain that the fifth cantoof the Paradiso was composed before this prosework. The interesting fact that Dante's theoryof the markings on the moon agrees with that ofthe Paradiso/ and not with that of the Convito,3is no indication that the later opinion was arrivedat in the very last years of the author's life, butmerely that it was later than that of the Convito.

I. De Mon. I. 12. 3. %. Par. %. 58 fr.3. eonv. %. 14··

xlii INTRODUCTION

The last reason in favor of a very late composi-tion is the similarity in diction and phrase withCan Grande's letter and various parts of theParadiso. The similarity cannot be gainsaid, buteven so the De Monarchia bears yet strongerlikeness to the language of the letters 7{'0 Henry1711, 7{'0 the Florentines, and 7{'0 the Princes andPeoples of Italy.

The third date suggested for the writing of thework under discussion is that of the comingof Henry VII to Italy as Emperor. And thereis much in favor of this last belief. From thepurely polemical nature of the De Monarchia itis apparent that it was brought into being bysome urgent and present motive. But even aslate as the Conuito, Dante wrote hopelessly ofthe condition of the Empire and those" whosat in the saddle." He calls Frederick ofSwabia"the last Emperor of the Romans, last, I say,as regards this present time, although Rudolphand Adolphus and Albert were elected afterhis death and from among his descendants." I

There was one time in Dante's life when amotive urgent and present existed, one timewhen he saw with perfect clearness that his

I. CORV, 4· 3· 3·

INTRODUCTION xliii

dream of Universal Empire was about to befulfilled, and in the intensity of his belief hespoke to the rulers of Italy words that glowedwith ardor and intense faith: "Behold, now isthe acceptable time in which the signs of conso-lation and peace arise, for a new day growsbright, revealing a dawn that lessens the gloomof long calamity •••• Henceforth let thy heartbe joyful, 0 Italy! who deserveth to be pitiedeven by the Saracens, but who straightway shaltbe looked on with envy throughout the world,because thy bridegroom, the solace of the earth:and the glory of thy people, the most clementHenry, Divine, Augustus, and Caesar, hastensto the nuptials." I And this man whose wayDante, like another John the Baptist, preparedin Italy; whose feet he ran to kiss as a mosthumble subject; whose actions he forbore notto rebuke or praise in words a father mighthave used, was Henry of Luxemburg, electedafter the death of Albert to the throne of theHoly Roman Empire,"

I. Letter 5. 2·3·2. Albert died May I, 1308. Henry was elected No-

vember 27, 1308; entered Italy, October, 1311; receivedthe iron crown of the Lombards at Milan on Epiphany,

xliv INTRODUCTION

As we have said, the three letters written byDante concerning this occasion are in their rea-soning and phraseology remarkably like the DeMonarchia, Especially is that To the Princes andPeoples of Italy like the second division of ourtreatise. Space cannot be given here for quot-ing such parallel passages, but they are indicatedin due place in the notes to the translation.

We may add to this evidence drawn fromimmediate purpose and similarity of languageBoccaccio's assertion to the effect that Henry'selection inspired Dante to attempt to bring fromits hiding-place the knowledge of temporal M on-archy, in order" to keep watch for the good ofthe world." In summing up the testimony forthe probable date of the De Monarchia, we wouldsay that the reasons for ascribing it to a timeprevious to 1302 are about as slight as thosethat place it at the end of the poet's life. Be-cause it is so distinctly a work of occasion, be-cause Boccaccio has pointed out that occasion,and no internal evidence can be found to dis-prove his statement, and, finally, because it isso akin to the letters of the occasion named, we

13II; Dante's letter to him April 16, 13 II; died at Buon-convento, August 24, 1313.

INTRODUCTION xlv

ascribe it to those years when Henry's accessionto the Imperial throne promised to bring man-kind to the calm and tranquillity of universalpeace.

And may we strengthen this conclusion by thewitnessing of Dante's epitaph, which, though ofminor import, should not be omitted? Thisepitaph was long thought to be of Dante's com-position, but now is believed to have been thework of Bernardo Canaccio about 1353, and isinteresting at this juncture merely for the factthat as first in the list of the poet's achieve-ments is named" the rights of Monarchy."

JVRA MONARCHIlE SVPEROS PHLEGETHONTA LACVSQV!

LVSTRANDO CECINI VOLVERVNT FATA QVOVSQVE

SED QVIA PARS CESSIT MELlORIBVS HOSPITA CASTRlS

AVCTOREMQVE SVVM PETllT FELlCIOR ASTRIS

HIC CLAVDOR DANTES PATRIIS EXTORRIS AB ORIS

QVEM GENV!T PARVI FLORENTIA MATER AMORIS r

Does it seem probable that if theDe Monarchiawere one of the first of Dante's productions,I. Lowell has translated this:-

The rights of Monarchy, the Heavens, the Stream of Fire, the Pit,In vision seen, I sang as far as to the fates seemed lit;But since my soul, an alien here, hath flown to nobler wan,And, happier now, hath gone to seek its Maker 'mid the stars,Here am I, Dante, shut, exiled from the ancestral shore,Whom Florence, the of all least-laving mother, bore.

xlvi INTRODUCTION

ranking with the rita Nuaua in its youthfulness,it would have been coupled over his grave withhis supreme achievement?

