the american revolution - john fiske

8/15/2019 The American Revolution - John Fiske

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efore the House of Commons, it was refused. Yetall through the winter the ministry were continuallyappealing to Franklin, unofficially and in private, iorder to find out how the Americans might beappeased without making any such concessions aswould hurt the pride of that Tory party which wasnow misgoverning England. Lord Howe was themost conspicuous agent in these fruitless

negotiations. How to conciliate the Americanswithout giving up a single one of the false positionswhich the king had taken was the problem, and nowonder that Franklin soon perceived it to beinsolvable, and made up his mind to go home.Franklin returns to America He had now stayed iEngland for several years, as agent for Pennsylvania and for Massachusetts. He had showhimself a consummate diplomatist, of that rare

school which deceives by telling unwelcome truths,and he had some unpleasant encounters with theking and the king’s friends. Now in March, 1775,seeing clearly that he could be of no further use i

averting an armed struggle, he returned to America.Franklin’s return was not, in form, like thatcustomary withdrawal of an ambassador whicheralds and proclaims a state of war. But

practically it was the snapping of the last



end in war; and such very honourable motivescertainly contributed to weaken the resistance othese colonies to the measures of the government. I

New York there were further special reasons for the existence of a strong loyalist feeling. The city o

New York had for many years been theheadquarters of the army and the seat of the

principal royal government in America. It was not a

town, like Boston, governing itself in town meeting,ut its municipal affairs were administered by a

mayor, appointed by the king. Unlike Boston andPhiladelphia, the interests of the city of New York were almost purely commercial, and there wasnothing to prevent the little court circle there frogiving the tone to public opinion. The EpiscopalChurch, too, was in the ascendant, and there was anot unreasonable prejudice against the Puritans o

New England for their grim intolerance oEpiscopalians and their alleged antipathy toDutchmen. The province of New York, moreover,had a standing dispute with its eastern neighbours

over the ownership of the Green Mountain region.This beautiful country had been settled by NewEngland men, under grants from the royal governorsof New Hampshire; but it was claimed by the

people of New York, and the controversy



sometimes waxed hot and gave rise to very hardfeelings. Lord North’s mistaken hopes of securing

ew York Under these circumstances, the laboursof the ministry to secure this central colony seemedat times likely to be crowned with success. Theassembly of New York refused to adopt the non-importation policy enjoined by the ContinentalCongress, and it refused to choose delegates to the

second Congress which was to be held in May. Theministry, in return, sought to corrupt New York byexempting it from the commercial restrictions

placed upon the neighbouring colonies, and by promising to confirm its alleged title to the territoryof Vermont. All these hopes proved fallacious,however. In spite of appearances, the majority othe people of New York were opposed to the king’smeasures, and needed only an opportunity for organization. In April, under the powerfulleadership of Philip Schuyler and the Livingstons, aconvention was held, delegates were chosen toattend the Congress, and New York fell into line

with the other colonies. As for Pennsylvania, inspite of its peaceful and moderate temper, it hadnever shown any signs of willingness to detacitself from the nascent union.



News travelled with slow pace in those days,and as late as the middle of May, Lord North,confident of the success of his schemes in NewYork, and unable to believe that the yeomanry of Massachusetts would fight against regular troops,declared cheerfully that this American businesswas not so alarming as it seemed, and everythinwould no doubt be speedily settled without

loodshed!



INTERIOR OF OLD SOUTH MEETING-HOUSE Affairs in Massachusetts Great events had

meanwhile happened in Massachusetts. All throughthe winter the resistance to General Gage had bee

passive, for the lesson had been thoroughlyimpressed upon the mind of every man, woman, andchild in the province that, in order to make sure othe entire sympathy of the other colonies, Great



Britain must be allowed to fire the first shot. TheRegulating Act had none the less been silentlydefied, and neither councillors nor judges, neither sheriffs nor jurymen, could be found to serve under the royal commission. It is striking proof of the higstate of civilization attained by this commonwealth,that although for nine months the ordinary functionsof government had been suspended, yet the affairs

of every-day life had gone on without friction or disturbance Not a drop of blood had been shed, nor had any one’s property been injured. Thecompanies of yeomen meeting at eventide to drillon the village green, and now and then the cartladen with powder and ball that dragged slowlyover the steep roads on its way to Concord, werethe only outward signs of an unwonted state othings. Not so, however, in Boston. There the

lockade of the harbour had wrought great hardshipfor the poorer people. Business was seriouslyinterfered with, many persons were thrown out oemployment, and in spite of the generous

promptness with which provisions had been pouredin from all parts of the country, there was greatsuffering through scarcity of fuel and food. Stillthere was but little complaint and no disorder. Theleaders were as resolute as ever, and the people



were as resolute as their leaders. As the 5th oMarch drew near, several British officers wereheard to declare that any one who should dare toaddress the people in the Old South Church on thisoccasion would surely lose his life. Warren’soration at the Old South As soon as he heard othese threats, Joseph Warren solicited for himself the dangerous honour, and at the usual hour

delivered a stirring oration upon “the balefulinfluence of standing armies in time of peace.” Theconcourse in the church was so great that when theorator arrived every approach to the pulpit was

locked up; and rather than elbow his way througthe crowd, which might lead to some disturbance,he procured a ladder, and climbed in through alarge window at the back of the pulpit. About fortyBritish officers were present, some of whom sat othe pulpit steps, and sought to annoy the speaker with groans and hisses, but everything passed of quietly.



OLD NORTH CHURCH, IN WHICH SIGNAL WASHUNG

Attempt to corrupt Samuel Adams. Theoldness of Adams and Hancock in attending this



meeting was hardly less admirable than that oWarren in delivering the address. It was no secretthat Gage had been instructed to watch hisopportunity to arrest Samuel Adams and “hiswilling and ready tool,” that “terrible desperado,”John Hancock, and send them over to England to betried for treason. Here was an excellent opportunityfor seizing all the patriot leaders at once; and the

meeting itself, moreover, was a town meeting, suchas Gage had come to Boston expressly to put down.

Nothing more calmly defiant can be imagined thathe conduct of people and leaders under thesecircumstances. But Gage had long since learned thetemper of the people so well that he was afraid to

proceed too violently. At first he had tried tocorrupt Samuel Adams with offers of place or pelf;

ut he found, as Hutchinson had already declared,

that such was “the obstinate and inflexibledisposition of this man that he never would beconciliated by any office or gift whatsoever.” Thedissolution of the assembly, of which Adams was

clerk, had put a stop to his salary, and he had solittle property laid by as hardly to be able to buyread for his family. Under these circumstances, it

occurred to Gage that perhaps a judicious mixtureof threat with persuasion might prove effectual. So



he sent Colonel Fenton with a confidential messageto Adams. The officer, with great politeness, began

y saying that “an adjustment of the existindisputes was very desirable; that he was authorized

y Governor Gage to assure him that he had beeempowered to confer upon him such benefits aswould be satisfactory, upon the condition that hewould engage to cease in his opposition to the

measures of government, and that it was the adviceof Governor Gage to him not to incur the further displeasure of his Majesty; that his conduct had

een such as made him liable to the penalties of aact of Henry VIII., by which persons could be sentto England for trial, and, by changing his course, hewould not only receive great personal advantages,

ut would thereby make his peace with the king.”Adams listened with apparent interest to this recitaluntil the messenger had concluded. Then rising, hereplied, glowing with indignation: “Sir, I trust Ihave long since made my peace with the King okings. No personal consideration shall induce me to

abandon the righteous cause of my country. TellGovernor Gage it is the advice of Samuel Adams tohim no longer to insult the feelings of aexasperated people.”



REV. JONAS CLARK’S HOUSEOrders to arrest Adams and Hancock Toward

the end of the winter Gage received peremptoryorders to arrest Adams and Hancock, and send the

to England for trial. One of the London papersgayly observed that in all probability Temple Bar “will soon be decorated with some of the patrioticnoddles of the Boston saints.” The provincial



congress met at Concord on the 22d of March, andafter its adjournment, on the 15th of April, Adamsand Hancock stayed a few days at Lexington, at thehouse of their friend, the Rev. Jonas Clark. It would

doubtless be easier to seize them there than iBoston, and, accordingly, on the night of the 18tGage dispatched a force of 800 troops, under Lieutenant-Colonel Francis Smith, to march toLexington, and, after seizing the patriot leaders, to

proceed to Concord, and capture or destroy themilitary stores which had for some time bee

collecting there. At ten in the evening the troopswere rowed across Charles river, and proceeded

y a difficult and unfrequented route through themarshes of East Cambridge, until, after four miles,they struck into the highroad for Lexington. Thegreatest possible secrecy was observed, andstringent orders were given that no one should beallowed to leave Boston that night. Paul Revere’sride. But Warren divined the purpose of the



movement, and sent out Paul Revere by way oCharlestown, and William Dawes by way oRoxbury, to give the alarm. At that time there wasno bridge across Charles river lower than the onewhich now connects Cambridge with Allston.Crossing the broad river in a little boat, under the

ery guns of the Somerset man-of-war, and waitingon the farther bank until he learned, from a lanter

suspended in the belfry of the North Church, whicway the troops had gone, Revere took horse andgalloped over the Medford road to Lexington,shouting the news at the door of every house that he

passed. Reaching Mr. Clark’s a little after midnight, he found the house guarded by eightminute-men, and the sergeant warned him not tomake a noise and disturb the inmates. “Noise!”cried Revere. “You’ll soon have noise enough; the

regulars are coming!” Hancock, recognizing theoice, threw up the window, and ordered the guard

to let him in. On learning the news, Hancock’s firstimpulse was to stay and take command of the

militia; but it was presently agreed that there wasno good reason for his doing so, and shortly beforedaybreak, in company with Adams, he left the

illage.



JONATHAN HARRINGTON’S HOUSE

Meanwhile, the troops were marching along themain road; but swift and silent as was their advance, frequent alarm-bells and signal-guns, andlights twinkling on distant hilltops, showed but too

plainly that the secret was out. Colonel Smith thesent Major Pitcairn forward with six companies olight infantry to make all possible haste in securinthe bridges over Concord river, while at the same



time he prudently sent back to Boston for reinforcements. When Pitcairn reached Lexington,

just as therising suwas castinlongshadows

across the village green, he found himsel

confronted by some fifty minute-men under command of Captain John Parker,—grandfather oTheodore Parker,—a hardy veteran, who, fifteenears before, had climbed the heights of Abrahamy the side of Wolfe. Pitcairn fires upon theeomanry, April 19, 1775 “Stand your ground,” said

Parker. “Don’t fire unless fired upon; but if theymean to have a war, let it begin here.” “Disperse,e villains!” shouted Pitcairn. “Damn you, why

don’t you disperse?” And as they stood motionlesshe gave the order to fire. As the soldiers hesitatedto obey, he discharged his own pistol and repeatedthe order, whereupon a deadly volley slew eight o

the minute-men and wounded ten. One of theictims, Jonathan Harrington, was just able tostagger across the green to his own house (which isstill there), and to die in the arms of his wife, whowas standing at the door. At this moment the head



THE MINUTE-MAN[3]

of Smith’s owncolumn seems tohave come intosight, far downthe road. Theminute-men had

egun to returnthe fire, when

Parker, seeingthe folly of resistance,ordered them toretire. While thiswas going on,Adams andHancock werewalking acrossthe fields towardWoburn; and as the crackle of distant musketryreached their ears, the eager Adams—his soulaglow with the prophecy of the coming deliverance

of his country—exclaimed, “Oh, what a gloriousmorning is this!” From Woburn the two friendswent on their way to Philadelphia, where thesecond Continental Congress was about toassemble.



THE OLD MANSE AT CONCORD



Some precious minutes had been lost by theBritish at Lexington, and it soon became clear thatthe day was to be one in which minutes could ill bespared. By the time they reached Concord, aboutseven o’clock, the greater part of the stores had



een effectually hidden, and minute-men wererapidly gathering from all quarters. After postingsmall forces to guard the bridges, the troops set fireto the court-house, cut down the liberty-pole,disabled a few cannon, staved in a few barrels oflour, and hunted unsuccessfully for arms andammunition, until an unexpected incident put a stopto their proceedings. The troops repulsed at

Concord. When the force of minute-men, watchinevents from the hill beyond the river, had becomeincreased to more than 400, they suddenlyadvanced upon the North Bridge, which was held

y 200 regulars. After receiving and returning theBritish fire, the militia, led by Major Buttrick,charged across the narrow bridge, overcame theregulars by dint of weight and numbers, and drovethem back past the Old Manse into the village. They

did not follow up the attack, but rested on their arms, wondering, perhaps, at what they had alreadyaccomplished, while their numbers were fromoment to moment increased by the minute-me

from neighbouring villages. A little before noon,though none of the objects of the expedition hadeen accomplished, Colonel Smith began to realize

the danger of his position, and started on his retreatto Boston. His men were in no mood for fight. They



had marched eighteen miles, and had eaten little or nothing for fourteen hours. But now, whilecompanies of militia hovered upon both their flanks, every clump of trees and every bit of risinground by the roadside gave shelter to hostileeomen, whose aim was true and deadly. Straggling

combats ensued from time to time, and theretreating British left nothing undone which brave

men could do; but the incessant, galling fire atlength threw them into hopeless confusion. Retreating troops rescued by Lord Percy Leavintheir wounded scattered along the road, they hadalready passed by the village green of Lexington idisorderly flight, when they were saved by LordPercy, who had marched out over Boston Neck andthrough Cambridge to their assistance, with 1,200men and two field-pieces. Forming his men in ahollow square, Percy inclosed the fugitives, who,in dire exhaustion, threw themselves upon theground,—"their tongues hanging out of their mouths,” says Colonel Stedman, “like those of dogs

after a chase.” Many had thrown away their muskets, and Pitcairn had lost his horse, with theelegant pistols which fired the first shots of the War of Independence, and which may be seen to-day,along with other trophies, in the town library o



Lexington.

PITCAIRN’S PISTOLS

Percy’s timely arrival checked the pursuit for an hour, and gave the starved and weary men achance for food and rest. A few houses were

pillaged and set on fire, but at three o’cloc

General Heath and Dr. Warren arrived on the sceneand took command of the militia, and the irregular fight was renewed. When Percy reached Menotomy(now Arlington), seven miles from Boston, his

passage was disputed by a fresh force of militia,



FANCIFUL PICTURE OF THE CONCORD-LEXINGTON FIGHT

(From a contemporary French print )

On this eventful day the British lost 273 of their number, while the Americans lost 93. Theexpedition had been a failure, the whole Britisforce had barely escaped capture, and it had beeshown that the people could not be frightened intosubmission. It had been shown, too, how efficientthe town system of organized militia might prove o



a sudden emergency. Rising of the country; theritish besieged in Boston. The most interestin

feature of the day is the rapidity and skill witwhich the different bodies of minute-men, marchinfrom long distances, were massed at those points othe road where they might most effectually harassor impede the British retreat. The Danvers companymarched sixteen miles in four hours to strike Lord

Percy at Menotomy. The list of killed and woundedshows that contingents from at least twenty-threetowns had joined in the fight before sundown. Butthough the pursuit was then ended, these men didnot return to their homes, but hour by hour their numbers increased. At noon of that day the alarmhad reached Worcester. Early next morning, IsraelPutnam was ploughing a field at Pomfret, iConnecticut, when the news arrived. Leavin

orders for the militia companies to follow, heumped on his horse, and riding a hundred miles i

eighteen hours, arrived in Cambridge on themorning of the 21st, just in time to meet John Star

with the first company from New Hampshire. Atmidday of the 20th the college green at New Haveswarmed with eager students and citizens, andCaptain Benedict Arnold, gathering sixty volunteersfrom among them, placed himself at their head and



marched for Cambridge, picking up recruits andallies at all the villages on the way. And thus, fromevery hill and valley in New England, on theycame, till, by Saturday night, Gage found himsel

esieged in Boston by a rustic army of 16,000 men.



ST. JOHN’S CHURCH, RICHMOND[4]

Effects of the news When the news of thisaffair reached England, five weeks later, it wasreceived at first with incredulity, then with

astonishment and regret. Slight as the contest hadeen, it remained undeniable that British troops hadeen defeated by what in England was regarded as

a crowd of “peasants;” and it was felt besides that



the chances for conciliation had now been seriouslydiminished. Burke said that now that the Americanshad once gone so far as this, they could hardly helpgoing farther; and in spite of the condemnation thathad been lavished upon Gage for his inactivity,many people were now inclined to find fault withim for having precipitated a conflict just at thetime when it was hoped that, with the aid of the

New York loyalists, some sort of accommodationmight be effected. There is no doubt that the newsfrom Lexington thoroughly disconcerted theloyalists of New York for the moment, and greatlystrengthened the popular party there. In a manifestoaddressed to the city of London, the New York committee of correspondence deplored the conductof Gage as rash and violent, and declared that allthe horrors of civil war would never bring the

Americans to submit to the unjust acts oParliament. When Hancock and Adams arrived, ontheir way to the Congress, they were escortedthrough the city with triumphal honours. I

Pennsylvania steps were immediately taken for theenlistment and training of a colonial militia, andevery colony to the south of it followed theexample.



Mecklenburg County Resolves, May 31, 1775The Scotch-Irish patriots of Mecklenburg county, in

North Carolina, ventured upon a measure moredecided than any that had yet been taken in any partof the country. On May 31st, the county committeeof Mecklenburg affirmed that the joint address othe two Houses of Parliament to the king, iFebruary, had virtually “annulled and vacated all

civil and military commissions granted by theCrown, and suspended the constitutions of thecolonies;” and that consequently “the provincialcongress of each province, under the direction othe great Continental Congress, is invested with allthe legislative and executive powers within their respective provinces, and that no other legislativeor executive power does or can exist at this time iany of these colonies.” In accordance with this state

of things, rules were adopted “for the choice ocounty officers, to exercise authority by virtue othis choice and independently of the British Crown,until Parliament should resign its arbitrary

pretensions.” These bold resolves were entrustedto the North Carolina delegates to the ContinentalCongress, but were not formally brought before that

ody, as the delegates thought it best to wait for awhile longer the course of events.



SIGNATURES OF MECKLENBURG COMMITTEE Legend of the Mecklenburg “Declaration o

ndependence” Some twenty years later they gaverise to the legend of the Mecklenburg Declaratio



of Independence. The early writers of United Stateshistory passed over the proceedings of May 31st isilence, and presently the North Carolina patriotstried to supply an account of them from memory.Their traditional account was not published until1819, when it was found to contain a spuriousdocument, giving the substance of some of theforegoing resolves, decorated with phrases

orrowed from the Declaration of Independence.This document purported to have been drawn upand signed at a county meeting on the 20th of May.A fierce controversy sprang up over thegenuineness of the document, which was promptlycalled in question. For a long time many people

elieved in it, and were inclined to chargeJefferson with having plagiarized from it in writinthe Declaration of Independence. But a minute

investigation of all the newspapers of May, 1775,throughout the thirteen colonies, has revealed notrace of any such meeting on the 20th, and it is clear that no such document was made public. The story

of the Mecklenburg Declaration is simply a legendased upon the distorted recollection of the real proceedings of May 31st.



PLANof the FORT at TICONDEROGA atthe HEAD of Lake Champlain; 1759



Reason.” Allen was a leading spirit among the“Green Mountain Boys,” an association of Vermontsettlers formed for the purpose of resisting theurisdiction of New York, and his personal

popularity was great. On the 9th of May Arnoldovertook Allen and his men on their march towardLake Champlain, and claimed the command of theexpedition on the strength of his commission fro

Massachusetts; but the Green Mountain Boys wereacting partly on their own account, partly under thedirection of Connecticut. They cared nothing for theauthority of Massachusetts, and knew nothing o

Arnold; they had come out to fight under their owtrusted leader. But few of Arnold’s own men had aset assembled, and his commission could not give

him command of Vermonters, so he joined theexpedition as a volunteer. On reaching the lake thatnight, they found there were not nearly enough row-

oats to convey the men across. But delay was notto be thought of. The garrison must not be put on itsguard. Accordingly, with only eighty-three men,

Allen and Arnold crossed the lake at daybreak othe 10th, and entered Ticonderoga side by side.Capture of Ticonderoga and Crown Point, May 10,1775 The little garrison, less than half as many inumber, as it turned out, was completely surprised,



and the stronghold was taken without a blow. Asthe commandant jumped out of bed, half awake, heconfusedly inquired of Allen by whose authority hewas acting. “In the name of the Great Jehovah andthe Continental Congress!” roared the bellicose

philosopher, and the commandant, seeing the fortalready taken, was fain to acquiesce. At the sametime Crown Point surrendered to another famous

Green Mountain Boy, Seth Warner, and thus morethan two hundred cannon, with a large supply o

powder and ball, were obtained for the NewEngland army. A few days later, as some of Arnold’s own men arrived from Berkshire, hesailed down Lake Champlain, and captured St.John’s with its garrison; but the British recovered itin the course of the summer, and planted such aforce there that in the next autumn we shall see it

able to sustain a siege of fifty days.



PLANof the New FORT AND REDOUBTS at NEW CROWNEPOINT



FACSIMILE OF ETHAN ALLEN’S LETTER ANNOUNCING THE CAPTURE OF TICONDEROGA

Neither Connecticut nor Massachusetts had anyauthority over these posts save through right oconquest. As it was Connecticut that had set Allen’sexpedition on foot, Massachusetts yielded the pointas to the disposal of the fortresses and their garrisons. Dr. Warren urged the Connecticutgovernment to appoint Arnold to the command, so



that his commission might be held of both colonies;ut Connecticut preferred to retain Allen, and in

July Arnold returned to Cambridge to mature hisremarkable plan for invading Canada through thetrackless wilderness of Maine. His slightdisagreement with Allen bore evil fruit. As is oftenthe case in such affairs, the men were more zealousthan their commanders; there were those who

denounced Arnold as an interloper, and he wasdestined to hear from them again and again.



WASHINGTON AT THE AGE OF FORTY

Second meeting of the Continental Congress,ay 10, 1775 On the same day [5] on whicTiconderoga surrendered, the Continental Congressmet at Philadelphia. The Adamses and theLivingstons, Jay, Henry, Washington, and Lee were



there, as also Franklin, just back from his lonservice in England. Of all the number, John Adamsand Franklin had now, probably, come to agreewith Samuel Adams that a political separation fromGreat Britain was inevitable; but all were fullyagreed that any consideration of such a questiowas at present premature and uncalled for. TheCongress was a body which wielded no technical

legal authority; it was but a group of committees,assembled for the purpose of advising with eacother regarding the public weal. Yet something verylike a state of war existed in a part of the country,

under conditions which intimately concerned thewhole, and in the absence of any formallyconstituted government something must be done to

provide for such a crisis. The spirit of the assemblywas well shown in its choice of a president. PeytoRandolph being called back to Virginia to presideover the colonial assembly, Thomas Jefferson wassent to the Congress in his stead; and it also becamenecessary for Congress to choose a president to

succeed him. The proscribed John Hancock was atonce chosen, and Benjamin Harrison, in conductinhim to the chair, said, “We will show Great Britainhow much we value her proscriptions.” To the



Americans could in no way be more thoroughlyengaged in the war than by putting the New Englandarmy in charge of a general who represented in hisown person the greatest of the Southern colonies.Washington was now commander of the militia of Virginia, and sat in Congress in his colonel’suniform. His services in saving the remnant oBraddock’s ill-fated army, and afterwards in the

capture of Fort Duquesne, had won for him amilitary reputation greater than that of any other American. Besides this, there was that which, frohis early youth, had made it seem right to entrusthim with commissions of extraordinary importance.

Nothing in Washington’s whole career is moreremarkable than the fact that when a mere boy otwenty-one he should have been selected by thegovernor of Virginia to take charge of that most

delicate and dangerous diplomatic mission to theIndian chiefs and the French commander atVenango. Consummate knowledge of human natureas well as of wood-craft, a courage that no threats

could daunt and a clear intelligence that notreachery could hoodwink, were the qualitiesabsolutely demanded by such an undertaking; yetthe young man acquitted himself of his perilous tasnot merely with credit, but with splendour. As



integrity which no appeal to ambition or vanitycould for a moment solicit,—these were attributesof Washington, as well marked as his clearness of mind and his strength of purpose. And it was in nounworthy temple that Nature had enshrined thisgreat spirit. His lofty stature (exceeding six feet),his grave and handsome face, his noble bearing andcourtly grace of manner, all proclaimed in

Washington a king of men.The choice of Washington for commander-in-

chief was suggested and strongly urged by JohAdams, and when, on the 15th of June, the

nomination was formally made by Thomas Johnsoof Maryland, it was unanimously confirmed. TheWashington, rising, said with great earnestness:“Since the Congress desire, I will enter upon themomentous duty, and exert every power I possessin their service and for the support of the gloriouscause. But I beg it may be remembered by everygentleman in the room that I this day declare, witthe utmost sincerity, I do not think myself equal tothe command I am honoured with.” He refused totake any pay for his services, but said he wouldkeep an accurate account of his personal expenses,which Congress might reimburse, should it see fit,



manifesto, the committee of safety, having receivedintelligence of Gage’s scheme, ordered out a forceof 1,200 men, to forestall the governor, and take

possession of Bunker Hill in Charlestown. Atsunset of the 16th this brigade was paraded oCambridge Common, and after prayer had beeoffered by Dr. Langdon, president of the university,they set out on their enterprise, under command o

ColonelPrescott of Pepperell, a

eteran of the Frenchwar, grandfather of one of the most eminent oAmerican historians. On reaching the grounds, aconsultation was held, and it was decided, iaccordance with the general purpose, if not in strictconformity to the letter of the order, to push onfarther and fortify the eminence known as Breed’sHill, which was connected by a ridge with Bunker Hill, and might be regarded as part of the same

locali ty. Americans occupy Bunker Hill The position of Breed’s Hill was admirably fitted for annoying the town and the ships in the harbour, andit was believed that, should the Americans succeedin planting batteries there, the British would be



Warren, June 17, 1775 The roar of the cannon hadcalled out everybody, far and near, to see what wasgoing on, and the windows and housetops in Bostowere crowded with anxious spectators. During thenight General Putnam had come upon the scene, andturned his attention to fortifying the crest of Bunker Hill, in order to secure the line of retreat acrossCharlestown Neck. In the course of the forenoo

Colonel Stark arrived with reinforcements, whicwere posted behind the rail fence on the extremeleft, to ward off any attempt of the British to tur their flank by a direct attack. At the same time, Dr.Warren, now chief executive officer of Massachusetts, and just appointed major-general,hastened to the battlefield; replying to the prudentand affectionate remonstrance of his friendElbridge Gerry, “Dulce et decorum est pro patria

mori.” Arriving at the redoubt, he refused thecommand expressly tendered him, saying that heshould be only too glad to serve as volunteer aid,and learn his first lesson under so well tried a

soldier as Prescott. This modest heroism wastypical of that memorable day, to the events owhich one may well apply the Frenchman’s dictum,“C’est magnifique, mais ce n’est pas la guerre!” Aglorious day it was in history, but characterized, on



oth the British and the American sides, by heroismrather than by military skill or prudence.

VIEW OF BATTLE OF BUNKER HILL, FROMBEACON HILL[6]

During the forenoon Gage was earnestlydiscussing with the three new generals the bestmeans of ousting the Americans from their positionon Breed’s Hill. There was one sure and obvious



method,—to go around by sea and take possessioof Charlestown Neck, thereby cutting off theAmericans from the mainland and starving them out.But it was thought that time was too precious toadmit of so slow a method. Should the Americanssucceed, in the course of the afternoon, in planting a

attery of siege guns on Breed’s Hill, the British position in Boston would be endangered. A direct

assault was preferred, as likely to be more speedilyeffective. Gage decides to try an assault It wasunanimously agreed that these “peasants” could notwithstand the charge of 3,000 veteran soldiers, andit was gravely doubted if they would stay and fightat all. Gage accordingly watched the proceedings,

uoyant with hope. In a few hours the disgrace oLexington would be wiped out, and this wickedrebellion would be ended. At noonday the troops

egan crossing the river in boats, and at threeo’clock they prepared to storm the intrenchments.They advanced in two parties, General Howetoward the rail-fence, and General Pigot toward the

redoubt, and the same fate awaited both. TheAmericans reserved fire until the enemy had comewithin fifty yards, when all at once they pouredforth such a deadly volley that the whole front ranof the British was mowed as if by the sudde



sweep of a scythe. First assault repulsed For a fewminutes the gallant veterans held their ground andreturned the fire; but presently an indescribableshudder ran through the line, and they gave way andretreated down the hillside in disorder, while theAmericans raised an exultant shout, and were witdifficulty restrained by their officers from leapinover the breastworks and pursuing.

A pause now ensued, during which the villageof Charlestown was set on fire by shells from thefleet, and soon its four hundred wooden houseswere in a roaring blaze, while charred timbers

strewed the lawns and flower-beds, and the skywas blackened with huge clouds of smoke. Seconassault repulsed If the purpose of this wholesaledestruction of property was, as some have thought,to screen the second British advance, the objectwas not attained, for a light breeze drove the smokethe wrong way. As the bright red coats, suchexcellent targets for trained marksmen, were seethe second time coming up the slope, the

Americans, now cool and confident, withheld their fire until the distance was less than thirty yards.Then, with a quick succession of murderousdischarges, such havoc was wrought in the Britis



lines as soon to prove unendurable. After a shortut obstinate struggle the lines were broken, and the

gallant troops retreated hastily, leaving the hillsidecovered with their dead and wounded. All this timethe Americans, in their sheltered position, hadsuffered but little.

So long a time now elapsed that many personsegan to doubt if the British would renew the

assault. Had the organization of the American armyeen better, such reinforcements of men and

ammunition might by this time have arrived froCambridge that any further attack upon the hill

would be sure to prove fruitless. But all wasconfusion at headquarters. General Ward was illfurnished with staff officers, and wrong informatiowas brought, while orders were misunderstood.And besides, in his ignorance of the extent oGage’s plans, Prescott’s powder gives out GeneralWard was nervously afraid of weakening his centreat Cambridge. Three regiments were sent over toolate to be of any use, and meanwhile Prescott, to his

dismay, found that his stock of powder was nearlyexhausted. While he was making ready for a hand-to-hand fight, the British officers were holding acouncil of war, and many declared that to renew the



incurred at the rail-fence and during the final hand-to-hand struggle at the redoubt, was 449, probablyabout one fourth of the whole force engaged. On theBritish side, one company of grenadiers came outof the battle with only five of its number left unhurt.Every officer on General Howe’s staff was cutdown, and only one survived his wounds. Thegallant Pitcairn, who had fired the first shot of the

war, fell while entering the redoubt, and a fewmoments later the Americans met with anirreparable loss in the death of General Warren,who was shot in the forehead as he lingered witrash obstinacy on the scene, loath to join in theinevitable retreat. Another volunteer aid, not lessillustrious than Warren, fought on Bunker Hill thatday, and came away scatheless. Since the brutal

eating which he had received at the coffee-house

nearly six years before, the powerful mind of JamesOtis had suffered well-nigh total wreck. He wasliving, harmlessly insane, at the house of his sister,Mercy Warren, at Watertown, when he witnessed

the excitement and listened to the rumour of battleon the morning of the 17th of June. With touchingeagerness to strike a blow for the cause in which hehad already suffered so dreadful a martyrdom, Otisstole away from home, borrowed a musket at some



roadside farmhouse, and hastened to the battlefield,where he fought manfully, and after all was over made his way home, weary and faint, a little beforemidnight.



Though small in its dimensions, if comparedwith great European battles, or with the giant



contests of our own civil war, the struggle atBunker Hill is memorable and instructive, evefrom a purely military point of view. Excessivelaughter; significance of the battle Considering the

numbers engaged and the short duration of the fight,the destruction of life was enormous. Of all thehardest-fought fields of modern times, there have

een very few indeed in which the number of killed

and wounded has exceeded one fourth of the wholeforce engaged. In its bloodiness and in the physicalconditions of the struggle, the battle of Bunker Hillresembles in miniature the tremendous battles oFredericksburg and Cold Harbor. To ascend arising ground and storm well-manned intrenchmentshas in all ages been a difficult task; at the presentday, with the range and precision of our modernweapons, it has come to be almost impossible. It

has become a maxim of modern warfare that onlythe most extraordinary necessity can justify acommander in resorting to so desperate a measure.He must manœuvre against such positions, cut the

off by the rear, or deprive them of their value bysome flanking march; but he must not, save as aforlorn hope, waste precious human lives in aeffort to storm them that is almost sure to provefruitless. For our means of destroying life have



ecome so powerful and so accurate that, wheskilfully wielded from commanding positions, nohuman gallantry can hope to withstand them. Ascivilization advances, warfare becomes less andless a question of mere personal bravery, and moreand more a question of the application of resistless

physical forces at the proper points; that is to say, itecomes more and more a purely scientific

problem of dynamics. Now at Bunker Hill thougthe Americans had not our modern weapons o

precision, yet a similar effect was wrought by theremarkable accuracy of their aim, due to the factthat they were all trained marksmen, who waitedcoolly till they could fire at short range, and thewasted no shots in random firing. Most of theBritish soldiers who fell in the two disastrouscharges of that day were doubtless picked off as

partridges are picked off by old sportsmen, and thusis explained the unprecedented slaughter oofficers. Probably nothing quite like this had yet

een seen in the history of war, though the principle

had been similar in those wonderful trials of thelong-bow in such mediæval battles as Crécy andDupplin Moor. Against such odds even British

pluck and endurance could not prevail. Had theAmericans been properly supplied with powder,



Howe could no more have taken Bunker Hill bystorm than Burnside could take the heights oFredericksburg.

Its moral effect The moral effect of the battleof Bunker Hill, both in America and Europe, wasremarkable. It was for the British an important

ictory, inasmuch as they not only gained theground for which the battle was fought, but by sodoing they succeeded in keeping their hold upoBoston for nine months longer. Nevertheless, themoral advantage was felt to be quite on the side othe Americans. It was they who were elated by the

day’s work, while it was the British who weredispirited. The belief that Americans could not fightwas that day dispelled forever. British officers whoremembered Fontenoy and Minden declared that thefiring at Bunker Hill was the hottest they had ever known, and, with an exaggeration which was

pardonable as a reaction from their former ill-udged contempt, it was asserted that the regulars o

France were less formidable foes than the militia o New England. It was keenly felt that if a conquestof a single strategic position had encountered sucstubborn resistance, the task of subjugating theUnited Colonies was likely to prove a hard one. “I



wish we could sell them another hill at the same price,” said General Greene. Vergennes, the Frenchminister of foreign affairs, exclaimed that with twomore such victories England would have no armyleft in America. Washington said there could now

e no doubt that the liberties of the people weresecure. While Franklin, taking extreme ground,declared that England had lost her colonies forever.



