The beginning (until 1360)Already around 900 AD there were settlements in the area around the Rotte estuary. The area was part of the county of Holland, which in turn was part of the Holy Roman (German) Empire. The Count of Holland had granted territories in fief to vassals, who exercised their authority locally. The fiefdoms became hereditary. West of the River Rotte the Lords of Bokel had their territory, the East belonged to the Voorschoten family. Other fiefdoms were Cralinghen, Mathenesse and Spangen. The nobles had each made there own protective walls against the frequent floods. Count Floris V (1256-96) ordered the Lords to connect there individual dykes in order to construct one single sea wall against the floods. This sea wall cut off the Rotte from the River Maas. This part of the wall was called Middendam (Middle Dam; now Hoogstraat). Around this dam Rotterdam developed. In the decades after that the settlers around the Middendam gained privileges from the Counts of Holland. In 1340 Count Willem IV granted a city charter to the areas East and West of the River Rotte. The city was also allowed to dig a canal to the River Schie (Rotterdamse Schie) to establish a connection with the Dutch hinterland (Delft, Leiden, Haarlem). In 1358 Rotterdam got permission to build city walls.Hoeken and Kabeljauwen (1345 - 1490)After Count Willem IV's death a power battle broke out between Willem's sister Margaretha and her son Willem V. In this struggle the nobility and the cities took sides (although many frequently changed sides along the way) on the basis of old feuds and differences of interest. The two parties are called Hoeken (Hooks) and Kabeljauwen (Cods) respectively. Rotterdam tried to stay outside the troubles as much as possible in order to gain a better position than its competitors. The Rotterdam economy, in those days, was mainly based on herring fisheries and handling of cargo on the Rivers Rotte and Schie. Around 1490 Rotterdam could no longer avoid the hostilities, when Squire Frans van Brederode chose Rotterdam as his base for his Hook army. Squire Frans was beaten by Burgundy, which was the end of the troubles.Eighty year War (1568-1648)Rotterdam emerged reasonably well from the struggle. It managed to get Dordrecht's trade monopolies abolished. In 1572 Rotterdam became involved in the Eighty Year War between the Low Countries and Spain. The Spanish King Philip II, who had inherited the title of Lord of the Low Countries from his father Charles V, tried to enforce absolute rule in these countries who had until then enjoyed many priviliges and relative autonomy. The emerging conflict was intensified by the fact that the Church Reformers became increasingly popular in the Low Countries. Philip II, as an absolute Roman Catholic ruler could not tolerate these heresies. In 1572 a rebel army conquered the town of Den Briel and the Spanish forces led by general Boussu were chased away in a southerly direction. The rebels took advantage of the vacuum left behind and took Delfshaven. The next thing was a march on Rotterdam. The city fended off the attack, but a few days later the reassembled Spanish forces of Boussu were outside the city gates. In the city there was internally divided on whether to let them in or not. A compromise to let in only a few Spaniards led to a misunderstanding on which the Spaniards went on a rampage. The Spaniards consequently reconquered Delfshaven. Shortly thereafter the Spanish Forces were withdrawn to the south to fight yet another insurgency. The pro-Spanish Aldermen left with them. From that moment on Rotterdam is on the side of the rebellion. The events of 1572 and those of the siege of Leiden two years later confronted the city government with the need for better protection. Under the leadership of City Secretary Van Oldenbarneveldt the city was enlarged with new docks and fortifications.Economically the next era was one of growth and prosperity. Trade and shipping flourished. Especially the trade with England, France, America and even Spain increased. The location was good, but also the political circumstances favoured Rotterdam. Delft kept its satellite port of Delfshaven in check because of short term interests, Schiedam was too thrifty to invest in a port and Amsterdam and Antwerp - both still on the Spanish side - were blocked by the fleet of the rebellious provinces. When Amsterdam chose the side of the rebellion a lot of trade went back there. The establishment of the Admiralty in Rotterdam (1586), a Chamber of the Dutch East Indies Company (1604) and the West Indies Company (1621), and of the Merchant Adventurers (1635) were proof of growing trade. 