When we realize that the bud of Dante'shope was blighted, that his brave efforts depictedin the De Monarchia and the letters of the sameperiod were utterly vain, we feel that a sorrownot to be borne had come to him who had knownfor so many years cc how tastes of salt another'sbread, and how it is a hard path to go down andup over another's stairs;" we feel that a finalfailure had crowned him whose life was out-wardlyall defeat, and inwardly all victory. Ex-cept in earnestness of purpose and courageous-ness of spirit, Henry in no particular fulfilled theprophecies of Dante. cc Tumults and revoltsbroke out in Lombardy; at Rome the King ofNaples held St. Peter's, and the coronation musttake place in St. John Lateran, on the southernbank of the Tiber. The hostility of the Guelficleague, headed by the Florentines, Guelfs evenagainst the Pope, obliged Henry to depart fromhis impartial and republican policy, and to pur-chase the aid of the Ghibelline chiefs by grant-ing them the government of cities. With fewtroops and encompassed by enemies, the heroic

INTRODUCTION xlvii,

Emperor sustained an unequal struggle for ayearlonger, till, in A. D. 1313, he sank beneaththe fevers of the deadly Tuscan summer. HisGermanfollowers believed, nor has history whollyrejected the tale, that poison was given him bya Dominican monk in sacramental wine. WithHenry the Seventh ends the history of the Em-pire in Italy, and Dante's book is an epitaphinstead of a prophecy." I

Yet when it was all over, with what splendidcourage and unfaltering devotion Dante eulo-gizes the man in whom had died all promisedpolitical unity, and the hope of peace for blood-soaked Italy! The praise of the Emperor whohad failed is spoken by Beatrice in the Em-pyrean heaven, where she and Dante, risinginto the yellow of the everlasting rose, beholdthe host of those who sit in glory: "Look howgreat is the assembly of the white garments. Be-hold our city, how great is its circuit; beholdthere our stalls so full, that few folk hereafterare awaited. In that great seat on which thouhast thine eyes, by reason of the crown whichalready is placed over it, ere thou shalt sup atthis wedding-feast, will sit the soul, which on

I. Bryce, chap. 15.

xlviii INTRODUCTION

earth shall be Imperial, of the high Henry whowill come to set I taly straight before that sheshall be ready." Dante believed with a moremodern poet that, after all, " 't is not what mandoes which exalts him, but what man woulddo."

We conclude this inadequate considerationof the De Monarchia, its significance, content,history, and probable date of composition, bysaying that if on perusal the subject of the DeMonarchia seem antiquated and of small im-port, if many arguments adduced are based onunhistoric assumptions, if the style is marredby logical devices and bare syllogisms, never-theless it will be found to contain ideals of lifemore perfect than man yet boasts of attainingexcept in dreams. N ever has ideal civil politybeen imaged forth in more simplicity and beauty,and never perhaps has one been more utterlyimpracticable. Yet in some of its principles, inthe necessary disinterestedness of the supremeruler in political matters, in the mutual inde-pendence of Church and State, in its strongadvocacy of peace, it has rightly been comparedto the United States under its President, and tothe Netherlands under a supreme Stadtholder.

INTRODUCTION xlix

To quote Mr. Dinsmore: I (( His essential aspi-ration is that of many minds to-day, and we arebeginning to see its realization. The code ofinternational law is a source of universal order;the recent Peace Congress at the Hague, inestablishing an international tribunal, took along step toward extending the area of peacefor which the soul of Dante longed; in Amer-ica the Church is separated from the State, aprecedent which is exerting a wide influence inEurope."

Besides, the De Monarchia is an indispensablepart of the work of a man whose whole lifewas devoted to one end, and whose work was aunified expression of his great, unified life. Itis a manifestation of that gift in Dante whichMr. Bryce so praised in Hildebrand; that giftwhose manifestations the world cannot affordto lose, wherever they come into being; "thatrarest and grandest of gifts, an intellectual cour-age and power of imagination in belief, which,when it has convinced itself of aught, acceptsit fully with all its consequences."

Without the De Monarchic the threefoldmessage of Dante would be incomplete; without

I. 'The 'Teachings of Dante, p. 56. I

1 INTRODUCTION

the De Manarchia it would be far less true thatfor us as well as for Italy Dante is the thirteenthcentury.

SOME OPINIONS OF THE DE MONARCHIA

. Allen, Fragments of Latin Christianity: " Thefond dream of universal sovereignty, its alliedideal Empire and Church, had its completed ex-pression and defense in Dante's treatise on theDivine Right of Monarchy."

Bryce, Holy Roman Empire, chap. IS: "Thecareer of Henry the Seventh in Italy is the mostremarkable illustration of the Emperor's posi-tion : and imperialist doctrines are set forth moststrikingly in the treatise which the greatest spiritof the age wrote to herald or commemoratethe advent of that hero, the De Monarchia ofDante."

Church, Dante, p. 94: "The idea of the DeMonarchia ••• holds a place in the great schemeof the Commedia ; it is prominent there also-an idea seen but in fantastic shape, encumberedand confused with most grotesque imagery, butthe real idea of polity and law, which the expe-rience of modern Europe has attained to."

'INTRODUCTION Ii

Hallam, Middle Ages, chap. 8, part 2 : ((Somewho were actively engaged in these transactionstook more extensive views, and assailed thewhole edifice of temporal power which the Ro-man see had been constructing for more thantwo centuries. Several men of learning, amongwhom Dante, Ockham, and Marsilius of Paduaare the most conspicuous, investigated the foun-dations of this superstructure, and exposedtheir insufficiency."

Milman, Latin Christianity, bk. 12, chap. 4:"The ideal sovereign of Dante's famous treatiseon Monarchy was Henry of Luxemburg. N ei-ther Dante nor his time can be understood butthrough this treatise."

Lowell, Dante, Riverside Edition, Vol. 4.p. 151: "I t is to be looked on as a purelyscholastic demonstration of a speculative thesis,in which the manifold exceptions and modifica-tions essential in practical application are neces-sarily left aside."

BOOK I

WHETHER TEMPORAL MONARCHY IS NECES-SARY FOR THE WELL-BEING OF THE WORLD

..