CHAPTER IVINDEPENDENCE

Washington arrives in Cambridge On the 2d oJuly, 1775, after a journey of eleven days, GeneralWashington arrived in Cambridge fromPhiladelphia, and on the following day, under theshade of the great elm-tree which still stands hard

y the Common, he took command of theContinental army, which as yet was composedentirely of New Englanders. Of the 16,000 me

engaged in the siege of Boston, Massachusettsfurnished 11,500, Connecticut 2,300, NewHampshire 1,200, Rhode Island 1,000. Thesecontingents were arrayed under their localcommanders, and under the local flags of their respective commonwealths, though Artemas Wardof Massachusetts had by courtesy exercised thechief command until the arrival of Washington.During the month of July, Congress gave a more

continental complexion to the army by sending areinforcement of 3,000 men from Pennsylvania,Maryland, and Virginia, including the famousDaniel Morgan, with his sturdy band o



sharpshooters each man of whom, it was said,while marching at double-quick, could cleave withis rifle-ball a squirrel at a distance of threehundred yards. The summer of 1775 thus broughttogether in Cambridge many officers whose nameswere soon to become household words throughoutthe length and breadth of the land, and a momentmay be fitly spent in introducing them before we

proceed with the narrative of events. Daniel Morgan Daniel Morgan, who had just

arrived from Virginia with his riflemen, was anative of New Jersey, of Welsh descent. Moving to

Virginia at an early age, he had won a greatreputation for bravery and readiness of resource ithe wild campaigns of the Seven Years’ War. Hewas a man of gigantic stature and strength, andincredible powers of endurance. In his youth, it issaid, he had received five hundred lashes by order of a tyrannical British officer, and had come awayalive and defiant. On another occasion, in a fiercewoodland fight with the Indians, in which nearly all

his comrades were slain, Morgan was shot througthe neck by a musket-ball. Almost fainting from thewound, which he believed to be fatal, Morgan wasresolved, nevertheless, not to leave his scalp in the



hands of a dirty Indian; and falling forward, withis arms tightly clasped about the neck of hisstalwart horse, though mists were gathering beforehis eyes, he spurred away through the forest paths,until his foremost Indian pursuer, unable to come upwith him, hurled his tomahawk after him with a yellof baffled rage, and gave up the chase. With thisunconquerable tenacity, Morgan was a man o

gentle and unselfish nature; a genuine diamond,though a rough one; uneducated, but clear andstrong in intelligence and faithful in every fibre. Benedict Arnold At Cambridge began his loncomradeship with a very different character,Benedict Arnold, a young man of romantic andgenerous impulses, and for personal braveryunsurpassed, but vain and self-seeking, and lackinin moral robustness; in some respects a more

polished man than Morgan, but of a nature at oncecoarser and weaker. We shall see these two menassociated in some of the most brilliantachievements of the war; and we shall see the

persecuted and insulted by political enemies, untilthe weaker nature sinks and is ruined, while thestronger endures to the end.



NATHANAEL GREENE

Along with Morgan and Arnold there mighthave been seen on Cambridge Common a man whowas destined to play no less conspicuous a part ithe great campaign which was to end in the first



SILHOUETTE OF JOHN STARK

decisive overthrow of the British. For nativeshrewdness, rough simplicity, and dauntlesscourage, John Stark was much like Morgan. What

the one name wasin the greatwoods of theVirginia frontier,that was the other

among the ruggedhills of norther

New England,—asymbol o

patriotism and aguarantee ovictory. Great aswas Stark’s

personal

following in NewHampshire, hehad not, however,the chie

command of the troops of that colony. John Sullivan The commander of the New Hampshirecontingent was John Sullivan, a wealthy lawyer oDurham, who had sat in the first ContinentalCongress. Sullivan was a gentleman of culture and



fair ability as a statesman. As a general, he wasrave, intelligent, and faithful, but in no wiserilliant. Nathanael Greene Closely associated

with Sullivan for the next three years we shall find Nathanael Greene, now in command of the RhodeIsland contingent. For intellectual calibre all theother officers here mentioned are dwarfed icomparison with Greene, who comes out at the end

of the war with a military reputation scarcely, if atall, inferior to that of Washington. Nor was Greeneless notable for the sweetness and purity of hischaracter than for the scope of his intelligence. [7]

He had that rare genius which readily assimilatesall kinds of knowledge through an inbor correctness of method. Henry Knox Whatever hetouched, it was with a master hand, and his weightof sense soon won general recognition. Such a mawas not unnaturally an eager book-buyer, and inthis way he had some time ago been brought into

pleasant relations with the genial and intelligentHenry Knox, who from his bookshop in Boston had

come to join the army as a colonel of artillery, andsoon became one of Washington’s most trustyfollowers.



Older officers Of this group of officers, nonehave as yet reached very high rank in theContinental army. Sullivan and Greene stand at theend of the list of brigadier-generals; the rest arecolonels. The senior major-general, Artemas Ward,and the senior brigadiers, Pomeroy Heath, Thomas,Wooster, and Spencer, will presently pass into the

ackground, to make way for these younger or more

igorous men. Israel Putnam Major-General IsraelPutnam, the picturesque wolf-slayer, a brave andsterling patriot, but of slender military capacity,will remain in the foreground for another year, andwill then become relegated mainly to garrison duty.

With the exception of Morgan, all the officershere noticed are New England men, as is natural,since the seat of war is in Massachusetts, and aarmy really continental in complexion is still to beformed. The Southern colonies have as yetcontributed only Morgan and the commander-in-chief. New York is represented in the Continentalarmy by two of the noblest of American heroes,—

Major-General Philip Schuyler and Brigadier-General Richard Montgomery; but these able meare now watching over Ticonderoga and the Indianfrontier of New York. Horatio Gates and Charles



ee But among the group which in 1775 met for consultation on Cambridge Common, or in thenoble Tory mansion now hallowed alike bymemories of Washington and of Longfellow, therewere yet two other generals, closely associatedwith each other for a time in ephemeral reputatiowon by false pretences, and afterwards in lastinignominy. It is with pleasure that one recalls the

fact that these men were not Americans, though both possessed estates in Virginia; it is with regret thatone is forced to own them as Englishmen. OHoratio Gates and his career of imbecility andintrigue, we shall by and by see more than enough.At this time he was present in Cambridge asadjutant-general of the army. But his friend, CharlesLee, was for the moment a far more conspicuous

personage; and this eccentric creature, whose

career was for a long time one of the difficult problems in American history, needs somethingmore than a passing word of introduction.



WASHINGTON’S HEADQUARTERS



Although Major-General Charles Lee happenedto have acquired an estate in Virginia, he hadnothing in common with the illustrious family oVirginian Lees beyond the accidental identity oname. He was born in England, and had risen in theBritish army to the rank of lieutenant-colonel. Hehad served in America in the Seven Years’ War,and afterward, as a soldier of fortune, he had

wandered about Europe, obtaining at one time a place on the staff of the king of Poland. Lee’s

ersonal peculiarities A restless adventurer, he hadcome over again to America as soon as he saw thata war was brewing here. There is nothing to showthat he cared a rush for the Americans, or for thecause in which they were fighting, but he sought theopportunity of making a name for himself. He wasreceived with enthusiasm by the Americans. Hisloud, pompous manner and enormous self-confidence at first imposed upon everybody. Hewas tall, lank, and hollow-cheeked, with adiscontented expression of face. In dress he was

extremely slovenly. He was fond of dogs, andalways had three or four at his heels, but towardmen and women his demeanour was morose andinsulting. He had a sharp, cynical wit, and wasalways making severe remarks in a harsh, roug



oice. But the trustful American imaginationendowed this unpleasant person with the qualitiesof a great soldier. His reputation was part of theunconscious tribute which the provincial mind oour countrymen was long wont to pay to the meand things of Europe; and for some time his worstactions found a lenient interpretation as the mereeccentricities of a wayward genius. He had hoped

to be made commander-in-chief of the army, andhad already begun to nourish a bitter grudge againstWashington, by whom he regarded himself assupplanted. In the following year we shall see hi

endeavouring to thwart the plans of Washington atthe most critical moment of the war, but for the present he showed no signs of insincerity, except perhaps in an undue readiness to parley with theBritish commanders. As soon as it became clear that a war was beginning, the hope of winning glory

y effecting an accommodation with the enemyoffered a dangerous temptation to men of wea

irtue in eminent positions. Benjamin Church I

October, 1775, the American camp was thrown intogreat consternation by the discovery that Dr.Benjamin Church, one of the most conspicuous othe Boston leaders, had engaged in a secret



correspondence with the enemy. Dr. Church wasthrown into

jail, but astheevidence otreasonable

intent was not absolutely complete, he was set freein the following spring, and allowed to visit the

West Indies for his health. The ship in which hesailed was never heard from again. This kind otemptation, to which Church succumbed at the firstoutbreak of the war, beset Lee with fatal effect after the Declaration of Independence, and wrought theruin of Arnold after the conclusion of the Frenchalliance.

To such a man as Charles Lee, destitute of faithin the loftier human virtues or in the strength o

political ideas, it might easily have seemed thatmore was to be hoped from negotiation than froan attempt to resist Great Britain with such an armyas that of which he now came to command the left

wing. It was fortunate that the British generals wereignorant of the real state of things. Among the moraleffects of the battle of Bunker Hill there was onewhich proved for the moment to be of inestimable



alue. It impressed upon General Howe, who nowsucceeded to the chief command, the feeling that theAmericans were more formidable than had beesupposed, and that much care and forethoughtwould be required for a successful attack upothem. In a man of his easy-going disposition, such afeeling was enough to prevent decisive action. Itserved to keep the British force idle in Boston for

months, and was thus of great service to theAmerican cause. For in spite of the zeal and valour it had shown, this army of New England minute-men was by no means in a fit condition for carryinon such an arduous enterprise as the siege oBoston. When Washington took command of thearmy on Cambridge Common, he found that the firstand most trying task before him was out of thisexcellent but very raw material to create an army

upon which he could depend. Difficult work for Washington The battle of Bunker Hill had just beelost, under circumstances which were calculated tocheer the Americans and make them hopeful of the

future; but it would not do to risk another battle,with an untrained staff and a scant supply o powder. All the work of organizing an army wasstill to be done, and the circumstances were notsuch as to make it an easy work. It was not merely



that the men, who were much better trained in thediscipline of the town meeting than in that of thecamp, needed to be taught the all-important lessoof military subordination: it was at first a seriousquestion how they were to be kept together at all.That the enthusiasm kindled on the day of Lexingtoshould have sufficed to bring together 16,000 men,and to keep them for three months at their posts,

was already remarkable; but no army, however patriotic and self-sacrificing, can be supported oenthusiasm alone. The army of which Washingtontook command was a motley crowd, clad in every

ariety of rustic attire, armed with trusty musketsand rifles, as their recent exploit had shown, butdestitute of almost everything else that belongs to asoldier’s outfit. From the Common down to theriver, their rude tents were dotted about here andthere, some made of sail-cloth stretched over poles,some piled up of stones and turf, some oddlywrought of twisted green boughs; while the morefortunate ones found comparatively luxurious

quarters in Massachusetts Hall, or in the littleEpiscopal church, or in the houses of patrioticcitizens. These volunteers had enlisted for various

periods, for the most part short, under variouscontracts with various town or provincial



governments. It was not altogether clear how theywere going to be paid, nor was it easy to see howthey were going to be fed. That this army shouldhave been already subsisted for three months,without any commissariat, was in itself aextraordinary fact. Day by day the heavy carts hadrumbled into Cambridge, bringing from thehighlands of Berkshire and Worcester, and from the

Merrimac and Connecticut valleys, whatever couldin any wise be spared of food, or clothing, or medicines, for the patriot army; and the pleasantfields of Cambridge were a busy scene of kindness

and sympathy.



A Westerly View of the Colledges in Cambridge NewEngland

Such means as these, however, could not longe efficient. If war was to be successfully

conducted, there must be a commissariat, there muste ammunition, and there must be money. And here

Washington found himself confronted with thedifficulty which never ceased to vex his noble souland disturb his best laid schemes until the day whehe swooped down upon Cornwallis at Yorktown.



Absence of governmental organization He had tokeep making the army, with which he was oftenexpected to fight battles ere it was half made; andin this arduous work he could get but littlesystematic help from any quarter. At present thedifficulty was that there was nowhere anyorganized government competent to support aarmy. On Washington’s arrival, the force

surrounding Boston owed allegiance, as we haveseen, to four distinct commonwealths, of whictwo, indeed,—Connecticut and Rhode Island,—

preserving their ancient charters, with governorselected by themselves, were still in their normalcondition. In New Hampshire, on the other hand,the royal governor, John Wentworth, whose

personal popularity was deservedly great, kept his place until August, while Stark and his men had

gone to Cambridge in spite of him. IMassachusetts the revolutionary ProvincialCongress still survived, but with uncertain power;even the Continental Congress which adopted the

Cambridge army in the name of the United Colonieswas simply an advisory body, without the power toraise taxes or to beat up recruits. New government of Massachusetts, July, 1775 From thisadministrative chaos, through which all the



colonies, save Connecticut and Rhode Island, wereforced to pass in these trying times, Massachusettswas the first to emerge, in July, 1775, by revertingto the provisions of its old charter, and forming agovernment in which the king’s authority was

irtually disallowed. A representative assemblywas chosen by the people in their town meetings,according to time-honoured precedent; and this new

legislature itself elected an annual council otwenty-eight members, to sit as an upper house.James Bowdoin, as president of the council,

ecame chief executive officer of thecommonwealth, and John Adams was made chieustice. Forty thousand pounds were raised by a

direct tax on polls and on real estate, and bills ocredit were issued for 1,000 more. Thecommonwealth adopted a new seal, and a

proclamation, issued somewhat later by ChieJustice Adams, enjoining it upon all people to giveloyal obedience to the new government, closedwith the significant invocation “God save the

people,” instead of the customary “God save theking.”

In taking this decisive step, Massachusetts wassimply the first to act upon the general



recommendation of the Continental Congress, thatthe several colonies should forthwith proceed toframe governments for themselves, based upon thesuffrages of the people. From such arecommendation as this to a formal declaration oindependence, the distance to be traversed was notgreat. Samuel Adams urged that in declaring thecolonies independent Congress would be simply

recognizing a fact which in reality already existed,and that by thus looking facts squarely in the facethe inevitable war might be conducted with far greater efficiency. But he was earnestly and ablyopposed by John Dickinson of Pennsylvania, whosearguments for the present prevailed in the Congress.It was felt that the Congress, as a mere advisory

ody, had no right to take a step of such supremeimportance without first receiving explicit

instructions from every one of the colonies. Besidesthis, the thought of separation was still a painfulthought to most of the delegates, and it was deemedwell worth while to try the effect of one more

candid statement of grievances, to be set forth in a petition to his majesty. Congress sends a petition tothe king For like reasons, the Congress did not

enture to take measures to increase its owauthority; and when Franklin, still thinking of unio



as he had been thinking for more than twenty years,now brought forward a new scheme, somewhatsimilar to the Articles of Confederation afterwardsadopted, it was set aside as premature. The kinwas known to be fiercely opposed to any dealingswith the colonies as a united body, and soconsiderate of his feelings were these honest and

peace-loving delegates that, after much discussion,

they signed their carefully worded petitioseverally, and not jointly. They signed it asindividuals speaking for the people of the Americacolonies, not as members of an organic bodyrepresenting the American people. To emphasizestill further their conciliatory mood, the delivery othe petition was entrusted to Richard Penn, adescendant of the great Quaker and joint-

proprietary in the government of Pennsylvania, aexcellent man and an ardent loyalist. At the sametime that this was done, an issue of paper moneywas made, to be severally guaranteed by thethirteen colonies, and half a million dollars were

sent to Cambridge to be used for the army.Military operations, however, came for the time

to a stand-still. While Washington’s energies werefully occupied in organizing and drilling his troops,



in providing them with powder and ball, in raisinlines of fortification, in making good thetroublesome vacancies due to short terms oenlistment, and above all in presenting unfailingly a

old front to the enemy; while the encampmentsabout Boston were the daily scene of tediousworks, without any immediate prospect of brilliantachievement, the Congress and the people were

patiently waiting to hear the result of the last petition that was ever to be sent from these coloniesto the king of Great Britain.



THE KING’S PROCLAMATIONSee Transcription

Penn made all possible haste, and arrived i

London on the 14th of August; but when he got therethe king would neither see him nor receive the petition in any way, directly or indirectly. TheCongress was an illegal assembly which had no

usiness to send letters to him: if any one of thecolonies wanted to make terms for itself separately,he might be willing to listen to it. But this idea of aunited America was something unknown either tolaw or to reason, something that could not be too

summarily frowned down. The king issues aroclamation, and tries to hire troops from Russia So

while Penn waited about London, the king issued a proclamation; setting forth that many of his subjectsin the colonies were in open and armed rebellion,and calling upon all loyal subjects of the realm toassist in bringing to condign punishment the authorsand abettors of this foul treason. Having launchedthis thunderbolt, George sent at once to Russia to

see if he could hire 20,000 men to aid in giving iteffect, for the “loyal subjects of the realm” wereslow in coming forward. A war against theAmericans was not yet popular in England. Lord



Chatham withdrew his eldest son, Lord Pitt, frothe army, lest he should be called upon to serveagainst the men who were defending the commoliberties of Englishmen. There was, moreover, inEngland as well as in America, a distrust of regular armies. Recruiting was difficult, and conscriptiowas something that the people would not endureunless England should actually be threatened wit

invasion. The king had already been obliged toraise a force of his Hanoverian subjects to garrisoMinorca and Gibraltar, thus setting free the Britishdefenders of these strongholds for service iAmerica. He had no further resource except ihiring troops from abroad. Catherine refuses Buthis attempt in Russia was not successful, for theEmpress Catherine, with all her faults, was notdisposed to sell the blood of her subjects. She

improved the occasion—as sovereigns and otherswill sometimes do—by asking George,sarcastically, if he thought it quite compatible withhis dignity to employ foreign troops against his ow

subjects; as for Russian soldiers, she had none tospare for such a purpose. The king hires Germantroops Foiled in this quarter, the king applied to theDuke of Brunswick, the Landgrave of Hesse-Cassel, the princes of Waldeck and Anhalt-Zerbst,



the Margrave of Anspach-Bayreuth, and the Countof Hesse-Hanau, and succeeded in making a

argain for 20,000 of the finest infantry in Europe,with four good generals,—Riedesel of Brunswick,and Knyphausen, Von Heister, and Donop of Hesse.The hiring of these troops was bitterly condemned

y Lord John Cavendish in the House of Commons,and by Lords Camden and Shelburne and the Duke

of Richmond in the House of Lords; and Chatham’sindignant invectives at a somewhat later date arefamiliar to every one. It is proper, however, that insuch an affair as this we should take care to affiour blame in the right place. The king might wellargue that in carrying on a war for what themajority of Parliament regarded as a righteousobject, it was no worse for him to hire men than to

uy cannon and ships. The German troops, on their part, might justly complain of Lord Camden for stigmatizing them as “mercenaries,” inasmuch asthey did not come to America for pay, but becausethere was no help for it. It was indeed with a heavy

heart that these honest men took up their arms to goeyond sea and fight for a cause in which they feltno sort of interest, and great was the mourning over their departure. The persons who really deserved to

ear the odium of this transaction were the



mercenary princes who thus shamelessly sold their subjects into slavery. It was a striking instance othe demoralization which had been wrought amonthe petty courts of Germany in the last days of theold empire, and among the German people itexcited profound indignation. Indignation inGermany The popular feeling was well expressed

y Schiller, in his “Cabale und Liebe.” Frederick

the Great, in a letter to Voltaire, declared himself eyond measure disgusted, and by way of thriftily

expressing his contempt for the transaction he gaveorders to his custom house officers that upon all

such of these soldiers as should pass througPrussian territory a toll should be levied, as upo“cattle exported for foreign shambles.”

Burning of Portland, Oct 16, 1775 When theAmerican question was brought up in the autumsession of Parliament, it was treated in the manner with which the Americans had by this time becomefamiliar. A few far-sighted men still urged thereasonableness of the American claims, but therewas now a great majority against them. In spite ograve warning voices, both houses decided tosupport the king; and in this they were upheld by theuniversity of Oxford, which a century ago had



urned the works of John Milton as “blasphemous,”and which now, with equal felicity, in a formaladdress to the king, described the Americans as “a

people who had forfeited their lives and their fortunes to the justice of the state.” At the same timethe department of American affairs was taken fromthe amiable Lord Dartmouth, and given to thetruculent Lord George Germain. These things were

done in November, 1775, and in the precedingmonth they had been heralded by an act of wanto

arbarity on the part of a British naval officer,albeit an unwarranted act, which the Britisgovernment as promptly as possible disowned. Othe 16th of October, Captain Mowatt had sailedwith four small vessels into the harbour of Portland(then called Falmouth), and with shells andgrenades set fire to the little town. St. Paul’s

Church, all the public buildings, and three fourthsof all the dwellings were burned to the ground, anda thousand unoffending men, women, and childrewere thus turned out-of-doors just as the sharp

Maine winter was coming on to starve and freezethem.

The news of the burning of Portland reachedPhiladelphia on the same day (October 31) with the



news that George III. was about to send foreigmercenaries to fight against his American subjects;and now the wrath of Congress was thoroughlykindled, and the party which advised further temporizing was thrown into helpless minority.

A CONTEMPORARY SKETCH OF THE BURNING OFFALMOUTH

Effects upon Congress “Well, brother rebel,”



said a Southern member to Samuel Ward of RhodeIsland, “we have now got a sufficient answer to our

petition: I want nothing more, but am ready todeclare ourselves independent.” Congress nowadvised New Hampshire, Virginia, and SouthCarolina to frame for themselves new republicagovernments, as Massachusetts had already done; iturged South Carolina to seize the British vessels i

her waters; it appointed a committee to correspondwith foreign powers; and above all, it adoptedunreservedly the scheme, already partially carriedinto operation, for the expulsion of the British froCanada.



At once upon the outbreak of hostilities atLexington, the conquest of Canada had beecontemplated by the Northern leaders, who wellremembered how, in days gone by, the valley of the



St. Lawrence had furnished a base for attacks upothe province of New York, which was then thestrategic centre of the American world. It wasdeemed an act of military prudence to secure thisregion at the outset. But so long as the least hope oconciliation remained, Congress was unwilling toadopt any measures save such as were purelydefensive in character. The Americans invade

Canada, Sept., 1775 As we have seen, it was onlywith reluctance that it had sanctioned thegarrisoning of Ticonderoga by the Connecticuttroops. But in the course of the summer it waslearned that the governor of Canada, Sir GuyCarleton, was about to take steps to recover Ticonderoga; and it was credibly reported thatintrigues were going on with the Iroquois tribes, toinduce them to harry the New England frontier and

the pleasant farms on the Hudson: so that, under these circumstances, the invasion of Canada wasnow authorized by Congress as a measure of self-defence. An expedition down Lake Champlain,

against Montreal, was at once set on foot. AsSchuyler, the commander of the northerndepartment, was disabled by ill health, theenterprise was confided to Richard Montgomery,an officer who had served with distinction under



Wolfe. Late in August, Montgomery started fromTiconderoga, and on the 12th of September, with aforce of two thousand men, he laid siege to thefortress of St. John’s, which commanded theapproach to Montreal. Carleton, whose utmostexertions could bring together only some ninehundred men, made heroic but fruitless efforts tostop his progress. After a siege of fifty days, St.

John’s surrendered on the 3d of November, and othe 12th Montgomery entered Montreal in triumph.The people of Canada had thus far seemedfavourably disposed toward the Americaninvaders, and Montgomery issued a proclamatiourging them to lose no time in choosing delegates toattend the Continental Congress.

Meanwhile, in September, Washington haddetached from the army at Cambridge one thousand

New England infantry, with two companies oPennsylvania riflemen and Morgan’s famousVirginia sharpshooters, and ordered them toadvance upon Quebec through the forests of Maine

and by way of the rivers Kennebec and Chaudière. Arnold’s march through the wilderness o

aine The expedition was commanded by ColonelBenedict Arnold, who seems to have been one o



the first, if not the first, to suggest it. Such plans oinvading an enemy’s territory, involving the marchof independent forces upon convergent lines froremote points, were much more in favour witmilitary men a century ago than to-day. The vice osuch methods was often illustrated during our Revolutionary War. The vast distances and totallack of communication made effective coöperatio

etween Montgomery and Arnold impossible;while a surprise of Quebec by the latter, with forcesufficient to capture it unaided, was almost equallyout of the question. But the very difficulty of thescheme commended it to the romantic and buoyanttemper of Benedict Arnold. The enterprise was oneto call for all his persistent daring and fertileresource. It was an amphibious journey, as his mennow rowed their boats with difficulty against the

strong, swift current of the Kennebec, and now,carrying boats and oars on their shoulders, forcedtheir way through the tangled undergrowth of the

primeval forests. Often they had to wade across

perilous bogs, and presently their shoes were cut to pieces by sharp stones, and their clothes torn toshreds by thorns and briers. Their food gave out,and though some small game was shot, their hunger

ecame such that they devoured their dogs. Whe



they reached the head of the Chaudière, after thisterrible march of thirty-three days, two hundred otheir number had succumbed to starvation, cold,and fatigue, while two hundred more had given outand returned to Massachusetts, carrying with thesuch of the sick and disabled as they could save.The descent of the Chaudière in their boats affordedsome chance for rest, and presently they began to

find cattle for food. At last, on the 13th o November, the next day after Montgomery’s captureof Montreal, they crossed the broad St. Lawrence,and climbed the Heights of Abraham at the very

place where Wolfe had climbed to victory sixteenears ago. There was splendid bravado in Arnold’s

advancing to the very gates with his little, worn-outarmy, now reduced to seven hundred men, andsummoning the garrison either to come out andfight, or to surrender the town. But the garrison very

properly would neither surrender nor fight. Thetown had been warned in time, and Arnold had noalternative but to wait for Montgomery to join him.

Six days afterward, Carleton, disguised as afarmer, and ferried down stream in a little boat,found his way into Quebec; and on the 3d oDecember, Montgomery made his appearance with



a small force, which raised the number of theAmericans to twelve hundred men. As Carleton

persistently refused to come out of his defences, itwas resolved to carry the works by storm,—achivalrous, nay, one might almost say, a foolhardydecision, had it not been so nearly justified by theevent. Assault upon Quebec, Dec. 31, 1775 On thelast day of 1775, England came within an ace o

losing Quebec. At two o’clock in the morning, in alinding snowstorm, Montgomery and Arnoldegan each a furious attack, at opposite sides of the

town; and aided by the surprise, each came near carrying his point. Montgomery had almost forcedhis way in when he fell dead, pierced by three

ullets; and this so chilled the enthusiasm of hismen that they flagged, until reinforcements drovethem back. Arnold, on his side, was severely

wounded and carried from the field; but theindomitable Morgan took his place, and hisVirginia company stormed the battery opposed tothem, and fought their way far into the town. Had

the attack on the other side been kept up with equaligour, as it might have been but for Montgomery’sdeath, Quebec must have fallen. As it was,Morgan’s triumphant advance only served to isolatehim, and presently he and his gallant company were



surrounded and captured.

Total failure of the attempt upon Canada Withthe failure of this desperate attack passed away the

golden opportunity for taking the citadel of Canada.Arnold remained throughout the winter in theneighbourhood of Quebec, and in the spring theenterprise was taken up by Wooster and Sullivanwith fresh forces. But by this time many Hessianshad come over, and Carleton, reinforced until hisarmy numbered 13,000, was enabled to recaptureMontreal and push back the Americans, until inJune, after a hazardous retreat, well conducted by

Sullivan, the remnant of their invading army foundshelter at Crown Point. Such was the disastrousending of a campaign which at the outset had

promised a brilliant success, and which isdeservedly famous for the heroism and skill witwhich it was conducted. The generalship oMontgomery received the warm approval of no lessa critic than Frederick the Great; and the chivalrous

ravery of Arnold, both in his march through the

wilderness and in the military operations whicfollowed, was such that if a kind fate could theand there have cut the thread of his life, he wouldhave left behind him a sweet and shining memory.



As for the attempt to bring Canada into theAmerican union, it was one which had no hope osuccess save through a strong display of militaryforce. The sixteen years which had elapsed sincethe victory of Wolfe had not transformed theCanadian of the old régime into a free-bor Englishman. The question at present for him wasonly that of a choice of allegiance, and while at

first the invaders were favourably received, it sooecame apparent that between the Catholic and the

Puritan there could be but little real sympathy. TheQuebec Act, which legalized Catholic worship iCanada, had done much toward securing England’shold upon this part of her American possessions.And although, in the colourless political conditioof this northern province, the capture of Quebecmight well have brought it into the American union,

where it would gradually have taken on a fresh life,as surely as it has done under British guidance, yetnothing short of such a military occupation couldhave had any effect in determining its languid

preferences.



The siege of Boston While Canada was thusfreed from the presence of the Continental troops,the British army, on the other hand, was drivenfrom Boston, and New England was cleared of the

enemy. During the autumn and winter, Washingtonhad drawn his lines as closely as possible about thetown, while engaged in the work of organizing andequipping his army. The hardest task was to collect



a sufficient quantity of powder and ball, and toring together siege-guns. As the season wore on,

the country grew impatient, and Washingtonsometimes had to listen to criticisms like those thatwere directed against McClellan in Virginia, at the

eginning of 1862, or against Grant beforeVicksburg, in the spring of 1863. PresidentHancock, who owned a great deal of property i

Boston, urged him to set fire to the town anddestroy it, if by so doing he could drive the Britisto their ships. But Washington had planned muchmore wisely. By the 1st of March a great quantity ocannon had been brought in by Henry Knox, someof them dragged on sledges all the way froTiconderoga, and so at last Washington felt himself

prepared to seize upon Dorchester Heights. This position commanded the town and harbour eve

more effectually than Bunker Hill, and why in allthese months General Howe had not occupied it onewould find it hard to say. He was bitterly attackedfor his remissness by the British newspapers, as

was quite natural.



BOSTON, WITH ITS ENVIRONS, IN 1775 AND 1776



MEDAL GRANTED TO WASHINGTON FOR HISCAPTURE OF BOSTON

Washington seizes Dorchester Heights March 4,1776 Washington chose for his decisive movementthe night of the 4th of March. Eight hundred men ledthe way, escorting the wagons laden with spadesand crowbars, hatchets, hammers, and nails; andafter them followed twelve hundred men, with threehundred ox-carts, carrying timbers and bales of hay;



while the rear was brought up by the heavy siege-guns. From Somerville, East Cambridge, andRoxbury, a furious cannonade was begun soon after sunset and kept up through the night, completelyabsorbing the attention of the British, who kept up alively fire in return. The roar of the cannodrowned every other sound for miles around, whileall night long the two thousand Americans, having

done their short march in perfect secrecy, wereusily digging and building on Dorchester Heights,

and dragging their siege-guns into position. Earlynext morning, Howe saw with astonishment whathad been done, and began to realize his periloussituation. The commander of the fleet sent word thatunless the Americans could be forthwith dislodged,he could not venture to keep his ships in theharbour. Most of the day was consumed in deciding

what should be done, until at last Lord Percy wastold to take three thousand men and storm theworks. But the slaughter of Bunker Hill had taughtits lesson so well that neither Percy nor his men had

any stomach for such an enterprise. A violent storm,coming up toward nightfall, persuaded them todelay the attack till next day, and by that time it had

ecome apparent to all that the American works,continually growing, had become impregnable.



Percy’s orders were accordingly countermanded,and it was decided to abandon the towimmediately. It was the sixth anniversary of the dayon which Hutchinson had yielded to the demand othe town meeting and withdrawn the two Britisregiments from Boston. The work then begun wasnow consummated by Washington, and from thattime forth the deliverance of Massachusetts was

complete. Howe caused it at once to be knowamong the citizens that he was about to evacuateBoston, but he threatened to lay the town in ashes ihis troops should be fired on. The British troopsevacuate Boston March 17, 1776 The selectmeconveyed due information of all this to Washington,who accordingly, secure in the achievement of his

purpose, allowed the enemy to depart in peace. Bythe 17th, the eight thousand troops were all o

oard their ships, and, taking with them all the Torycitizens, some nine hundred in number, they sailedaway for Halifax. Their space did not permit theto carry away their heavy arms, and their retreat,

slow as it was, bore marks of hurry and confusion.In taking possession of the town, Washingtoncaptured more than two hundred serviceablecannon, ten times more powder and ball than hisarmy had ever seen before, and an immense



quantity of muskets, gun-carriages, and militarystores of every sort. Thus was New England setfree by a single brilliant stroke, with very slightinjury to private property, and with a total loss onot more than twenty lives.

EVOLUTION OF THE UNITED STATES FLAG[8]

The time was now fairly ripe for the colonies todeclare themselves independent of Great Britain.



The idea of a separation from the mother-country,which in the autumn had found but few supporters,grew in favour day by day through the winter andspring. A provisional flag The incongruousness othe present situation was typified by the flag thatWashington flung to the breeze on New Year’s Dayat Cambridge, which was made up of thirteestripes, to represent the United Colonies, but

retained the British crosses in the corner. Thus far,said Benjamin Harrison, they had contrived to“hobble along under a fatal attachment to GreatBritain,” but the time had come when one mustconsider the welfare of one’s own country first oall. As Samuel Adams said, their petitions had not

een heard, and yet had been answered by armiesand fleets, and by myrmidons hired from abroad. Effect of the hiring of “myrmidons” Nothing had

made a greater impression upon the American people than this hiring of German troops. It wentfarther than any other single cause to ripen their minds for the declaration of independence. Many

now began to agree with the Massachusettsstatesman; and while public opinion was in thismalleable condition, there appeared a pamphletwhich wrought a prodigious effect upon the people,mainly because it gave terse and vigorous



expression to views which every one had alreadymore than half formed for himself.

