the correlation between racial identity and academic success for minority adolescents

7/29/2019 The Correlation Between Racial Identity and Academic Success for Minority Adolescents

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Running head: THE CORRELATION BETWEEN RACIAL IDENTITY 1

The Correlation Between Racial Identity and

Academic Success for Minority Adolescents

LaKenya M. Browder

Liberty University


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THE CORRELATION BETWEEN RACIAL IDENTITY 2

Abstract

Adolescence is a pivotal time, where the development of ones identity plays a significant role in

a youths overall adjustment, which includes academic achievement. Minority youth have the

added job of developing their ethnic identity, which may complicate the development of ones

sense of self, which has also been linked to academic achievement. How come American Indian

youth have reported the lowest ethnic identity scores when compared to African-American,

Hispanic, and Asian adolescents? Why have the academic success of Chinese-Americans been a

significant focus, while the discrimination they experiences ignored? Studies have associated

public and personal regard, low sense of self, messages from parents, social life, self-esteem, and

discrimination with the academic achievement of adolescents, though ethnic groups differ in the

way their academic success is affected by these factors. The correlation between racial identity

and academic success for minorities and the possible causes for the disparities in academic

achievement across ethnic groups will be examined.


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The Correlation Between Racial Identity and Academic Success for Minority Adolescents

America has used various stereotypical images to portray the academic values of

minorities. African Americans and Latinos have been characterized as devaluing education, as

Asian Americans have been characterized as placing a greater importance on academic

achievement (Fuligni, Witkow & Garcia, 2005). African American and Latino students, among

other minority groups, face stereotypical portrayals of their ethnic group being less intelligent

that European American students. Yet, studies have found African American and Latino

students' self-esteem and academic self-concepts equivalent or greater than European students

(Schmader, 2001).

Studies have been consistent in their findings relating self-esteem to academic success,

with self-esteem being associated with competence, coping skills, and social support. Some

studies did not found a correlation between self-esteem and academic success, finding academic

achievement to be the reason for higher self-esteem. This allows for the consideration that other

factors may be involved, for example, ones ethnic identity (Whitesell, Mitchell & Spicer, 2009).

Osborne (as cited in Schmader, 2001) found that self-esteem was positively related to grades

among European American students, unrelated to grades among African American males, and

weakly related among African American females. There is little support that minority students

place less value on academic success than their White counterparts, as most studies suggest

African American high school students generally value academic success, sometimes higher

White students (Schmader, 2001).

Adolescence is a time when youth interpret social messages about their ethnic group,

which greatly influences their self-identity (Rivas-Drake, Hughes, & Way, 2009), as identity


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formation is a primary developmental task (Feliciano, 2009; Jones & Galliher, 2007). A healthy,

positive ethnic identity often develops by a child learning about his or her ethnic group through

personal context (i.e. family socialization). Daily family practices teach children about their

culture (Feliciano, 2009). As a child enters early adolescence he or she becomes more aware of

the different messages about race, as they begin to interact more with adults and peers outside

the home. Through these social interactions the youth is exposed to more discrimination and

unfair treatment though experiences such as ethnic verbal hostility and social exclusion. This

may negatively influence their self-concept, in which ethnic affirmation is needed throughout the

transition into middle school in order to develop a more positive ethnic identity (Rivas-Drake,

Hughes, & Way, 2009). It has been suggested that messages from parents, adults in school the

system, and peers about race and ethnicity are linked to what adolescents believe about their

ethnic group (Rivas-Drake, Hughes, & Way, 2009). Not only is ethnic identity an important part

of the identity formation of all adolescents, it is especially significant in the lives of minority

children, as well as a deciding factor as to how well children of immigrants will assimilate into

U.S. society (Feliciano, 2009; Fuligni, Witkow & Garcia, 2005).

Ethnic identity depends on context and circumstances, and is made up of two dimensions,

centrality and private regard. Centrality is the extent to which ethnic identity is a significant part

of an individual's self-concept. Private regard is how one actually feels about their ethnic group

(Feliciano, 2009; Fuligni, Witkow & Garcia, 2005). It has been found that ethnic minority

adolescents reported higher levels of ethnic centrality than White adolescents (Rivas-Drake,

Hughes, & Way, 2009).