THE MONARCHY OF DANTEALIGHIERI

CHAPTER I

Introduction.

I. ALL men on whom the Higher Nature Ihas stamped the love of truth should especiallyconcern themselves in laboring for posterity, inorder that future generations may be enrichedby their efforts, as they themselves were maderich by the efforts of generations past. For thatman who is imbued with public teachings, butcares not to contribute something to the publicgood, is far in arrears of his duty, let him be as-sured; he is, indeed, not ((a tree planted by therivers of water that bringeth forth his fruit in

I. God is umigliornatura" ia Perg, 16.79: "To agreater power and a better nature, ye are free subjects."

Par. 10. Z8: u The greatest minister of nature, that stampsthe world with the goodness of heaven. "

Par. I3. 79: u But if the burning love disposesand stampsthe clear view of the prime virtue, all perfection is there ac-quired."

Cf. S. 'T. I. 66. 3 ; De Trinir, 3. 4.

4 DANTE ALIGHIERI [BK. J

his season," 2 but rather a destructive whirlpool,always engulfing, and never giving back whatit has devoured. Often meditating with myselfupon these things, lest I should some day befound guilty of the charge of the buried talent.'I desire for the public weal, not only to burgeon,but to bear fruit,' and to establish truths unat-tempted by others. For he who should demon-strate again a theorem of Euclid, who shouldattempt after Aristotle to set forth anew the na-ture of happiness, who should undertake afterCicero to defend old age a second time - whatfruit would such a one yield? N one, forsooth;his tedious superfluousness would merely occa-sion disgust.

2. Now, inasmuch as among other abstruseand important truths, knowledge of temporalMonarchy is most important and most obscure,and inasmuch as the subject has been shunnedby all because it has no direct relation to gain,therefore my purpose is to bring it out from itshiding-place, that I may both keep watch for thegood of the world, and be the first to win thepalm of so great a prize for my own glory.sVerily, I undertake a difficult task and one be-yond my powers, but my trust is not so much in

2. Ps, J. 3. 3. Matt. 25. 25.4' Num. 17· 8. 5. I Cor. 9. 2f; cf. Phi!. 3· 14.

CH. n] DE MONARCHIA 5my own worth as in the light of the Giver" thatgiveth to all men liberally, and upbraidethnot:' 6

CHAPTER II

To what end doesgovernment exist among all men ?

I. First, we must ascertain what temporalMonarchy is in its idea, as I may say, and inits purpose. Temporal Monarchy, called alsothe Empire, we define as a single Principalityextending over all peoples in time, or in thosethings and over those things which are mea-sured by time. I Concerning it three main ques-tions arise. First, we may ask and seek toprove whether it is necessary for the well-beingof the world; secondly, whether the Romanpeople rightfully appropriated the officeof M on-archy; and thirdly, whether the authority of

6. James I. 5. In COT/fl. I. 8. 2 God is called the" Uni-versal Benefactor."

COT/fl. 3.7.2: .. The Primal Goodness sendeth His boun-ties unto all things in an afiluence,"

I. COT/fl. 4. 4. I: ..Wherefore, in order to put an end tothese wars and their causes, the whole earth should be undera monarchy, that is, should be a single principality under oneprince, who, possessingeverything, and therefore incapable offurther desire, would keep the kings content within the limitsof their kingdoms, so that peace should abide among them."

6 DANTE ALIGHIERJ [Bit. J

Monarchy derives from God directly, or fromanother, a minister or vicar of God.

2. But as every truth which is not a firstprinciple is manifested by the truth of some firstprinciple, it is necessary in every investigationto know the first principle to which we may re-turn, in analysis, for the proof of all propositionswhich are subsequently assumed. And as thepresent treatise is an investigation, we mustbefore all else search out a basic principle, onthe validity of which will depend whatever fol-lows." Be it known, therefore, that certain thingsexist which are not at all subject to our control,and which we can merely speculate upon, butcannot cause to be or to do: such are mathema-tics, physics, and divinity. On the other hand,certain things exist which are subject to our con-trol, and which are matter not only for specu-

z. Each book of the De MOf1. is likewise founded on therock of a basic principle. See 2. 2; 3. 2.

COf1r1. 4- I5. 7: .. The third infirmity in the minds ofmen is caused by levity of nature; for many have so light afancy. that they fly from one thing to another in their reason-ing, and before they have finished their syllogismhave formeda conclusion. and from that conclusion have flown to another.and think they are arguing most subtly, while they have noprinciple to start from. and see nothing in their imaginationthat is really there."

Par. 2. 124: .. Regard me well, how I am going throughthis topic to the truth thou desirest."

CH. II] DE MONARCHIA 7Iation, but for execution.! In these things theaction is not performed for the sake of the spec-ulation, but the latter for the sake of the former,because in them action is the end. Since thematter under consideration is governmental,·nay, is the very source and first principle of rightgovernments, and since everything governmentalis subject to our control, it is clear that our pre-sent theme is primarily adapted for action ratherthan for speculation. Again, since the first prin-ciple and cause of all actions is their ultimateend,s and since the ultimate end first puts theagent in motion, it follows that the entire pro-

3. COl1f1. 4. 9. 2: "There are things which it [the reason]only considersand does not originate, ••• such as natural andsupernatural things, i. e. laws and mathematics; and actionswhich it considers and performs by its own proper act, whichare called rational, such as the arts of speech; and actionswhich it considers and executes in material outside of itself,as in the mechanical arts!'

4. "The word pofilia may be used either for a generalform of government, such as monarchy or democracy; or fora concrete organ of government, such as some specific mon-archy; or for some function of government as exercised bysuch an organ, i. e. the actual governing done by the monarch jor for the ideal goal and purpose of government, i. e. theright ordering of a state." Wicksteed. It has seemed best totranslate this oft-recurring word in its various forms by " gov-ernment," "governmental," etc.