Thomas Paine

had come over toAmerica inDecember, 1774, andthrough the favour of Franklin had securedemployment as editor of the “PennsylvaniaMagazine.” He was

y nature a dissenter

and a revolutionist tothe marrow of his

ones. Full of thegenerous thoughoften blindenthusiasm of the eighteenth century for the “rightsof man,” he was no respecter of the establishedorder, whether in church or state. To him the churchand its doctrines meant slavish superstition, and the

state meant tyranny. Of crude undisciplined mind,and little scholarship, yet endowed with nativeacuteness and sagacity, and with no mean power oexpressing himself, Paine succeeded in makin



abuse of the English people, and resorts to sucarguments as the denial of the English origin of theAmericans. Not one third of the people, even oPennsylvania, are of English descent, argues Paine,as if Pennsylvania had been preëminent among thecolonies for its English blood, and not, as in reality,one of the least English of all the thirteen. But alonwith all this there was a sensible and strikin

statement of the practical state of the case betweeGreat Britain and the colonies. The reasons wereshrewdly and vividly set forth for looking uporeconciliation as hopeless, and for seizing the

present moment to declare to the world what thelogic of events was already fast making aaccomplished fact. Only thus, it was urged, couldthe States of America pursue a coherent and well-defined policy, and preserve their dignity in theeyes of the world.



A PAGE FROM “COMMON SENSE”See Transcription

Fulminations and counter-fulminations It was

difficult for the printers, with the clumsy presses othat day, to bring out copies of “Common Sense”fast enough to meet the demand for it. More than ahundred thousand copies were speedily sold, and itcarried conviction wherever it went. At the sametime, Parliament did its best to reinforce theargument by passing an act to close all American

ports, and authorize the confiscation of allAmerican ships and cargoes, as well as of suc

neutral vessels as might dare to trade with this proscribed people. And, as if this were not quiteenough, a clause was added by which Britiscommanders on the high seas were directed toimpress the crews of such American ships as theymight meet, and to compel them, under penalty odeath, to enter the service against their fellow-countrymen. In reply to this edict, Congress, iMarch, ordered the ports of America to be thrown

open to all nations; it issued letters of marque, andit advised all the colonies to disarm such Tories asshould refuse to contribute to the common defence.These measures, as Franklin said, were virtually a



declaration of war against Great Britain. But beforetaking the last irrevocable step, the prudentCongress waited for instructions from every one othe colonies.

The first colony to take decisive action iehalf of independence was North Carolina, a

commonwealth in which the king had supposed theoutlook to be especially favourable for the loyalist

party. Recovered in some measure from theturbulence of its earlier days, North Carolina wasfast becoming a prosperous community of small

planters, and its population had increased so

rapidly that it now ranked fourth among thecolonies, immediately after Pennsylvania. The

Scots in North Carolina Since the overthrow of thePretender at Culloden there had been a greatimmigration of sturdy Scots from the wester Highlands, in which the clans of Macdonald andMacleod were especially represented. Thecelebrated Flora Macdonald herself, the romanticwoman who saved Charles Edward in 1746, had

lately come over here and settled at Kingsborougwith Allan Macdonald, her husband. These Scottishimmigrants also helped to colonize the uplandregions of South Carolina and Georgia, and they



have considerably affected the race composition othe Southern people, forming an ancestry of whictheir descendants may well be proud. Though theseHighland clansmen had taken part in the Stuartinsurrection, they had become loyal enough to thegovernment of George III., and it was now hopedthat with their aid the colony might be firmlysecured, and its neighbours on either side

overawed. Clinton sails for the Carolinas To thisend, in January, Sir Henry Clinton, taking with him2,000 troops, left Boston and sailed for the CapeFear river, while a force of seven regiments and tenships-of-war, under Sir Peter Parker, was orderedfrom Ireland to coöperate with him. At the sametime, Josiah Martin, the royal governor, who for safety had retired on board a British ship, carriedon negotiations with the Highlanders, until a force

of 1,600 men was raised, and, under command oDonald Macdonald, marched down toward thecoast to welcome the arrival of Clinton. The fight at Moore’s Creek, Feb. 27, 1776 But North Carolina

had its minute-men as well as Massachusetts, andno sooner was this movement perceived thaColonel Richard Caswell, with 1,000 militia, tooup a strong position at the bridge over Moore’sCreek, which Macdonald was about to pass on his



way to the coast. After a sharp fight of a half hour’sduration the Scots were seized with panic, andwere utterly routed. Nine hundred prisoners, 2,000stand of arms, and £15,000 in gold were thetrophies of Caswell’s victory. The Scottishcommander and his kinsman, the husband of FloraMacdonald, were taken and lodged in jail, and thusended the sway of George III. over North Carolina.

The effect of the victory was as contagious as thatof Lexington had been in New England. Within tendays 10,000 militia were ready to withstand theenemy, so that Clinton, on his arrival, decided notto land, and stayed cruising about AlbemarleSound, waiting for the fleet under Parker, which didnot appear on the scene until May. North Carolinadeclares for independence A provincial congresswas forthwith assembled, and instructions weresent to the North Carolina delegates in theContinental Congress, empowering them “to concur with the delegates in the other colonies in declarinindependency and forming foreign alliances,

reserving to the colony the sole and exclusive rightof forming a constitution and laws for it.”

Action of South Carolina and Georgia At thesame time that these things were taking place, the



colony of South Carolina was framing for itself anew government, and on the 23d of March, withoutdirectly alluding to independence, it empowered itsdelegates to concur in any measure which might bedeemed essential to the welfare of America. InGeorgia the provincial congress, in choosing a newset of delegates to Philadelphia, authorized them to“join in any measure which they might thin

calculated for the common good.”In Virginia the party in favour of independence

had been in the minority, until, in November, 1775,Virginia: Lord Dunmore’s proclamation the royal

governor, Lord Dunmore, had issued a proclamation, offering freedom to all such negroesand indented white servants as might enlist for the

purpose of “reducing the colony to a proper senseof its duty.” This measure Lord Dunmore hopedwould “oblige the rebels to disperse, in order totake care of their families and property.” But theobject was not attained. The relations betweemaster and slave in Virginia were so pleasant that

the offer of freedom fell upon dull, uninterested



e a r s . With lightwork and generousfare, the conditionof the Virginianegro was a happyone. The time hadnot yet come whenhe was liable to be

torn from wife andchildren, to die of hardship in thecotton-fields andrice-swamps of the far South. He was proud of hisconnection with his master’s estate and family, andhad nothing to gain by rebellion. As for the indentedwhite servants, the governor’s proposal to thewas of about as much consequence as a

proclamation of Napoleon’s would have been if, in1805, he had offered to set free the prisoners i

Newgate on condition of their helping him toinvade England. But, impotent as this measure o

Lord Dunmore’s was, it served to enrage the people of Virginia, setting their minds irretrievablyagainst the king and his cause. During the month o

November, hearing that a party of “rebels” were ontheir way from North Carolina to take possession o



Norfolk, Lord Dunmore built a rude fort at theGreat Bridge over Elizabeth river, whichcommanded the southern approach to the town. Atthat time, Norfolk, with about 9,000 inhabitants,was the principal town in Virginia, and thecommercial centre of the colony. The loyalist party,represented chiefly by Scottish merchants, was sostrong there and so violent that many of the native

Virginia families, finding it uncomfortable to stay itheir homes, had gone away into the country. Skirmish at the Great Bridge; and burning o

orfolk The patriots, roused to anger by Dunmore’s proclamation, now resolved to capture Norfolk,and a party of sharpshooters, with whom theillustrious John Marshall served as lieutenant,occupied the bank of Elizabeth river, oppositeDunmore’s fort. On the 9th of December, after a

sharp fight of fifteen minutes, in which Dunmore’sregulars lost sixty-one men, while not a singleVirginian was slain, the fort was hastily abandoned,and the road to Norfolk was laid open for the

patriots. A few days later the Virginians took possession of their town, while Dunmore soughtrefuge in the Liverpool, ship-of-the-line, which hadust sailed into the harbour. On New Year’s Day

the governor vindictively set fire to the town, whic



he had been unable to hold against its rightfulowners. The conflagration, kindled by shells frothe harbour, raged for three days and nights, untilthe whole town was laid in ashes, and the peoplewere driven to seek such sorry shelter as mightsave them from the frosts of midwinter.

Virginia declares for independence This eventwent far toward determining the attitude oVirginia. In November the colony had not felt readyto comply with the recommendation of Congress,and frame for herself a new government. The

people were not yet ready to sever the links whic

ound them to Great Britain. But bombardment otheir principal town was an argument of whicevery one could appreciate the force and themeaning. During the winter and spring therevolutionary feeling waxed in strength daily. Onthe 6th of May, 1776, a convention was chosen toconsider the question of independence. Mason,Henry, Pendleton, and the illustrious Madison took

part in the discussion, and on the 14th it was

unanimously voted to instruct the Virginia delegatesin Congress “to propose to that respectable body todeclare the United Colonies free and independentStates,” and to “give the assent of the colony to



measures to form foreign alliances and aconfederation, provided the power of formingovernment for the internal regulations of eaccolony be left to the colonial legislatures.” At thesame time, it was voted that the people of Virginiashould establish a new government for their commonwealth. In the evening, when thesedecisions had been made known to the people o

Williamsburgh, their exultation knew no bounds.While the air was musical with the ringing ochurch-bells, guns were fired, the British flag washauled down at the State House, and the crossesand stripes hoisted in its place.

This decisive movement of the largest of thecolonies was hailed throughout the country witeager delight; and from other colonies which hadnot yet committed themselves responses cameq u i c k l y. Action of Rhode Island an

assachusetts Rhode Island, which had never parted with its original charter, did not need toform a new government, but it had already, on the

4th of May, omitted the king’s name from its publicdocuments and sheriff’s writs, and had agreed toconcur with any measures which Congress mightsee fit to adopt regarding the relations betwee



England and America. In the course of the month oMay town meetings were held throughoutMassachusetts and it was everywhere unanimously

oted to uphold Congress in the declaration oindependence which it was now expected to make.

INDEPENDENCE HALL, PHILADELPHIA

Resolution of May 15 On the 15th of May,Congress adopted a resolution recommending to all



the colonies to form for themselves independentgovernments, and in a preamble, written by JohAdams, it was declared that the American peoplecould no longer conscientiously take oath to supportany government deriving its authority from theCrown; all such governments must now besuppressed, since the king had withdrawn his

protection from the inhabitants of the United

Colonies. Like the famous preamble toTownshend’s bill of 1767, this Adams preamblecontained within itself the gist of the whole matter.To adopt it was virtually to cross the Rubicon, andit gave rise to a hot debate. James Duane of NewYork admitted that if the facts stated in the

preamble should turn out to be true, there would note a single voice against independence; but he

could not yet believe that the American petitions

were not destined to receive a favourable answer.“Why,” therefore, “all this haste? Why this urging?Why this driving?” James Wilson of Pennsylvania,one of the ablest of all the delegates in the

revolutionary body, urged that Congress had not yetreceived sufficient authority from the people toustify it in taking so bold a step. The resolutio

was adopted, however, preamble and all; and nowthe affair came quickly to maturity. “The Gordian



knot is cut at last!” exclaimed John Adams. In townmeeting the people of Boston thus instructed their delegates: “The whole United Colonies are upothe verge of a glorious revolution. We have seenthe petitions to the king rejected with disdain. For the prayer of peace he has tendered the sword; for liberty, chains; for safety, death. Loyalty to him isnow treason to our country. Instructions from

oston We think it absolutely impracticable for these colonies to be ever again subject to or dependent upon Great Britain, without endangerinthe very existence of the state. Placing, however,unbounded confidence in the supreme council of theCongress, we are determined to wait, most

patiently wait, till their wisdom shall dictate thenecessity of making a declaration of independence.In case the Congress should think it necessary for the safety of the United Colonies to declare theindependent of Great Britain, the inhabitants, wittheir lives and the remnant of their fortunes, willmost cheerfully support them in the measure.”

Lee’s motion in Congress This dignified andtemperate expression of public opinion was

published in a Philadelphia evening paper, on the8th of June. On the preceding day in accordance



with the instructions which had come from Virginia,the following motion had been submitted toCongress by Richard Henry Lee:—

“That these United Colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and independent States;that they are absolved from all allegiance to theBritish Crown; and that all political connection

between them and the state of Great Britain is,

and ought to be, totally dissolved.“That it is expedient forthwith to take the

most effectual measures for forming foreignalliances.

“That a plan of confederation be preparedand transmitted to the respective colonies, for their consideration and approbation.”



In these trying times the two greatest colonies,



Virginia and Massachusetts, had been wont to gohand in hand; and the motion of Richard Henry Leewas now promptly seconded by John Adams. It wasresisted by Dickinson and Wilson of Pennsylvania,and by Robert Livingston of New York, on theground that public opinion in the middle colonieswas not yet ripe for supporting such a measure; atthe same time these cautious members freely

acknowledged that the lingering hope of aamicable settlement with Great Britain had come to

e quite chimerical. Debate on Lee’s motion The prospect of securing European alliances was freelydiscussed. The supporters of the motion urged that adeclaration of independence would be nothing morethan the acknowledgment of a fact which existedalready; and until this fact should be formallyacknowledged, it was not to be supposed that

diplomatic courtesy would allow such powers asFrance and Spain to treat with the Americans. Onthe other hand, the opponents of the motion arguedthat France and Spain were not likely to look wit

favour upon the rise of a great Protestant power ithe western hemisphere, and that nothing would beeasier than for these nations to make a bargain witEngland, whereby Canada might be restored toFrance and Florida to Spain, in return for military



aid in putting down the rebellious colonies. Theresult of the whole discussion was decidedly ifavour of a declaration of independence; but toavoid all appearance of undue haste, it wasdecided, on the motion of Edward Rutledge oSouth Carolina, to postpone the question for threeweeks, and invite the judgment of those colonieswhich had not yet declared themselves.

Connecticut and New Hampshire Under thesecircumstances, the several colonies acted with a

promptness that outstripped the expectations oCongress. Connecticut had no need of a new

government, for, like Rhode Island, she had alwayskept the charter obtained from Lord Clarendon i1662, she had always chosen her own governor,and had always been virtually independent of GreatBritain. Nothing now was necessary but to omit theking’s name from legal documents and commercial

papers, and to instruct her delegates in Congress tosupport Lee’s motion; and these things were done

y the Connecticut legislature on the 14th of June.

The very next day, New Hampshire, which hadformed a new government as long ago as January,oined Connecticut in declaring for independence.

New Jersey In New Jersey there was a sharp



dispute. The royal governor, William Franklin, hada strong party in the colony; the assembly had latelyinstructed its delegates to vote againstindependence, and had resolved to send a separate

petition to the king. Against so rash and dangerous astep, Dickinson, Jay, and Wythe were sent byCongress to remonstrate; and as the result of their intercession, the assembly, which yielded, was

summarily prorogued by the governor. A provincialcongress was at once chosen in its stead. On the16th of June, the governor was arrested and sent toConnecticut for safe-keeping; on the 21st, it was

oted to frame a new government; and on the 22d, anew set of delegates were elected to Congress,with instructions to support the declaration oindependence.



Pennsylvania and Delaware In Pennsylvaniathere was hot discussion, for the whole strength o



the proprietary government was thrown into thescale against independence. Among the Quakers,too, there was a strong disposition to avoid aarmed conflict on any terms. A little while before,they had held a convention, in which it wasresolved that “the setting up and putting down kingsand governments is God’s peculiar prerogative, for causes best known to himself, and that it is not our

usiness to have any hand or contrivance therein;nor to be busybodies above our station, much lessto plot and contrive the ruin or overturn of any othem, but to pray for the king and safety of our nation and good of all men; that we may lead a

peaceable and quiet life in all goodness andhonesty, under the government which God is

pleased to set over us. May we, therefore, firmlyunite in the abhorrence of all such writings and

measures as evidence a desire and design to breaoff a happy connection we have hitherto enjoyedwith the kingdom of Great Britain, and our just andnecessary subordination to the king and those who

are lawfully placed in authority under him.” Thisiew of the case soon met with a pithy rejoinder from Samuel Adams, who, with a quaint use ohistorical examples, proved that, as the rise okings and empires is part of God’s special



prerogative, the time had now come, in the courseof divine providence, for the setting up of aindependent empire in the western hemisphere. Simonths ago, the provincial assembly had instructedits delegates to oppose independence; but on the20th of May a great meeting was held at the StateHouse, at which more than seven thousand peoplewere present, and it was unanimously resolved that

this act of the assembly “had the dangeroustendency to withdraw this province from that happyunion with the other colonies which we consider

oth our glory and our protection.” The effect othis resolution was so great that on the 18th of Junea convention was held to decide on the question oindependence; and after six days of discussion, itwas voted that a separation from Great Britain wasdesirable, provided only that, under the new federalgovernment, each state should be left to regulate itsown internal affairs. On the 14th of June, a similar action had been taken by Delaware.

Maryland In Maryland there was little reaso

why the people should wish for a change ogovernment, save through their honourablesympathy with the general interests of the UnitedColonies. Not only was the proprietary government



deeply rooted in the affections of the people, butRobert Eden, the governor holding office at this

particular time, was greatly loved and respected.Maryland had not been insulted by the presence o

t r o o p s . Shehad not seeher citizensshot down i

cold bloodlikeMassachusetts,or her chiecity laid iashes likeVirginia; nor had she beethreatened

with invasioand forced tofight in her own defence

like NortCarolina. Her direct grievances were few and light,and even so late as the 21st of May, she had

protested against any action which might lead to theseparation of the colonies from England. But when,



in June, her great leaders, Samuel Chase andCharles Carroll of Carrollton, determined to “takethe sense of the people,” a series of countymeetings were held, and it was unanimously votedthat “the true interests and substantial happiness othe United Colonies in general, and this i

particular, are inseparably interwoven and linkedtogether.” As soon as the colony had taken its stand

upon this broad and generous principle, thegovernor embarked on a British man-of-war beforeAnnapolis, bearing with him the kindly regrets andadieus of the people, and on the 28th of June thedelegates in Congress were duly authorized toconcur in a declaration of independence.

Peaceful Maryland was thus the twelfth colonywhich formally committed itself to the cause oindependence, as turbulent North Carolina, under the stimulus of civil war and threatened invasion,had been the first. Accordingly on the 1st of July,the day when the motion of Richard Henry Lee wasto be taken up in Congress, unanimous instructions

in favour of independence had been received froevery one of the colonies, except New York. Theituation in New York In approaching this

momentous question New York was beset by



peculiar difficulties. Not only was the Tory partyunusually strong there, for reasons already stated,

ut the risks involved in a revolutionary policywere greater than anywhere else. From itscommanding military position, it was clear that theBritish would direct their main efforts toward theconquest of this central colony; and while on theone hand the broad, deep waters about Manhatta

Island afforded an easy entrance for their resistlessfleet, on the other hand the failure of the Canadiaexpedition had laid the whole country open toinvasion from the north, and the bloodthirstywarriors of the Long House were not likely to letslip so fair an opportunity for gathering scalps frothe exposed settlements on the frontier. Not onlywas it probable, for these reasons, that New York would suffer more than any other colony from the

worst horrors of war, but as a commercial statewith only a single seaport, the very sources of her life would be threatened should the British oncegain a foothold upon Manhattan Island. The fleet o

Lord Howe was daily expected in the harbour, andit was known that the army which had been oustedfrom Boston, now largely reinforced, was on itsway from Halifax to undertake the capture of thecity of New York. To guard against this expected



danger, Washington had some weeks since movedhis army thither from Boston; but his wholeeffective force did not exceed eight thousand men,and with these he was obliged to garrison points sofar apart as King’s Bridge, Paulus Hook,Governor’s Island, and Brooklyn Heights. The

position was far less secure than it had been aboutBoston, for British ships could here come up the

Hudson and East rivers, and interpose betweethese isolated detachments. As for Staten Island,Washington had not troops enough to occupy it atall, so that when General Howe arrived, on the 28tof June, he was allowed to land there withoutopposition. It was a bitter thing for Washington to

e obliged to permit this, but there was no help for it. Not only in numbers, but in equipment,Washington’s force was utterly inadequate to theimportant task assigned it, and Congress had donenothing to increase its efficiency beyond ordering alevy of twenty-five thousand militia from NewEngland and the middle colonies, to serve for si

months only.The Tryon plot, June, 1779 Under these

circumstances, the military outlook, in case the war were to go on, was certainly not encouraging, and



the people of New York might well be excused for some tardiness in committing themselvesirrevocably on the question of independence,especially as it was generally understood that LordHowe was coming armed with plenary authority tonegotiate with the American people. To all theother dangers of the situation there was added thatof treachery in the camp. Governor Tryon, like so

many of the royal governors that year, had takenrefuge on shipboard, whence he schemed and

plotted with his friends on shore. A plan wasdevised for blowing up the magazines and seizinWashington, who was either to be murdered or carried on board ship to be tried for treason,according as the occasion might suggest. Theconspiracy was discovered in good time; the mayor of New York, convicted of correspondence with

Tryon, was thrown into jail, and one oWashington’s own guard, who had been bribed toaid the nefarious scheme, was summarily hanged ia field near the Bowery. Such a discovery as this

served to throw discredit upon the Tory party. The patriots took a bolder stand than ever, but when the1st of July came it found the discussion still goinon, and the New York delegates in Congress werestill without instructions.



Final debate on Lee’s motion On the 1st of JulyCongress resolved itself into a committee of thewhole, to “take into consideration the resolutiorespecting independency.” As Richard Henry Leewas absent, John Adams, who had seconded themotion, was called upon to defend it, which he didin a powerful speech. He was ably opposed byJohn Dickinson, who urged that the country ought

not to be rashly committed to a position, to recedefrom which would be infamous, while to persist iit might entail certain ruin. A declaration of independence would not strengthen the resources othe country by a single regiment or a single cask o

powder, while it would shut the door upon all hopeof accommodation with Great Britain. And as to the

prospect of an alliance with France and Spain,would it not be well to obtain some definiteassurances from these powers before proceeding toextremities? Besides all this, argued Dickinson, theterms of confederation among the colonies werestill unsettled, and any declaration of independence,

to have due weight with the world, ought to be preceded by the establishment of a federalgovernment. The boundaries of the several coloniesought first to be fixed, and their respective rightsmutually guaranteed; and the public lands ought



also to be solemnly appropriated for the commoenefit. Then, the orator concluded, “when things

shall have been thus deliberately rendered firm athome and favourable abroad,—then let America,attollens humeris famam et fata nepotum , bearinup her glory and the destiny of her descendants,advance with majestic steps, and assume her statioamong the sovereigns of the world.”

That there was great weight in some of theseconsiderations was shown only too plainly bysubsequent events. But the argument as a whole wasopen to the fatal objection that if the American

people were to wait for all these great questions toe settled before taking a decisive step, they would

never be able to take a decisive step at all. Thewise statesman regards half a loaf as better than no

read.



Vote on Lee’s motion Independent action on the part of all the colonies except New York had now



ecome an accomplished fact. All were really inrebellion, and their cause could not fail to gain idignity and strength by announcing itself to theworld in its true character. Such was now thegeneral feeling of the committee. When the questiowas put to vote, the New York delegates wereexcused, as they had no sufficient instructions. Othe three delegates from Delaware, one was absent,

one voted yea, and one nay, so that the vote of thecolony was lost. Pennsylvania declared in thenegative by four votes against three. South Carolinaalso declared in the negative, but with theintimation from Edward Rutledge that it might notunlikely reverse its vote, in deference to themajority. The other nine colonies all voted in theaffirmative, and the resolution was reported asagreed to by a two thirds vote. On the next day,

when the vote was formally taken in regular sessioof Congress, the Delaware members were all

present, and the affirmative vote of that colony wassecured; Dickinson and Morris stayed away, thus

reversing the vote of Pennsylvania; and the SoutCarolina members changed for the sake ounanimity.

Thus was the Declaration of Independence at



last resolved upon, by the unanimous vote of twelvecolonies, on the 2d of July, 1776; and this work having been done, Congress at once went intocommittee of the whole, to consider the form odeclaration which should be adopted. That no timemight be lost in disposing of this important matter, acommittee had already been selected three weeks

efore, at the time of Lee’s motion, to draw up a

paper which might be worthy of this great andsolemn occasion. Thomas Jefferson, John Adams,Benjamin Franklin, Roger Sherman, and RobertLivingston were the members of the committee, andJefferson, as representing the colony which hadintroduced the resolution of independence, waschosen to be the author of the Declaration. Thomas

Jefferson Jefferson, then but thirty-three years oage, was one of the youngest delegates in Congress;

ut of all the men of that time, there was, perhaps,none of wider culture or keener political instincts.Inheriting a comfortable fortune, he had chosen thelaw as his profession, but he had always bee

passionately fond of study for its own sake, and to awide reading in history and in ancient and moder literature he added no mean proficiency imathematics and in physical science. He wasskilled in horsemanship and other manly exercises,



and in the management of rural affairs; while at thesame time he was sensitively and delicatelyorganized, playing the violin like a master, andgiving other evidences of rare musical talent. Histemper was exceedingly placid, and his dispositiowas sweet and sympathetic. He was deeplyinterested in all the generous theories of theeighteenth century concerning the rights of man and

the perfectibility of human nature; and, like most othe contemporary philosophers whom he admired,he was a sturdy foe to intolerance and priestcraft.He was in his way a much more profound thinker than Hamilton, though he had not such aconstructive genius as the latter; as a politicalleader he was superior to any other man of his age;and his warm sympathies, his almost feminine tact,his mastery of the dominant political ideas of thetime, and, above all, his unbounded faith in thecommon-sense of the people and in their essentialrectitude of purpose served to give him one of thegreatest and most commanding positions ever held

y any personage in American history. Independence declared, July 4, 1776 On the

evening of the 4th of July, 1776, the Declaration oIndependence was unanimously adopted by twelve



colonies, the delegation from New York stillremaining unable to act. But the acquiescence othat colony was so generally counted upon thatthere was no drawback to the exultation of the

people. All over the country the Declaration wasreceived with bonfires, with the ringing of bellsand the firing of guns, and with torchlight

processions. Now that the great question was

settled there was a general feeling of relief. “The people,” said Samuel Adams, “seem to recognizethis resolution as though it were a decree

promulgated from heaven.” On the 9th of July itwas formally adopted by New York, and thesoldiers there celebrated the occasion by throwindown the leaden statue of George III. on theBowling Green, and casting it into bullets.



BATTERY AND BOWLING GREEN IN 1776The Declaration was a deliberate expression o

the sober thought of the American people Thus, after eleven years of irritation, and after such temperate

discussion as befitted a free people, the Americanshad at last entered upon the only course that could preserve their self-respect, and guarantee them ithe great part which they had to play in the drama ocivilization. For the dignity, patience, and



moderation with which they had borne themselvesthroughout these trying times, history had as yetscarcely afforded a parallel. So extreme had beetheir forbearance, so great their unwillingness toappeal to brute force while there yet remained theslightest hope of a peaceful solution, that someBritish historians have gone quite astray iinterpreting their conduct. Because statesmen like

Dickinson and communities like Maryland wereslow in believing that the right moment for adeclaration of independence had come, the

preposterous theory has been suggested that the

American Revolution was the work of aunscrupulous and desperate minority, which,through intrigue mingled with violence, succeededin forcing the reluctant majority to sanction itsmeasures. Such a misconception has its root in autter failure to comprehend the peculiar character of American political life, like the kindredmisconception which ascribes the rebellion of thecolonies to a sordid unwillingness to bear their due

share of the expenses of the British Empire. It islike the misunderstanding which saw an angry mobin every town meeting of the people of Boston, andcharacterized as a “riot” every deliberate



expression of public opinion. No one who isfamiliar with the essential features of American

political life can for a moment suppose that theDeclaration of Independence was brought about byany less weighty force than the settled conviction othe people that the priceless treasure of self-government could be preserved by no other means.It was but slowly that this unwelcome convictio

grew upon the people; and owing to localdifferences of circumstances it grew more slowlyin some places than in others. Prescient leaders,too, like the Adamses and Franklin and Lee, madeup their minds sooner than other people. Even thoseconservatives who resisted to the last, even sucmen as John Dickinson and Robert Morris, werefully agreed with their opponents as to the principleat issue between Great Britain and America, and

nothing would have satisfied them short of the totalabandonment by Great Britain of her pretensions toimpose taxes and revoke charters. Upon thisfundamental point there was very little difference o

opinion in America. As to the related question of independence, the decision, when once reached,was everywhere alike the reasonable result of freeand open discussion; and the best possibleillustration of this is the fact that not even in the



darkest days of the war already begun did any statedeliberately propose to reconsider its action in thematter. The hand once put to the plough, there wasno turning back. As Judge Drayton of SouthCarolina said from the bench, “A decree is nowgone forth not to be recalled, and thus has suddenlyrisen in the world a new empire, styled the UnitedStates of America.”



CHAPTER VFIRST BLOW AT THE CENTRE



BATTLE OF FORT MOULTRIE, JUNE 28, 1776Throughout a considerable portion of the

country the news of the Declaration oIndependence was accompanied by the news of a

rilliant success at the South. After the defeat oMacdonald at Moore’s Creek, and the suddenarming of North Carolina, Clinton did not ventureto land, but cruised about in the neighbourhood,



awaiting the arrival of Sir Peter Parker’s squadrofrom Ireland. Lord Cornwallis arrives upon thecene Harassed by violent and contrary winds,

Parker was three months in making the voyage, andit was not until May that he arrived bringing withim Lord Cornwallis. As North Carolina had givensuch unmistakable evidence of its real temper, itwas decided not to land upon that coast for the

present, but to go south and capture Charleston andSavannah. Lord William Campbell, refugeegovernor of South Carolina, urged that there was agreat loyalist party in that colony, which woulddeclare itself as soon as the chief city should be ithe hands of the king’s troops. That there would beany serious difficulty in taking Charleston occurredto no one. But Colonel Moultrie had thrown up oSullivan’s Island, commanding the harbour, a

fortress of palmetto logs strengthened by heavyanks of sand, and now held it with a force o

twelve hundred men, while five thousand militiawere gathered about the town, under command o

General Charles Lee, who had been sent down tomeet the emergency, but did little more than tomeddle and hinder. In his character of trainedEuropean officer, Lee laughed to scorn Moultrie’s

palmetto stronghold, and would have ordered hi



to abandon it, but that he was positively overruledy John Rutledge, president of the provincial

congress, who knew Moultrie and relied upon hissound judgment. The British commanders, Clintoand Parker, wasted three weeks in discussing

arious plans of attack, while the Americans, withspade and hatchet, were rapidly barring everyapproach to Charleston, and fresh regiments came

pouring in to man the new-built intrenchments. Battle of Fort Moultrie, June 28, 1776 At lastClinton landed three thousand men on a naked sand-

ank, divided from Sullivan’s Island by a shortspace of shallow sea, which he thought could beforded at low tide. At the proper time Sir Peter Parker was to open a lively fire from the fleet,which it was expected would knock down the fortin a few minutes, while Clinton, fording the shoals,would drive out the Americans at the point of the

ayonet. The shoals, however, turned out to beseven feet deep at low water, and the task of theinfantry was reduced to a desperate conflict wit

the swarms of mosquitoes, which nearly drove thefrantic. The battle thus became a mere artillery dueletween the fort and the fleet. The British fire was

rapid and furious, but ineffective. Most of the shot passed harmlessly over the low fortress, and those



which struck did no harm to its elastic structure.The American fire was very slow, and few shotswere wasted. The cable of Parker’s flagship wascut by a well-aimed ball, and the ship, swinginaround, received a raking fire which swept her deck with terrible slaughter. After the fight hadlasted ten hours, the British retreated out of range.The palmetto fort had suffered no serious injury,

and only one gun had been silenced. The Americanloss in killed and wounded was thirty-seven. On theother hand, Sir Peter’s flagship had lost her mainmast and mizzen-mast, and had some twenty

shots in her hull, so that she was little better than awreck. The British loss in killed and wounded wastwo hundred and five. Of their ten sail, only onefrigate remained seaworthy at the close of theaction. After waiting three weeks to refit, the wholeexpedition sailed away for New York to coöperatewith the Howes. Charleston was saved, and for more than two years the southern states were freedfrom the invader. In commemoration of this brilliant

ictory, and of the novel stronghold which had soroused the mirth of the European soldier of fortune,the outpost on Sullivan’s Island has ever since beenknown by the name of Fort Moultrie.



It was with such tidings of good omen that theDeclaration of Independence was sent forth to theworld. But it was the last news of victory that for the next six months was to cheer the anxiousstatesmen assembled at Philadelphia. During therest of the summer and the autumn, disaster followed upon disaster, until it might well seem asif fickle fortune had ceased to smile upon the cause

of liberty. British plan for conquering the Hudsonand cutting the United Colonies in twain The issue othe contest was now centred in New York. Byconquering and holding the line of the Hudsoriver, the British hoped to cut the United Coloniesin two, after which it was thought that Virginia and

New England, isolated from each Colonies other,might be induced to consider the error of their waysand repent. Accordingly, General Howe was tocapture the city of New York, while GeneralCarleton was to descend from Canada, recaptureTiconderoga, and take possession of the upper waters of the Hudson, together with the Mohaw

alley. Great hopes were built upon thecoöperation of the loyalists, of whom there was agreater number in New York than in any other state,except perhaps South Carolina. It was partly for this reason, as we shall hereafter see, that these two



states suffered more actual misery from the war than all the others put together. The horrors of civilwar were to be added to the attack of the invader.Throughout the Mohawk valley the influence of Sir John Johnson, the Tory son of the famous baronet of the Seven Years’ War, was thought to be supreme;and it turned out to be very powerful both with thewhite population and with the Indians. At the other

end of the line, in New York city, the Tory elementwas strong, for reasons already set forth. On LonIsland, the people of Kings and Queens counties, oDutch descent, were Tories almost to a man, while

the English population of Suffolk was solidly ifavour of independence.