18th centuryIn the 18th century the inner city was filled with houses, industry and warehouses. There was some emerging industry (sugar, coffee, tobacco, gin). Housing was confined within the city walls where density of the population took to extremes. Outside the walls, wealthy Rotterdammers built their mansions around the villages in the area. Also forms of industry which were deemed as unsuitable for the inner city were relocated outside the walls. This was possible because Rotterdam had gained the jurisdiction in the fiefdoms around the city from noblemen who had chosen the side of the Spanish king and who had fled the country. The French occupation (1795-1813) started a period of recession.Fast growth (1850-1940)After the French left, Rotterdam started to grow quite rapidly. In the German area around the river Ruhr industrialisation took hold and because of its location Rotterdam benefited from the trade between this area and British and American markets. Also the exploration of Africa brought in new trade. In this period the Inner city was being sanitised (water, drains, sewer) and the city increased its port capacity. Employment opportunities attracted workers from the provinces. To be able to cope with the growth of the population Rotterdam started to develop the areas outside the city walls for the first time. The first project was Cool, next came Oude Westen (Old West) and Nieuwe Westen (New West). The town of Delfshaven was incorporated in 1886, followed by Kralingen in 1895. Of paramount importance to the development of Rotterdam as a major port was the completion of the Nieuwe Waterweg Canal in 1863. City growth continues on the other side of the river on the Feijenoord peninsula. New docks are dug here alongside with new housing estates, after the completion of the first bridge across the river in 1878. In these developments the businessman and city counselor Lowewijk Pincoffs played a major role, together with his friend and banker Marten Mees. In 1879, however he was exposed as a fraud and he fled to America.The city took over control of the port developments under the leadership of G.J. de Jongh, the Head of Public Works. In this period Rotterdam takes over Amsterdam's position as main port. World War I meant a recession for the city economy, which was not overcome until 1926. After that the Big Depression of 1929 took its effect, also in Rotterdam. World War II and Reconstruction (1940-1975)No event in Rotterdam history left a deeper mark (or scar) in Rotterdam society and city development than the German invasion in May 1940. 14 May 1940 the inner city and the 17th century port were completely destroyed. Approx. 900 people died and thousands more became homeless. Also later during the war the city suffered from bombings, this time by allied air forces (e.g. October 1941 and March 1943). Five years of oppression followed. In 1945 the German troops stole just about all remaining port equipment. . Already in 1941 Witteveen, director of City Works, designed a reconstruction plan. This plan was heavily criticised. The plan was adapted by Van Traa into the Basic Plan of 1946 and consequently adopted by the city council. The original street plan was abandoned and the city centre was being connected by wide avenues. The Basic Plan was functional. Different city functions were grouped in separate areas: shopping, banking, housing, leisure. Especially the modernist or functionalist architects were very influential in the post-war reconstruction. In the centre 50% of the housing capacity disappeared. New housing estates were built on the outskirts.The port developed in a westerly direction towards the sea. Bigger and deeper ports were being dug closer to the shoreline. (Petrochemical industries became increasingly important.Recent past and presentBy the end of the 1970s and early 1980s the Basic Plan had been completed for some time. A new city had emerged, but the rigid separation of functions and the strict functionalist architecture had resulted in a somewhat cold and quiet city. In reaction to that the remaining spaces were filled with new adventurous, but small scale housing developments. The old 19th century housing areas were redeveloped. This era also shows mass migration from inner city areas to the suburbs. The vacancies left by the Rotterdammers are taken by immigrants. In the late 1980s and 1990s the city government decided to revive the city center with high rise offices and apartments, thus giving the city a metropolitan look. The most recent projects are the Erasmus Bridge and the Kop van Zuid. The latter being a redevelopment of disused inner city docklands.The rapid economic growth between 1965 and 1973 leads to great demand for (cheap) labour. This causes a first emigration wave of workers from the Mediterranean area. Around 1975 a large number of migrants from the former Dutch colony of Surinam follows. Recent economic growth in the 1990s again leads to even more immigration. Meanwhile around 40% of the Rotterdam population is of foreign extraction. Apart from problems regarding integration (or lack thereof) this development resulted in a cosmopolitan atmosphere, with a huge diversity in the cultural, culinary and religious field.Rotterdam's open and cosmopolitan character also has a down side. Big differences in drugs policies between the Netherlands and the neighbouring countries has made Rotterdam a popular destination for especially French and Belgian "drug tourists". This form of "tourism" is concentrated in the areas that already have a weak social structure. In spite of substantial progress in fighting the problem, the solution for the inconvenience to the inhabitants caused by this phenomenon is not in sight yet.In the field of culture a lot of progress has been made in recent years. Rotterdam has got quite a few leading cultural events (film festival, poetry international, Dunya, Caribbean Carnival) and has built and is still building new cultural facilities (theatres, museums, etc). In 2001 Rotterdam was the European Capital of Culture. Also in sports Rotterdam has conquered its place on the