The schooling experiences of minority adolescents may reveal the process of how his or

her public regard is developed. School is one of the primary environments for adolescent in


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which public regard is acknowledged, as it involves many social experiences (RivasDrake,

2011). Adolescents form their beliefs about race identity based on their observations of racial

relationships in the classroom and school system. This is where they form an understanding of

public regard, how their ethnic group is perceived by others. This conclusion develops over a

lifetime of experiences, both positive and negative (RivasDrake, 2011). Public ethnic regard

plays a significant role in the academic attitudes of minority adolescents. When public ethnic

regard is positive, minority students reported higher academic competence and school adjustment

(Jones & Galliher, 2007; RivasDrake, 2011). African American adolescents reported lower

public regard than all other groups, and Chinese Americans reported lower public regard than

Dominican and White youths (Rivas-Drake, Hughes, & Way, 2009).

The process of developing a healthy, positive ethnic identity is an important stage in the

life of a minority adolescent, as it has been associated with better school adjustment, higher

academic achievement, greater self-esteem and confidence, and positive psychological outcomes,

which influences their educational, social, psychological and behavioral functions (Feliciano,

2009; Jones & Galliher, 2007; Rivas-Drake, Hughes & Way, 2008; Rivas-Drake, Hughes, &

Way, 2009). Whitesell, Mitchell & Spicer (2009) suggest that one's overall self-concept, which

includes self-esteem and cultural identity, supports a range of other relevant characteristics that

promote academic success. They believe the more competent a student feels about his or her

abilities, the more success he or she will have in school (Whitesell, Mitchell & Spicer, 2009). It

has also been suggested that some of the hindrances to academic success, such as behavioral

problems through alcohol and/or drug use and antisocial behavior, may decrease if the student

develops positive self-esteem and a more positive ethnic identity (Whitesell, Mitchell & Spicer,

2009). Although adolescent males tend to have higher levels of self-esteem, females tend to have


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a higher level of personal resources, which may cause lower levels of problematic behaviors and

greater academic success (Whitesell, Mitchell & Spicer, 2009).

Ethnic self-labeling is one dimension of ethnic identity, which is somewhat influenced by

the labels outsiders place on ones particular ethnic group (Feliciano, 2009). Fuligni, Witkow

& Garcia (2005) found no correlation between specific ethnic labels and academic achievement.

They found that the ethnic identity of a minority adolescent is more related to academic

achievement than the ethnic label he or she chooses to identify him/herself (Fuligni, Witkow

& Garcia, 2005). The ethnic identity ascribed to a minority adolescent by society may not

coincide with his or her personal ethnic identity. One study found the level of ethnic

identification to be more prevalent in predicting academic achievement than specific ethnic

labels personally chosen. Yet, West Indian and Mexican children of immigrants who are

connected to their familial traditional ethnic origin tend to have a greater connection to school

than children who identify themselves with Americanized ethnic labels, for example, Black or

Chicano. Mexican youth who identify themselves as Chicano tend to have lower academic

achievement than those who identify themselves as Mexican (Fuligni, Witkow & Garcia, 2005).

Discrimination experienced in early adolescence may negatively affect his or her sense of

self. Discrimination experienced among minority youth has been correlated with various

negative outcomes, including depression, delinquency, substance use, and a decline in self-

esteem over time (Rivas-Drake, Hughes & Way, 2008). It has also been found that experiences

of discrimination may incite one to identify stronger with their ethnic group (Rivas-Drake,

Hughes, & Way, 2009). Familial preparation for tends to result in greater positive outcomes

academically, as family racial socialization influences ethnic identity formation cross-culturally

(Rivas-Drake, Hughes, & Way, 2009). Some minorities who have experienced perceived


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discrimination have low academic achievement, while others have managed to maintain positive

academic attitudes and success. The negative effects of discrimination are lower levels of

academic motivation, lower grades, less academic persistence, an increase in dropping out of

school, and higher levels of academic disengagement (Alfaro, Umaa-Taylor, Gonzales-Backen,

Bmaca & Zeiders, 2009).

Psychological disengagement consists of two psychological processes. One is devaluing

the domain, where the outcomes received are no longer viewed as relevant to how one defines

him or herself. The second process is discounting the relevance of an evaluation one has

received, as minorities perceive evaluations by outside their culture as stereotypical and

ambiguous (Schmader, 2001). Psychological disengagement involves the detachment ofones

self-esteem, which, in the academic domain, results from devaluing academic success or

discounting the validity of academic outcomes (Schmader, 2001). An individual engages in such

behavior in order to prevent his or her self-esteem from being measured by the success or failure

in that domain. This is used when ones personal or social self is threatened through factors such

as poor performance, negative feedback, social rejection, or discrimination. Disengaging allows

the individual to maintain their level of self-esteem despite the outcome. When used in school,

the student may chronically disengage in order to relieve his or her performance anxiety. This

may in turn cause negative effects by confirming society's stereotypes about certain ethnic

groups being less intelligent. Past research suggests that African American students may be more

likely than European American students to disengage their self-esteem from academic outcomes

(Schmader, 2001).