Before beginning his attack on New York,General Howe had to await the arrival of his

rother; for the ministry had resolved to try theeffect of what seemed to them a “conciliatory

policy.” On the 12th of July Lord Howe arrived atStaten Island, bringing with him the “olive-branch”which Lord North had promised to send along witthe sword. This curious specimen of political

otany turned out to consist of a graciousdeclaration that all persons who should desist frorebellion and lend their “aid in restorin



tranquillity” would receive full and free pardofrom their sovereign lord the king. Lord Howe’sutile attempt to negotiate with Washington

unofficially As it would not do to recognize theexistence of Congress, Lord Howe inclosed thisdeclaration in a letter addressed to “GeorgeWashington, Esq.,” and sent it up the harbour with aflag of truce. But as George Washington, in his

capacity of Virginian landholder and Americancitizen, had no authority for dealing with a royalcommissioner, he refused to receive the letter.Colonel Reed informed Lord Howe’s messenger that there was no person in the army with thataddress. The British officer reluctantly rowedaway, but suddenly, putting his barge about, hecame back and inquired by what title Washingtonshould be properly addressed. Colonel Reed

replied, “You are aware, sir, of the rank of GeneralWashington in our army?” “Yes, sir, we are,”answered the officer; “I am sure my Lord Howewill lament exceedingly this affair, as the letter isof a civil, and not of a military nature. He greatlylaments that he was not here a little sooner.” Thisremark was understood by Colonel Reed to refer tothe Declaration of Independence, which was the

ut eight days old. A week later Lord Howe sent



Colonel Patterson, the British adjutant-general,with a document now addressed to “GeorgeWashington, Esq., etc., etc.” Colonel Patterson

egged for a personal interview, which wasgranted. He was introduced to Washington, whomhe describes as a gentleman of magnificent

presence and very handsomely dressed. Somewhatoverawed, and beginning his remarks with “May it

please your Excellency,” Patterson explained thatthe etceteras on the letter meant everything.“Indeed,” said Washington, with a pleasant smile,“they might mean anything.” He declined to take theletter, but listened to Patterson’s explanations, andthen replied that he was not authorized to deal witthe matter, and could not give his lordship anyencouragement, as he seemed empowered only togrant pardons, whereas those who had committed

no fault needed no pardons. As Patterson got up togo, he asked if his Excellency had no message tosend to Lord Howe. “Nothing,” answeredWashington, “but my particular compliments.” Thus

foiled in his attempt to negotiate with the Americancommander, Lord Howe next inclosed hisdeclaration in a circular letter addressed to theroyal governors of the middle and souther colonies; but as most of these dignitaries were



either in jail or on board the British fleet, not mucwas to be expected from such a mode o

publication. The precious document was capturedand sent to Congress, which derisively published itfor the amusement and instruction of the people. Itwas everywhere greeted with jeers. “No doubt weall need pardon from Heaven,” said Governor Trumbull of Connecticut, “for our manifold sins and

transgressions; but the American who needs the pardon of his Britannic Majesty is yet to be found.”The only serious effect produced was theweakening of the loyalist party. Many who had thusfar been held back by the hope that Lord Howe’sintercession might settle all the difficulties, nowcame forward as warm supporters of independenceas soon as it became apparent that the king hadreally nothing to offer.


http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/the-american-revolution-john-fiske 398/1225Jonathan Trumbull[9]



The military problem at New York The olive-ranch having proved ineffectual, nothing was leftut to unsheathe the sword, and an interestin

campaign now began, of which the primary objectwas to capture the city of New York and compelWashington’s army to surrender. The British armywas heavily reinforced by the return of Clinton’sexpedition and the arrival of 11,000 fresh troops

from England and Germany. General Howe hadnow more than 25,000 men at his disposal, fullyequipped and disciplined; while to oppose hiWashington had but 18,000, many of them rawlevies which had just come in. If the Americanarmy had consisted of such veterans as Washingtonafterwards led at Monmouth, the disparity onumbers would still have told powerfully in favour of the British. As it was, in view of the crudenessof his material, Washington could hardly hope to domore with his army than to make it play the part of adetaining force. To keep the field in the face of overwhelming odds is one of the most arduous o

military problems, and often calls for a higher order of intelligence than that which is displayed ithe mere winning of battles. Upon this probleWashington was now to be employed for sixmonths without respite, and it was not long before



he gave evidence of military genius such as hasseldom been surpassed in the history of moder warfare. At the outset the city of New York furnished the kernel of the problem. Without controlof the water it would be well-nigh impossible tohold the city. Still there was a chance, and it wasthe part of a good general to take this chance, andcut out as much work as possible for the enemy.

The shore of Manhattan Island was girded witsmall forts and redoubts, which Lee had erected ithe spring before his departure for South Carolina.The lower end of the island, along the line of Wall

Street, was then but little more than half its presentwidth, as several lines of street have since beeadded upon both sides. From Cortlandt Streetacross to Paulus Hook, the width of the Hudsoriver was not less than two miles, while the Eastriver near Fulton Ferry was nearly a mile in width.The city reached only from the Battery as far asChatham Street, whence the Bowery Lane ranorthwestwardly to Bloomingdale through a country

smiling with orchards and gardens. Many of thestreets were now barricaded, and a strong line oredoubts ran across from river to river below theside of Canal Street. At the upper end of the island,



and on the Jersey shore, were other fortresses, witwhich we shall shortly have to deal, and out in theharbour, as a sort of watch-tower from which toinspect the enemy’s fleet, a redoubt had been raisedon Governor’s Island, and was commanded byColonel Prescott, with a party of the men of Bunker Hill.

VIEW OF NEW YORK IN 1776[10]



In order to garrison such various positions, itwas necessary for Washington to scatter his 18,000men; and this added much to the difficulty of histask, for Howe could at any moment strike at almostany one of these points with his whole force. Frothe nature of the case the immense advantage of theinitiative belonged entirely to Howe. But in onequarter, the most important of all, Washington had

effected as much concentration of his troops as was possible. Importance of Brooklyn Heights The position on Brooklyn Heights was dangerouslyexposed, but it was absolutely necessary for theAmericans to occupy it if they were to keep their hold upon New York. This eminence commanded

New York exactly as Bunker Hill and Dorchester Heights commanded Boston. Greene had,accordingly, spent the summer in fortifying it, andthere 9,000 men—one half of the army—were nowconcentrated under command of Putnam. Upon thisexposed position General Howe determined tothrow nearly the whole of his force. He felt

confident that the capture or destruction of half theAmerican army would so discourage the rebels asto make them lend a readier ear to the overtures othat excellent peacemaker, his brother.Accordingly, on the 22d of August, General Howe



landed 20,000 men at Gravesend Bay. From this point the American position was approachable byfour roads, two of which crossed a range of denselywooded hills, and continued through the villages oBedford and Flatbush. To the left of these theGowanus road followed the shore about thewestern base of the hills, while on the right theJamaica road curved inland and turned their easter

ase. Battle of Long Island, Aug. 27, 1776 The

elaborate caution with which the Britiscommander now proceeded stands out in strikin

contrast with the temerity of his advance upoBunker Hill in the preceding year. He spent four days in reconnoitring, and then he sent his brother,with part of the fleet, to make a feint upon NewYork, and occupy Washington’s attention. Beforedaybreak of the 27th, under the cover of this feint,the British advance had been nearly completed.General Grant, with the Highland regiments,advanced along the coast road, where the Americanoutposts were held by William Alexander of NewJersey, commonly known as Lord Stirling, from alapsed Scotch earldom to which he had claimed thetitle. The Hessians, under General von Heister,



proceeded along the Bedford and Flatbush roads,which were defended by Sullivan; while more thahalf of the army, under Howe in person,accompanied by Clinton, Percy, and Cornwallis,accomplished a long night march by the Jamaicaroad, in order to take the Americans in flank. Thislong flanking march was completed in perfectsecrecy because the people of the neighbourhood

were in sympathy with the British, and itencountered no obstacles because the Americanforce was simply incapable of covering so mucterritory. The divisions of Stirling and Sullivacontained the 5,000 men which were all thatPutnam could afford to send forward from hisworks. A patrol which watched the Jamaica roadwas captured early in the morning, but it would notin any case have been possible to send any force

there which could materially have hindered theBritish advance. Overwhelming superiority inumbers enabled the British to go where they

pleased, and the battle was already virtually wo

when they appeared on the Jamaica road in the rear of the village of Bedford. Scarcely had the fightegun on the crest of the hill between Sullivan and

the Hessians in his front when he found himselassaulted in the rear. Thrown into confusion, and



driven back and forth through the woods betweetwo galling fires, his division was quickly routed,and nearly all were taken prisoners, including thegeneral himself. On the coast road the fight betweeStirling and Grant was the first in which Americanshad ever met British troops in open field and iregular line of battle. Against the sturdy Highlandregiments Stirling held his ground gallantly for four

hours, until he was in turn assaulted in the rear byLord Cornwallis, after the rout of Sullivan. It now

ecame, with Stirling, simply a question of savinhis division from capture, and after a desperatefight this end was accomplished, and the men got

ack to Brooklyn Heights, though the brave Stirlinhimself was taken prisoner. In this noble strugglethe highest honours were won by the brigade oMaryland men commanded by Smallwood, andthroughout the war we shall find this honourabledistinction of Maryland for the personal gallantry oher troops fully maintained, until in the last pitched

attle, at Eutaw Springs, we see them driving the

finest infantry of England at the point of theayonet.

The defeat of Sullivan and Stirling enabledHowe to bring up his whole army in front of the



works at Brooklyn Heights toward the close of theday. To complete the victory it would be necessaryto storm these works, but Howe’s men were tiredwith marching, if not with fighting, and so theincident known as the battle of Long Island came toan end. A swift ship was at once dispatched toEngland with the news of the victory, which weresomewhat highly coloured. It was for a while

supposed that there had been a terrible slaughter,ut careful research has shown that this was not the

case. About 400 had been killed and wounded oneach side, and this loss had been incurred mainly ithe fight between Stirling and Grant. On other partsof the field the British triumph had consisted chieflyin the scooping up of prisoners, of whom at least1,000 were taken. The stories of a wholesale

utchery by the Hessians which once were current

have been completely disproved. Washington gavea detailed account of the affair a few daysafterward, and the most careful investigation hasshown that he was correct in every particular. But

to the American public the blow was none the lessterrible, while in England the exultation served asan offset to the chagrin felt after the loss of Bostoand the defeat at Fort Moultrie, and it was naturallylong before facts could be seen in their true



proportions.

Howe prepares to besiege the Heights; Heavy aswas the blow, however, General Howe’s object

was still but half attained. He had neither capturednor destroyed the American forces on Long Island,ut had only driven them into their works. He was

still confronted by 8,000 men on Brooklyn Heights,and the problem was how to dislodge them. In theevening Washington came over from New York,and made everything ready to resist a storm. To thisend, on the next day, he brought over reinforcements, raising his total force within the

works to 10,000 men. Under such circumstances, ithe British had attempted a storm they would

probably have been repulsed with great slaughter.But Howe had not forgotten Bunker Hill, and hethought it best to proceed by way of siege. As soonas Washington perceived this intention of hisadversary, he saw that he must withdraw his army.He would have courted a storm, in which he wasalmost sure to be victorious, but he shrank from a

siege, in which he was quite sure to lose his wholeforce. The British troops now invested him in asemicircle, and their ships might at any momentclose in behind and cut off his only retreat. but



Washington slips away with his army Accordingly,sending trusty messengers across the river,Washington collected every sloop, yacht, fishing-smack, yawl, scow, or row-boat that could befound in either water from the Battery to King’sBridge or Hell Gate; and after nightfall of the 29th,these craft were all assembled at the Brooklyferry, and wisely manned by the fishermen o

Marblehead and Gloucester from Glover’s Esseregiment, experts, every one of them, whether at oar or sail. All through the night the American troopswere ferried across the broad river, as quietly as

possible and in excellent order, while Washingtonsuperintended the details of the embarkation, andwas himself the last man to leave the ground. Atseven o’clock in the morning the whole Americanarmy had landed on the New York side, and had

rought with them all their cannon, small arms,ammunition, tools, and horses, and all their larder

esides, so that when the bewildered Britisclimbed into the empty works they did not find so

much as a biscuit or a glass of rum wherewith toconsole themselves.



BEDFORD CORNERS, LONG ISLAND, IN 1776.[11]

His vigilance robbed the British of the most olden opportunity ever afforded them This retreat

has always been regarded as one of the mostrilliant incidents in Washington’s career, and it

would certainly be hard to find a more strikinexample of vigilance. Had Washington allowedhimself to be cooped up on Brooklyn Heights he

would have been forced to surrender; and whatever was left of the war would have been a game playedwithout queen, rook, or bishop. For this very reasoit is hardly creditable to Howe that he should have



let his adversary get away so easily. At daybreak,indeed, the Americans had been remarkablyfavoured by the sudden rise of a fog which coveredthe East river, but during the night the moon hadshone brightly, and one can only wonder that themultitudinous plash of oars and the unavoidablemurmur of ten thousand men embarking, with their heavy guns and stores, should not have attracted the

attention of some wakeful sentinel, either on shoreor on the fleet. A storming party of British, at theright moment, would at least have disturbed the

proceedings. So rare a chance of ending the war ata blow was never again to be offered to the Britiscommanders. Washington now stationed the bulk of his army along the line of the Harlem river, leavinga strong detachment in the city under Putnam; and

presently, with the same extraordinary skill which

he had just displayed in sending boats under theery eyes of the fleet, he withdrew Colonel

Prescott and his troops from their exposed positioon Governor’rsquo;s Island, which there was no

longer any reason for holding.The conference at Staten Island, Sept. 11

Hoping that the stroke just given by the Britissword might have weakened the obstinacy of the



Americans, Lord Howe again had recourse to theolive-branch. The captured General Sullivan wassent to Congress to hold out hopes that Lord Howewould use his influence to get all the obnoxiousacts of Parliament repealed, only he would firstlike to confer with some of the members oCongress informally and as with mere privategentlemen. A lively debate ensued upon this

proposal, in which some saw an insult to Congress,while all quite needlessly suspected treachery. JohAdams, about whom there was so much less of the

suaviter in modo than of the fortiter in re , alludedto Sullivan, quite unjustly, as a “decoy duck,” whohad better have been shot in the battle thaemployed on such a business. It was finally votedthat no proposals of peace from Great Britaishould receive notice, unless they should be

conveyed in writing, and should explicitlyrecognize Congress as the legal representative othe American States. For this once, however, out of

personal regard for Lord Howe, and that nothin

might be disdained which really looked toward a peaceful settlement, they would send a committee toStaten Island to confer with his lordship, who mightregard this committee in whatever light he pleased.In this shrewd, half-humorous method of getting rid



of the diplomatic difficulty, one is forciblyreminded of President Lincoln’s famous

proclamation addressed “To whom it mayconcern.” The committee, consisting of Franklin,Rutledge, and John Adams, were hospitablyentertained by Lord Howe, but their conferencecame to nothing, because the Americans nowdemanded a recognition of their independence as a

condition which must precede all negotiation.There is no doubt that Lord Howe, who was awarm friend to the Americans and an energeticopponent of the king’s policy, was bitterly grievedat this result. As a last resort he published a

proclamation announcing the intention of the Britisgovernment to reconsider the various acts andinstructions by which the Americans had beenannoyed, and appealing to all right-minded peopleto decide for themselves whether it were not wiseto rely on a solemn promise like this, rather thacommit themselves to the dangerous chances of aunequal and unrighteous war.

Howe takes the city of New York, Sept. 15 Four days after this futile interview General Howe too

possession of New York. After the loss of Brooklyn Heights, Washington and Greene were



already aware that the city could not be held. Itscapture was very easily effected. Several ships-of-the-line ascended the Hudson as far asBloomingdale, and the East river as far asBlackwell’s Island; and while thus from either sidethese vessels swept the northern part of Manhattawith a searching fire, General Howe brought hisarmy across from Brooklyn in boats and landed at

Kipp’s Bay, near the present site of East Thirty-Fourth Street. Washington came promptly down,with two New England brigades, to reinforce themen whom he had stationed at that point, and tohinder the landing of the enemy until Putnam shouldhave time to evacuate the city. To Washington’swrath and disgust, these men were seized wit

panic, and suddenly turned and fled without firing ashot. Had Howe now thrown his men promptly

forward across the line of Thirty-Fourth Street, hewould have cut off Putnam’s retreat from the city.But what the New England brigades failed to do a

right woman succeeded in accomplishing. Whe

Howe had reached the spot known as Murray Hill, —now the centre of much brownstone magnificencein Park and Madison and Fifth avenues, at that timea noble country farmstead,—Mrs. Lindley Murray,mother of the famous grammarian, well knowing the



easy temper of the British commander, sent out aservant to invite him to stop and take luncheon. but

rs. Lindley Murray saves the garrison A generalhalt was ordered; and while Howe and his officerswere gracefully entertained for more than two hours

y their accomplished and subtle hostess, Putnahastily marched his 4,000 men up the shore of theHudson, until, passing Bloomingdale, he touched

the right wing of the main army, and was safe,though his tents, blankets, and heavy guns had beeleft behind. Attack upon Harlem Heights Sept 16 The American lines now extended from themouth of Harlem river across the island, and on thefollowing day the British attempted to breathrough their centre at Harlem Heights, but theattack was repulsed, with a loss of sixty Americansand three hundred British, and the lines just formedremained, with very little change, for nearly four weeks.



MANHATTAN ISLAND in 1776.

The new problem before Howe General Howehad thus got possession of the city of New York,

ut the conquest availed him little so long as theAmerican army stood across the island, in theattitude of blockading him. If this campaign was todecide the war, as the ministry hoped, nothing shortof the capture or dispersal of Washington’s armywould suffice. But the problem was now mucharder than it had been at Brooklyn. For as the landabove Manhattan Island widens rapidly to the nortand east, it would not be easy to hem Washington in



y sending forces to his rear. As soon as he shouldfind his position imperilled, he would possess theshorter line by which to draw his battalions,together and force an escape, and so the event

proved. Still, with Howe’s superior force and withhis fleet, if he could get up the Hudson to the rear othe American right, and at the same time land troopsfrom the Sound in the rear of the American left, it

was possible that Washington might be compelledto surrender. There was nothing to bar Howe’s

passage up the East river to the Sound; but at thenorthern extremity of Manhattan Island the ascent othe Hudson was guarded on the east by FortWashington, under command of Putnam, and on thewest by Fort Lee, standing on the summit of thelofty cliffs known as the Palisades, and commanded

y Greene. It was still doubtful, however, whether

these two strongholds could effectually bar theascent of so broad a river, and for further securityPutnam undertook to place obstructions in the bedof the stream itself. Both the Continental Congress

and the State Convention of New York wereextremely unwilling that these two fortresses shouldin any event be given up, for in no case must theHudson river be abandoned. Putnam and Greenethought that the forts could be held, but by the 9th o



October it was proved that they could not bar the passage of the river, for on that day two frigates ransafely between them, and captured some smallAmerican craft a short distance above.

Howe moves upon Throg’s Neck, but Washingtonchanges base This point having been ascertained,General Howe, on the 12th, leaving Percy icommand before Harlem Heights, moved thegreater part of his army nine miles up the East river to Throg’s Neck, a peninsula in the Sound,separated from the mainland by a narrow creek anda marsh that was overflowed at high tide. By

landing here suddenly, Howe hoped to get inWashington’s rear and cut him off from his base of supply in Connecticut. But Washington had foreseethe move and forestalled it. When Howe arrived atThrog’s Neck, he found the bridge over the creek destroyed, and the main shore occupied by a forcewhich it would be dangerous to try to dislodge bywading across the marsh. While Howe was thusdetained six days on the peninsula Washington

moved his base to White Plains, and concentratedhis whole army at that point, abandoning everythinon Manhattan Island except Fort Washington.Sullivan, Stirling, and Morgan who had just bee



exchanged, now rejoined the army, and Lee alsoarrived from South Carolina.

Baffled at White Plains, Howe tries a new plan

By this movement to White Plains, Washington hadfoiled Howe’s attempt to get in his rear, and theBritish general decided to try the effect of an attacin front. On the 28th of October he succeeded istorming an outpost at Chatterton Hill, losing 229lives, while the Americans lost 140. But this affair,which is sometimes known as the battle of WhitePlains, seems to have discouraged Howe. Beforerenewing the attack he waited three days, thinkin

perhaps of Bunker Hill; and on the last night oOctober, Washington fell back upon North Castle,where he took a position so strong that it wasuseless to think of assailing him. Howe thechanged his plans entirely, and moved down theeast bank of the Hudson to Dobb’s Ferry, whencehe could either attack Fort Washington or cross into

New Jersey and advance upon Philadelphia, the“rebel capital.” The purpose of this change was to

entice Washington from his unassailable position.Washington’s orders in view of the emergency

To meet this new movement, Washington threw hisadvance of 5,000 men, under Putnam, into New



Jersey, where they encamped near Hackensack; hesent Heath up to Peekskill, with 3,000 men, toguard the entrance to the Highlands; and he left Leeat North Castle, with 7,000 men, and ordered hito coöperate with him promptly in whatever direction, as soon as the nature of Howe’s plansshould become apparent. As Forts Washington andLee detained a large force in garrison, while they

had shown themselves unable to prevent ships fro passing up the river, there was no longer any use inholding them. Nay, they had now becomedangerous, as traps in which the garrisons andstores might be suddenly surrounded and captured.Washington accordingly resolved to evacuate the

oth, while, to allay the fears of Congress in theevent of a descent from Canada, he ordered Heatto fortify the much more important position at West

Point.Congress meddles with the situation and muddles

it Had Washington’s orders been obeyed and his plans carried out, history might still have recorded

a retreat through “the Jerseys,” but how different aretreat from that which was now about to take

place! The officious interference of Congress, aenial error of judgment on the part of Greene, and



gross insubordination on the part of Lee, occurrinall together at this critical moment, brought aboutthe greatest disaster of the war, and came within anace of overwhelming the American cause in totaland irretrievable ruin. Washington instructedGreene, who now commanded both fortresses, towithdraw the garrison and stores from FortWashington, and to make arrangements for

evacuating Fort Lee also. At the same time he didnot give a positive order, but left the matter somewhat within Greene’s discretion, in casemilitary circumstances of an unforeseen kind shouldarise. Then, while Washington had gone up toreconnoitre the site for the new fortress at WestPoint, there came a special order from Congressthat Fort Washington should not be abandoned saveunder direst extremity. If Greene had thoroughly

grasped Washington’s view of the case, he wouldhave disregarded this conditional order, for therecould hardly be a worse extremity than that whicthe sudden capture of the fortress would entail. But

Greene’s mind was not quite clear; he believed thatthe fort could be held, and he did not like to take theresponsibility of disregarding a message froCongress. In this dilemma he did the worst thin

possible: he reinforced the doomed garrison, and



awaited Washington’s return.

REMAINS OF FORT WASHINGTON, NEW YORK, 185

Howe takes Fort Washington by storm, Nov. 16 When the commander-in-chief returned, on the 14th,

he learned with dismay that nothing had been done.But it was now too late to mend matters, for that

ery night several British vessels passed upetween the forts, and the next day Howe appeared



efore Fort Washington with an overwhelmingforce, and told Colonel Magaw, the officer incharge, that if he did not immediately surrender thewhole garrison would be put to the sword. Magawreplied that if Howe wanted his fort he must comeand take it. On the 16th, after a sharp struggle, iwhich the Americans fought with desperategallantry though they were outnumbered more tha

five to one, the works were carried, and the wholegarrison was captured. The victory cost the Britismore than 500 men in killed and wounded. TheAmericans, fighting behind their works, lost but150; but they surrendered 3,000 of the best troopsin their half-trained army, together with an immensequantity of artillery and small arms. It was not iGeneral Howe’s kindly nature to carry out hissavage threat of the day before; but some of the

Hessians, maddened with the stubborn resistancethey had encountered, began murdering their

prisoners in cold blood, until they were sharplycalled to order. From Fort Lee, on the opposite

ank of the river, Washington surveyed this wofulsurrender with his usual iron composure; but wheit came to seeing his brave men thrown down andstabbed to death by the Hessian bayonets, hisoverwrought heart could bear it no longer, and he



cried and sobbed like a child.

Washington and Greene This capture of thegarrison of Fort Washington was one of the most

crushing blows that befell the American armsduring the whole course of the war. Washington’scampaign seemed now likely to be converted into amere flight, and a terrible gloom overspread thewhole country. The disaster was primarily due tothe interference of Congress. It might have beeaverted by prompt and decisive action on the partof Greene. But Washington, whose clear judgmentmade due allowance for all the circumstances,

never for a moment cast any blame upon hissubordinate. The lesson was never forgotten byGreene, whose intelligence was of that high order which may indeed make a first mistake, but never makes a second. The friendship between the twogenerals became warmer than ever. Washington, bya sympathetic instinct, had divined from the outsetthe military genius that was by and by to provescarcely inferior to his own.



GENERAL GREENE’S HEADQUARTERS, FORT LEE,NEW JERSEY

Outrageous conduct of Charles Lee Yet worseremained behind. Washington had but 6,000 men onthe Jersey side of the river, and it was now hightime for Lee to come over from North Castle andoin him, with the force of 7,000 that had been left

under his command. On the 17th, Washington sent a positive order for him to cross the river at once; but



Lee dissembled, pretended to regard the order ithe light of mere advice, and stayed where he was.He occupied an impregnable position: why shouldhe leave it, and imperil a force with which he mightaccomplish something memorable on his owaccount? By the resignation of General Ward, Leehad become the senior major-general of theContinental army, and in the event of disaster to

Washington he would almost certainly becomecommander-in-chief. He had returned from SoutCarolina more arrogant and loud-voiced than ever.The northern people knew little of Moultrie, whilethey supposed Lee to be a great military light; andthe charlatan accordingly got the whole credit of the

ictory, which, if his precious advice had beentaken, would never have been won. Lee was calledthe hero of Charleston, and people began to contrast

the victory of Sullivan’s Island with the recentdefeats, and to draw conclusions very disparaginto Washington. From the beginning Lee had felt

personally aggrieved at not being appointed to the

chief command, and now he seemed to see a fair chance of ruining his hated rival. Should he come tothe head of the army in a moment of dire disaster tothe Americans, it would be so much the better, for itwould be likely to open negotiations with Lord



Howe, and Lee loved to chaffer and intrigue mucetter than to fight. So he spent his time i

endeavouring, by insidious letters and lyinwhispers, to nourish the feeling of disaffectiotoward Washington, while he refused to send asingle regiment to his assistance. Thus, through the

illainy of this traitor in the camp, Washingtonactually lost more men, so far as their present use

was concerned at this most critical moment, than hehad been deprived of by all the blows which theenemy had dealt him since the beginning of thecampaign.

Greene barely escapes from Fort Lee, Nov. 20On the night of the 19th, Howe threw 5,000 meacross the river, about five miles above Fort Lee,and with this force Lord Cornwallis marchedrapidly down upon that stronghold. The place had

ecome untenable, and it was with some difficultythat a repetition of the catastrophe of FortWashington was avoided. Greene had barely time,with his 2,000 men, to gain the bridge over the

Hackensack and join the main army, leaving behindall his cannon, tents, blankets, and eatables. The

position now occupied by the main army, betweenthe Hackensack and Passaic rivers, was an unsafe



one, in view of the great superiority of the enemy inumbers. A strong British force, coming down uponWashington from the north, might compel him tosurrender or to fight at a great disadvantage. To

avoid this danger, on the 21st he crossed thePassaic and marched southwestward to Newark,where he stayed five days; and every day he sent amessenger to Lee, urging him to make all possiblehaste in bringing over his half of the army, that theymight be able to confront the enemy on somethinlike equal terms. Nothing could have been moreexplicit or more peremptory than Washington’s

orders; but Lee affected to misunderstand them, sentexcuses, raised objections, paltered, argued,

prevaricated, and lied, and so contrived to staywhere he was until the first of December. Lee

intrigues against Washington To Washington he pretended that his moving was beset by“obstacles,” the nature of which he would explaias soon as they should meet. But to JamesBowdoin, president of the executive council o



Massachusetts, he wrote at the same time declarinthat his own army and that under Washington “mustrest each on its own bottom.” He assumedcommand over Heath, who had been left to guardthe Highlands, and ordered him to send 2,000troops to himself; but that officer very properlyrefused to depart from the instructions which thecommander-in-chief had left with him. To various

members of Congress Lee told the falsehood that ihis advice had only been heeded, Fort Washingtonwould have been evacuated ere it was too late; andhe wrote to Dr. Rush, wondering whether any of themembers of Congress had ever studied Romahistory, and suggesting that he might do great thingsif he could only be made Dictator for one week.

Washington retreats into PennsylvaniaMeanwhile Washington, unable to risk a battle, wasrapidly retreating through New Jersey. On the 28thof November Cornwallis advanced upon Newark,and Washington fell back upon New Brunswick. Onthe first of December, as Cornwallis reached the

latter place, Washington broke down the bridgeover the Raritan, and continued his retreat toPrinceton. The terms of service for which histroops had been enlisted were now beginning to



expire, and so great was the discouragementwrought by the accumulation of disasters which had

efallen the army since the battle of Long Islandthat many of the soldiers lost heart in their work.Homesickness began to prevail, especially amonthe New England troops, and as their terms expiredit was difficult to persuade them to reënlist. Under these circumstances the army dwindled fast, until,

y the time he reached Princeton, Washington hadut 3,000 men remaining at his disposal. The only

thing to be done was to put the broad stream of theDelaware between himself and the enemy, and thishe accomplished by the 8th, carrying over all hisguns and stores, and seizing or destroying every

oat that could be found on that great river for manymiles in either direction. When the British arrived,on the evening of the same day, they found it

impossible to cross. Cornwallis was eager tocollect a flotilla of boats as soon as practicable,and push on to Philadelphia, but Howe, who hadust joined him, thought it hardly worth while to

take so much trouble, as the river would be sure tofreeze over before many days. So the army was posted—with front somewhat too far extended— along the east bank, with its centre at Trenton,under Colonel Rahl; and while they waited for that



“snap” of intensely cold weather, which in thisclimate seldom fails to come on within a few daysof Christmas, Howe and Cornwallis both went bacto New York.

Reinforcements come from Schuyler Meanwhile, on the 2d of December, Lee had at lastcrossed the Hudson with a force diminished to4,000 men, and had proceeded by slow marches asfar as Morristown. Further reinforcements were athand. General Schuyler, in command of the armywhich had retreated the last summer from Canada,was guarding the forts on Lake Champlain; and as

these appeared to be safe for the present, hedetached seven regiments to go to the aid oWashington. As soon as Lee heard of the arrival of three of these regiments at Peekskill, he orderedthem to join him at Morristown. As the other four,under General Gates, were making their waythrough northern New Jersey, doubts arose as towhere they should find Washington in the course of his swift retreat. Gates sent his aid, Major

Wilkinson, forward for instructions, and he,learning that Washington had withdrawn intoPennsylvania, reported to Lee at Morristown, assecond in command.



OPERATIONS IN NEW YORK AND NEW JERSEY, 177AND 1777

Fortunately for the Americans, the British



capture Charles Lee, Dec. 13 Lee had left his armyin charge of Sullivan, and had foolishly taken up hisquarters at an unguarded tavern about four milesfrom the town, where Wilkinson found him in bedon the morning of the 13th. After breakfast Leewrote a confidential letter to Gates, as to a kindredspirit from whom he might expect to get sympathy.Terrible had been the consequences of the disaster

at Fort Washington. “There never was so damned astroke,” said the letter. “ Entre nous , a certain greatman is most damnably deficient. He has thrown meinto a situation where I have my choice odifficulties. If I stay in this province I risk myseland army, and if I do not stay the province is lostforever.... Our counsels have been weak to the lastdegree. As to yourself, if you think you can be intime to aid the general, I would have you by allmeans go. You will at least save your army....Adieu, my dear friend. God bless you.” Hardly hadhe signed his name to this scandalous documentwhen Wilkinson, who was standing at the window,

exclaimed that the British were upon them. Sureenough. A Tory in the neighbourhood, discerningthe golden opportunity, had galloped eighteen milesto the British lines, and returned with a party othirty dragoons, who surrounded the house and



captured the vainglorious schemer before he hadtime to collect his senses. Bareheaded, and dressedonly in a flannel gown and slippers, he wasmounted on Wilkinson’s horse, which stood waitinat the door, and was carried off, amid much mirthand exultation, to the British camp. Crest-fallen and

ewildered, he expressed a craven hope that hislife might be spared, but was playfully reminded

that he would very likely be summarily dealt witas a deserter from the British army; and with thisscant comfort he was fain to content himself for some weeks to come.

The times that tried men’s souls The capture oGeneral Lee was reckoned by the people as onemore in the list of dire catastrophes which made the

present season the darkest moment in the wholecourse of the war. Had they known all that weknow now, they would have seen that the army waswell rid of a worthless mischief-maker, while thehistory of the war had gained a curiously

picturesque episode. Apart from this incident therewas cause enough for the gloom which nowoverspread the whole country. Washington had

een forced to seek shelter behind the Delawarewith a handful of men, whose terms of service were



soon to expire, and another fortnight might easilywitness the utter dispersal of this poor little army.At Philadelphia, where Putnam was now icommand, there was a general panic, and people

egan hiding their valuables and moving their wives and children out into the country. Congresstook fright, and retired to Baltimore. At the

eginning of December, Lord Howe and his brother

had issued a proclamation offering pardon and protection to all citizens who within sixty daysshould take the oath of allegiance to the BritisCrown; and in the course of ten days nearly threethousand persons, many of them wealthy and of higstanding in society, had availed themselves of this

promise. The British soldiers and the Toriesconsidered the contest virtually ended. GeneralHowe was compared with Cæsar, who came, and

saw, and conquered. For his brilliant successes hehad been made a Knight Commander of the Bath,and New York was to become the scene of merryChristmas festivities on the occasion of his

receiving the famous red ribbon. In his confidencethat Washington’s strength was quite exhausted, hedetached a considerable force from the army i

New Jersey, and sent it, under Lord Percy, to take possession of Newport as a convenient station for



British ships entering the Sound. Donop and Rahlwith their Hessians and Grant with his hardyScotchmen would now quite suffice to destroy theremnant of Washington’s army; and Cornwallisaccordingly packed his portmanteaus and sent theaboard ship, intending to sail for England as sooas the fumes of the Christmas punch should be dulyslept off.

Washington prepares to strike back Well mightThomas Paine declare, in the first of the series o

pamphlets entitled “The Crisis,” which he nowegan to publish, that “these are the times that try

men’s souls.” But in the midst of the generaldespondency there were a few brave hearts that hadnot yet begun to despair, and the bravest of thesewas Washington’s. At this awful moment the wholefuture of America, and of all that America signifiesto the world, rested upon that single Titanic will.Cruel defeat and yet more cruel treachery, enoughto have crushed the strongest, could not crusWashington. All the lion in him was aroused, and

his powerful nature was aglow with passionateresolve. His keen eye already saw the elements oweakness in Howe’s too careless disposition of hisforces on the east bank of the Delaware, and he had



planned for his antagonist such a Christmas greetinas he little expected. Just at this momentWashington was opportunely reinforced bySullivan and Gates, with the troops lately under Lee’s command; and with his little army thus raisedto 6,000 men, he meditated such a stroke as mightrevive the drooping spirits of his countrymen, andconfound the enemy in the very moment of his

fancied triumph.