map: the Rotterdam Marathon is one of the leading and fastest in the world. In 2000 the finals of the European Football Championships were played in the Feyenoord Stadium. In 2010 the Tour de France had its Grand Depart in Rotterdam. Plans are made for a new football stadium .In 2002 sentiments of dissatisfaction, that have been slumbering among voters get a political dimension when Rotterdam based former social scientist, columnist and business consultant Pim Fortuyn puts himself at the vanguard of it. The debate is about the lack of integration among immigrants, (street) crime and the closed culture of the politics and bureaucracy. In very short time Fortuyn gathers wide spread support in the run up to local elections of 2002. This results in 16 out of 45 seats on the city council for his Leefbaar Rotterdam party and half of the seats on the city executive. His final goal is a role in national politics in which he raises high hopes for his national party, that carries his name. On the May 6th, however, 9 days before the national elections he is murdered, while leaving a radio studio in Hilversum. This dramatic event sends a shockwave through Rotterdam and Dutch society. At the national election his party LPF gets 17% of the votes cast. An unprecedented election result for a new party giving it 26 seats in the 150 seat parliament. LPF proves to be an instable force in politics and is finally dissolved in 2008.The city government under Mayor Mr. Opstelten (VVD) makes public safety its main priority. At the request of the city of Rotterdam National Parliament passes the so called Rotterdam Act, which enables city governments to limit the influx of people who fail to meet certain income requirements into districts where the proportion of low income inhabitants is already high. At the 2006 council elections the social democratic PvdA makes a sensational comeback and becomes the largest party. Fortuyn's Leefbaar Rotterdam party runs second but refuses a coalition with PvdA. PvdA then forms a new city executive with the decimated Christian Democrats and right-wing Liberals and the Green party. The new government basicalliy promises to continue the policies of the previous executive on public safety, but with more sensitivity to social issues. In 2009 Mayor Opstelten retires and is replaced by Mr Ahmet Aboutaleb (PvdA). A select committee of the city council nominated him as the first Mayor of Moroccan descent in the Netherlands and the first in a European major city. Part of the Leefbaar faction on the council opposed his nomination.The poorly carried out 2010 council elections resulted in an equal number of seats for PvdA and Leefbaar. After a recount PvdA held on to its position of largest party and formed a new executive with social liberal D66, conservative liberal VVD and the Christian Democrats. During the campaign PvdA had ruled out a coalition with Leefbaar, partly because of this party's attitude towards the Mayor. With time Aboutaleb won confidence as Mayor within all parties on the City Counsel and among the population. His record on public safety, the prime and sole responsibility of a Dutch Mayor, is good. The financial crisis of 2008 and the subsequent European debt crisis starts to bite and making dents in the city budget around 2012. Also the regional economy is affected by the negative economical national and international trends. The national government is making cuts in its funding of local government and the city expenditures on benefits and wellfare go up because of rising unemployment.

HistoryThe history of Rotterdam covers about 9 centuries. Rotterdam receives municipal rights in 1340. In 1872, with the completion of the New Waterway, Rotterdam had an open connection to the sea and the city could develop into a world port. With over 600,000 inhabitants Rotterdam is now a true metropolis on the river Maas and the second city of the Netherlands.

Rotterdam before 1910The modest fishing village of Rotterdam was founded on the alluvial deposit of the river Rotte where the citys principal church (Laurenskerk) now stands. During the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, after the river Maas had been dyked in and the Rotte dammed off, it grew into an urban settlement. The oldest document mentioning the town dates from 1293. In the mid sixteenth century Rotterdam entered a period of expansion and its population rose to 8000. Five new docks joined the medieval Oude Haven, beginning about 1600 with the Nieuwe Haven, followed by Haringvliet, Leuvehaven, Wijnhaven and Scheepmakershaven. During the seventeenth and eighteenth century the spatil development of the city and docklands was at a standstill. It was only in the nineteenth century, after its railway link-up with Amsterdam, Utrecht and later Antwerp, that the city underwent further expansion. The construction of an open waterway to the sea (Nieuwe Waterweg) in 1872 decided Rotterdams future as a major port city. Docks and quays were enlarged, and surrounding municipalities like Charlois, Delfshaven, Katendrecht and Kralingen. Annexed. The original triangular settlement in the Maas and the Rotte now spread as new districts along the Maas dykes (Nieuwe Werk and Kralingen), to the west (Cool and Oude Westen) and to the north (Crooswijk and Oude Noorden). In 1842 W.N. Rose, the then City Architect to Rotterdam, designed the Water Project. A