Beliefs about ethnic injustice, but not academic performance, predicted greater

discounting and devaluing for African American students. Yet, among European students, poor


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academic performance predicted greater devaluing and discounting, but not beliefs about ethnic

injustice. Among Latinos, poorer academic performance was related to a greater level of

devaluing (Schmader, 2001). Ethnic hierarchies may develop within a school setting which may

open the door to discrimination, rejection and harassment from peers, resulting in a more

negative ethnic identity (Rivas-Drake, Hughes, & Way, 2009).

Positive academic attitudes have been suggested to be a resilience factor, mediating

discrimination experiences and academic success. High school minorities who had higher levels

of academic motivation scored higher on standardized tests (Alfaro, Umaa-Taylor, Gonzales-

Backen, Bmaca & Zeiders, 2009). Due to a general distrust of academic feedback and test

scores, many minority students perceive discrimination when it comes to the accuracy of their

scores and grades. This is especially true when it comes from a European White evaluator, as the

minority student may ignore any advice given, as opposed to being more receptive if the

evaluator was the from the same ethnic background or also a minority (Schmader, 2001).

Minority youth have reported ethnic discrimination by peers as well as adults in school. One

study found that 46% of African Americans and 50% of Hispanic youth reported that they were

given a lower grade by a teacher because of their race or ethnicity. Another study reported that

16% of Puerto Rican adolescents perceived discrimination by teachers and 7% by school

administrators (Rivas-Drake, Hughes, & Way, 2009). 18% of Puerto Rican adolescents report

discrimination by classmates. 84% of East Asian and 73% of South Asian youth report being

called racially derogatory names (Rivas-Drake, Hughes, & Way, 2009).

Minority youth may attempt to define themselves according to their own terms rather

than take on projected stereotypes of society (Fuligni, Witkow & Garcia, 2005). Immigrants are


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more likely to identify with their country of origin and the US, rather than adopting

racial/panethnic identities (Feliciano, 2009). Individuals may choose an ethnic label of national

origin, such as Asian or Latino; or a panethnic/compound label, such as African American or

Asian American. Children of immigrants may choose nationalistic labels, such as Mexican or

Chinese, rather than compound labels, like African American or Asian American. This may done

in order to prevent American values and behaviors from infiltrating their family and children

(Fuligni, Witkow & Garcia, 2005). The type of ethnic label a child of an immigrant chooses to

identify his or her self with is an indicator as to how they are assimilating into US culture

(Feliciano, 2009). Ogbu (as cited in Feliciano, 2009) suggested that adopting ethnic labels that

contrast the mainstream leads to poor academic outcomes, as racialized groups perceive

academic achievement as "acting white," thus not putting in the effort needed to success. For

example, one study found that Mexican-origin youth who identified themselves as Chicanos did

poorly in school, while those who identified themselves according to more Mexican-oriented

labels were more successful in school- though there is little support that identifying with an

ethnic group correlates with negative academic attitudes. Some suggest school environment and

experiences influence identity formation. One study found that over a ten year period, children of

immigrants changed their ethnic identity; nearly half change their ethnic label from adolescence

to early adulthood (Feliciano, 2009).

The racial oppression and ethnic discrimination among Asian American youth have been

ignored and misunderstood, producing negative consequences, such as psychological distress.

Peer discrimination has been reported a high rates by Chinese American early adolescents.

Studies have reported frequent teasing and name calling among Chinese American adolescents.

Rivas-Drake, Hughes & Way (2008) found that private regard, rather than public regard, is


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related to self-esteem; with lower private regard triggering lower self-esteem. Chinese American

youth have reported fewer depressive symptoms when they perceive positive public regard.

Although previous studies have suggested that positive private regard may buffer against

negative outcomes due to discrimination, the results have not been clear concerning Asian

American youth (Rivas-Drake, Hughes & Way, 2008).