S. The identification of cause and end, or effect, is com-

8 DANTE ALIGHIERI [BK. I

cedure of the means toward an end must derivefrom the end itself. For the manner of cuttingwood to build a house will be other than thatof cutting wood to build a ship. So if thereexists an end for universal government amongmen, that end will be the basic principle throughwhich all things to be proved hereafter may bedemonstrated satisfactorily. But to believe thatthere is an end for this government and forthat government, and that there is no single endcommon to all, would indeed be irrational.

CHAPTER III

To actualize the whole capacity of the possible intellect inspeculation and action.

I. We must now determine what is the endof human society as a whole, and having deter-mined that, we shall have accomplished morethan half of our labor, according to the Philo-sopher in his writings to Nicomachus;' In orderplete in Letter II. 33: .. When the Source or First, which isGod. hath been found. there is nothing to be sought beyond(since He is the Alpha and Omega. which is the Beginningand the End)." See note I. De MOll. I. 13. For this no-tion of cause and effect see also Arist. Melopny. I. and DeCousis.

J. Eth, I. 7. ZJ: .. For the principle seems to be more

CH. III] DE MONARCHIA 9to discern the point in question more clearly,observe that as Nature fashions the thumb forone purpose, the whole hand for another, thenthe arm for a purpose differing from both, andthe entire man for one differing from all, so shecreates for one end the individual, for anotherthe family, for another the village, for still an-other end the city, for another the kingdom,and finally for an ultimate end, by means of Hisart which is Nature, the Eternal God brings intobeing the human race in its totality. And thislast is what we are in search of as the directivefirst principle of our investigation.

~. In beginning, then, let it be recognizedthat God and Nature make 3 nothing in vain;

than half the whole." Dante almost without exception refersto Aristotle as .. the Philosopher." In Cano, 3. 5. 5 he is.. That glorious Philosopher to whom Nature has most com-pletely revealed her secrets;" .. The master of human rea-son," Can», 4. z. 7; .. That master of philosophers," Can»,4. 8. S; .. The master of those who know," Isf; 4. I3 I.For Dante's relation to Aristotle see Moore, Stttdits in Dante,Vol. I. pp. 9z-156. For the translations of Aristotle whichhe used, t. c, pp. 305-318. Throughout the De Mon. theEthksare called" the writings to Nicomachus," a title giventhem because they had been addressed by the philosopher tohis son of that name.

z. De Caeto I. 4. Dante uses a singular verb with twocoordinate subjects, thus, .. Deus et natura facit;" So infra,1.11.1.

10 DANTE ALIGHIERI [Bre••

but that whatever comes into being comes witha definite function. For, according to the inten-tion of the creator, as creator, the ultimate endof a created being is not the being itself but itsproper function.' Wherefore a proper functionexists not for the sake of the being, but contra-riwise. There is, then, some distinct function forwhich humanity as a whole is ordained, a func-tion which neither an individual nor a house-hold, neither a village, nor a city, nor a particu-lar kingdom, has power to perform.' What this

3. Can», 3· 15.4: II Nature would have made it in vain.because it would have been created without any end."

Par. 8. 97: II The Good which sets in revolution andcontents all the realm thou art scaling makes its foresight tobe virtue in these great bodies. And not only the naturesare foreseen in this mind which is of itself perfect. but theytogether with their preservation. Wherefore whatsoever thisbow discharges falls disposed to a foreseen end. just as a thingaimed right upon its mark. If this were not so. the heavenwhere thou journeyest would so produce its effects that theywould not be an artist's works. but ruins. And this cannotbe. if the intellects which move these stars are not maimedand maimed the First. in that He has not perfected them.•••I see it is impossible for nature, in that which is necessary,to fail."

Cf. De Mon. 2.7. I; 3. 15. I; I. 10. I.4. Pol. I. 2. 5-8.Cen«. 4. 4. I: II The radical foundation of imperial ma-

jesty according to the truth is the necessity of human society.which is ordained to one end. that is a happy life; to which

CH. III] DE MONARCHIA IIfunction is will be evident if we point out thedistinctive capacity of humanity as a whole. Isay, therefore, that no faculty shared by manythings diverse in species is the differentiatingcharacteristic of anyone of them. For sincethe differentiating characteristic determines spe-cies, it would follow that one essence would bespecific to many species, which is impossible.So the differentiating characteristic in man isnot simple existence, for that is shared by theelements; 5 nor existence in combination, forthat is met with in minerals; 6 nor existence ani-mate, for that is found in plants; 7 nor existenceintelligent, for that is participated in by thebrutes; 8 but the characteristic competent to

no one is capable of attaining without the aid of others, be-cause man has many needs, which one person alone is unableto satisfy."

5. Cas», 3. 3. I : .. Simple bodies, the elements, havea natural love for their own place; wherefore earth always fallstoward the centre, and fire is drawn toward the circumfer-ence above."

6. Can«. 3. 3. z : .. The primary composed bodies, suchas minerals." Cf. Par. 7. JZ4: .. I see the air, and I seethe fire, the earth, and the water and all their combinationscome to destruction and endure but a little."

7. Con'll.3. 3. 3: .. Plants, which are the first of ani-mate things."

8. Cano, 3. z. 3: .. The sensitive soul is found with-out the rational, as in beasts and birds and fishes."

I2 DANTE ALIGHIERI [BiC. I

man alone, .and to none other above or belowhim, is existence intelligent through the possi-ble inrellect.? Although other beings possessintellect, it is not intellect distinguished bypotentiality, as is man's. Such beings are intel-ligent species in a limited sense, and their exist-ence is no other than the uninterrupted act ofunderstanding; 10 they would otherwise not be

9. For the origin of the idea see De Anima 3; Metaphys.IZ; Ethics I. 7. IZ: .. The work of man is an energy ofsoul according to reason. Man's chief good is an energy ofsoul accordingto virtue." For the mediaevalexplanation, s. 'T.I. 154.4, and 1.79. I. 2, 10.