GEORGE WASHINGTON (BY TRUMBULL)

Washington’s plan was, by a sudden attack, tooverwhelm the British centre at Trenton, and thusforce the army to retreat upon New York. TheDelaware was to be crossed in three divisions. The



right wing, of 2,000 men, under Gates, was toattack Count Donop at Burlington; Ewing, with thecentre, was to cross directly opposite Trenton;while Washington himself, with the left wing, wasto cross nine miles above, and march down upoTrenton from the north. On Christmas Day all wasready, but the beginnings of the enterprise were notauspicious. Gates, who preferred to go and intrigue

in Congress, succeeded in begging off, and startedfor Baltimore. Cadwalader, who took his place,tried hard to get his men and artillery across theriver, but was baffled by the huge masses ofloating ice, and reluctantly gave up the attempt.Ewing was so discouraged that he did not even tryto cross, and both officers took it for granted thatWashington must be foiled in like manner. Hecrosses the Delaware But Washington was

desperately in earnest; and although at sunset, justas he had reached his crossing-place, he wasinformed by special messenger of the failure oEwing and Cadwalader, he determined to go on and

make the attack with the 2,500 men whom he hadwith him. The great blocks of ice, borne swiftlyalong by the powerful current, made the passageextremely dangerous, but Glover, with his skilfulfishermen of Marblehead, succeeded in ferrying the



little army across without the loss of a man or agun. More than ten hours were consumed in the

passage, and then there was a march of nine milesto be made in a blinding storm of snow and sleet.and pierces the British centre at Trenton, Dec.26 They pushed rapidly on in two columns, led byGreene and Sullivan respectively, drove in theenemy’s pickets at the point of the bayonet, and

entered the town by different roads soon after sunrise. Washington’s guns were at once planted soas to sweep the streets, and after Colonel Rahl andseventeen of his men had been slain, the whole

ody of Hessians, 1,000 in number, surrendered atdiscretion. Of the Americans, two were frozen todeath on the march, and two were killed in theaction. By noon of the next day Cadwalader hadcrossed the river to Burlington, but no sooner had

Donop heard what had happened at Trenton than heretreated by a circuitous route to Princeton, leavin

ehind all his sick and wounded soldiers, and allhis heavy arms and baggage. Washington recrossedinto Pennsylvania with his prisoners, but agaiadvanced, and occupied Trenton on the 29th.

Cornwallis comes up to retrieve the disaster When the news of the catastrophe reached New



York, the holiday feasting was rudely disturbed.Instead of embarking for England, Cornwallis rode

post-haste to Princeton, where he found Donopthrowing up earthworks. On the morning of January2d Cornwallis advanced, with 8,000 men, upoTrenton, but his march was slow and painful. Hewas exposed during most of the day to a galling firefrom parties of riflemen hidden in the woods by the

roadside, and Greene, with a force of 600 men andtwo field-pieces, contrived so to harass and delayhim that he did not reach Trenton till late in theafternoon. By that time Washington had withdrawnhis whole force beyond the Assunpink, a smallriver which flows into the Delaware just south oTrenton, and had guarded the bridge and the fords

y batteries admirably placed. The British madeseveral attempts to cross, but were repulsed wit

some slaughter; and as their day’s work had sorelyfatigued them, Cornwallis thought best to wait untilto-morrow, and thinks he has run down the “ol ox” while he sent his messenger post-haste back to

Princeton to bring up a force of nearly 2,000 mewhich he had left behind there. With this addedstrength he felt sure that he could force the passageof the stream above the American position, when byturning Washington’s right flank he could fold him



LORD CORNWALLIS

ack against the Delaware, and thus compel him tosurrender. Cornwallis accordingly went to bed inhigh spirits. “At last we have run down the oldfox,” said he, “and we will bag him in themorning.”

But Washington prepares a checkmate Thesituation was indeed a very dangerous one; butwhen the British general called his antagonist aold fox, he did him no more than justice. In its unioof slyness with audacity, the movement whichWashington now executed strongly reminds one of “Stonewall” Jackson. He understood perfectly well

what Cornwallis intended to do; but he knew at thesame time thatdetachments of the British armymust have beenleft behind atPrinceton and

New Brunswick to guard the

stores. From thesize of the army

efore him herightly judged



that these rear detachments must be too small towithstand his own force. By overwhelming one or

oth of them, he could compel Cornwallis to retreatupon New York, while he himself might take up animpregnable position on the heights aboutMorristown, from which he might threaten theBritish line and hold their whole army in check,—amost brilliant and daring scheme for a commander

to entertain while in such a perilous position asWashington was that night! But the manner in whichhe began by extricating himself was not the least

rilliant part of the manœuvre. All night long theAmerican camp-fires were kept burning brightly,and small parties were busily engaged in throwinup intrenchments so near the Assunpink that theBritish sentinels could plainly hear the murmur otheir voices and the thud of the spade and pickaxe.

While this was going on, the whole American armymarched swiftly up the south bank of the littlestream, passed around Cornwallis’s left wing to hisrear, and gained the road to Princeton. Toward

sunrise, as the British detachment was comindown the road from Princeton to Trenton, inobedience to Cornwallis’s order, its van, under Colonel Mawhood, met the foremost column oAmericans approaching, under General Mercer. As



he caught sight of the Americans, Mawhood thoughtthat they must be a party of fugitives, and hastenedto intercept them; but he was soon undeceived. TheAmericans attacked with vigour, and a sharp fightwas sustained, with varying fortunes, until Mercer was pierced by a bayonet, and his men began to fall

ack in some confusion. and again severs the Britishline at Princeton, Jan. 3 Just at this critical moment

Washington came galloping upon the field andrallied the troops, and as the entire forces on botsides had now come up the fight became general. Ia few minutes the British were routed and their linewas cut in two; one half fleeing toward Trenton, theother half toward New Brunswick. There was littleslaughter, as the whole fight did not occupy morethan twenty minutes. The British lost about 200 ikilled and wounded, with 300 prisoners and their cannon; the American loss was less than 100.



Shortly before sunrise, the men who had bee



left in the camp on the Assunpink to feed the firesand make a noise beat a hasty retreat, and foundtheir way to Princeton by circuitous paths. WheCornwallis got up, he could hardly believe hiseyes. Here was nothing before him but an emptycamp: the American army had vanished, andwhither it had gone he could not imagine. But his

perplexity was soon relieved by the booming o

distant cannon on the Princeton road, and the gamewhich the “old fox” had played him all at once

ecame apparent. General retreat of the Britishtoward New York Nothing was to be done but toretreat upon New Brunswick with all possiblehaste, and save the stores there. His road led bacthrough Princeton, and from Mawhood’s fugitiveshe soon heard the story of the morning’s disaster.His march was hindered by various impediments. A

thaw had set in, so that the little streams hadswelled into roaring torrents, difficult to ford, andthe American army, which had passed over the road

efore daybreak, had not forgotten to destroy the

ridges. By the time that Cornwallis and his mereached Princeton, wet and weary, the Americanshad already left it, but they had not gone on to NewBrunswick. Washington had hoped to seize thestores there, but the distance was eighteen miles,



his men were wretchedly shod and too tired tomarch rapidly, and it would not be prudent to risk ageneral engagement when his main purpose could

e secured without one. For these reasons,Washington turned northward to the heights of Morristown, while Cornwallis continued his retreatto New Brunswick. A few days later, Putnamadvanced from Philadelphia and occupied

Princeton, thus forming the right wing of theAmerican army, of which the main body lay atMorristown, while Heath’s division on the Hudsonconstituted the left wing. Various cantonments wereestablished along this long line. On the 5th, GeorgeClinton, coming down from Peekskill, drove theBritish out of Hackensack and occupied it, while othe same day a detachment of German mercenariesat Springfield was routed by a body of militia.Elizabethtown was then taken by General Maxwell,whereupon the British retired from Newark.

Thus in a brief campaign of three weeksWashington had rallied the fragments of a defeated

and broken army, fought two successful battles,taken nearly 2,000 prisoners, and recovered thestate of New Jersey. He had cancelled thedisastrous effects of Lee’s treachery, and replaced



things apparently in the condition in which the fallof Fort Washington had left them. The tablescompletely turned Really he had done much morethan this, for by assuming the offensive and winnin

ictories through sheer force of genius, he hadcompletely turned the tide of popular feeling. TheBritish generals began to be afraid of him, while othe other hand his army began to grow by the

accession of fresh recruits. In New Jersey, theenemy retained nothing but New Brunswick,Amboy, and Paulus Hook.

On the 25th of January Washington issued a

proclamation declaring that all persons who hadaccepted Lord Howe’s offer of protection musteither retire within the British lines or comeforward and take the oath of allegiance to theUnited States. Many narrow-minded people, whodid not look with favour upon a close federation othe states, commented severely upon the form othis proclamation: it was too national, they said.But it proved effective. However lukewarm may

have been the interest which many of the Jersey people felt in the war when their soil was firstinvaded, the conduct of the British troops had beesuch that every one now looked upon them as



enemies. They had foraged indiscriminately upofriend and foe; they had set fire to farmhouses, andin one or two instances murdered peaceful citizens.The wrath of the people had waxed so hot that itwas not safe for the British to stir beyond their narrow lines except in considerable force. Their foraging parties were waylaid and cut off by bandsof yeomanry, and so sorely were they harassed in

their advanced position at New Brunswick that theyoften suffered from want of food. Many of theGerman mercenaries, caring nothing for the cause iwhich they had been forcibly enlisted, begadeserting; and in this they were encouraged byCongress, which issued a manifesto in German,making a liberal offer of land to any foreign soldier who should leave the British service. This littledocument was inclosed in the wrappers in whic

packages of tobacco were sold, and every now andthen some canny smoker accepted the offer.

Washington’s superb generalship Washington’s position at Morristown was so strong that there was

no hope of dislodging him, and the snow-blockedroads made the difficulties of a winter campaign sogreat that Howe thought best to wait for war weather before doing anything more. While the



British arms were thus held in check, the friends oAmerica, both in England and on the continent oEurope, were greatly encouraged. From thismoment Washington was regarded in Europe as afirst-rate general. Military critics who werecapable of understanding his movements comparedhis brilliant achievements with his slender resources, and discovered in him genius of a hig

order. Men began to call him “the AmericanFabius;” and this epithet was so pleasing to hisfellow-countrymen, in that pedantic age, that itclung to him for the rest of his life, and wasrepeated in newspapers and speeches and

pamphlets with wearisome iteration. Yet there wassomething more than Fabian in Washington’sgeneralship. For wariness he has never beesurpassed; yet, as Colonel Stedman observed, in his

excellent contemporary history of the war, the mostremarkable thing about Washington was hiscourage. It would be hard indeed to find morestriking examples of audacity than he exhibited at

Trenton and Princeton. Lord Cornwallis was nomean antagonist, and no one was a better judge owhat a commander might be expected to do with agiven stock of resources. His surprise at theAssunpink was so great that he never got over it.



After the surrender at Yorktown, it is said that hislordship expressed to Washington his generousadmiration for the wonderful skill which hadsuddenly hurled an army four hundred miles, frothe Hudson river to the James, with such precisioand such deadly effect. “But after all,” he added,“your excellency’s achievements in New Jerseywere such that nothing could surpass them.” The

man who had turned the tables on him at theAssunpink he could well believe to be capable oanything.



In England the effect of the campaign was veryserious. Not long before, Edmund Burke haddespondingly remarked that an army which was



always obliged to refuse battle could never expelthe invaders; but now the case wore a differentaspect. Sir William Howe had not so much to showfor his red ribbon, after all. He had taken NewYork, and dealt many heavy blows with hisoverwhelming force, unexpectedly aided by foul

play on the American side; but as for crushingWashington and ending the war, he seemed farther

from it than ever. It would take another campaign todo this,—perhaps many. Lord North, who had littleheart for the war at any time, was discouraged,while the king and Lord George Germain werefurious with disappointment. “It was that unhappyaffair of Trenton,” observed the latter, “that blastedour hopes.”

In France the interest in American affairs grewrapidly. Louis XVI. had no love for Americans or for rebels, but revenge for the awful disasters o1758 and 1759 was dear to the French heart.France felt toward England then as she feels towardGermany now, and so long ago as the time of the

Stamp Act, Baron Kalb had been sent on a secretmission to America, to find out how the peopleregarded the British government. The policy of theFrench ministry was aided by the romantic



sympathy for America which was felt in politesociety. Never perhaps have the opinions currentamong fashionable ladies and gentlemen been sodirectly controlled by philosophers and scholars asin France during the latter half of the eighteentcentury. Never perhaps have men of lettersexercised such mighty influence over their contemporaries as Voltaire, with his noble

enthusiasm for humanity, and Rousseau, with hisstartling political paradoxes, and the writers of the“Encyclopédie,” with their revelations of new

points of view in science and in history. To suchmen as these, and to such profound politicalthinkers as Montesquieu and Turgot, the

preservation of English liberty was the hope of theworld; but they took little interest in the Britiscrown or in the imperial supremacy of Parliament.

All therefore sympathized with the Americans andurged on the policy which the court for selfisreasons was inclined to pursue. Vergennes, theastute minister of foreign affairs, had for some time

een waiting for a convenient opportunity to take part in the struggle, but as yet he had contentedhimself with furnishing secret assistance. For morethan a year he had been intriguing, througBeaumarchais, the famous author of “Figaro,” wit



Arthur Lee (a brother of Richard HenryLee), who had longserved in London asagent for Virginia.Just before the Declaration of IndependenceVergennes sent over a million dollars to aid theAmerican cause. Soon afterwards Congress sent

Silas Deane to Paris, and presently ordered Arthur Lee to join him there. In October Franklin was alsosent over, and the three were appointedcommissioners for making a treaty of alliance witFrance.

The arrival of Franklin was the occasion ogreat excitement in the fashionable world of Paris.By thinkers like Diderot and D’Alembert he wasregarded as the embodiment of practical wisdom.To many he seemed to sum up in himself theexcellences of the American cause,—justice, goodsense, and moderation. Voltaire spoke quiteunconsciously of the American army as “Franklin’s

troops.” It was Turgot who said of him, in a linewhich is one of the finest modern specimens oepigrammatic Latin, “Eripuit cœlo fulmen,sceptrumque tyrannis.” As symbolizing the liberty



for which allFrance wasyearning, hewas greetedwith a popular enthusiasmsuch as

perhaps no

FrenchmanexceptVoltaire hasever calledforth. As he

passed alonthe streets, the

shopkeepers rushed to their doors to catch aglimpse of him, while curious idlers crowded the

sidewalk. The charm of his majestic and venerablefigure seemed heightened by the republicasimplicity of his plain brown coat, over theshoulders of which his long gray hair fell

carelessly, innocent of queue or powder. His portrait was hung in the shop-windows and paintedin miniature on the covers of snuff-boxes.Gentlemen wore “Franklin” hats, ladies’ kid gloveswere dyed of a “Franklin” hue, and cotelettes à la



ranklin were served at fashionable dinners.

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

As the first fruits of Franklin’s negotiations, theFrench government agreed to furnish two milliolivres a year, in quarterly instalments, to assist the



American cause. Three ships, laden with militarystores, were sent over to America: one wascaptured by a British cruiser, but the other twoarrived safely. The Americans were allowed to fitout privateers in French ports, and even to bring iand sell their prizes there. Besides this a milliolivres were advanced to the commissioners oaccount of a quantity of tobacco which they agreed

to send in exchange. Further than this France wasnot yet ready to go. The British ambassador hadalready begun to protest against the violation oneutrality involved in the departure of privateers,and France was not willing to run the risk of opewar with England until it should become clear thatthe Americans would prove efficient allies. Theking, moreover, sympathized with George III., andhated the philosophers whose opinions swayed the

French people; and in order to accomplish anythinin behalf of the Americans he had to be coaxed or

ullied at every step.

But though the French government was not yet

ready to send troops to America, volunteers werenot wanting who cast in their lot with us through a

purely disinterested enthusiasm. At a dinner partyin Metz, the Marquis de Lafayette, then a boy o



nineteen, heard the news from America, andinstantly resolved to leave his pleasant home andoffer his services to Washington. He fitted up a shipat his own expense, loaded it with military storesfurnished by Beaumarchais, and set sail froBordeaux on the 26th of April, taking with himKalb and eleven other officers. While MarieAntoinette applauded his generous self-devotion,

the king forbade him to go, but he disregarded theorder. His young wife, whom he deemed it prudentto leave behind, he consoled with the thought thatthe future welfare of all mankind was at stake in thestruggle for constitutional liberty which was goinon in America, and that where he saw a chance to

e useful it was his duty to go. The able Polisofficers, Pulaski and Kosciuszko, had come sometime before.


http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/the-american-revolution-john-fiske 459/1225During the winter season at Morristown,



Washington was busy in endeavouring to recruitand reorganize the army. Up to this time the military

preparations of Congress had been made upon aludicrously inadequate scale. There had been noserious attempt to create a regular army, but squadsof militia had been enlisted for terms of three or simonths, as if there were any likelihood of the war

eing ended within such a period. The rumour o

Lord Howe’s olive-branch policy may at first havehad something to do with this, and even after theDeclaration of Independence had made further temporizing impossible, there were many who

expected Washington to perform miracles andthought that by some crushing blow the invadersmight soon be brought to terms. But the events othe autumn had shown that the struggle was likely to

prove long and desperate, and there could be nodoubt as to the imperative need of a regular army.To provide such an army was, however, no easytask. The Continental Congress was little more thaan advisory body of delegates, and it was

questionable how far it could exercise authorityexcept as regarded the specific points which theconstituents of these delegates had in view whethey chose them. Congress could only recommend



to the different states to raise their respectivequotas of men, and each state gave heed to such arequest according to its ability or its inclination.All over the country there was then, as always, adeep-rooted prejudice against standing armies.Even to-day, with our population of seventymillions, a proposal to increase our regular army tofifty thousand men, for the more efficient police o

the Indian districts in Arizona and Montana, haseen greeted by the press with tirades about

military despotism. A century ago this feeling wasnaturally much stronger than it is to-day. The

presence of standing armies in this country haddone much toward bringing on the Revolution; andit was not until it had become evident that we musteither endure the king’s regulars or have regulars oour own that the people could be made to adopt the

latter alternative. Under the influence of thesefeelings, the state militias were enlisted for veryshort terms, each under its local officers, so thatthey resembled a group of little allied armies. Suc

methods were fatal to military discipline. Sucsoldiers as had remained in the army ever since itfirst gathered itself together on the day of Lexingtohad now begun to learn something of militarydiscipline; but it was impossible to maintain it i



the face of the much greater number who keptcoming and going at intervals of three months. Withsuch fluctuations in strength, moreover, it wasdifficult to carry out any series of militaryoperations. The Christmas night when Washingtoncrossed the Delaware was the most critical momentof his career; for the terms of service of the greater

part of his little army expired on New Year’s Day,

and but for the success at Trenton, they wouldalmost certainly have disbanded. But in the exultantmood begotten of this victory, they were persuadedto remain for some weeks longer, thus enablingWashington to recover the state of New Jersey. Solow had the public credit sunk, at this season odisaster, that Washington pledged his privatefortune for the payment of these men, in caseCongress should be found wanting; and his examplewas followed by the gallant John Stark and other officers. Except for the sums raised by RobertMorris of Philadelphia, even Washington could nothave saved the country.



Another source of weakness was the intensedislike and jealousy with which the militia of thedifferent states regarded each other. Their alliance



against the common enemy had hitherto done littlemore toward awakening a cordial sympathy

etween the states than the alliance of Athenianswith Lacedæmonians against the Great Kinaccomplished toward ensuring peace and good-willthroughout the Hellenic world. Politically the meof Virginia had thus far acted in remarkableharmony with the men of New England, but socially

there was little fellowship between them. In thosedays of slow travel the plantations of Virginia weremuch more remote from Boston than they now arefrom London, and the generalizations which the one

people used to make about the other were, i possible, even more crude than those whicEnglishmen and Americans are apt to make abouteach other at the present day. In the stately eleganceof the Virginian country mansion it seemed right to

sneer at New England merchants and farmers as“shopkeepers” and “peasants,” while many peoplein Boston regarded Virginian planters as mereSquire Westerns. Between the eastern and the

middle states, too, there was much ill-will, becauseof theological differences and boundary disputes.The Puritan of New Hampshire had not yet made uphis quarrel with the Churchman of New York concerning the ownership of the Green Mountains;



and the wrath of the Pennsylvania Quaker waxedhot against the Puritan of Connecticut who daredclaim jurisdiction over the valley of Wyoming. Weshall find such animosities bearing bitter fruit i

personal squabbles among soldiers and officers, aswell as in removals and appointments of officersfor reasons which had nothing to do with their military competence. Even in the highest ranks o

the army and in Congress these local prejudices played their part and did no end of mischief.

From the outset Washington had laboured withCongress to take measures to obviate these

alarming difficulties. In the midst of his retreatthrough the Jerseys he declared that “shortenlistments and a mistaken dependence upon militiahave been the origin of all our misfortunes,” and atthe same time he recommended that a certainumber of battalions should be raised directly bythe United States, comprising volunteers drawindiscriminately from the several states. Thesemeasures were adopted by Congress, and at the

same time Washington was clothed with almostdictatorial powers. It was decided that the army ostate troops should be increased to 66,000 men,divided into eighty-eight battalions, of whic



Massachusetts and Virginia were each to contributefifteen, “Pennsylvania twelve, North Carolina nine,Connecticut eight, South Carolina six, New York and New Jersey four each, New Hampshire andMaryland three each, Rhode Island two, Delawareand Georgia each one.” The actual enlistments fell

ery far short of this number of men, and the proportions assigned by Congress, based upon the

population of the several states, were never heeded. The men now enlisted were to serve durinthe war, and were to receive at the end a hundredacres of land each as bounty. Colonels were tohave a bounty of five hundred acres, and inferior officers were to receive an intermediate quantity.Even with these offers it was found hard to

persuade men to enlist for the war, so that it wasudged best to allow the recruit his choice o

serving for three years and going home empty-handed, or staying till the war should end in thehope of getting a new farm for one of his children.All this enlisting was to be done by the several

states, which were also to clothe and arm their recruits, but the money for their equipments, as wellas for the payment and support of the troops, was to

e furnished by Congress. Officers were to beselected by the states, but formally commissioned



y Congress. At the same time Washington wasauthorized to raise sixteen battalions of infantry,containing 12,000 men, three regiments of artillery,3,000 light cavalry, and a corps of engineers. Theseforces were to be enlisted under Washington’sdirection, in the name of the United States, andwere to be taken indiscriminately from all parts othe country. Their officers were to be appointed by

Washington, who was furthermore empowered tofill all vacancies and remove any officer below therank of brigadier-general in any department of thearmy. Washington was also authorized to takewhatever private property might anywhere beneeded for the army, allowing a fair compensationto the owners; and he was instructed to arrest at hisown discretion, and hold for trial by the civilcourts, any person who should refuse to take thecontinental paper money, or otherwise manifest awant of sympathy with the American cause.

These extraordinary powers, which at thedarkest moment of the war were conferred upo

Washington for a period of six months, occasionedmuch grumbling, but it does not appear that anyspecific difficulty ever arose through the way iwhich they were exercised. It would be as hard,



perhaps, to find any strictly legal justification for the creation of a Continental army as it would be totell just where the central government of the UnitedStates was to be found at that time. Strictlyspeaking, no central government had as yet beeformed. No articles of confederation had yet beeadopted by the states, and the authority of theContinental Congress had been in nowise defined.

It was generally felt, however, that the Congressnow sitting had been chosen for the purpose orepresenting the states in their relations to theBritish crown. This Congress had been expresslyempowered to declare the states independent oGreat Britain, and to wage war for the purpose omaking good its declaration. And it wasaccordingly felt that Congress was tacitlyauthorized to take such measures as were

absolutely needful for the maintenance of thestruggle. The enlistment of a Continental force wastherefore an act done under an implied “war

power,” something like the power invoked at a

later day to justify the edict by which PresidentLincoln emancipated the slaves. The thoroughlyEnglish political genius of the American peopleteaches them when and how to tolerate sucanomalies, and has more than once enabled the



safely to cut the Gordian knot which mere logiccould not untie if it were to fumble till doomsday.In the second year after Lexington the Americancommonwealths had already entered upon the patof their “manifest destiny,” and were becomingunited into one political body faster than the peoplecould distinctly realize.



CHAPTER VISECOND BLOW AT THE CENTRE

Carleton invades New York Ever since thefailure of the American invasion of Canada, it had

een the intention of Sir Guy Carleton, iaccordance with the wishes of the ministry, toinvade New York by way of Lake Champlain, andto secure the Mohawk valley and the upper watersof the Hudson. The summer of 1776 had beeemployed by Carleton in getting together a fleet

with which to obtain control of the lake. It was aarduous task. Three large vessels were sent over from England, and proceeded up the St. Lawrenceas far as the rapids, where they were taken to

pieces, carried overland to St. John’s, and there puttogether again. Twenty gunboats and more than twohundred flat-bottomed transports were built atMontreal, and manned with 700 picked seamen andgunners; and upon this flotilla Carleton embarked

his army of 12,000 men. Arnold’s preparations To oppose the threatened

invasion, Benedict Arnold had been working all thesummer with desperate energy. In June the



materials for his navy were growing in the forestsof Vermont, while his carpenters with their tools,his sail-makers with their canvas, and his gunnerswith their guns had mostly to be brought from thecoast towns of Connecticut and Massachusetts. Bythe end of September he had built a little fleet othree schooners, two sloops, three galleys, andeight gondolas, and fitted it out with seventy guns

and such seamen and gunners as he could gettogether. With this flotilla he could not hope to

prevent the advance of such an overwhelming forceas that of the enemy. The most he could do would

e to worry and delay it, besides raising the spiritsof the people by the example of an obstinate andfurious resistance. To allow Carleton to reachTiconderoga without opposition would bedisheartening, whereas by delay and vexation he

might hope to dampen the enthusiasm of theinvader. With this end in view, Arnold proceededdown the lake far to the north of Crown Point, andtaking up a strong position between Valcour Island

and the western shore, so that both his wings werecovered and he could be attacked only in front, helay in wait for the enemy. James Wilkinson, whotwenty years afterward became commander-in-chief of the American army, and survived the



second war with England, was then at Ticonderoga,on Gates’s staff. Though personally hostile toArnold, he calls attention in his Memoirs to theremarkable skill exhibited in the disposition of thelittle fleet at Valcour Island, which was the same in

principle as that by which Macdonough won hisrilliant victory, not far from the same spot, in

1814.



VIEW OF BATTLE OF VALCOUR ISLAND

Battle of Valcour Island, Oct. 11, 1776 On the11th of October, Sir Guy Carleton’s squadronapproached, and there ensued the first battle fought

etween an American and a British fleet. Atsundown, after a desperate fight of seven hours’duration, the British withdrew out of range,intending to renew the struggle in the morning. Botfleets had suffered severely, but the Americanswere so badly cut up that Carleton expected toforce them to surrender the next day. But Arnoldduring the hazy night contrived to slip through the

British line with all that was left of his crippledflotilla, and made away for Crown Point with all possible speed. Though he once had to stop to mendleaks, and once to take off the men and guns frotwo gondolas which were sinking, he nevertheless,

y dint of sailing and kedging, got such a start thatthe enemy did not overtake him until the next day

ut one, when he was nearing Crown Point. Whilethe rest of the fleet, by Arnold’s orders, now

crowded sail for their haven, he in his schooner sustained an ugly fight for four hours with the threelargest British vessels, one of which mountedeighteen twelve-pounders. His vessel was wofully



cut up, and her deck covered with dead and dyinmen, when, having sufficiently delayed the enemy,he succeeded in running her aground in a smallcreek, where he set her on fire, and she perishedgloriously, with her flag flying till the flames

rought it down. Then marching through woodland paths to Crown Point, where his other vessels hadnow disembarked their men, he brought away his

whole force in safety to Ticonderoga. WhenCarleton appeared before that celebrated fortress,finding it strongly defended, and doubting hisability to reduce it before the setting in of coldweather, he decided to take his army back toCanada, satisfied for the present with having gainedcontrol of Lake Champlain. This sudden retreat oCarleton astonished both friend and foe. He was

lamed for it by his generals, Burgoyne, Phillips,

and Riedesel, as well as by the king; and when wesee how easily the fortress was seized by Phillipsin the following summer, we can hardly doubt thatit was a grave mistake.

Congress promotes five junior brigadiers over rnold, Feb. 19, 1777 Arnold had now won an

enviable reputation as the “bravest of the brave.” Ihis terrible march through the wilderness of Maine,



in the assault upon Quebec, and in the defence oLake Champlain, he had shown rare heroism andskill. The whole country rang with his praises, andWashington regarded him as one of the ablestofficers in the army. Yet when Congress now

proceeded to appoint five new major-generals, theyselected Stirling, Mifflin, St. Clair, Stephen, andLincoln, passing over Arnold, who was the senior

rigadier. None of the generals named could for amoment be compared with Arnold for ability, andthis strange action of Congress, coming soon after such a brilliant exploit, naturally hurt his feelingsand greatly incensed him. Arnold was proud andirascible in temper, but on this occasion hecontrolled himself manfully, and listened toWashington, who entreated him not to resign. Soastonished was Washington at the action of

Congress that at first he could not believe it. Hethought either that Arnold must really have receiveda prior appointment, which for some reason had notet been made public, or else that his name must

have been omitted through some unaccountableoversight. It turned out, however, on further inquiry,that state jealousies had been the cause of themischief. The reason assigned for ignorinArnold’s services was that Connecticut had already



two major-generals, and was not in fairness entitledto any more! But beneath this alleged reason therelurked a deeper reason, likewise founded iealousies between the states. The intrigues whic

soon after disgraced the northern army andimperilled the safety of the country had already

egun to bear bitter fruit. Philip Schuyler Since theeginning of the war, Major-General Philip

Schuyler had been in command of the norther department, with his headquarters at Albany,whence his ancestors had a century before hurleddefiance at Frontenac. His family was one of themost distinguished in New York, and an inheritedzeal for the public service thrilled in every drop ohis blood. No more upright or disinterested macould be found in America, and for bravery andgenerosity he was like the paladin of somemediæval romance. In spite of these fine qualities,he was bitterly hated by the New England men, whoformed a considerable portion of his army. Besidethe general stupid dislike which the people of New

York and of New England then felt for each other,echoes of which are still sometimes heardnowadays, there was a special reason for the odiuwhich was heaped upon Schuyler. The dispute over the possession of Vermont had now raged fiercely



for thirteen years, and Schuyler, as a member of the New York legislature, had naturally been zealous iurging the claims of his own state. For this crimethe men of New England were never able to forgivehim, and he was pursued with vindictive hatreduntil his career as a general was ruined. His orderswere obeyed with sullenness, the worstinterpretation was put upon every one of his acts,

and evil-minded busybodies were continually pouring into the ears of Congress a stream of tattle,which gradually wore out their trust in him.

Horatio Gates The evil was greatly enhanced

y the fact that among the generals of the norther army there was one envious creature who waslikely to take Schuyler’s place in case he should beousted from it, and who for so desirable an objectwas ready to do any amount of intriguing. The partsustained by Charles Lee with reference toWashington was to some extent paralleled here bythe part sustained toward Schuyler by HoratioGates. There is indeed no reason for supposing thatGates was capable of such baseness as Leeexhibited in his willingness to play into the handsof the enemy; nor had he the nerve for suc

prodigious treason as that in which Arnold engaged



after his sympathies had become alienated from theAmerican cause. With all his faults, Gates never incurred the odium which belongs to a publictraitor. But his nature was thoroughly weak and

petty, and he never shrank from falsehood when itseemed to serve his purpose. Unlike Lee, he wascomely in person, mild in disposition, andcourteous in manner, except when roused to anger

or influenced by spite, when he sometimes becameery violent. He never gave evidence of either skill

or bravery; and in taking part in the war his onlysolicitude seems to have been for his own personaladvancement. In the course of his campaigning witthe northern army, he seems never once to have

een under fire, but he would incur no end ofatigue to get a private talk with a delegate iCongress. Like many others, he took a high positio

at the beginning of the struggle simply because hewas a veteran of the Seven Years’ War, having

een one of the officers who were brought off isafety from the wreck of Braddock’s army by the

outhful skill and prowess of Washington. At present, and until after the end of the Saratogacampaign, such reputation as he had was won byappropriating the fame which was earned by hisfellow-generals. He was in command at



Ticonderoga when Arnold performed hisenturesome feat on Lake Champlain, and whe

Carleton made his blunder in not attacking thestronghold; and all this story Gates told to Congressas the story of an advantage which he had somehowgained over Carleton, at the same time anxiouslyinquiring if Congress regarded him, in his remote

position at Ticonderoga, as subject to the orders o

Schuyler at Albany. Finding that he was thusregarded as subordinate, he became restive, andseized the earliest opportunity of making a visit toCongress. The retreat of Carleton enabled Schuyler to send seven regiments to the relief of Washingtonin New Jersey, and we have already seen howGates, on arriving with this reinforcement, declinedto assist personally in the Trenton campaign, andtook the occasion to follow Congress in its retreatto Baltimore.



The winter seems to have been spent in intrigue.Knowing the chief source of Schuyler’s



unpopularity, Gates made it a point to declare, asoften and as loudly as possible, his belief that thestate of New York had no title to the GreenMountain country. Gates intrigues against

Schuyler In this way he won golden opinions frothe people of New England, and rose high in thegood graces of such members of Congress asSamuel Adams, whose noble nature was slow to

perceive his meanness and duplicity. The failure othe invasion of Canada had caused much chagrin iCongress, and it was sought to throw the whole

lame of it upon Schuyler for having, as it wasalleged, inadequately supported Montgomery andArnold. The unjust charge served to arouse a

prejudice in many minds, and during the winter some irritating letters passed between Schuyler andCongress, until late in March, 1777, he obtained

permission to visit Philadelphia and vindicatehimself. On the 22d of May, after a thoroughinvestigation, Schuyler’s conduct received the fullapproval of Congress, and he was confirmed in his

command of the northern department, which wasexpressly defined as including Lakes George andChamplain, as well as the valleys of the Hudsoand the Mohawk.