network of water courses mainly constructed from the viewpoint of water management and sewage but also laying the basis for the first public green facilities. The Park, laid in 862, is the first of the city parks; urban green space otherwise consisted of private gardens (e.g. Trompenburg Arboretum) and country seats (e.g. Land van Hoboken). During the latter half of the nineteenth century the population increased dramatically; by 1900 there were 300,000 inhabitants. In 1875, after the Maas bridge had been built, development began on the left bank of the river (Noordereiland, Katendrecht and Feijenoord).1910 1945At the dawning of the twentieth century the towns economic growth was stimulated by the construction of new docks and quays, such as Waalhaven. The urban area was considerably enlarged to accommodate the swelling number of inhabitants, many of them labourers who had moved in from the southern provinces; in 1915 Rotterdam boasted a population of 450,000. Undeveloped areas on the north bank of the Maas in Delfshaven, Middelland, Oude Westen and Agnieseburt became built-up, while the south bank acquired two leafy garden villages, Heyplaat and Vreewijk. In 1918 building began in the new districts of Spangen and Tusschendijken, and plans were drawn up to develop the annexed areas of Overschie, Hilligersberg and Blijdorp polder. Implemented in the thirties, these plans introduced the perimeter block with its four storeys of porch-acces flats, the occasional open row scheme (Blijdorp. Jaffa, Overschie) and experiments with apartment buildings up to ten storeys high (Bergplolder and Kralingen). In the inter-war years Rotterdam was the cradle of Dutch Modernism (Nieuwe Bouwen), boasting such architects as Oud, Brinkman & Van der Vlugt, Van Tijen and Van den Broek and such seminal buildings as the Van Nelle Factory, Feijenoord Football Stadium and the Kiefhoek housing. 1936 saw the presentation of a General Expansion Plan for Rotterdam. Many housing schemes in the town were nearing completion, s were large infrastructural works like the Maas Tunnel and its extension through the town, the airfield at Waalhaven and, in the east, Kralingse Bos. On the housing front there were experiments done with communal gardens courtyards, such as in De Eendracht in Blijdorp.1945 1970In Rotterdam, the rebuilding activities begun immediately fter World War II consisted mainly of restoration and the expansion of the docks and quays. Work on large-scale housing projects only began in the fifties, all sited south of the river save for Kleinpolder and Schiebroek. A green zone Zuiderpark, containingsports fields and private allotments as well as green space was laid out between the nineteenth-century housing estates and the new residential areas of Pendrecht and Zuidwijk. Taking the new ideas developed during the war as regards the scale, substance, structure and form of new urban development (the neighbourhood concept) these new estates are marked by a low building density, extensive green space and local services and an open row layout featuring an assortment of housing types. Later the construction of Lombardijen and IJsselmonde would complete the ring of districts round the city. Between 1954 and 1967, the village of Hoogvliet was developed into a satellite town bordering on a new expanse of docklands and industry (Petroleumhaven and Botlek). With the construction of the Metro, rapid public transport came to large parts of South Rotterdam. Kleinpolderplein, the Brienenoord Bridge and the Benelux Tunnel are important links in the Rotterdamse Ruit, the tangential highway system around the citys central urban area. Major developments eastwards followed in the sixties. The districts of Alexanderpolder and Ommoord reveal a tendency towards a greater scale both in housing (high-rise) and green space and traffic facilities. Just as large-scale is the redevelopment begun at that time in Crooswijk, Oude Noorden and Cool. At the end of the sixties work got under way on the Oosterflank area and urban renewal of the old districts made its first tentative appearance under the weight of local protest. Here can be seen the first steps towards change, as much in urban structure as in layout and housing typologies.1970 tot nuIn the seventies wholesale redevelopment of the old residential quarters round the city centre ceded to renovation and reconstruction. Rotterdams urban renewal policy was widely influential particularly in the councils mass acquisition of slums and a decentralized configuration into project agencies. With renewal of the nineteenth-century districts virtually complete by the late eighties, attention turned to the pre-war housing. By then the post-war reconstruction areas were themselves ripe for renovation. Here, though, it was largely a question of technical improvements, urban compaction, the replacement of porch-acces housing by mixes of dwelling types and a broader concern for public space. New outlying districts of high- and middle-rise like Zevenkamp and Bverwaard carried development right up against the city boundaries. These would in fact be crossed by the next in the series, Nesselande, together with expansion of the Metro network. Within the existing city, new sites were found in Prinsenland and Nieuw-Terbregge, now with a finer focus on insertion in the existing landscape structure and on sustainable and energy-efficient