C( Intellectus possibilis" or "passibilis," and .. intellectusagens;" that is, the passive, apprehending intellect, and theactive intelligence, are the two intellects of man. Cf. De Mon.I. 16. The emphasis here is on the fact that at no giventime is the potentiality of man's intellect realized.

10. Dante discusses the hierarchies, Coso, 2. 5, 6, andPar. 28, 29. Cf. S. 'T. I. 54-59. Coso, 2. 5. I: "Theseare substancesseparate from matter, that is intelligences, whomthe common people call angels;" I. t. 2. 5. 3: C( Their in-tellect is one and perpetual;" 4. 19. 2: .. Human nobility,as far as the variety of its fruits is considered, excels that of theangels, although the angelic may be more divine in its unity."That is, while the angelic nature is an uninterrupted realizationof the knowledge of which each order of these beings is capa-ble, man always approximates through a variety of ways tothe knowledge that is his heritage.

Par. 29. 70: .. But whereas on earth through your schoolsit is taught that the angelic nature is such as understands and

DE MONARCHIA 13

eternal. I t is evident, therefore, that the differ-entiating characteristic of humanity is a dis-tinctive capacity or power of intellect.

3. And since this capacity as a whole cannotbe reduced to action at one time through oneman, or through anyone of the societies dis-criminated above, multiplicity is necessary inthe human race in order to actualize its capa-city in entirety. Likewise multiplicity is neces-sary in creatable things in order to exercise con-tinually the capacity of primal matter. Wereit not so, we should be granting the existenceof unactualized potentiality, which is impossi-ble. With this belief Averroes II accords in hiscommentary on the treatise concerning the Soul:"Further, the intellectual capacity of which Ispeak has reference not only to universal formsor species, but, by a sort of extension, to par-ticular ones. Wherefore it is a common sayingthat the speculative intellect becomes by exten-

remembers and wills,. • • the truth is there below confused...Dante's tutus or flrmus is typified in angelic natures, his ma-teria or potentia in matter, while both form and matter arefound in created things.

II. Averroes was an Arabian philosopher of the twelfthcentury, and author of the famous commentary upon Aristotlehere alluded to. He is mentioned in Cano, 4. 13. 3, andplaced among the great thinkers in Limbo, Isf; 4. 14+

r a, "Ad libr, tertium Ed. Veneto 1552, p. 164." Witte.

14 DANTE ALIGHIERI [HI{. I

sion the practical, whose end is to do and tomake. I speak of things to be done, which arecontrolled by political sagacity, and things tobe made, which are controlled by art:3 becausethey are all handmaids of speculation, that su-preme end for which the Primal Good broughtinto being the human race." From this now

13. Metophy!. I. I: "An art comes into being when, outof many conceptions of experience, one universal opinion isevolved with respect to similar cases ...

14. Conff. 3. 15. 2: "In this gaze or contemplationalone is human perfection to be gained, that is, the perfectionof the reason, on which, as on its most important part, all ourbeing depends; and all our other actions, feelings, nourishment- all exist for it alone, and it exists for itself and not for oth-ers." L. c, 4. 4. I: "Peace should abide among them, •••which done, man lives happily, for which end. he was born."L. c, 4. 17. 16: " We must know that we can have two kindsof happiness in this life, according to two different ways, onegood, one best, which lead us thereto; one is the active life,and the other the contemplative." L. c, 4. 22. 5-10: "Theuse of the mind is double, that is, practical and speculative, andboth are delightful; although that of contemplation is mostso•••• Its practical use is to act through us virtuously, that is,righteously by temperance, fortitude, and justice; the specula-tive is not to operate actively in us, but to consider the worksof God and of nature; and the one and the other make up ourbeatitude and supreme happiness."

Purg; 27. 93, Dante dreams of Leah and Rachael, whotypify the contemplative and active life; "to see satisfies her,but me to work."

Perg, 28 realizes the dream of the active life in the person

CH. IV] DE MONARCHIA ISgrows clear the saying in the Politics that" thevigorous in intellect naturally govern othermen." 15

CHAPTER IV

To attain this end humanity requires universal peact.

I. I t has now been satisfactorily explainedthat the proper function of the human race,taken in the aggregate, is to actualize continuallythe entire capacity of the possible intellect, pri-marily in speculation, then, through its extensionand for its sake, secondarily in action. Andsince it is true that whatever modifies a partmodifies the whole, and that the individual manseated I in quiet grows perfect in knowledge andof Matilda, and Purg, 30 that of the contemplative in theperson of Beatrice. It is for abandoning the contemplative life,and" following false images of good," that Beatrice reprovesDante, Perg, 30• 131.

15. Pol. I. 2. 2: .. By nature too some beings command,and others obey, for the sake of mutual safety; for a beingendowed with discernment and forethought is by nature thesuperior and governor."

I. .. Sedendo et quiescendo." Dante often used the figureof the seated person to portray the life of contemplation.

S. 'T. 2-2. 18z. 2 : .. Contemplative life consists in a cer-tain stillnessand rest according to the text, • Be still, and knowthat I am God,'" Pi. 46. 10. Also S. To 1-2. 3. 4, 5.