Gates visits Congress The sensitive soul oGates now took fresh offence. He had been sent

ack in March to his post at Ticonderoga, just asSchuyler was starting for Philadelphia, and heflattered himself with the hope that he would soo

e chosen to supersede his gallant commander.Accordingly when he found that Schuyler had beereinstated in all his old command and honours, he

flew into a rage, refused to serve in a subordinatecapacity, wrote an impudent letter to Washington,and at last got permission to visit Congress again,while General St. Clair was appointed in his steadto the command of the great northern fortress. Othe 19th of June, Gates obtained a hearing beforeCongress, and behaved with such unseemly

iolence that after being repeatedly called to order,he was turned out of the room, amid a scene oangry confusion. Such conduct should naturallyhave ruined his cause, but he had made so many

powerful friends that by dint of more or lessapologetic talk the offence was condoned.



Charges against Arnold Throughout theseickerings Arnold had been the steadfast friend o



Schuyler; and although his brilliant exploits hadwon general admiration, he did not fail to catcsome of the odium so plentifully bestowed upon the

New York commander. In the chaos of disappointment and wrath which ensued upon thedisastrous retreat from Canada in 1776, wheeverybody was eager to punish somebody else for the ill fortune which was solely due to the superior

resources of the enemy, Arnold came in for hisshare of blame. No one could find any fault with hismilitary conduct, but charges were brought againsthim on the ground of some exactions of private

property at Montreal which had been made for thesupport of the army. A thorough investigation of thecase demonstrated Arnold’s entire uprightness ithe matter, and the verdict of Congress, whichdeclared the charges to be “cruel and unjust,” was

indorsed by Washington. Nevertheless, in themanifold complications of feeling whicsurrounded the Schuyler trouble, these unjustcharges succeeded in arousing a prejudice whic

may have had something to do with the slight castupon Arnold in the appointment of the new major-generals. In the whole course of American historythere are few sadder chapters than this. Among thescandals of this eventful winter we can trace the



eginnings of the melancholy chain of events whicy and by resulted in making the once heroic name

of Benedict Arnold a name of opprobriumthroughout the world. We already begin to see, too,originating in Lee’s intrigues of the precedingautumn, and nourished by the troubles growing outof the Vermont quarrel and the ambitious schemesof Gates, the earliest germs of that faction whic

erelong was to seek to compass the overthrow oWashington himself.

For the present the injustice suffered by Arnoldhad not wrought its darksome change in him. A long

and complicated series of influences was requiredto produce that result. To the earnest appeal of Washington that he should not resign he respondedcordially, declaring that no personal considerationsshould induce him to stay at home while theinterests of his country were at stake. He wouldzealously serve under his juniors, who had lately

een raised above him, so long as the commowelfare was in danger. An opportunity for active

service soon presented itself. Tryon’s expeditionagainst Danbury Among the preparations for thecoming summer campaign, Sir William Howethought it desirable to cripple the Americans by



seizing a large quantity of military stores which hadeen accumulated at Danbury in Connecticut. An

expedition was sent out, very much like that whicat Lexington and Concord had ushered in the war,and it met with a similar reception. A force of 2,000 men, led by the royal governor, Tryon, of

North Carolina fame, landed at Fairfield, andmarched to Danbury, where they destroyed the

stores and burned a large part of the town. Themilitia turned out, as on the day of Lexington, led byGeneral Wooster, who was slain in the firstskirmish. Arnold defeats Tryon at Ridgefield, April 27, 1777 By this time Arnold, who happened to be

isiting his children in New Haven, had heard othe affair, and came upon the scene with 600 men.At Ridgefield a desperate fight ensued, in whicArnold had two horses killed under him. The

British were defeated. By the time they reachedtheir ships, 200 of their number had been killed or wounded, and, with the yeomanry swarming oevery side, they narrowly escaped capture. For his

share in this action Arnold was made a major-general, and was presented by Congress with a finehorse; but nothing was done towards restoring hito his relative rank, nor was any explanatio

ouchsafed. Washington offered him the command



of the Hudson at Peekskill, which was liable to prove one of the important points in the ensuincampaign; but Arnold for the moment declined totake any such position until he should haveconferred with Congress, and fathomed the natureof the difficulties by which he had been beset; andso the command of this important position wasgiven to the veteran Putnam.

The time for the summer campaign was now athand. The first year of the independence of theUnited States was nearly completed, and up to thistime the British had nothing to show for their wor

except the capture of the city of New York and theoccupation of Newport. The army of Washington,which six months ago they had regarded asconquered and dispersed, still balked andthreatened them from its inexpugnable position othe heights of Morristown. It was high time thatsomething more solid should be accomplished, for every month of adverse possession added fresweight to the American cause, and increased the

probability that France would interfere.The military centre of the United States was the

tate of New York A decisive blow wasaccordingly about to be struck. After careful study



y Lord George Germain, and much consultatiowith General Burgoyne, who had returned toEngland for the winter, it was decided to adhere tothe plan of the preceding year, with slightmodifications. The great object was to secure fir

possession of the entire valley of the Hudson,together with that of the Mohawk. It must be bornein mind that at this time the inhabited part of the

state of New York consisted almost entirely of theMohawk and Hudson valleys. All the rest wasunbroken wilderness, save for an occasionalfortified trading-post. With a total population oabout 170,000, New York ranked seventh amongthe thirteen states; just after Maryland andConnecticut, just before South Carolina. At thesame time, the geographical position of New York,whether from a commercial or from a military point

of view, was as commanding then as it has ever een. It was thought that so small a population,

among which there were known to be many Tories,might easily be conquered and the country firmly

held. The people of New Jersey and Pennsylvaniawere regarded as lukewarm supporters of theDeclaration of Independence, and it was supposedthat the conquest of New York might soon befollowed by the subjection of these two provinces.



GENERAL BURGOYNE

With theBritish power thus thrust,like a vastwedge,through thecentre of theconfederacy,

it would beimpossiblefor NewEngland tocoöperate

with the southern states, and it was hoped that theunion of the colonies against the Crown would thus

e effectually broken.

A second blow to be struck at the centre. Thelan of campaign With this object of conquering

New York, we have seen Carleton, in 1776,approaching through Lake Champlain, while Howewas wresting Manhattan Island from Washington.

But the plan was imperfectly conceived, and thecoöperation was feeble. How feeble it was is wellshown by the fact that Carleton’s ill-judged retreatfrom Crown Point enabled Schuyler to send



reinforcements to Washington in time to take part inthe great strokes at Trenton and Princeton.Something, however, had been accomplished. Inspite of Arnold’s desperate resistance andWashington’s consummate skill, the enemy hadgained a hold upon both the northern and thesouthern ends of the long line. But this obstinateresistance

served tosome extentto awakenthe enemyto thearduous character of the problem. The plan wasmore carefully studied, and it was intended that thistime the coöperation should be more effectual. Iorder to take possession of the whole state by one

grand system of operations, it was decided that theinvasion should be conducted by three distinctarmies operating upon converging lines. A strongforce from Canada was to take Ticonderoga, and

proceed down the line of the Hudson to Albany.This force was now to be commanded by GeneralBurgoyne, while his superior officer, GeneralCarleton, remained at Quebec. A second and muchsmaller force, under Colonel St. Leger, was to go



up the St. Lawrence to Lake Ontario, land atOswego, and, with the aid of Sir John Johnson andthe Indians, reduce Fort Stanwix; after which hewas to come down the Mohawk valley and unite hisforces with those of Burgoyne. At the same time,Sir William Howe was to ascend the Hudson withthe main army, force the passes of the Highlands atPeekskill, and effect a junction with Burgoyne at

Albany. The junction of the three armies wasexpected to complete the conquest of New York,and to insure the overthrow of Americanindependence.

The plan was unsound Such was the plan ocampaign prepared by the ministry. There can be nodoubt that it was carefully studied, or that, isuccessful, it would have proved very disastrous tothe Americans. There is room for very grave doubt,however, as to whether it was the most judicious

plan to adopt. The method of invading any countryy distinct forces operating upon converging lines

is open to the objection that either force is liable to

e separately overwhelmed without the possibilityof reinforcement from the other. Such a plan is

prudent only when the invaded country has goodroads, and when the invaders have a great



superiority in force, as was the case when theallied armies advanced upon Paris in 1814. Inorthern and central New York, in 1777, theconditions were very unfavourable to such a plan.The distances to be traversed were long, and theroads were few and bad. Except in the immediateneighbourhood of Albany and Saratoga, the countrywas covered with the primeval forest, throug

which only the trapper and the savage could maketheir way with speed. The Americans, too, had thegreat advantage of operating upon interior lines. Itwas difficult for Burgoyne at Fort Edward, St.Leger before Fort Stanwix, and Howe in the city o

New York to communicate with each other at all; itwas impossible for them to do so promptly;whereas nothing could be easier than for Washington at Morristown to reach Putnam at

Peekskill, or for Putnam to forward troops toSchuyler at Albany, or for Schuyler to send out aforce to raise the siege of Fort Stanwix. In view othese considerations, it seems probable that Lord

George Germain would have acted more wisely ihe had sent Burgoyne with his army directly by seato reinforce Sir William Howe. The army thusunited, and numbering more than 30,000 men,would have been really formidable. If they had



undertaken to go up the river to Albany, it wouldhave been hard to prevent them. If their united

presence at Albany was the great object of thecampaign, there was no advantage in sending onecommander to reach it by a difficult and dangerousoverland march. The Hudson is navigable by large

essels all the way to Albany, and by advancing inthis way the army might have preserved its

connections; and whatever disaster might haveefallen, it would have been difficult for the

Americans to surround and capture so large a force.Once arrived at Albany, the expedition of St. Leger might have set out from that point as a matter osubsequent detail, and would have had a basewithin easy distance upon which to fall back icase of defeat.



BURGOYNE’S INVASION OF NEW YORK, JULY-OCTOBER, 1777

Germain’s fatal error It does not appear,therefore, that there were any advantages to begained by Burgoyne’s advance from the north whiccan be regarded as commensurate with the riswhich he incurred. To have transferred the northernarmy from the St. Lawrence to the Hudson by sea

would have been far easier and safer than to send itthrough a hundred miles of wilderness in norther

New York; and whatever it could have effected inthe interior of the state could have been done aswell in the former case as in the latter. But theseconsiderations do not seem to have occurred toLord George Germain. In the wars with the French,the invading armies from Canada had always come

y way of Lake Champlain, so that this route was

accepted without question, as if consecrated bylong usage. Through a similar association of ideasan exaggerated importance was attached to the

possession of Ticonderoga. The risks of the

enterprise, moreover, were greatly underestimated.In imagining that the routes of Burgoyne and St.Leger would lie through a friendly country, theministry fatally misconceived the whole case.There was, indeed, a powerful Tory party in the



country, just as in the days of Robert Bruce therewas an English party in Scotland, just as in the daysof Miltiades there was a Persian party in Attika.But no one has ever doubted that the victors atMarathon and at Bannockburn went forth with ahearty godspeed from their fellow-countrymen; andthe obstinate resistance encountered by St. Leger,within a short distance of Johnson’s Tory

stronghold, is an eloquent commentary upon theerror of the ministry in their estimate of the actualsignificance of the loyalist element on the NewYork frontier.



RUINS OF TICONDEROGA IN 1818Too many unknown quantities It thus appears

that in the plan of a triple invasion upon converginlines the ministry were dealing with too many

unknown quantities. They were running a prodigious risk for the sake of an advantage whicin itself was extremely open to question; for shouldit turn out that the strength of the Tory party was not



sufficiently great to make the junction of the threearmies at Albany at once equivalent to the completeconquest of the state, then the end for which thecampaign was undertaken could not be securedwithout supplementary campaigns. Neither asuccessful march up and down the Hudson river nor the erection of a chain of British fortresses on thatriver could effectually cut off the souther

communications of New England, unless allmilitary resistance were finally crushed in the stateof New York. The surest course for the British,therefore, would have been to concentrate all their available force at the mouth of the Hudson, andcontinue to make the destruction of Washington’sarmy the chief object of their exertions. In view othe subtle genius which he had shown during thelast campaign, that would have been an arduous

task; but, as events showed, they had to deal withis genius all the same on the plan which theyadopted, and at a great disadvantage.

Danger from New England ignored Another

point which the ministry overlooked was the effectof Burgoyne’s advance upon the people of NewEngland. They could reasonably count upoalarming the yeomanry of New Hampshire and



Massachusetts by a bold stroke upon the Hudson,ut they failed to see that this alarm would naturallyring about a rising that would be very dangerous

to the British cause. Difficult as it was at that timeto keep the Continental army properly recruited, itwas not at all difficult to arouse the yeomanry in the

presence of an immediate danger. In the western parts of New England there were scarcely any

Tories to complicate the matter; and the flank movement by the New England militia became oneof the most formidable features in the case.

The dispatch that was never sent But whatever

may be thought of the merits of Lord George’s plan,there can be no doubt that its success wasabsolutely dependent upon the harmoniouscoöperation of all the forces involved in it. Theascent of the Hudson by Sir William Howe, withthe main army, was as essential a part of thescheme as the descent of Burgoyne from the north;and as the two commanders could not easilycommunicate with each other, it was necessary that

oth should be strictly bound by their instructions.At this point a fatal blunder was made. Burgoynewas expressly directed to follow the prescribedline down the Hudson, whatever might happen, until



he should effect his junction with the main army. Onthe other hand, no such unconditional orders werereceived by Howe. He understood the plan ocampaign, and knew that he was expected to ascendthe river in force; but he was left with the usualdiscretionary power, and we shall presently seewhat an imprudent use he made of it. The reasonsfor this inconsistency on the part of the ministry

were for a long time unintelligible; but amemorandum of Lord Shelburne, lately brought tolight by Lord Edmund Fitzmaurice, has solved themystery. It seems that a dispatch, containing

positive and explicit orders for Howe to ascend theHudson, was duly drafted, and, with many other

papers, awaited the minister’s signature. LordGeorge Germain, being on his way to the country,called at his office to sign the dispatches; but whe

he came to the letter addressed to General Howe,he found it had not been “fair copied.” LordGeorge, like the old gentleman who killed himselin defence of the great principle that crumpets are

wholesome, never would be put out of his way byanything. Unwilling to lose his holiday, he hurriedoff to the green meadows of Kent, intending to sigthe letter on his return. But when he came back thematter had slipped from his mind. The document o



which hung the fortunes of an army, and perhaps oa nation, got thrust unsigned into a pigeon-hole,where it was duly discovered some time after thedisaster at Saratoga had become part of history.



Happy in his ignorance of the risks he wasassuming, Burgoyne took the field about the 1st o



June, with an army of 7,902 men, of whom 4,135were British regulars. His German troops froBrunswick, 3,116 in number, were commanded byBaron Riedesel, an able general, whoseaccomplished wife has left us such a picturesqueand charming description of the scenes of thisadventurous campaign. Of Canadian militia therewere 148, and of Indians 503. The regular troops,

oth German and English, were superbly trainedand equipped, and their officers were selected witespecial care. Generals Phillips and Fraser wereregarded as among the best officers in the Britisservice. Burgoyne advances upon Ticonderoga Othe second anniversary of Bunker Hill this army

egan crossing the lake to Crown Point; and on the1st of July it appeared before Ticonderoga, whereSt. Clair was posted with a garrison of 3,000 men.

Since its capture by Allen, the fortress had beencarefully strengthened, until it was now believed to

e impregnable. But while no end of time andexpense had been devoted to the fortifications, a

neighbouring point which commands the whole position had been strangely neglected. A little lessthan a mile south of Ticonderoga, the narrowmountain ridge between the two lakes ends abruptlyin a bold crag, which rises 600 feet sheer over the



lue water. Phillips seizes Mount efiance Practised eyes in the American fort had

already seen that a hostile battery Phillips plantedon this eminence would render their strongholduntenable; but it was not believed that siege-gunscould be dragged up the steep ascent, and so, ispite of due warning, the crag had not been securedwhen the British army arrived. General Phillips at

once saw the value of the position, and,approaching it by a defile that was screened frothe view of the fort, worked night and day i

reaking out a pathway and dragging up cannon.“Where a goat can go, a man may go; and where aman can go, he can haul up a gun,” argued thegallant general. Great was the astonishment of thegarrison when, on the morning of July 5th, they sawred coats swarming on the hill, which the British,rejoicing in their exploit, now named MountDefiance. There were not only red coats there, but

rass cannon, which by the next day would beready for work. Ticonderoga had become a trap,

from which the garrison could not escape tooquickly. St. Clair abandons Ticonderoga, July 5,1777 A council of war was held, and under cover of night St. Clair took his little army across the lakeand retreated upon Castleton in the Gree



Mountains. Such guns and stores as could be saved,with the women and wounded men, were embarkedin 200 boats, and sent, under a strong escort, to thehead of the lake, whence they continued their retreatto Fort Edward on the Hudson. About three o’clock in the morning a house accidentally took fire, and ithe glare of the flames the British sentinels caught aglimpse of the American rear-guard just as it was

anishing in the sombre depths of the forest. Alarmguns were fired, and in less than an hour the Britisflag was hoisted over the empty fortress, whileGeneral Fraser, with 900 men, had started in hot

pursuit of the retreating Americans. Riedesel wassoon sent to support him, while Burgoyne, leavinnearly 1,000 men to garrison the fort, started up thelake with the main body of the army. Battle o

ubbardton, July 7 On the morning of the 7th,General Fraser overtook the American rear-guardof 1,000 men, under Colonels Warner and Francis,at the village of Hubbardton, about six miles behindthe main army. A fierce fight ensued, in which

Fraser was worsted, and had begun to fall back,with the loss of one fifth of his men, when Riedeselcame up with his Germans, and the Americans were

put to flight, leaving one third of their number killed



or wounded. This obstinate resistance atHubbardton served to check the pursuit, and fivedays later St. Clair succeeded, without further loss,in reaching Fort Edward, where he joined the maiarmy under Schuyler.

TRUMBULL’S PLAN OF TICONDEROGA ANDMOUNT DEFIANCE

One swallow does not make a summer Up tothis moment, considering the amount of work done



and the extent of country traversed, the loss of theBritish had been very small. They began to speacontemptuously of their antagonists, and the officersamused themselves by laying wagers as to the

precise number of days it would take them to reacAlbany. In commenting on the failure to occupyMount Defiance, Burgoyne made a generalstatement on the strength of a single instance,—

which is the besetting sin of human reasoning. “Itconvinces me,” said he, “that the Americans haveno men of military science.” Yet General Howe atBoston, in neglecting to occupy Dorchester Heights,had made just the same blunder, and with lessexcuse; for no one had ever doubted that batteriesmight be placed there by somebody.

The king’s glee In England the fall oTiconderoga was greeted with exultation, as thedeath-blow to the American cause. HoraceWalpole tells how the king rushed into the queen’sapartment, clapping his hands and shouting, “I have

eat them! I have beat all the Americans!” People

egan to discuss the best method of reëstablishinthe royal governments in the “colonies.” In Americathere was general consternation. St. Clair wasgreeted with a storm of abuse. Wrath of John



dams John Adams, then president of the Board oWar, wrote, in the first white heat of indignation,“We shall never be able to defend a post till weshoot a general!” Schuyler, too, as commander othe department, was ignorantly and wildly blamed,and his political enemies seized upon the occasioto circulate fresh stories to his discredit. A court-martial in the following year vindicated St. Clair’s

prudence in giving up an untenable position andsaving his army from capture. The verdict was just,

ut there is no doubt that the failure to fortify MountDefiance was a grave error of judgment, for whicthe historian may fairly apportion the blame

etween St. Clair and Gates. It was Gates who hadeen in command of Ticonderoga in the autumn o

1776, when an attack by Carleton was expected,and his attention had been called to this weak point

y Colonel Trumbull, whom he laughed to scorn.Gates had again been in command from March toJune. St. Clair had taken command about threeweeks before Burgoyne’s approach; he had

seriously considered the question of fortifyinMount Defiance, but had not been sufficiently prompt. Gates chiefly to blame In no case could any

lame attach to Schuyler. Gates was more at faultthan any one else, but he did not happen to be at



hand when the catastrophe occurred, andaccordingly people did not associate him with it.On the contrary, amid the general wrath, the loss othe northern citadel was alleged as a reason for superseding Schuyler by Gates; for if he had beethere, it was thought that the disaster would have

een prevented.



The irony of events, however, alike ignoringAmerican consternation and British glee, showedthat the capture of Ticonderoga was not to help theinvaders in the least. On the contrary, it straightway

ecame a burden, for it detained an eighth part oBurgoyne’s force in garrison at a time when hecould ill spare it. Burgoyne’s difficultiesbegin Indeed, alarming as his swift advance had

seemed at first, Burgoyne’s serious difficultieswere now just beginning, and the harder helaboured to surmount them the more completely didhe work himself into a position from which it wasimpossible either to advance or to recede. On the10th of July his whole army had reachedSkenesborough (now Whitehall), at the head oLake Champlain. From this point to Fort Edward,where the American army was encamped, thedistance was twenty miles as the crow flies; butSchuyler had been industriously at work with thosehumble weapons the axe and the crowbar, which inwarfare sometimes prove mightier than the sword.

The roads, bad enough at their best, wereobstructed every few yards by huge trunks of falletrees, that lay with their boughs interwoven.Wherever the little streams could serve as aids tothe march, they were choked up with stumps and



stones; wherever they served as obstacles whicneeded to be crossed, the bridges were brokedown. The country was such an intricate labyrintof creeks and swamps that more than forty bridgeshad to be rebuilt in the course of the march. Under these circumstances, Burgoyne’s advance must beregarded as a marvel of celerity. He accomplisheda mile a day, and reached Fort Edward on the 30th

of July. Schuyler wisely evacuates Fort Edward In the

mean time Schuyler had crossed the Hudson, andslowly fallen back to Stillwater. For this retrograde

movement fresh blame was visited upon him by thegeneral public, which at all times is apt to supposethat a war should mainly consist of bloody battles,and which can seldom be made to understand thestrategic value of a retreat. The facts of the casewere also misunderstood. Fort Edward wassupposed to be an impregnable stronghold, whereasit was really commanded by highlands. TheMarquis de Chastellux, who visited it somewhatlater, declared that it could be taken at any time by500 men with four siege-guns. Now for fightin

purposes an open field is much better than auntenable fortress. If Schuyler had stayed in Fort



ex him and retard his progress.

Use of Indian auxiliaries Even had the loyalistfeeling on the Vermont frontier of New York been

far stronger than it really was, Burgoyne had donemuch to alienate or stifle it by his ill-advisedemployment of Indian auxiliaries. For this blunder the responsibility rests mainly with Lord North andLord George Germain. Burgoyne had little choicein the matter except to carry out his instructions.Being a humane man, and sharing, perhaps, in that

iew of the “noble savage” which was fashionablein Europe in the eighteenth century, he fancied he

could prevail upon his tawny allies to forego their cherished pastime of murdering and scalping.When, at the beginning of the campaign, he wasoined by a party of Wyandots and Ottawas, under

command of that same redoubtable Charles deLanglade who, twenty-two years before, hadachieved the ruin of Braddock, he explained his

policy to them in an elaborate speech, full of sucsentimental phrases as the Indian mind was

supposed to delight in. Burgoyne’s address to thechiefs The slaughter of aged men, of women andchildren and unresisting prisoners, was absolutely

prohibited; and “on no account, or pretense, or



subtlety, or prevarication,” were scalps to be takenfrom wounded or dying men. An order more likelyto prove efficient was one which provided areward for every savage who should bring his

prisoners to camp in safety. To these injunctions,which must have inspired them with pityincontempt, the chiefs laconically replied that theyhad “sharpened their hatchets upon their

affections,” and were ready to follow their “greatwhite father.”



LORD NORTH

It is ridiculed by Burke The employment oIndian auxiliaries was indignantly denounced by theopposition in Parliament, and when the news of thisspeech of Burgoyne’s reached England it was



angrily ridiculed by Burke, who took a sounder iew of the natural instincts of the red man.

“Suppose,” said Burke, “that there was a riot oTower Hill. What would the keeper of hismajesty’s lions do? Would he not fling open thedens of the wild beasts, and then address them thus?‘My gentle lions, my humane bears, my tender-hearted hyenas, go forth! But I exhort you, as yo

are Christians and members of civilized society, totake care not to hurt any man, woman, or child.’”The House of Commons was convulsed over thisgrotesque picture; and Lord North, to whom itseemed irresistibly funny to hear an absent man thusdenounced for measures which he himself hadoriginated, sat choking with laughter, while tearsrolled down his great fat cheeks.

It soon turned out, however, to be no laughingmatter. The cruelties inflicted indiscriminately upo

patriots and loyalists soon served to madden theeomanry, and array against the invaders whatever

wavering sentiment had hitherto remained in the

country. The story of Jane McCrea One sad incidentin particular has been treasured up in the memory othe people, and celebrated in song and story. JennyMcCrea, the beautiful daughter of a Scotc



clergyman of Paulus Hook, was at Fort Edward,isiting her friend Mrs. McNeil, who was a loyalist

and a cousin of General Fraser. On the morning oJuly 27th, a marauding party of Indians burst intothe house, and carried away the two ladies. Theywere soon pursued by some American soldiers,who exchanged a few shots with them. In theconfusion which ensued the party was scattered,

and Mrs. McNeil was taken alone into the camp othe approaching British army. Next day a savage ogigantic stature, a famous sachem, known as theWyandot Panther, came into the camp with a scalpwhich Mrs. McNeil at once recognized as Jenny’s,from the silky black tresses, more than a yard ilength. A search was made, and the body of the

poor girl was found hard by a spring in the forest, pierced with three bullet wounds. How she came to

her cruel death was never known. The Panther plausibly declared that she had been accidentallyshot during the scuffle with the soldiers, but his

eracity was open to question, and the few facts

that were known left ample room for conjecture.The popular imagination soon framed its story wita romantic completeness that thrust aside even thesefew facts. Miss McCrea was betrothed to DavidJones, a loyalist who was serving as lieutenant i



Burgoyne’s army. In the legend which immediatelysprang up, Mr. Jones was said to have sent a partyof Indians, with a letter to his betrothed, entreatinher to come to him within the British lines that theymight be married. For bringing her to him in safetythe Indians were to receive a barrel of rum. Wheshe had entrusted herself to their care, and the partyhad proceeded as far as the spring, where the

savages stopped to drink, a dispute arose as to whowas to have the custody of the barrel of rum, andmany high words ensued, until one of the partysettled the question offhand by slaying the lady withis tomahawk. It would be hard to find a moreinteresting example of the mushroom-like growtand obstinate vitality of a romantic legend. Thestory seems to have had nothing in common with theobserved facts, except the existence of the twolovers and the Indians and a spring in the forest. [12]

Yet it took possession of the popular mind almostimmediately after the event, and it has ever since

een repeated, with endless variations in detail, by

American historians. Mr. Jones himself—wholived, a broken-hearted man, for half a century after the tragedy—was never weary of pointing out itsfalsehood and absurdity; but all his testimony,



together with that of Mrs. McNeil and other witnesses, to the facts that really happened was

powerless to shake the hold upon the popular fancywhich the legend had instantly gained. Such ainstance, occurring in a community of shrewd andwell-educated people, affords a suggestivecommentary upon the origin and growth of popular tales in earlier and more ignorant ages.

THE ALLIES—PAR NOBILE FRATRUM[13]

The Indians desert Burgoyne But in whatever way poor Jenny may have come to her death, therecan be no doubt as to the mischief which it swiftlywrought for the invading army. In the first place, it



led to the desertion of all the Indian allies.Burgoyne was a man of quick and tender sympathy,and the fate of this sweet young lady shocked hias it shocked the American people. He would havehad the Panther promptly hanged, but that his guiltwas not clearly proved, and many of the officersargued that the execution of a famous and popular sachem would enrage all the other Indians, and

might endanger the lives of many of the soldiers.The Panther’s life was accordingly spared, butBurgoyne made it a rule that henceforth no party oIndians should be allowed to go marauding saveunder the lead of some British officer, who mightwatch and restrain them. When this rule was put iforce, the tawny savages grunted and growled for two or three days, and then, with hoarse yells andhoots, all the five hundred broke loose from the

camp, and scampered off to the Adirondack wilderness. From a military point of view, the losswas small, save in so far as it deprived the army o

aluable scouts and guides. But the thirst for

engeance which was aroused among the yeomanryof northern New York, of Vermont, and of westernMassachusetts, was a much more serious matter.The lamentable story was told at every villagefireside, and no detail of pathos or of horror was



forgotten. The name of Jenny McCrea became awatchword, and a fortnight had not passed beforeGeneral Lincoln had gathered on the British flanan army of stout and resolute farmers, inflamedwith such wrath as had not filled their bosoms sincethe day when all New England had rushed to

esiege the enemy in Boston.

Importance of Bennington; Burgoyne sends aGerman force against it Such a force of untrainedeomanry is of little use in prolonged warfare, but

on important occasions it is sometimes capable odealing heavy blows. We have seen what it could

do on the memorable day of Lexington. It was nowabout to strike, at a critical moment, with still moredeadly effect. Burgoyne’s advance, laborious as ithad been for the last three weeks, was now stoppedfor want of horses to drag the cannon and carry the

provision bags; and the army, moreover, wasalready suffering from hunger. The little village oBennington, at the foot of the Green Mountains, had

een selected by the New England militia as a

centre of supplies. Many hundred horses had beecollected there, with ample stores of food andammunition. To capture this village would giveBurgoyne the warlike material he wanted, while at



the same time it would paralyze the movements oLincoln, and perhaps dispel the ominous cloud thatwas gathering over the rear of the British army.Accordingly, on the 13th of August, a strongdetachment of 500 of Riedesel’s men, with 100newly arrived Indians and a couple of cannon, wassent out to seize the stores at Bennington.Lieutenant-Colonel Baum commanded the

expedition, and he was accompanied by Major Skene, an American loyalist, who assuredBurgoyne on his honour that the Green Mountainswere swarming with devoted subjects of KinGeorge, who would flock by hundreds to hisstandard as soon as it should be set up among them.That these loyal recruits might be organized asquickly as possible, Burgoyne sent along with theexpedition a skeleton regiment of loyalists, all duly

officered, into the ranks of which they might bemustered without delay. The loyal recruits,however, turned out to be the phantom of adistempered imagination: not one of them appeared

in the flesh. On the contrary, the demeanour of the people was so threatening that Baum becameconvinced that hard work was before him, and nextday he sent back for reinforcements. Lieutenant-Colonel Breymann was accordingly sent to support



him, with another body of 500 Germans and twofield-pieces.

Stark prepares to receive the Germans

Meanwhile Colonel Stark was preparing a war reception for the invaders. We have already seenJohn Stark, a gallant veteran of the Seven Years’War, serving with distinction at Bunker Hill and atTrenton and Princeton. He was considered one othe ablest officers in the army; but he had latelygone home in disgust, for, like Arnold, had been

passed over by Congress in the list of promotions.Tired of sulking in his tent, no sooner did this rustic

Achilles hear of the invaders’ presence in NewEngland than he forthwith sprang to arms, and in thetwinkling of an eye 800 stout yeomen weremarching under his orders. He refused to takeinstructions from any superior officer, but declaredthat he was acting under the sovereignty of NewHampshire alone, and would proceed upon his owresponsibility in defending the common cause. Atthe same time he sent word to General Lincoln, at

Manchester in the Green Mountains, asking him tolend him the services of Colonel Seth Warner, withthe gallant regiment which had checked the advanceof Fraser at Hubbardton. Lincoln sent the



reinforcement without delay, and after marching allnight in a drenching rain, the men reachedBennington in the morning, wet to the skin. Tellingthem to follow him as soon as they should havedried and rested themselves, Stark pushed on withis main body, and found the enemy about six milesdistant. On meeting this large force, Baum hastilytook up a strong position on some rising ground

ehind a small stream, everywhere fordable, knowas the Walloomsac river. All day long the rain fellin torrents, and while the Germans began to throwup intrenchments, Stark laid his plans for stormintheir position on the morrow. During the night acompany of Berkshire militia arrived, and witthem the excellent Mr. Allen, the warlike parson of Pittsfield, who went up to Stark and said, “Colonel,our Berkshire people have been often called out to

no purpose, and if you don’t let them fight now theywill never turn out again.” “Well,” said Stark,“would you have us turn out now, while it is pitchdark and raining buckets?” “No, not just this

minute,” replied the minister. “Then,” said thedoughty Stark, “as soon as the Lord shall once moresend us sunshine, if I don’t give you fightinenough, I’ll never ask you to come out again!”



Battle of Bennington, Aug. 16, 1777 Nextmorning the sun rose bright and clear, and a steamcame up from the sodden fields. It was a true dog-day, sultry and scorching. The forenoon was takenup in preparing the attack, while Baum waited ihis strong position. The New Englandersoutnumbered the Germans two to one, but they werea militia, unfurnished with bayonets or cannon,

while Baum’s soldiers were all regulars, pickedfrom the bravest of the troops which Ferdinand oBrunswick had led to victory at Creveld andMinden. But the worthy German commander, in thisstrange country, was no match for the astute Yankeeon his own ground. Stealthily and leisurely, duringthe whole forenoon, the New England farmersmarched around into Baum’s rear. They did notmarch in military array, but in little squads, half adozen at a time, dressed in their rustic blue frocks.There was nothing in their appearance which to aEuropean veteran like Baum could seem at allsoldier-like, and he thought that here at last were

those blessed Tories, whom he had been taught tolook out for, coming to place themselves behindhim for protection. Early in the afternoon he wascruelly undeceived. For while 500 of theseinnocent creatures opened upon him a deadly fire i



the rear and on both flanks, Stark, with 500 more,charged across the shallow stream and assailed hiin front. The Indians instantly broke and fledscreeching to the woods, while yet there was timefor escape. The Germans stood their ground, andfought desperately; but thus attacked on all sides atonce, they were soon thrown into disorder, andafter a two hours’ struggle, in which Baum was

mortally wounded, they were all captured. At thismoment, as the New England men began to scatter to the plunder of the German camp, the relievinforce of Breymann came upon the scene; and the

fortunes of the day might have been changed, hadnot Warner also arrived with his 150 fresh men inexcellent order. The invading force annihilated Afurious charge was made upon Breymann, who gaveway, and retreated slowly from hill to hill, while

parties of Americans kept pushing on to his rear tocut him off. By eight in the evening, when it hadgrown too dark to aim a gun, this second Germaforce was entirely dispersed or captured.