building. The eighties saw port activity shifting seawards to the Europoort pretrochemical complex and onto the expanse of Maasvlakte, and businesses relocating to the edge of the city (the so-called Brainpark and Noord-West business park). As a result areas close to the city centre that were formerly claimed by harbor and industry, such as Oudehaven, Delfshaven Buitendijks and Dokhaven, were freed for housing. The former waterworks site on Honingerdijk was the first example in Rotterdam to take the existing structure to underpin the new development. At the Kop van Zuid, a similar approach to the Binnenhaven-Spoorweghaven area on the south bank of the Maas has resulted in a particularly fine synthesis o new and old buildings, exemplified by Entrepotdok and the buildings of Holland Amerika Lijn (Hotel New York, Las Palmas, Cruise Terminal). Lately, on and around the Wilhelmina square and the Wilhelminapier, eye-catching highrise has been build (Montevideo, New Orleans, Maastoren), profiling Rotterdams skyline. A synthesis of the old and new has also been chosen for the restructuring of the Schiehaven area. Here, in and besides the former powerstation Schiecentrale a multi-media cluster of businesses, educational and theatre facilities have been build and housing is early completed. Recently a number of inner centre areas are designated for renovation and new housing, like Oude Haven, Laurenskwartier and the waterstad area behind the Boompjes dyke. Central District, the area around the building site of the new Central Station opens Rotterdam to the Randstad and hinterland with the new Randstadrail and high-speed train connections

NeighborhoodIn a more general sense, Forrest & Kearns (2001) point to the fact that individualsmight attach more importance to a neighbourhood and its inhabitants intimes of an increasing influence of all kinds of macro-developments, such asglobalisation. The neighbourhood becomes a kind of safe haven. Other authorsrefer, for example, to the importance of social solidarity between neighbours andneighbourhood residents. People can learn from each other and provide mutualsupport through their local networks (Portes & Sensenbrenner, 1993). Thepreference for homogeneous neighbourhoods in terms, for example, of ethnicityor lifestyle can be observed in people of all kinds. Having good social contactscan be considered a basic need. It is therefore logical to assume that peopleprefer to live in neighbourhoods or districts with people of their own sort (see,for example, Hortulanus, 1995). Frequently, the neighbourhood then involuntarilybecomes the key place defining the social world of its residents. The qualityof these areas and the associated contacts enhance the capability of people toparticipate adequately in society (Healy, 1998).The socio-economic background of a household can also play a part inneighbourhood orientation. A low income can prevent a household from participatingin activities that cost money (Musterd & Ostendorf, 1998). As a consequence,people with a lower income can be expected to have a smaller actionradius, because transport usually costs money (Fischer, 1982; Wilson, 1987; seealso Botman & Van Kempen, 2001; Ellen & Turner, 1997; Guest & Wierzbicki,1999; Henning & Lieberg, 1996). The level of the income is associated amongother things with the labour market situation and an individuals educationallevel. Highly educated people with a consequently high income usually have awide network of activities. As a result, they often make little use of neighbourhoodfacilities; rather, they orientate themselves to the whole city (Blokland-Potters,1998). The attraction of high-income groups to give the neighbourhoodconcerned a new impulse would therefore seem to be a high risk strategy; thechance is high that these newcomers are hardly ever to be found in theneighbourhood and so make no use of, for example, local shopping facilities.Ethnicity could be expected to exert an influence, because it is also oftenassociated with low incomes. This association would then mean that peoplebelonging to ethnic minorities might have fewer opportunities to enjoy activitiesoutside the neighbourhood. Additionally, individuals belonging to ethnicgroups might find support from people of the same group living in the sameneighbourhood (Van Kempen, 2001). However, it might very well be the casethat these ideas are based on prejudice. From the literature it becomes at leastclear that especially recent immigrants who cannot speak the language of theguest country and immigrants with a low education have the propensity to focusthemselves on neighbourhoods where already many of their fellow-countrymenlive. They expect to find social, economical and emotional support in that place(Dahya, 1974, Enchautegui, 1997, Fong & Gulia, 1999). From a recent study in theNetherlands it has become clear that, in particular, many older people belongingto the former category of guest workers (specifically Turks and Moroccans) stilldo not talk Dutch to each other and do not often meet Dutch people at home(Dagevos, 2001). Turks in particular have many contacts with their fellow-countrymenin the neighbourhood (Sociaal en Cultureel Planbureau, 2002). They arethus dependent on people from their own group and when these people live inthe same neighbourhood, there seems no real reason to leave the neighbourhoodfor social contacts.