Can«, 4. I7. 16: .. And Mary • • • sitting at the feet

16 DANTE ALIGHIERI [BIC. I

wisdom.tit is plain that amid the calm and tran-quillity of peace the human race accomplishesmost freely and easily its given work. Hownearly divine this function is revealed in thewords, "Thou hast made him a little lower thanthe angels." 3 Whence it is manifest that uni-versal peace is the best of those things whichare ordained for our beatitude. And hence tothe shepherds sounded from on high the mes-sage not of riches, nor pleasures, nor honors,nor length of life, nor health, nor beauty; butthe message of peace. For the heavenly hostsaid, ((Glory to God in the highest, and on earthpeace among men in whom he is well pleased." ..Likewise, (( Peace be unto you" 5 was the salu-tation of the Saviour of men. It befitted theof Christ, took no heed to the service of the house••••For if we explain this morally, our Lord wished thereby toshow us that the contemplative life is the best, although theactive life is good." L. c. I. I. 4:·" Blessed are the fewthat are seated at the table where the bread of the angels iseaten. "

Purg; 27. 105: II My sister Rachel never is drawn fromher mirror, and sits all day."

2. Eccles, 38. 25 (Vulg.): .. The wisdom of a learnedman cometh by opportunity of leisure; and he that hath littlebusiness shall become wise."

3· PI. 8. 6; cf. Heb, 2. 7. Quoted C011r1. 4· 19· 3.4· Luke 2. 14.5. Lulu 24. 36; Joh11 20. 21, 26.

DE MONARCHIA

supreme Saviour to utter the supreme salutation.It is evident to all that the disciples desired topreserve this custom; and Paul likewise in hiswords of greeting,"

2. From these things which have been ex-pounded we perceive through what better, nay,through what best means the human race mayfulfill its proper office. Consequently we per-ceive the nearest way through which may bereached that universal peace toward which allour efforts are directed as their ultimate end,and which is to be assumed as the basic prin-ciple of subsequent reasoning. This principlewas necessary, we have said, as a predeterminedformula, into which, as into a most manifesttruth, must be resolved all things needing tobe proved.'

6. Rom. J. 7.7. Some of Dante's most eloquent exhortations in prose

and some of the most perfect music of his verse are touchingthat peace which he knew should make man happy on earth andblessed in heaven, that peace which he went to seek «fromworld to world," and which he found at last in complete obe-dience to the will of God.

Purg: 3. 7+: Virgil conjures the spirits «By that peacewhich I think is awaited by you all."

Purg, 5. 61: Dante here tells of «that peace, whichmakes me, following the feet of a guide thus fashioned, seekitfrom world to world."

Purg, 10. 34: «The angel that came on earth with the

18 DANTE ALIGHIERI [BIC. J

CHAPTER V

lYhen several things are ordained for one end, one mustrule and the others obey.

I. Resuming what was said in the beginning,I repeat, there are three main questions askedand debated in regard to temporal Monarchy,decree of the many years wept-for peace ••• opened Heavenfrom its long interdict."

Purg; II. 7: .. Let the peace of thy kingdom corneto us."Purg, Z1. J 3: II My brethren, God give you peace," is

the greeting of Statius.Purg, z8. 91: II The highest Good, which does only its

own pleasure, made the man good and for good, and gave himthis place for an earnest to him of eternal peace."

Perg; 30. 7: II That truthful folk ••• turned them to thecar as to their peace."

Par. z. 1 I z: II Within the heaven of the divine peacerevolves a body in whose virtue lies the being of all that iscontained in it."

Par. 3. 85: II In His will is our peace."Par. z7. 8: II A life complete of joy and peace."Par. 30. 100: II Light is there on high, which makes visi-

ble the Creator to that creation which only in seeing Him hasits peace."

Par. 3 I. 110:St. Bernard II in this world by contempla-tion tasted of that peace."

Par. 33. I: II Virgin Mother ••• in thy womb was re-kindled the Love, through whose warmth in the eternal peacethis flower has thus sprung."

CH. v] DE MONARCHIA 19

which is more commonly termed the Empire,and it is my purpose to make inquiry concern-ing these in the order cited, according to theprinciple now enunciated. And so let the firstquestion be whether temporal Monarchy isnecessary for the well-being of the world. Thenecessity of temporal Monarchy can be gainsaidwith no force of reason or authority, and canbe proved by the most powerful and patent ar-guments, of which the first is taken on the testi-mony of the Philosopher in the Politics. Therethis venerable authority asserts that when sev-eral things are ordained for one end, one of themmust regulate or rule, and the others submit toregulation or rule! This, indeed, not only be-cause of the author's glorious name, but becauseof inductive reasoning, demands credence."

2. If we consider the individual man, weshall see that this applies to him, for, when all

I. Pol. I. 5. 3: .. Whatsoeveris composedof many parts,which together make up one whole, ••• shows the marks ofsome one thing governing and another thing governed."

Confl. 4. 4. 2: .. And with these reasons we may com-pare the words of the Philosopher, when he says in the Palitiathat when many things are ordained for one purpose, one ofthem should be governor or ruler, and all others should begoverned or ruled."