Breymann, with a mere corporal’s guard of sixty or seventy men, escaped under cover of darkness, andreached the British camp in safety. Of the wholeGerman force of 1,000 men, 207 had been killed



and wounded, and more than 700 had beecaptured. Among the spoils of victory were 1,000stand of arms, 1,000 dragoon swords, and four field-pieces. Of the Americans 14 were killed and42 wounded.



CANNON CAPTURED AT BENNINGTON

Effect of the news; Burgoyne’s enemies multiplyThe news of this brilliant victory spread joy and

hope throughout the land. Insubordination whichad been crowned with such splendid successcould not but be overlooked, and the gallant Star was at once taken back into the army, and made a

rigadier-general. Not least among the grounds oexultation was the fact that an army of yeomanryhad not merely defeated, but annihilated, an army othe Brunswick regulars, with whose Europeareputation for bravery and discipline every man i



the country was familiar. The bolder spirits beganto ask the question why that which had been done toBaum and Breymann might not be done toBurgoyne’s whole army; and in the excitement othis rising hope, reinforcements began to pour ifaster and faster, both to Schuyler at Stillwater andto Lincoln at Manchester. On the other hand,Burgoyne at Fort Edward was fast losing heart, as

dangers thickened around him. So far from securinhis supplies of horses, wagons, and food by thisstroke at Bennington, he had simply lost oneseventh part of his available army, and he was nowclearly in need of reinforcements as well assupplies. But no word had yet come from Sir William Howe, and the news from St. Leger wasanything but encouraging. It is now time for us toturn westward and follow the wild fortunes of the

second invading column.



COLONEL BARRY ST. LEGER

Advance of St. Leger upon Fort Stanwix Aboutthe middle of July, St. Leger had landed at Oswego,where he was joined by Sir John Johnson with his



famous Tory regiment known as the Royal Greens,and Colonel John Butler with his company of Toryrangers. Great efforts had been made by Johnson tosecure the aid of the Iroquois tribes, but only wit

partial success. For once the Long House was fairlydivided against itself, and the result of the presentcampaign did not redound to its future prosperity.The Mohawks, under their great chie

Thayendanegea, better known as Joseph Brant,entered heartily into the British cause, and theywere followed, though with less alacrity, by theCayugas and Senecas; but the central tribe, theOnondagas, remained neutral. Under the influenceof the missionary, Samuel Kirkland, the Oneidasand Tuscaroras actively aided the Americans,though they did not take the field. After dulyarranging his motley force, which amounted to

about 1,700 men, St. Leger advanced verycautiously through the woods, and sat down beforeFort Stanwix on the 3d of August. This stronghold,which had been built in 1758, on the watershed

etween the Hudson and Lake Ontario, commandedthe main line of traffic between New York andUpper Canada. The place was then on the veryoutskirts of civilization, and under the powerfulinfluence of Johnson the Tory element was stronger



here than in any other part of the state. Even here,however, the strength of the patriot party turned outto be much greater than had been supposed, and atthe approach of the enemy the people began to risein arms. In this part of New York there were manyGermans, whose ancestors had come over toAmerica in consequence of the devastation of thePalatinate by Louis XIV.; and among these there

was one stout patriot whose name shinesconspicuously in the picturesque annals of theRevolution. Herkimer marches against himGeneral Nicholas Herkimer, commander of themilitia of Tryon County, a veteran over sixty yearsof age, no sooner heard of St. Leger’s approacthan he started out to the rescue of Fort Stanwix;and by the 5th of August he had reached Oriskany,about eight miles distant, at the head of 800 men.The garrison of the fort, 600 in number, under Colonel Peter Gansevoort, had already laughed toscorn St. Leger’s summons to surrender, when, onthe morning of the 6th, they heard a distant firing to

the eastward, which they could not account for. Themystery was explained when three friendlymessengers floundered through a dangerous swampinto the fort, and told them of Herkimer’s approacand of his purpose. Herkimer’s plan The plan was



to overwhelm St. Leger by a concerted attack ifront and rear. The garrison was to make a furioussortie, while Herkimer, advancing through theforest, was to fall suddenly upon the enemy fro

ehind; and thus it was hoped that his army mighte crushed or captured at a single blow. To ensure

completeness of coöperation, Colonel Gansevoortwas to fire three guns immediately upon receivin

the message, and upon hearing this signal Herkimer would begin his march from Oriskany. Gansevoortwould then make such demonstrations as to keep thewhole attention of the enemy concentrated upon the

fort, and thus guard Herkimer against a surprise bythe way, until, after the proper interval of time, thegarrison should sally forth in full force.



PLAN OF FORT STANWIX



Failure of the plan In this bold scheme



everything depended upon absolute coördination itime. Herkimer had dispatched his messengers soearly on the evening of the 5th that they ought tohave reached the fort by three o’clock the nextmorning, and at about that time he began listeninfor the signal-guns. But through some unexplaineddelay it was nearly eleven in the forenoon when themessengers reached the fort, as just described.

Meanwhile, as hour after hour passed by, and nosignal-guns were heard by Herkimer’s men, theygrew impatient, and insisted upon going ahead,without regard to the preconcerted plan. Mucunseemly wrangling ensued, in which Herkimer was called a coward and accused of being a Toryat heart, until, stung by these taunts, the brave oldman at length gave way, and at about nine o’clock the forward march was resumed. At this time his

tardy messengers still lacked two hours of reachinthe fort, but St. Leger’s Indian scouts had alreadydiscovered and reported the approach of theAmerican force, and a strong detachment o

Johnson’s Greens under Major Watts, together withBrant and his Mohawks, had been sent out tointercept them.

Thayendanegea prepares an ambuscade About



two miles west of Oriskany the road was crossedy a deep semicircular ravine, concave toward the

east. The bottom of this ravine was a swamp,across which the road was carried by a causewayof logs, and the steep banks on either side werethickly covered with trees and underbrush. The

practised eye of Thayendanegea at once perceivedthe rare advantage of such a position, and a

ambuscade was soon prepared with a skill asdeadly as that which once had wrecked the proudarmy of Braddock. But this time it was a meeting oGreek with Greek, and the wiles of the savage chiewere foiled by a desperate valour which nothincould overcome. By ten o’clock the main body oHerkimer’s army had descended into the ravine,followed by the wagons, while the rear-guard wasstill on the rising ground behind. Battle of Oriskany,

ug. 6, 1777 At this moment they were greeted by amurderous volley from either side, while Johnson’sGreens came charging down upon them in front, andthe Indians, with frightful yells, swarmed in behind

and cut off the rear-guard, which was thus obligedto retreat to save itself. For a moment the maiody was thrown into confusion, but it soon rallied

and formed itself in a circle, which neither bayonetcharges nor musket fire could break or penetrate.



The scene which ensued was one of the mostinfernal that the history of savage warfare has ever witnessed. The dark ravine was filled with a massof fifteen hundred human beings, screaming andcursing, slipping in the mire, pushing andstruggling, seizing each other’s throats, stabbing,shooting, and dashing out brains. Bodies oneighbours were afterwards found lying in the bog,

where they had gone down in a death-grapple, their cold hands still grasping the knives plunged in eacother’s hearts.



continued shouting his orders in a stentorian voiceand directing the progress of the battle. Nature

presently enhanced the lurid horror of the scene.The heat of the August morning had beenintolerable, and black thunder-clouds, overhanginthe deep ravine at the beginning of the action, hadenveloped it in a darkness like that of night. Nowthe rain came pouring in torrents, while gusts o

wind howled through the treetops, and sheets olightning flashed in quick succession, with acontinuous roar of thunder that drowned the noiseof the fray. Retreat of the Tories The wet riflescould no longer be fired, but hatchet, knife, and

ayonet carried on the work of butchery, until, after more than five hundred men had been killed or wounded, the Indians gave way and fled in alldirections, and the Tory soldiers, disconcerted,

egan to retreat up the western road, whileHerkimer’s little army, remaining in possession othe hard-won field, felt itself too weak to pursuethem.

At this moment, as the storm cleared away andlong rays of sunshine began flickering through thewet leaves, the sound of the three signal-guns came

ooming through the air, and presently a sharp



crackling of musketry was heard from the directioof Fort Stanwix. Retreat of Herkimer Startled bythis ominous sound, the Tories made all possiblehaste to join their own army, while Herkimer’smen, bearing their wounded on litters of gree

oughs, returned in sad procession to Oriskany.With their commander helpless and more than onethird of their number slain or disabled, they were i

no condition to engage in a fresh conflict, andunwillingly confessed that the garrison of FortStanwix must be left to do its part of the wor alone. Upon the arrival of the messengers, ColonelGansevoort had at once taken in the wholesituation. He understood the mysterious firing in theforest, saw that Herkimer must have bee

prematurely attacked, and ordered his sortieinstantly, to serve as a diversion. Colonel Willett’s

ortie The sortie was a brilliant success. Sir JohJohnson, with his Tories and Indians, wascompletely routed and driven across the river.Colonel Marinus Willett took possession of his

camp, and held it while seven wagons were threetimes loaded with spoil and sent to be unloaded ithe fort. Among all this spoil, together withabundance of food and drink, blankets and clothes,tools and ammunition, the victors captured five



British standards, and all Johnson’s papers, maps,and memoranda, containing full instructions for the

projected campaign. First hoisting of the stars antripes After this useful exploit, Colonel Willett

returned to the fort and hoisted the captured Britisstandards, while over them he raised an uncoutflag, intended to represent the American stars andstripes, which Congress had adopted in June as the

national banner. This rude flag, hastilyextemporized out of a white shirt, an old blueacket, and some strips of red cloth from the

petticoat of a soldier’s wife, was the first Americaflag with stars and stripes that was ever hoisted,and it was first flung to the breeze on thememorable day of Oriskany, August 6, 1777.



JOSEPH BRANT: THAYENDANEGEA Death of Herkimer Of all the battles of the

Revolution, this was perhaps the most obstinate andmurderous. Each side seems to have lost not less



than one third of its whole number; and of thoselost, nearly all were killed, as it was largely ahand-to-hand struggle, like the battles of ancienttimes, and no quarter was given on either side. Thenumber of surviving wounded, who were carried

ack to Oriskany, does not seem to have exceededforty. Among these was the indomitable Herkimer,whose shattered leg was so unskilfully treated that

he died a few days later, sitting in bed propped by pillows, calmly smoking his Dutch pipe andreading his Bible at the thirty-eighth Psalm.

For some little time no one could tell exactly

how the results of this fierce and disorderly daywere to be regarded. Both sides claimed a victory,and St. Leger vainly tried to scare the garrison bythe story that their comrades had been destroyed ithe forest. But in its effects upon the campaign,Oriskany was for the Americans a success, thoughan incomplete one. St. Leger was not crushed, buthe was badly crippled. The sacking of Johnson’scamp injured his prestige in the neighbourhood, and

the Indian allies, who had lost more than a hundredof their best warriors on that fatal morning, grewdaily more sullen and refractory, until their strange

ehaviour came to be a fresh source of anxiety to



the Britiscommander.While he was

pushing on thesiege as wellas he could, aforce of 1,200troops, under

Arnold, wasmarching upthe Mohawvalley tocomplete hisdiscomfiture.



HERKIMER’S HOUSE AT LITTLE FALLS

Arnold arrives at Schuyler’s camp As soon as

he had heard the news of the fall of Ticonderoga,Washington had dispatched Arnold to render suchassistance as he could to the northern army, andArnold had accordingly arrived at Schuyler’s



headquarters about three weeks ago. Before leavinPhiladelphia, he had appealed to Congress torestore him to his former rank relatively to the fiveunior officers who had been promoted over him,

and he had just learned that Congress had refusedthe request. At this moment, Colonel Willett andanother officer, after a perilous journey through thewilderness, arrived at Schuyler’s headquarters, and

ringing the news of Oriskany, begged that a forcemight be sent to raise the siege of Fort Stanwix.Schuyler understood the importance of rescuing thestronghold and its brave garrison, and called acouncil of war; but he was bitterly opposed by hisofficers, one of whom presently said to another, inan audible whisper, “He only wants to weaken thearmy!” At this vile insinuation, the indignantgeneral set his teeth so hard as to bite through the

stem of the pipe he was smoking, which fell on thefloor and was smashed. “Enough!” he cried. “Iassume the whole responsibility. Where is the

rigadier who will go?” and volunteers to relieve

Fort Stanwix The brigadiers all sat in sullesilence; but Arnold, who had been brooding over his private grievances, suddenly jumped up.“Here!” said he. “Washington sent me here to makemyself useful: I will go.” The commander gratefully



seized him by the hand, and the drum beat for olunteers. Arnold’s unpopularity in New England

was mainly with the politicians. It did not extend tothe common soldiers, who admired his impulsive

ravery and had unbounded faith in his resources asa leader.

Accordingly, 1,200 Massachusetts men were easilyenlisted in the course of the next forenoon, and theexpedition started up the Mohawk valley. Arnold

pushed on with characteristic energy, but the natural



difficulties of the road were such that after a weeof hard work he had only reached the German Flats,where he was still more than twenty miles froFort Stanwix. Believing that no time should be lost,and that everything should be done to encourage thegarrison and dishearten the enemy, he had recourseto a stratagem, which succeeded beyond his utmostanticipation. A party of Tory spies had just been

arrested in the neighbourhood, and among them wasa certain Yan Yost Cuyler, a queer, half-wittedfellow, not devoid of cunning, whom the Indiansregarded with that mysterious awe with which foolsand lunatics are wont to inspire them, as creatures

possessed with a devil. Yan Yost was summarilycondemned to death, and his brother and gypsy-likemother, in wild alarm, hastened to the camp, to

plead for his life. Arnold for a while was

inexorable, but presently offered to pardon theculprit on condition that he should go and spread a

panic in the camp of St. Leger. Yan Yost Cuyler Yan Yost joyfully consented, and started off

forthwith, while his brother was detained as ahostage, to be hanged in case of his failure. Tomake the matter still surer, some friendly Oneidaswere sent along to keep an eye upon him and act iconcert with him. Next day, St. Leger’s scouts, as



they stole through the forest, began to hear rumoursthat Burgoyne had been totally defeated, and that agreat American army was coming up the valley othe Mohawk. They carried back these rumours tothe camp, and toward evening, while officers andsoldiers were standing about in anxiousconsultation, Yan Yost came running in, with adozen bullet-holes in his coat and terror in his face,

and said that he had barely escaped with his lifefrom the resistless American host which was closeat hand. As many knew him for a Tory, his talefound ready belief, and when interrogated as to thenumbers of the advancing host he gave a warninfrown, and pointed significantly to the countlessleaves that fluttered on the branches overhead.

Nothing more was needed to complete the panic.Flight of St. Leger, Aug. 22 It was in vain thatJohnson and St. Leger exhorted and threatened theIndian allies. Already disaffected, they now beganto desert by scores, while some, breaking open thecamp chests, drank rum till they were drunk, and

egan to assault the soldiers. All night long thecamp was a perfect Pandemonium. The riotextended to the Tories, and by noon of the next daySt. Leger took to flight and his whole army wasdispersed. All the tents, artillery, and stores fell



into the hands of the Americans. The garrison,sallying forth, pursued St. Leger for a while, but thefaithless Indians, enjoying his discomfiture, andwilling to curry favour with the stronger party, keptup the chase nearly all the way to Oswego; layinambushes every night, and diligently murdering thestragglers, until hardly a remnant of an army wasleft to embark with its crestfallen leader for

Montreal. Burgoyne’s dangerous situation The news o

this catastrophe reached Burgoyne before he hadhad time to recover from the news of the disaster at

Bennington. Burgoyne’s situation was nowecoming critical. Lincoln, with a strong force o

militia, was hovering in his rear, while the mainarmy before him was gaining in numbers day byday. Putnam had just sent up reinforcements frothe Highlands; Washington had sent Morgan with500 sharpshooters; and Arnold was hurrying back from Fort Stanwix. Not a word had come from Sir William Howe, and it daily grew more difficult toget provisions.

Schuyler superseded by Gates, Aug. 2. Just atthis time, when everything was in readiness for thefinal catastrophe, General Gates arrived fro



Philadelphia, to take command of the norther army, and reap the glory earned by other men. Onthe first day of August, before the first alarmoccasioned by Burgoyne’s advance had subsided,Congress had yielded to the pressure of Schuyler’senemies, and removed him from his command; andon the following day Gates was appointed to takehis place. Congress was led to take this step

through the belief that the personal hatred felttoward Schuyler by many of the New England

people would prevent the enlisting of militia tosupport him. The events of the next fortnightshowed that in this fear Congress was quitemistaken. There can now be no doubt that theappointment of the incompetent Gates was a serious

lunder, which might have ruined the campaign, anddid in the end occasion much trouble, both for

Congress and for Washington. Schuyler receivedthe unwelcome news with the noble unselfishnesswhich always characterized him. At no time did heshow more zeal and diligence than during his last

week of command; and on turning over the army toGeneral Gates he cordially offered his aid, whether y counsel or action, in whatever capacity his

successor might see fit to suggest. But so far froaccepting this offer, Gates treated him with



contumely, and would not even invite him to attendhis first council of war. Such silly behaviour calledforth sharp criticisms from discerning people. “Thenew commander-in-chief of the norther department,” said Gouverneur Morris, “may, if he

please, neglect to ask or disdain to receive advice;ut those who know him will, I am sure, be

convinced that he needs it.”

Position of the two armies, Aug. 19-Sept. 12When Gates thus took command of the norther army, it was stationed along the western bank of theHudson, from Stillwater down to Halfmoon, at the

mouth of the Mohawk, while Burgoyne’s troopswere encamped along the eastern bank, some thirtymiles higher up, from Fort Edward down to theBattenkill. For the next three weeks no movementswere made on either side; and we must now leavethe two armies confronting each other in these two

positions, while we turn our attention southward,and see what Sir William Howe was doing, andhow it happened that Burgoyne had as yet heard

nothing from him.



CHAPTER VIISARATOGA

OLD CITY HALL, WALL STREET, NEW YORK Why Howe went to Chesapeake Bay We have

seen how, owing to the gross negligence of LordGeorge Germain, discretionary power had been left



to Howe, while entirely taken away from Burgoyne.The latter had no choice but to move down theHudson. The former was instructed to move up theHudson, but at the same time was left free to departfrom the strict letter of his instructions, should there

e any manifest advantage in so doing. Nevertheless, the movement up the Hudson was soclearly prescribed by all sound military

considerations that everybody wondered whyHowe did not attempt it. Why he should have lefthis brother general in the lurch, and gone sailing of to Chesapeake Bay, was a mystery which no onewas able to unravel, until some thirty years ago adocument was discovered which has thrown muclight upon the question. Charles Lee incaptivity Here there steps again upon the scene thatmiserable intriguer, whose presence in the

American army had so nearly wrecked the fortunesof the patriot cause, and who now, in captivity,

proceeded to act the part of a doubly-dyed traitor.A marplot and mischief-maker from beginning to

end, Charles Lee never failed to work injury towhichever party his selfish vanity or craven fear inclined him for the moment to serve. We have seenhow, on the day when he was captured and taken tothe British camp, his first thought was for his



personal safety, which he might well suppose to bein some jeopardy, since he had formerly held therank of lieutenant-colonel in the British army. Hewas taken to New York and confined in the CityHall, where he was treated with ordinary courtesy;

ut there is no doubt that Sir William Howe lookedupon him as a deserter, and was more than halinclined to hang him without ceremony. Fearing,

however, as he said, that he might “fall into a lawscrape,” should he act too hastily, Sir Williamwrote home for instructions, and in reply wasdirected by Lord George Germain to send his

prisoner to England for trial. In pursuance of thisorder, Lee had already been carried on board ship,when a letter from Washington put a stop to these

proceedings. The letter informed General Howethat Washington held five Hessian field-officers ashostages for Lee’s personal safety, and that allexchange of prisoners would be suspended untildue assurance should be received that Lee was to

e recognized as a prisoner of war. After reading

this letter General Howe did not dare to send Leeto England for trial, for fear of possible evilconsequences to the five Hessian officers, whicmight cause serious disaffection among the Germatroops. The king approved of this cautious



ehaviour, and so Lee was kept in New York, withhis fate undecided, until it had become quite clear that neither arguments nor threats could avail oneot to shake Washington’s determination. When

Lord George Germain had become convinced othis, he persuaded the reluctant king to yield the

point; and Howe was accordingly instructed thatLee, although worthy of condign punishment, should

e deemed a prisoner of war, and might beexchanged as such, whenever convenient.



FACSIMILE OF FIRST LINES OF LEE’S LETTER TOGATES, DEC. 13, 1776



FACSIMILE OF FIRST LINES OF “MR. LEE’S PLAN,MARCH 29, 1777”

All this discussion necessitated the exchange oseveral letters between London and New York, sothat a whole year elapsed before the question wassettled. It was not until December 12, 1777, thatHowe received these final instructions. But Lee hadnot been idle all this time while his fate was isuspense. Hardly had the key been turned upon hi



in his rooms at the City Hall when he began hisintrigues. First, he assured Lord Howe and his

rother that he had always opposed the declaratioof independence, [14]and even now cherished hopesthat, by a judiciously arranged interview with acommittee from Congress, he might persuade themisguided people of America to return to their oldallegiance. Treason of Charles Lee Lord Howe,

who always kept one hand on the olive-branch,eagerly caught at the suggestion, and permitted Leeto send a letter to Congress, urging that a committee

e sent to confer with him, as he had “important

communications to make.” Could such a conferencee brought about, he thought, his zeal for effecting areconciliation would interest the Howes in hisfavour, and might save his precious neck. Congress,however, flatly refused to listen to the proposal,and then the wretch, without further ado, went over to the enemy, and began to counsel with the Britishcommanders how they might best subdue theAmericans in the summer campaign. He went so far

as to write out for the brothers Howe a plan ooperations, giving them the advantage of what wassupposed to be his intimate knowledge of theconditions of the case. This document the Howes



did not care to show after the disastrous event othe campaign, and it remained hidden for eightyears, until it was found among the domestic

archives of the Strachey family, at Sutton Court, inSomerset. The first Sir Henry Strachey wassecretary to the Howes from 1775 to 1778. Thedocument is in Lee’s well-known handwriting, andis indorsed by Strachey as “Mr. Lee’s plan, March

29, 1777.” In this document Lee maintains that if thestate of Maryland could be overawed, and the

people of Virginia prevented from sending aid toPennsylvania, then Philadelphia might be taken andheld, and the operations of the “rebel government”

paralyzed. The Tory party was known to be strongin Pennsylvania, and the circumstances under whicMaryland had declared for independence, last of allthe colonies save New York, were such as to make

it seem probable that there also the loyalist feelinwas very powerful. Lee did not hesitate to assert,as of his own personal knowledge, that the peopleof Maryland and Pennsylvania were nearly all

loyalists, who only awaited the arrival of a Britisarmy in order to declare themselves. He thereforerecommended that 14,000 men should driveWashington out of New Jersey and capturePhiladelphia, while the remainder of Howe’s army,



4,000 in number, should go around by sea toChesapeake Bay, and occupy Alexandria andAnnapolis. From these points, if Lord Howe wereto issue a proclamation of amnesty, the pacificationof the “central colonies” might be effected in lessthan two months; and so confident of all this did thewriter feel that he declared himself ready to “stakehis life upon the issue,” a remark which betrays,

perhaps, what was uppermost in his mindthroughout the whole proceeding. At the same time,he argued that offensive operations toward the nortcould not “answer any sort of purpose,” since thenorthern provinces “are at present neither the seatof government, strength, nor politics; and theapprehensions from General Carleton’s army will, Iam confident, keep the New Englanders at home, or at least confine ’em to the east side the [Hudson]river.”

Folly of moving upon Philadelphia, as the “rebel capital” It will be observed that this plan of Lee’swas similar to that of Lord George Germain, in so

far as it aimed at thrusting the British power like awedge into the centre of the confederacy, and thuscutting asunder New England and Virginia, the twochief centres of the rebellion. But instead of aimin



his blow at the Hudson river, Lee aims it atPhiladelphia, as the “rebel capital;” and his reasofor doing this shows how little he understoodAmerican affairs, and how strictly he viewed thein the light of his military experience in Europe. IEuropean warfare it is customary to strike at theenemy’s capital city, in order to get control of hiswhole system of administration; but that the

possession of an enemy’s capital is not alwaysdecisive the wars of Napoleon have mostabundantly proved. The battles of Austerlitz in1805 and Wagram in 1809 were fought by

Napoleon after he had entered Vienna; it was nothis acquisition of Berlin in 1806, but his victory atFriedland in the following summer, that completedthe overthrow of Prussia; and where he had tocontend against a strong and united national feeling,

as in Spain and Russia, the possession of thecapital did not help him in the least. Nevertheless,in European countries, where the systems oadministration are highly centralized, it is usually

advisable to move upon the enemy’s capital. But toapply such a principle to Philadelphia in 1777 wasthe height of absurdity. Philadelphia had beenselected for the meetings of the ContinentalCongress because of its geographical position. It



was the most centrally situated of our large towns,ut it was in no sense the centre of a vast

administrative machinery. If taken by an enemy, itwas only necessary for Congress to move to anyother town, and everything would go on as before.As it was not an administrative, so neither was it amilitary centre. It commanded no great system ointerior highways, and it was comparatively

difficult to protect by the fleet. It might be argued,on the other hand, that because Philadelphia wasthe largest town in the United States, and possessedof a certain preëminence as the seat of Congress,the acquisition of it by the invaders would givethem a certain moral advantage. It would help theTory party, and discourage the patriots. Such again, however, would be trifling compared with theloss which might come from Howe’s failure tocoöperate with Burgoyne; and so the event mostsignally proved.

Effect of Lee’s advice Just how far the Howeswere persuaded by Lee’s arguments must be a

matter of inference. The course which theyultimately pursued, in close conformity with thesuggestions of this remarkable document, was sodisastrous to the British cause that the author might



almost seem to have been intentionally luring theoff on a false scent. One would gladly take socharitable a view of the matter, were it not bothinconsistent with what we have already seen oLee, and utterly negatived by his scandalous

ehaviour the following year, after his restorationto his command in the American army. We cannotdoubt that Lee gave his advice in sober earnest.

That considerable weight was attached to it isshown by a secret letter from Sir William Howe toLord George Germain, dated the 2d of April or four days after the date of Lee’s extraordinary document.In this letter, Howe, intimates for the first time thathe has an expedition in mind which may modify thescheme for a joint campaign with the northern armyalong the line of the Hudson. To this suggestionLord George replied on the 18th of May: “I trust

that whatever you may meditate will be executed itime for you to coöperate with the army to proceedfrom Canada.” It was a few days after this that LordGeorge, perhaps feeling a little uneasy about the

matter, wrote that imperative order which lay in its pigeon-hole in London until all the damage wasdone.

Washington’s masterly campaign in New Jersey,



June, 1777 With these data at our command, itecomes easy to comprehend General Howe’s

movements during the spring and summer. His firstintention was to push across New Jersey with thegreat body of his army, and occupy Philadelphia;and since he had twice as many men as Washington,he might hope to do this in time to get back to theHudson as soon as he was likely to be needed

there. He began his march on the 12th of June, fivedays before Burgoyne’s flotilla started southwardon Lake Champlain. The enterprise did not seehazardous, but Howe was completely foiled byWashington’s superior strategy. Before the Britishcommander had fairly begun to move, Washington,from various symptoms, divined his purpose, andcoming down from his lair at Morristown, plantedhimself on the heights of Middlebrook, within te

miles of New Brunswick, close upon the flank oHowe’s line of march. Such a position, occupied by8,000 men under such a general, was somethinwhich Howe could not pass by without sacrificin

his communications and thus incurring destruction.But the position was so strong that to try to storm itwould be to invite defeat. It remained to be seewhat could be done by manœuvring. The Britisarmy of 18,000 men was concentrated at New



Brunswick, with plenty of boats for crossing theDelaware river, when that obstacle should bereached. But the really insuperable obstacle wasclose at hand. A campaign of eighteen days ensued,consisting of wily marches and counter-marches,the result of which showed that Washington’sadvantage of position could not be wrested frohim. Howe could neither get by him nor outwit him,

and was too prudent to attack him; and accordingly,on the last day of June, he abandoned his first plan,and evacuated New Jersey, taking his whole armyover to Staten Island.

Uncertainty as to Howe’s next movements Thiscampaign has attracted far less attention than itdeserves, mainly, no doubt, because it contained no

attles or other striking incidents. It was purely aseries of strategic devices. But in point of militaryskill it was, perhaps, as remarkable as anything thatWashington ever did, and it certainly occupies acardinal position in the history of the overthrow oBurgoyne. For if Howe had been able to take

Philadelphia early in the summer, it is difficult tosee what could have prevented him from returninand ascending the Hudson, in accordance with the

plan of the ministry. Now the month of June was



gone, and Burgoyne was approaching Ticonderoga.Howe ought to have held himself in readiness to aidhim, but he could not seem to get Philadelphia, the“rebel capital,” out of his mind. His next placoincided remarkably with the other half of Lee’sscheme. He decided to go around to Philadelphia

y sea, but he was slow in starting, and seems tohave paused for a moment to watch the course o

events at the north. He began early in July to put hismen on board ship, but confided his plans to no one

ut Cornwallis and Grant; and his own army, aswell as the Americans, believed that this show ogoing to sea was only a feint to disguise his realintention. Every one supposed that he would go upthe Hudson. As soon as New Jersey was evacuatedWashington moved back to Morristown, and threwhis advance, under Sullivan, as far north as

Pompton, so as to be ready to coöperate witPutnam in the Highlands, at a moment’s notice. Assoon as it became known that Ticonderoga hadfallen, Washington, supposing that his adversary

would do what a good general ought to do,advanced into the Ramapo Clove, a rugged defile ithe Highlands, near Haverstraw, and actually sentthe divisions of Sullivan and Stirling across theriver to Peekskill.



WASHINGTON’S HEADQUARTERS AT CHADD’SFORD

Howe’s letter to Burgoyne All this while Howekept moving some of his ships, now up the Hudson,now into the Sound, now off from Sandy Hook, sothat people might doubt whether his destinatiowere the Highlands, or Boston, or Philadelphia.Probably his own mind was not fully made up untilafter the news from Ticonderoga. Then, amid the



general exultation, he seems to have concluded thatBurgoyne would be able to take care of himself, atleast with such coöperation as he might get from Sir Henry Clinton. In this mood he wrote to Burgoyneas follows: “I have ... heard from the rebel army oour being in possession of Ticonderoga, which is

a great event, carried without loss.... Washington iswaiting our motions here, and has detached

Sullivan with about 2,500 men, as I learn, toAlbany. My intention is for Pennsylvania, where Iexpect to meet Washington; but if he goes to thenorthward, contrary to my expectations, and yocan keep him at bay, be assured I shall soon beafter him to relieve you. After your arrival atAlbany, the movements of the enemy will guideours; but my wishes are that the enemy be drove

[ sic ] out of this province before any operation takes

place in Connecticut. Sir Henry Clinton remains ithe command here, and will act as occurrences maydirect. Putnam is in the Highlands with about 4,000men. Success be ever with you.” This letter, which

was written on very narrow strips of thin paper,and conveyed in a quill, did not reach Burgoyne tillthe middle of September, when things wore a verydifferent aspect from that which they wore in themiddle of July. Nothing could better illustrate the



rash, overconfident spirit in which Howe proceeded to carry out his southern scheme. A fewdays afterward he put to sea with the fleet of 228sail, carrying an army of 18,000 men, while 7,000were left in New York, under Sir Henry Clinton, togarrison the city and act according tocircumstances. Just before sailing Howe wrote aletter to Burgoyne, stating that the destination of his

fleet was Boston, and he artfully contrived that thisletter should fall into Washington’s hands. ButWashington was a difficult person to hoodwink. Onreading the letter he rightly inferred that Howe hadgone southward. Accordingly, recalling Sullivanand Stirling to the west side of the Hudson, he setout for the Delaware, but proceeded verycautiously, lest Howe should suddenly retrace hiscourse, and dart up the Hudson. To guard againstsuch an emergency, he let Sullivan advance nofarther than Morristown, and kept everything ireadiness for an instant counter-march. In a letter oJuly 30th he writes, “Howe’s in a manner

abandoning Burgoyne is so unaccountable a matter that, till I am fully assured of it, I cannot helpcasting my eyes continually behind me .” Next day,learning that the fleet had arrived at the Capes oDelaware, he advanced to Germantown; but on the



day after, when he heard that the fleet had put out tosea again, he suspected that the whole movementhad been a feint. Comments of Washington and Greene He believed that Howe would at oncereturn to the Hudson, and immediately orderedSullivan to counter-march, while he held himselready to follow at a moment’s notice. His bestgenerals entertained the same opinion. “I cannot

persuade myself,” said Greene, “that GeneralBurgoyne would dare to push with such rapiditytowards Albany if he did not expect support fromGeneral Howe.” A similar view of the military

exigencies of the case was taken by the Britisofficers, who, almost to a man, disapproved of thesouthward movement. They knew as well asGreene that, however fine a city Philadelphia might

e, it was “an object of far less military importancethan the Hudson river.”

Howe’s alleged reason trumped up and worthless No wonder that the American generalswere wide of the mark in their conjectures, for the

folly of Howe’s movements after reaching themouth of the Delaware was quite beyond credence,and would be inexplicable to-day except as theresult of the wild advice of the marplot Lee. Howe



alleged as his reason for turning away from theDelaware, that there were obstructions in the river and forts to pass, and accordingly he thought it bestto go around by way of Chesapeake Bay, and landhis army at Elkton. Now he might easily have gonea little way up the Delaware river withoutencountering any obstructions whatever, and landedhis troops at a point only thirteen miles east o

Elkton. Instead of attempting this, he wastedtwenty-four days in a voyage of four hundred miles,mostly against headwinds, in order to reach thesame point! No sensible antagonist could beexpected to understand such eccentric behaviour.

No wonder that, after it had become clear that thefleet had gone southward, Washington should havesupposed an attack on Charleston to be intended. Acouncil of war on the 21st decided that this must be

the case, and since an overland march of sevehundred miles could not be accomplished in time to

prevent such an attack, it was decided to go back to New York, and operate against Sir Henry Clinton.

But before this decision was acted on Howeappeared at the head of Chesapeake Bay, where helanded his forces at Elkton. It was now the 25th oAugust,—nine days after the battle of Benningtoand three days after the flight of St. Leger.