Among African Americans, a positive public regard may be related to a positive attitude

towards academics (RivasDrake, 2011). A positive correlation has been found between

academic performance of African American youth and the strength of their ethnic identity

(Fuligni, Witkow & Garcia, 2005). Previous studies have suggested that low academic

achievement among African American you is related to low identity resulting from

marginalization and prejudice (Awad, 2007). It has also been suggested that African American

youth's low self-esteem is associated with stereotype threat, "when one is in a situation in which

a negative stereotype about his or her social group is made salient and the individual fears that he

or she will confirm those stereotypes or be treated stereotypically" (Awad, 2007, p. 193-194).

Whether the self-esteem of African Americans influence their academic achievement has not

been consistent across research studies (Awad, 2007). Awad (2007) found that racial identity,

academic self-concept and self-esteem are related to standardized test scores among African

American you, though function differently with each aspect, finding self-concept to be the

significant predictor of GPA.

Latino adolescents tend to have lower grades and a higher dropout rate when they feel

stigmatized and left out (RivasDrake, 2011). Although Latinos are the largest ethnic population

in the United States, almost half over the age of 25 do not have a high school diploma (Alfaro,

Umaa-Taylor, Gonzales-Backen, Bmaca & Zeiders, 2009). Latino youth reported


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discrimination inside and outside of school, with experiences being different for boys than girls.

Latino adolescent girls tend to have a greater level of positive academic attitude than Latino boys

(Alfaro, Umaa-Taylor, Gonzales-Backen, Bmaca & Zeiders, 2009). Alfaro, Umaa-Taylor,

Gonzales-Backen, Bmaca & Zeiders (2009) found that academic motivation was influenced by

discrimination for Latino boys only, not for girls.

American Indian adoelscents are at risk for school failure (Whitesell, Mitchell & Spicer,

2009). It has been reported that Native American youth have the lowest level of ethnic identity

compared to African American, Hispanic and Asian youth (Jones & Galliher, 2007). Studies

have found low academic achievement among American Indian youth to be related to the

separation from their traditional ethnic culture, thus a connection with their heritage will cause

more academic success (Whitesell, Mitchell & Spicer, 2009). Jones & Galliher (2007) found that

Native American adolescent males who were in the process of exploring their ethnicity

developed a higher level of substance use than other minority groups. This may be related to the

overall anger of Native Americans at the historical and current ethnic abuse by the dominant

White society (Jones & Galliher, 2007).

Whitesell, Mitchell & Spicer (2009) questioned how academic success was defined

during most of the studies concerning Native Americans, which was founded on European

American values such as high grades, outperforming peers and higher education. Native

American youth may have more traditional ethnic values, like balancing academic goals with

other aspects of life and communal success (Whitesell, Mitchell & Spicer, 2009). Schooling may

be difficult for Native American youth who hold traditional values, such as maintaining

harmony, sharing, nonconfrontational and respectful behaviors; all which may interfere with the


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direct, verbal, and assertiveness needed to success in American schools (Hildebrand, Phenice,

Gray & Hines, 2008).

Whitesell, Mitchell & Spicer (2009) did not find a correlation between academic

achievement and a connection to traditional ethnic identity among Native American youth. They

suggested that other factors associated to self-esteem, and not self-esteem itself, influenced

academic success in Native American youth. How one felt about him/herself paralleled his or her

personal resources. This study did not support the notion that cultural identity was correlated to

academic success, as they suggested that focusing on increasing self-esteem and personal

resources, as well as interventions to reduce problem behaviors, would be more successful in

increasing academic achievement in Native American youth (Whitesell, Mitchell & Spicer,

2009).

Though some studies did not find a direct correlation between adolescent racial identity

and academic success, a majority did find come correlation, as there are many aspects of ones

overall racial self-concept that influences his or her academic attitude. It has been shown that

ones ethnic identity is significantly related to ones overall self-concept, which will directly or

indirectly affect ones academic success. Some of the negative ways a minority adolescent may

be affected is through perceived discrimination and negative public regard. Some positive ways

ethnicity promotes academic success is through positive messages from adults and peers about

ones ethnic group, as well as a familial teaching about his or her traditional culture. Though

each minority adolescent will respond according to his or her unique way, there are general

aspects of ethnic identity that has been related to academic success, like self-esteem and private

regard. All minority adolescents have been, or will be, exposed to various stereotypical images


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and discrimination towards their culture, bringing them to a crossroads demanding that he or she

make the decision as to whos report they will believe. With a strong family background in

cultural teaching, faith in God, and self-confidence, every minority adolescent has a chance to

develop positive beliefs about his or her ethnicity and achieve great academic success.


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the correlation between racial identity and academic success for minority adolescents

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