2. For Dante's idea of the deference due to authority, phi-losophical and imperial, see Confl. 4. 8. 9.

20 DANTE ALIGHIERI [BK.I

his faculties are ordered for his happiness, theintellectual faculty itself is regulator and rulerof all others; in no way else can man attain tohappiness. If we consider the household, whoseend is to teach its members to live rightly, thereis need for one called the pater-familias, or forsome one holding his place, to direct and gov-ern, according to the Philosopher when he says," Every household is ruled by its eldest." 3 It isfor him, as Homer says, to guide and make lawsfor those dwelling with him. From this arisesthe proverbial curse, "May you have an equalin your house."" If we consider the village,whose aim is adequate protection of persons andproperty, there is again needed for governingthe rest either one chosen for them by another,or one risen to preeminence from among them-selves by their consent; otherwise, they notonly obtain no mutual support, but sometimesthe whole community is destroyed by manystriving for first place. Again, if we considerthe city, wh~se end is to insure comfort andsufficiency in life, there is need for undividedrule in rightly directed governments, and inthose wrongly directed 5 as. well; else the end

3. Pol. I. z. 6.4. Homer, OJ. 9. 114, quoted by Arist. Pol. I. z. 6.5. II Politia obliqua."

CH. v] DE MONARCHIA 2I

of civil life is missed, and the city ceases to bewhat it was. Finally, if we consider the individ-ual kingdom, whose end is that of the city withgreater promise of tranquillity, there must beone king to direct and govern. If not, not onlythe inhabitants of the kingdom fail of their end,but the kingdom lapses into ruin, in agreementwith that word of infallible truth, " Every king-dom divided against itself is brought to desola-tion." 6 If, then, this is true of these instances,and of all things ordained for a single end/ it istrue of the statement assumed above.

3. We are now agreed that the whole humanrace is ordered for one end, as already shown.I t is meet, therefore, that the leader and lord beone, and that he be called Monarch, or Emperor.Thus it becomes obvious that for the well-beingof the world there is needed a Monarchy, orEmpire.

6. Luke II. 17.7. Congo 4. 4. z: II Even as we see a ship, where her

divers duties and their divers purposes are ordained for oneend, that is, to bring her by a safecourse to the desired haven,where, as each officer performs his own duty with regard tothe proper end, so there is one person who considers all these,and adapts them all to the final end, and this one is the pilotwhose voice all must obey. And this we see in religiousbodies,and in armies, and in all things, which, as we have said, areordained for some one purpose."

DANTE ALIGHIERI [BI(. I

CHAPTER VI'/'he order which is found in the parts of the human race

should befound in the race as a whale.

I. As the part is related to the whole, I so isthe partial order related to the total order. Therelation of the part to the whole is as to its endand supreme good, and so the relation of thepartial order to the total order is as to its endand supreme good," We see from this that theexcellence of partial order does not exceed the

I. Caso, 4. 29. 5: .. Every whole is made up of its parts,••• and what is said of a part, in the same way may be saidofa whole."

2. Par. I. 103: "All things whatsoever have an orderamong themselves; and this is form, which makes the universein the likeness of God. Here the created beings on high seethe traces of eternal goodness, which is the end whereunto therule aforesaid has been made."

Par. J o. 3: .. The first and unspeakable Goodness madeall that revolves in mind or in place with such order that hewho observes this cannot be without tasting of Him."

Par. 29. 31: .. Order and structure were concrete in thesubstances ."

Cf. De Mon. 2. 7. J, and note 3.S. 'T. I. 47. 3: .. Ipse ordo in rebus sic a Deo creatis

existens unitatern mundi manifestat. Mundus enim iste unusdicitur unitate ordinis, secundum quod quaedam ad alia ordi-nantur, Quaecumque autem sunt a Deo, ordinem habent adinvicem et ad ipsum Deum."

DE MONARCHIA 23excellence of total order, but rather the con-verse. A dual order is therefore discernible inthe world, namely, the order of parts amongthemselves, and the order of parts with re-ference to a third entity which is not a part.For example, in the army there is an orderamong its divisions, and an order of the wholewith reference to the general. The order of theparts with reference to the third entity is supe-rior, for partial order has its end in total order,and exists for the latter's sake. Wherefore, jfthe form of the order is discernible in the partsof the human aggregate, it should, by virtue ofthe previous syllogism, be much more discerni-ble in the aggregate or totality, because totalorder or form of order is superior. Now, as issufficiently manifest from what was said in thepreceding chapter, it is discernible in all theunits of the human race, and therefore must beor ought to be discernible in the totality itselfAnd so all parts which we have designatedas included in kingdoms, and kingdoms them-selves, should be ordered with reference to onePrince or Principality, that is, to one Monarchor Monarchy.'

3. Con«, 4. 4. I: .. The whole earth should be under oneprince, who ••• would keep the kings content within the lim-its of their kingdoms, so that peace should abide among them,

DANTE ALIGHIERI [BIt. I

CHAPTER VII

Tb« relation of kingdoms and nations to the monarchshould he that of humanity to God.

I. Further, mankind is a whole with relationto certain parts, and is a part with relation toa certain whole. It is a whole, of course, withrelation to particular kingdoms and nations, aswas shown above, and it is a part with relationto the whole universe, as is self-evident. There-fore, in the manner in which the constituent partsof collective humanity correspond to human-ityas a whole, so, we say, collective humanitycorresponds as a part to its larger whole. Thatthe constituent parts of collective humanity cor-respond to humanity as a whole through the oneonly principle of submission to a single Prince,

wherein the cities should repose, and in this repose the neigh-bors should love one another, and in this love the familiesshould supply all their wants; which done, man lives happily;for which end he was born."

Conrl. 4. 4. 2: II And this office.for reasonofits excellence.is called Empire. without any qualification. because it is thegovernment of all governments. And so he who holds theofficeis called emperor. because he is a law to all and must beobeyed by all, and all others take their force and authorityfrom him. And thus it is evident that the imperial majesty andauthority is the highest in human society."

CH. VUI] DE MONARCHIA 2.S

can be easily gathered from what has gone be-fore. And therefore humanity corresponds to,the universe itself, or to its Prince, who is Godand Monarch: simply through one only prin-ciple, namely, the submission to a single Prince.We conclude from this that Monarchy is neces-sary to the world for its well-being.

CHAPTER VIII

Men are made in the image of God; hut God is one.

I. And everything is well, nay, best disposedwhich acts in accordance with the intention ofthe first agent, who is God. This is self-evident,save to such as deny that divine goodness at-tains the summit of perfection. I t is of the in-tention of God that all things should representthe divine likeness in so far as their peculiarnature is able to receive it.' For this reason it

I. Dante applies to the Deity the names denoting govern-mental supremacy, not only in the De Mon. but elsewhere.See Con". z. 6. I; z. 16.6; .. Imperadore dell' universo;"also Emperor. Info I. IZH Par. IZ. 40, etc.; De Mon.3. 16. I.

I. Conti. 3. 14. I: ..The sun ••• sending his rays herebelow, makesall things to resemblehis own brightness, as far asthey, of their own nature. are capable of receiving light. Thus

DANTE ALIGHIERI [BIC. I

was said, (( Let us make man in our image, afterour likeness.'" Although "in our image" cannotbe said of things inferior to man, nevertheless," after our likeness" can be said of all things, forthe entire universe is nought else than a foot-print of divine goodness. The human race,therefore, is ordered well, nay, is ordered for thebest, when according to the utmost of its powerit becomes like unto God.! But the human raceis most like unto God when it is most one, forthe principle of unity dwells in Him alone.Wherefore it is written, "Hear, 0 Israel, theLord our God is one Lord." 4

2.. But the human race is most one when allare united together, a state which is manifestlyimpossible unless humanity as a whole becomessubject to one Prince, and consequently comes

• • • God brings this love to His own likeness, in so far as itis possible for it to resemble Him."

Por. I. 104: .. Form • • • makes the universe in the like-ness of God!' Cf. De M011. 2. 2. 2, and note 3.

2. Gen. I. 26. Used in C011f1. 4. 12. 6: .. God is thesource of our soul and has made it like unto Himself (as it iswritten, • Let us make man in our image and likeness')."

3. Eth. 10. 8. 13: .. The energy of the deity, as it sur-passes all others in blessedness, must be contemplative: andtherefore, of human energies, that which is nearest allied tothis must be the happiest."

4. Deut, 6. 4.

CH. IX] DE MONARCHIA

most into accordance with that divine intentionwhich we showed at the beginning of this chap-ter is the good, nay, is the best disposition ofmankind.

CHAPTER IX

Men, as the sons of Heaven, should follow in the foot-prints of Heaven.

I. Likewise, every son acts well and for thebest when, as far as his individual nature per-mits, he follows in the footprints of a perfectfather. I As (( Man and the sun generate man," "according to the second book of Natural Learn-ing, the human race is the son of heaven, whichis absolutely perfect in all its works. There-fore mankind acts for the best when it followsin the footprints of heaven, as far as its distinc-tive nature permits. Now, human reason appre-hends most clearly through philosophy 3 that

I. Can«, 4. 24. 8: .. All children look more closely to thepaternal footprints than any others."

2. Ph)s. 2. 2: .. Homo hominem generat ex materia etsol." Witte quotes from an old Latin version. Dante quotesthree times in De Mon. from De Naturali ..JuditfJ. as he callsthe Physics of Aristotle. Cf. infra. 2.7. 3; 3. 15. 2.

3. 1nf. II. 97: e« Philosophy ••• to whoso looks nar-rowly on her. notes. not in one place only. how nature tales

DANTE ALIGHIERI [BK. I

the entire heaven in all its parts, its movements,and its motors, is controlled by a single motion,the primum mobile,. and by a single mover, God;

her course from the understanding of God. and from Hisworkmanship; and if thou well observe thy PhYJiu. thou wiltfind after not many pages. that your workmanship. as far as itcan. follows her as the learner does the master. so that yourworkmanship is as it were second in descent from God."

4. The .. primum mobile" is the ninth heaven. and thesource of motion in the other eight movable heavens. Theheavens are treated of in CORV. 2. 3-6; the .. primum mo-bile" in 2. 4. I: .. The fervent longing of all its parts to beunited to those of this tenth and most divine heaven. makesit revolve with so much desire that its velocity is almostincomprehensible." Dante's theory of motion is to someextent explained in Letter II. 26: .. Everything that movethhath some defect. and hath not its whole being complete initself.' ,

CORV. %. 15. 5: "The said heaven directs by its move-ments the daily revolution of all the others. by which they alldaily receive and transmit here below the virtue of all theirparts."

Par. 27. 106: .. The nature of the world that holds thecentre quiet. and moves all else around, begins hence as fromits starting-point. And this heaven has no other Where thanin the mind of God. in which is kindled the love that turns itand the virtue that it showers down. Light and love compre-hend it with one circle. as it does the rest; and of that girthHe only who girt it is the intelligence. Its movement is notmarked out by any other. the others are measured by it." Cf.Par. I. 76. where God is called" Love who orderest theheavens," and De MOIl. %. %. 3 note.

CH. x] DE MONARCHIA

then, if our syllogism is correct, the humanrace is best ordered when in all its movementsand motors it is controlled by one Prince asby one mover, by one law as by one motion.On this account it is manifestly essential for thewell-being of the world that there should exist aMonarchy or unified Principality, which mencall the Empire. This truth Boethius sighed forin the words, (( 0 race of men how blessed, didthe love which rules the heavens rule likewiseyour minds! " 5

CHAPTER X

In order to settle all disputes a supreme judge isnecessary.

I. Wherever strife is a possibility, in thatplace must be judgment; otherwise imperfectionwould exist without its perfecting agent. I Thiscould not be, for God and Nature are not want-ing in necessary things." It is self-evident that

Par. 28. 70: .. The one which sweeps along with it theuniverse sublime."

5. De Cans, Phil OJ. 2. Metr. 8. 1I. 28-30. Seepp.282-288 of Moore's Studies. Vol. I, for an account of Dante'srelation to Boethius, one of his .. favorite authors."

I. .. S