Burgoyne’s fate practically decided Since enterinChesapeake Bay, Howe had received Lord GeorgeGermain’s letter of May 18th, telling him thatwhatever he had to do ought to be done in time for him to coöperate with Burgoyne. Now Burgoyne’ssituation had become dangerous, and here wasHowe at Elkton, fifty miles southwest oPhiladelphia, with Washington’s army in front of

him, and more than three hundred miles away froBurgoyne!

On hearing of Howe’s arrival at the head oChesapeake Bay, Washington had advanced as far

as Wilmington to meet him. The first proceeding othe British general, on landing at Elkton, was toissue his proclamation of amnesty; but it did not

ring him many recruits. A counter-proclamation,drawn up by Luther Martin, sufficed to neutralize it.Though there were many people in theneighbourhood who cared little for the cause oindependence, there were but few who sympathizedwith the invaders enough to render them any

aluable assistance. It was through a countryindifferent, perhaps, but not friendly in feeling, thatthe British army cautiously pushed its waynorthward for a fortnight, until it reached the



illage of Kennett Square, six miles west of theBrandywine Creek, behind which Washington had

planted himself to oppose its progress.

Washington’s reasons for offering battle Thetime had arrived when Washington felt it necessaryto offer battle, even though such a step might not beustified from purely military reasons. The people

were weary of a Fabian policy which they did notcomprehend, and Washington saw that, even if hewere defeated, the moral effect upon the countrywould not be so bad as if he were to abandoPhiladelphia without a blow. A victory he was

hardly entitled to expect, since he had but 11,000men against Howe’s 18,000, and since the Britishwere still greatly superior in equipment anddiscipline. Under these circumstances, Washingtonchose his ground with his usual sagacity, and took

possession of it by a swift and masterly movement.The Brandywine Creek ran directly athwartHowe’s line of march to Philadelphia. He choosesa very strong position Though large enough to serve

as a military obstacle,—in England it would becalled a river,—it was crossed by numerous fords,of which the principal one, Chadd’s Ford, lay inHowe’s way. Washington placed the centre of his



army just behind Chadd’s Ford and across the road.His centre was defended in front by a corps oartillery under Wayne, while Greene, on some highground in the rear, was stationed as a reserve.Below Chadd’s Ford, the Brandywine becomes aroaring torrent, shut in between steep, high cliffs, sothat the American left, resting upon these naturaldefences, was sufficiently guarded by the

Pennsylvania militia under Armstrong. The rightwing, stretching two miles up the stream, into auneven and thickly wooded country, wascommanded by Sullivan.



VIEW OF BRANDYWINE BATTLEFIELD

Battle of the Brandywine, Sept. 11, 1777 Thiswas a very strong position. On the left it was

practically inaccessible. To try storming it in frontwould be a doubtful experiment, sure to result iterrible loss of life. The only weak point was theright, which could be taken in flank by a lon



circuitous march through the woods. Accordingly,on the morning of the 11th of September, the Britishright wing, under Knyphausen, began skirmishinand occupying Washington’s attention at Chadd’sFord; while the left column, under the energeticCornwallis, marched up the Lancaster road,crossed the forks of the Brandywine, and turnedsouthward toward Birmingham church, with the

intention of striking the rear of the American rightwing. It was similar to the flanking movementwhich had been tried so successfully at the battle oLong Island, a year before. It was quite like thesplendid movement of Stonewall Jackson atChancellorsville, eighty-five years afterward. IHowe’s time such flanking marches were eminentlyfashionable. It was in this way that the greatFrederick had won some of his most astonishin

ictories. They were, nevertheless, then as always,dangerous expedients, as the stupendous overthrowof the Austro-Russian army at Austerlitz was byand by to show. There is always a serious chance

that the tables may be turned. Such flankinmovements are comparatively safe, however, whenthe attacking army greatly outnumbers the armyattacked, as at the Brandywine. But in all cases thechief element in their success is secrecy; above all



things, the party attacked must be kept in the dark.

These points are admirably illustrated in theattle of the Brandywine. The danger of a flan

attack upon his right wing was well understood byWashington; and as soon as he heard thatCornwallis was marching up the Lancaster road, heconsidered the feasibleness of doing whatFrederick would probably have done,—of crossinquickly at Chadd’s and Brinton’s fords, in fullforce, and crushing Knyphausen’s division. This hecould doubtless have accomplished, had he been sofortunate as to have inherited an army trained by the

father of Frederick the Great. But Washington’sarmy was not yet well trained, and its numericalinferiority was such that Knyphausen’s divisionmight of itself be regarded as a fair match for it.The British movement was, therefore, wellconsidered, and it was doubtless right thatWashington did not return the offensive by crossingthe creek. Moreover, the organization of his staf was far from complete. He was puzzled by

conflicting reports as to the enemy’s movements.While considering the question of throwing hiswhole force against Knyphausen, he was stopped

y a false report that Cornwallis was not movin



upon his flank. So great was the delay in gettinintelligence that Cornwallis had accomplished hislong march of eighteen miles, and was approachinBirmingham church, before it was well knowwhere he was. Nevertheless, his intention odealing a death-blow to the American army wasforestalled and partially checked. Before he hadreached our right wing, Washington had ordered

Sullivan to form a new front and advance towardBirmingham church. Owing to the imperfectdiscipline of the troops, Sullivan executed themovement rather clumsily, but enough wasaccomplished to save the army from rout. In theobstinate and murderous fight which ensued near Birmingham church between Cornwallis andSullivan, the latter was at length slowly pushed

ack in the direction of Dilworth. To save the army

from being broken in two, it was now necessary for the centre to retreat upon Chester by way oDilworth, and this movement was accomplished byGreene with consummate skill. It was now possible

for Knyphausen to advance across Chadd’s Fordagainst Wayne’s position; and he did so, aided bythe right wing of Cornwallis’s division, which,instead of joining in the oblique pursuit towardDilworth, kept straight onward, and came dow



upon Wayne’s rear. Nothing was left for Wayne andArmstrong but to retreat and join the rest of thearmy at Chester, and so the battle of theBrandywine came to an end.

BIRMINGHAM MEETING-HOUSEThis famous battle was admirably conducted o

oth sides. The risk assumed in the long flankinmarch of Cornwallis was fully justified. The poor



organization of the American army was of coursewell known to the British commanders, and theytook advantage of the fact. Had they been dealinwith an organization as efficient as their own, their course would have been foolhardy. On the other hand, when we consider the relative strength of thetwo armies, it is clear that the bold move oCornwallis ought not simply to have won the field

of battle. It ought to have annihilated the Americanarmy, had not its worst consequences been averted

y Washington’s promptness, aided by Sullivan’sobstinate bravery and Greene’s masterly conduct othe retreat upon Dilworth. As it was, the Americansoldiers came out of the fight in good order.

Nothing could be more absurd than the carelessstatement, so often made, that the Americans were“routed” at the Brandywine. Their organization was

preserved, and at Chester, next day, they were asready for fight as ever. They had exacted from theenemy a round price for the victory. The Americanloss was a little more than 1,000, incurred chiefly

in Sullivan’s gallant struggle; rolls afterwardcaptured at Germantown showed that the Britisloss considerably exceeded that figure.

Washington’s skill in detaining the enemy So



far as the possession of Philadelphia wasconcerned, the British victory was decisive. Whethe news came, next morning, that the army hadretreated upon Chester, there was greatconsternation in the “rebel capital.” Some timid

people left their homes, and sought refuge in themountains. Congress fled to Lancaster, first clothinWashington for sixty days with the same

extraordinary powers which had been granted hithe year before. Yet there was no need for unseemlyhaste, for Washington detained the victoriousenemy a fortnight on the march of only twenty-similes; a feat which not even Napoleon could have

performed with an army that had just been “routed.”He had now heard of Stark’s victory and St.Leger’s flight, and his letters show how clearly heforesaw Burgoyne’s inevitable fate, provided

Howe could be kept away from him. To keepHowe’s whole force employed near Philadelphiaas long as possible was of the utmost importance.The British enter Philadelphia, Sept.26 Accordingly, during the fortnight following the

attle of the Brandywine, every day sawmanœuvres or skirmishes, in one of which GeneralWayne was defeated by Sir Charles Gray, with aloss of three hundred men. On the 26th, while



Howe established his headquarters at Germantown,Cornwallis entered Philadelphia in triumph,marching with bands of music and flying colours,and all the troops decked out in their finest scarletarray.

Significance of Forts Mercer and MifflinHaving got possession of the “rebel capital,” thequestion now arose whether it would be possible tohold it through the winter. The Delaware river,

elow the city, had been carefully obstructed bychevaux-de-frise , which were guarded by twostrong fortresses,—Fort Mifflin on an island i

mid-stream, and Fort Mercer on the Jersey shore.The river was here about two miles in width, but itwas impossible for ships to pass until the fortsshould have been reduced. About the first oOctober, after a rough return voyage of four hundred miles, Lord Howe’s fleet appeared at themouth of the Delaware. It was absolutely necessaryto gain control of the river, in order that the citymight get supplies by sea; for so long as

Washington’s army remained unbroken, theAmericans were able to cut off all supplies by land.Sir William Howe, therefore, threw a portion of hisforces across the river, to aid his brother in



reducing the forts. The quick eye of Washingtonnow saw an opportunity for attacking the maiBritish army, while thus temporarily weakened; andhe forthwith planned a brilliant battle, which was,however, fated to be lost by a singular accident.

The situation at Germantown The village oGermantown, by the bank of the Schuylkill river,was then separated from Philadelphia by about similes of open country. The village consisted chieflyof a single street, about two miles in length, witstone houses on either side, standing about ahundred yards apart from each other, and

surrounded by gardens and orchards. Near theupper end of the street, in the midst of ornamentalshrubbery, vases, and statues, arranged in a Frenchstyle of landscape gardening, stood the massively

uilt house of Benjamin Chew, formerly ChieJustice of Pennsylvania. About a mile below, at theMarket House, the main street was crossed at rightangles by the Old School Lane. Beside the maistreet, running over Chestnut Hill, the village was

approached from the northward by three roads. TheMonatawny road ran down by the bank of theSchuylkill, and, crossing the Old School Lane, boreon toward Philadelphia. The Limekiln road, comin



from the northeast, became continuous with the OldSchool Lane. The Old York road, still farther eastward, joined the main street at the Rising Sutavern, about two miles below the Market House.

The British army lay encamped just behind theOld School Lane, in the lower part of the village:the left wing, under Knyphausen, to the west of themain street; the right, under Grant, to the east. Astrong detachment of chasseurs , under Sir CharlesGrey, covered the left wing. About a mile inadvance of the army, Colonel Musgrave’s regimentlay in a field opposite Judge Chew’s house; and yet

a mile farther forward a battalion of light infantrywas stationed on the slight eminence known asMount Airy, where a small battery commanded theroad to the north.

Washington’s audacious plan Washington’s plan of attack seems to have contemplated nothinless than the destruction or capture of the Britisarmy. His forces were to advance from the north byall four roads at once, and converge upon theBritish at the Market House. The American rightwing, under Sullivan, and consisting of Sullivan’sown brigade, with those of Conway, Wayne,Maxwell, and Nash, was to march down the mai



street, overwhelm the advanced parties of theBritish, and engage their left wing in front; whileArmstrong, with the Pennsylvania militia, was tomove down the Monatawny road, and take the samewing in flank. The American left wing, commanded

y Greene, was also to proceed in two columns.Greene, with his own brigade, supported byStephen and McDougal, was to march down the

Limekiln road, and assail the British right wing ifront and in flank; while Smallwood and Forman,coming down the Old York road, were to strike thesame wing in the rear. The flank attack upon theBritish left, entrusted as it was to militia, wasintended merely as a demonstration. The attacupon their right, conducted by more than half of theAmerican army, including its best troops, wasintended to crush that wing, and folding back the

whole British army upon the Schuylkill river,compel it to surrender.



JUDGE CHEW’S HOUSE AT GERMANTOWN Battle of Germantown, Oct. 4 Considering that

the Americans had not even yet a superiority innumbers, this was a most audacious plan. No better

instance could be given of the spirit of wild andenturous daring which was as conspicuous iWashington as his cautious vigilance, whenever anyfit occasion arose for displaying it. The scheme



came surprisingly near to success; so near as toredeem it from the imputation of fool-hardiness,and to show that here, as in all Washington’smilitary movements, cool judgment went along witfiery dash. At seven in the evening of the 3d oOctober, the night march upon Germantown began,Washington accompanying Sullivan’s column. Atsunrise a heavy fog came up, and the darkness went

on increasing. Soon after the hour of daybreak thelight infantry upon Mount Airy were surprised androuted, and the battery was captured. Musgravewas next overwhelmed by the heavy Americancolumn; but he, with a small force, took refuge iJudge Chew’s house, and set up a brisk fire fromthe windows. The Americans opened an artillery-fire upon the house, but its stone walls were toosolid to be beaten down by the three-pound and six-

pound field-pieces of that day; and so Maxwell’srigade was left behind to besiege the house, while

the rest of the column rushed on down the street.The chief effect of this incident was to warn the

enemy, while retarding and somewhat weakeningthe American charge. Nevertheless, the fury of theattack was such as to disconcert Knyphausen’s

eterans, and the British left wing slowly gave wayefore Sullivan. At this moment, Greene, who had



also been delayed, attacked the right wing witsuch vigour as presently to force it back toward theMarket House. The British ranks were falling intoconfusion, and Smallwood’s column had alreadyarrived upon their right flank, when the accidentoccurred which changed the fortunes of the day.From the beginning the dense fog had been a sourceof confusion to both armies, and had seriously

interfered with the solidity of the Americanadvance. Now, as Stephen’s brigade, on the right of Greene’s column, came into the village, the heavyfiring at Judge Chew’s seems to have caused him todiverge more and more to the west, in the beliethat there was the thick of the battle. At the sametime, Wayne, in driving the enemy before him, hadswayed somewhat to the east, so that his brigadestood almost directly in the line of Stephen’s

progress. In this position he was attacked byStephen, who mistook him for the enemy. Thislamentable blunder instantly ruined the battle.Wayne’s men, thus fiercely attacked in the rear, and

struggling to extricate themselves, were throwupon the left flank of Sullivan’s brigade, and a panic suddenly ran through the army. The confusiongrew worse and worse, till a general retreat began,and Grey, who had come up to support the



crumbling right wing of the British, was now ableto lead in the pursuit of the Americans. He wasoined by Cornwallis, who had sprung from his bed

in Philadelphia at the first sound of the cannon, andhad brought up two battalions with him at double-quick. But the panic had subsided almost as soon asthe golden moment of victory was lost, and theretreat was conducted in excellent order. One

regiment in Greene’s column was surrounded andcaptured, but the army brought away all its cannoand wounded, with several cannon taken from theenemy. The loss of the Americans in killed and

wounded was 673, and the loss of the British was535.



HOUSE AT GERMANTOWN OCCUPIED BY THEBRITISH

The fog which enshrouded the village oGermantown on that eventful morning has beehardly less confusing to historians than it was to thearmies engaged. The reports of different observersconflicted in many details, and particularly as to theimmediate occasion of the fatal panic. The bestaccounts agree, however, that the entanglement o



Stephen with Wayne was chiefly responsible for the disaster. It was charged against Stephen that hehad taken too many pulls at his canteen on the long,damp night march, and he was tried by court-martial, and dismissed from the service. Thechagrin of the Americans at losing the prize sonearly grasped was profound. The total rout oHowe, coming at the same time with the surrender

of Burgoyne, would probably have been too mucfor Lord North’s ministry to bear, and might have

rought the war to a sudden close. As it was, theBritish took an undue amount of comfort in theacquisition of Philadelphia, though so long asWashington’s army remained defiant it was of small military value to them. On the other hand, thegenius and audacity shown by Washington, in thus

planning and so nearly accomplishing the ruin of the

British army only three weeks after the defeat at theBrandywine, produced a profound impression upomilitary critics in Europe. Frederick of Prussia sawthat presently, when American soldiers should

come to be disciplined veterans, they wouldecome a formidable instrument in the hands otheir great commander; and the French court, imaking up its mind that the Americans would proveefficient allies, is said to have been influenced



almost as much by the battle of Germantown as bythe surrender of Burgoyne.

WHITHALL HOUSE AT FORT MERCER WHEREDONOP DIED

Howe captures Forts Mercer and MifflinHaving thus escaped the catastrophe whicWashington had designed for him, the British

commander was now able to put forth his utmostefforts for the capture of the forts on the Delaware.His utmost efforts were needed, for in the firstattack on Fort Mercer, October 22, the Hessians



were totally defeated, with the loss of Count Donopand 400 men, while the Americans lost but 37. Butafter a month of hard work, with the aid of 6,000more men sent from New York by Clinton, bothforts were reduced, and the command of theDelaware was wrested from the Americans.Another month of manœuvring and skirmishinfollowed, and then Washington took his army into

winter-quarters at Valley Forge. The events whichattended his sojourn in that natural stronghold

elong to a later period of the war. We must nowreturn to the upper waters of the Hudson, and showhow the whole period, which may be most fitlydescribed as a struggle for the control of the greatcentral state of New York, was brought to an end

y the complete and overwhelming victory of theAmericans.

Burgoyne recognizes the fatal error of Germain

We have seen how it became impossible for Howeto act upon Lord George Germain’s order, receivedin August, in Chesapeake Bay, and get back to theHudson in time to be of any use to Burgoyne. We



have also seen how critical was the situation iwhich the northern general was left, after thedestruction of Baum and St. Leger, and theaccumulation of New England yeomanry in his rear.Burgoyne now fully acknowledged the terriblemistake of the ministry in assuming that theresistance of the Americans was due to themachinations of a few wily demagogues, and that

the people would hail the approach of the king’stroops as deliverers. “The great bulk of thecountry,” said he, “is undoubtedly with theCongress in principle and zeal, and their measuresare executed with a secrecy and dispatch that arenot to be equalled.... The Hampshire Grants, i

particular, a country unpeopled and almostunknown last war, now abounds in the most activeand most rebellious race on the continent, and hangs

like a gathering storm upon my left.” The situatiohad, indeed, become so alarming that it is hard tosay what Burgoyne ought to have done. A retreatupon Ticonderoga would have been fraught with

peril, while to cross the Hudson and advance upoAlbany would be doing like Cortes, when hescuttled his ships. But Burgoyne was a man ochivalrous nature. He did not think it right or

prudent to abandon Sir William Howe, whom he



still supposed to be coming up the river to meethim. In a letter to Lord George Germain, writtethree days after the surrender, he says, “Thedifficulty of a retreat upon Canada was clearlyforeseen, as was the dilemma, should the retreat beeffected, of leaving at liberty such an army asGeneral Gates’s to operate against Sir WilliamHowe. This consideration operated forcibly to

determine me to abide events as long as possible,and I reasoned thus: the expedition which Icommanded was at first evidently intended to behazarded ; circumstances might require it should bedevoted .”

Nevertheless he crosses the Hudson Influencedy these views, which were supported by all his

generals except Riedesel, Burgoyne threw a bridgeof boats across the Hudson, and passed over witwhole army on the 13th of September. TheAmericans had taken a strong position on BemisHeights, where Kosciuszko had skilfully fortifiedtheir camp with batteries and redoubts. Burgoyne

felt that the time for desperate fighting had nowcome, and it seemed to him that the American

position might be turned and carried by an attacupon its left flank. On the morning of the 19th, he



advanced through the woods, with the centre of hisarmy, toward the point where the Quaker road

passed Bemis Heights. The right wing, under Fraser, proceeded somewhat more circuitouslytoward the same point, the plan being that theyshould join forces and strike the rear of theAmerican camp, while Riedesel and Phillips, witthe left wing and the artillery, marching down the

river road, should assail it in front. First battle at Freeman’s Farm, Sept. 19; indecisive Three heavyguns, announcing to the left wing the junction oBurgoyne and Fraser, were to give the signal for ageneral assault. American scouts, lurking among theupper branches of tall trees that grew on steephillsides, presently caught glimpses of brightscarlet flitting through the green depths of the forest,while the long sunbeams that found their way

through the foliage sent back quick burning flashesfrom a thousand bayonets. By noon the course of theBritish march and their plan of attack had been fullydeciphered, and the intelligence was carried to

Arnold, who commanded the left wing of theAmerican army. Gates appears to have beenunwilling to let any of the forces descend from their strong position; but the fiery Arnold urged andimplored, until he got permission to take Morgan’s



riflemen and Dearborn’s infantry, and go forth toattack the enemy. Arnold’s advance, under Morgan,first fell upon Burgoyne’s advance, at Freeman’sFarm, and checked its progress. Fraser then,hearing the musketry, turned eastward to the rescue,while Arnold, moving upon Fraser’s left, sought tocut him asunder from Burgoyne. He seemed to bewinning the day, when he was attacked in flank by

Riedesel, who had hurried up from the river road.Arnold had already sent to Gates for reinforcements, which were refused him. Arnoldmaintained that this was a gross blunder on the partof the commanding general, and that with 2,000more men he could now easily have crushed theBritish centre and defeated their army. In thisopinion he was probably right, since even as it washe held his own, in a desperate fight, for two hours,until darkness put an end to the struggle. The losseson each side are variously estimated at from 600 to1,000, or from one fifth to one fourth of the forcesengaged, which indicates severe fighting. Arnold’s

command had numbered about 3,000, and he hadeen engaged, in the course of the afternoon, with atleast 4,000 of Burgoyne’s army; yet all this whilesome 11,000 Americans—most of the army in short

—had been kept idle on Bemis Heights by the



incompetent Gates. Burgoyne tried to consolehimself with the idea that he had won a victory,

ecause his army slept that night at Freeman’sFarm; but in his testimony given afterward beforethe House of Commons, he rightly maintained thathis plan of attack had been utterly defeated by the

old and skilful tactics of “Mr.” Arnold.



In the dispatches which he now sent toCongress, Gates took to himself all the credit of thisaffair, and did not even mention Arnold’s name.The army, however, rang with praise of the fightinggeneral, until Gates, who never could bear to hear any one but himself well spoken of, waxed wrotand revengeful. Arnold, moreover, freely blamedGates for not supporting him, and for refusing to

renew the battle on the next morning, while theenemy were still disconcerted. Arnold’s warmfriendship with Schuyler gave further offence to thecommander; and three days after the battle hesought to wreak his spite by withdrawing Morgan’sriflemen and Dearborn’s light infantry fromArnold’s division. A fierce quarrel ensued, in thecourse of which Gates told Arnold that as soon asLincoln should arrive he would have no further usefor him, and he might go back to Washington’scamp as soon as he liked. Arnold, in a white rage,said he would go, and asked for a pass, which hisenemy promptly gave him; but after receiving it,

second thoughts prevented him from going. All thegeneral officers except Lincoln—who seems tohave refrained from unwillingness to give umbrageto a commander so high in the good graces oMassachusetts as Gates—united in signing a letter



entreating Arnold to remain. He had been sent herey Washington to aid the northern army, and clearly

it would be wrong to leave it now, on the eve of adecisive battle. So the proud, fiery soldier,smarting under an accumulation of injuries, madeup his mind once more to swallow the affront, andwait for a chance to make himself useful. He stayedin his quarters, awaiting the day of battle, though it

was not clear how far he was entitled, under thecircumstances, to exercise command, and Gatestook no more notice of him than if he had been adog.

Burgoyne’s supplies cut off Nothing more wasdone for eighteen days. Just before the crossing othe Hudson by the northern army, Sir Henry Clinton,acting “as circumstances may direct,” had plannedan expedition up the river in aid of it; andBurgoyne, hearing of this the day after the battle atFreeman’s Farm, thought it best to wait a while

efore undertaking another assault upon theAmerican lines. But things were swiftly coming tosuch a pass that it would not do to wait. On the21st, news came to the British camp that adetachment of Lincoln’s troops had laid siege toTiconderoga, and, while holding the garrison in



check, had captured several ships and taken 300 prisoners. A day or two later came the news thatthese New Englanders had embarked on LakeGeorge in the ships they had captured, and werecutting off the last sources of supply. And now,while even on shortest rations there was barelythree weeks’ food for the army, Lincoln’s mainforce appeared in front, thus swelling the numbers

of the American army to more than 16,000. Thecase had become as desperate as that of theAthenians at Syracuse before their last dreadful

attle in the harbour. So, after eighteen weary days,no word yet coming from Clinton, the gallantBurgoyne attempted, by a furious effort, to breathrough the lines of an army that now outnumberedhim more than three to one.



Second battle at Freeman’s Farm, Oct. 7; theritish totally defeated by Arnold On the morning o

October 7th, leaving the rest of his army in camp,Burgoyne advanced with 1,500 picked men to tur the American left. Small as the force was, itsquality was superb, and with it were the bestcommanders,—Phillips, Riedesel, Fraser,Balcarras, and Ackland. Such a compact force, so

ably led, might manœuvre quickly. If, on soundingthe American position on the left, they should find ittoo strong to be forced, they might swiftly retreat.At all events, the movement would cover a foragin

party which Burgoyne had sent out,—and this wasno small matter. Arnold, too, the fighting general, itwas reported, held no command; and Gates wasknown to be a sluggard. Such thoughts may havehelped to shape the conduct of the Britis

commander on this critical morning. But the schemewas swiftly overturned. As the British came on,their right was suddenly attacked by Morgan, whilethe New England regulars with 3,000 New York militia assailed them in front. After a short, sharpfight against overwhelming numbers, their wholeline was broken, and Fraser sought to form asecond line a little farther back, on the west border of Freeman’s Farm, though the ranks were badly



disordered and all their cannon were lost. At thismoment, Arnold, who had been watching from theheights, saw that a well-directed blow might notonly ruin this retreating column, but also shatter thewhole British army. Quick as thought he sprangupon his horse, and galloped to the scene of action.He was greeted with deafening hurrahs, and themen, leaping with exultation at sight of their

eloved commander, rushed upon Fraser’s half-formed line. At the same moment, while Morganwas still pressing on the British right, one of hismarksmen shot General Fraser, who fell, mortallywounded, just as Arnold charged with mad furyupon his line. The British, thus assailed in front andflank, were soon pushed off the field. Arnold nextattacked Lord Balcarras, who had retired behindintrenchments at the north of Freeman’s Farm; but

finding the resistance here too strong, he swept by,and charged upon the Canadian auxiliaries, whooccupied a position just north of Balcarras, andcovered the left wing of Breymann’s forces at the

extreme right of the British camp. The Canadianssoon fled, leaving Breymann uncovered; andArnold forthwith rushed against Breymann on theleft, just as Morgan, who had prolonged hisflanking march, assailed him on the right. Breyman



was slain and his force routed; the British rightwing was crushed, and their whole position takein reverse and made untenable. Just at this moment,a wounded German soldier, lying on the ground,took aim at Arnold, and slew his horse, while the

all passed through the general’s left leg, that hadeen wounded at Quebec, and fractured the bone a

little above the knee. As Arnold fell, one of his men

rushed up to bayonet the wounded soldier who hadshot him, when the prostrate general cried, “For God’s sake, don’t hurt him; he’s a fine fellow!” The

poor German was saved, and this was the hour when Benedict Arnold should have died. His falland the gathering twilight stopped the progress othe battle, but the American victory was completeand decisive. Nothing was left for Burgoyne but toget the wreck of his army out of the way as quicklyas possible, and the next day he did so, making aslow retreat upon Saratoga, in the course of whichis soldiers burned General Schuyler’s princelycountry-house, with its barns and granaries.

As the British retreated, General Gates steadilyclosed in upon them with his overwhelming forces,which now numbered 20,000. Gates—to give hidue credit—knew how to be active after the



ictory, although, when fighting was going on, hewas a general of sedentary habits. When Arnoldrushed down, at the critical moment, to completethe victory of Saratoga, Gates sent out Major Armstrong to stop him. “Call back that fellow,”said Gates, “or he will be doing something rash!”But the eager Arnold had out-galloped themessenger, and came back only when his leg was

roken and the victory won. In the mean time Gatessat at his headquarters, forgetful of the battle thatwas raging below, while he argued the merits of theAmerican Revolution with a wounded Britisofficer, Sir Francis Clerke, who had been broughtin and laid upon the commander’s bed to die.Losing his temper in the discussion, Gates calledhis adjutant, Wilkinson, out of the room, and askedhim, “Did you ever hear so impudent a son of a b

——h?” And this seems to have been all that thecommanding general contributed to the crownin

ictory of Saratoga.



The British army is surrounded When Burgoynereached the place where he had crossed theHudson, he found a force of 3,000 Americans, withseveral batteries of cannon occupying the hills othe other side, so that it was now impossible tocross. A council of war decided to abandon all theartillery and baggage, push through the woods by



night, and effect a crossing higher up, by FortEdward, where the great river begins to befordable. But no sooner had this plan been madethan word was brought that the Americans wereguarding all the fords, and had also planteddetachments in a strong position to the northward,

etween Fort Edward and Fort George. The Britisarmy, in short, was surrounded. A brisk cannonade

was opened upon it from the east and south, whileMorgan’s sharpshooters kept up a galling fire in therear. Some of the women and wounded men weresent for safety to a large house in theneighbourhood, where they took refuge in thecellar; and there the Baroness Riedesel tells us howshe passed six dismal nights and days, crouching ia corner near the doorway, with her three littlechildren clinging about her, while every now and

then, with hideous crashing, a heavy cannon-ball passed through the room overhead. The cellar

ecame crowded with crippled and dying men. Butlittle food could be obtained, and the suffering fro

thirst was dreadful. It was only a few steps to theriver, but every man who ventured out with aucket was shot dead by Virginia rifles that never

missed their aim. At last the brave wife of a Britishsoldier volunteered to go; and thus the water was



rought again and again, for the Americans wouldnot fire at a woman.

Clinton comes up the Hudson, but it is too late

And now, while Burgoyne’s last ray of hope wasdying, and while the veteran Phillips declaredhimself heartbroken at the misery which he couldnot relieve, where was Sir Henry Clinton? He hadnot thought it prudent to leave New York until after the arrival of 3,000 soldiers whom he expectedfrom England. These men arrived on the 29th oSeptember, but six days more elapsed before Sir Henry had taken them up the river and landed the

near Putnam’s headquarters at Peekskill. In acampaign of three days he outwitted that general,carried two of the forts after obstinate resistance,and compelled the Americans to abandon theothers; and thus laid open the river so that Britisships might go up to Albany. On the 8th of October,Sir Henry wrote to Burgoyne from FortMontgomery: “ Nous y voici , and nothing betweeus and Gates. I sincerely hope this little success o

ours will facilitate your operations.” This dispatcwas written on a scrap of very thin paper, andencased in an oval silver bullet, which opened wita tiny screw in the middle. Sir Henry then sent



General Vaughan, with several frigates and thegreater part of his force, to make all haste for Albany. As they passed up the river, the next day,they could not resist the temptation to land and setfire to the pretty village of Kingston, then the seat othe state legislature. George Clinton, governor othe state, just retreating from his able defence of thecaptured forts, hastened to protect the village, but

came up only in time to see it in flames from oneend to the other. Just then Sir Henry’s messenger, ashe skulked by the roadside, was caught and taken tothe governor. He had been seen swallowingsomething, so they gave him an emetic, andobtained the silver bullet. The dispatch was read;the bearer was hanged to an apple-tree; andBurgoyne, weary with waiting for the news thatnever came, at last sent a flag of truce to General

Gates, inquiring what terms of surrender would beaccepted.

Burgoyne surrenders, Oct. 17 Gates firstdemanded an unconditional surrender, but on

Burgoyne’s indignant refusal he consented to maketerms, and the more readily, no doubt, since heknew what had just happened in the Highlands,though his adversary did not. After three days o



discussion the terms of surrender were agreedupon. Just as Burgoyne was about to sign thearticles, a Tory made his way into camp withhearsay news that part of Clinton’s army wasapproaching Albany. The subject was thenanxiously reconsidered by the British officers, andan interesting discussion ensued as to whether theyhad so far pledged their faith to the surrender that

they could not in honour draw back. The majority othe council decided that their faith was irrevocably

pledged, and Burgoyne yielded to this opinion,though he did not share it, for he did not feel quiteclear that the rumoured advance of Clinton couldnow avail to save him in any case. In this he wasundoubtedly right. The American army, with itsdaily accretions of militia, had now grown to morethan 20,000, and armed yeomanry were still

pouring in by the hundred. A diversion threatenedy less than 3,000 men, who were still more tha

fifty miles distant, could hardly have averted thedoom of the British army. The only effect which it

did produce was, perhaps, to work upon the timidGates, and induce him to offer easy terms in order to hasten the surrender. On the 17th of October,accordingly, the articles were signed, exchanged,and put in execution. It was agreed that the Britis



army should march out of camp with the honours owar, and pile their arms at an appointed place; theyshould then march through Massachusetts to Boston,from which port they might sail for Europe, it beinunderstood that none of them should serve again iAmerica during the war; all the officers mightretain their small arms, and no one’s privateluggage should be searched or molested. At

Burgoyne’s earnest solicitation the Americangeneral consented that these proceedings should bestyled a “convention,” instead of a surrender, inimitation of the famous Convention of Kloster-Seven, by which the Duke of Cumberland, twentyears before, had sought to save his feelings while

losing his army, beleaguered by the French inHanover. The soothing phrase has been wellremembered by British historians, who to this daycontinue to speak of Burgoyne’s surrender as the“Convention of Saratoga.”

In carrying out the terms of the convention, botGates and his soldiers showed praiseworthy

delicacy. As the British marched off to a meadowy the river side and laid down their arms, the

Americans remained within their lines, refusing toadd to the humiliation of a gallant enemy by



standing and looking on. As the disarmed soldiersthen passed by the American lines, says LieutenantAnbury, one of the captured officers, “I did notobserve the least disrespect or even a taunting look,

ut all was mute astonishment and pity.” Burgoynestepped up and handed his sword to Gates, simplysaying, “The fortune of war, General Gates, hasmade me your prisoner.” The American general

instantly returned the sword, replying, “I shallalways be ready to testify that it has not beethrough any fault of your excellency.” When BaronRiedesel had been presented to Gates and the other generals, he sent for his wife and children. Set freeat last from the dreadful cellar, the baroness camewith some trepidation into the enemy’s camp; butthe only look she saw upon any face was one osympathy. “As I approached the tents,” she says, “a

noble-looking gentleman came toward me, and toothe children out of the wagon; embraced and kissedthem; and then, with tears in his eyes, helped mealso to alight.... Presently he said, ‘It may be

embarrassing to you to dine with so manygentlemen. If you will come with your children tomy tent, I will give you a frugal meal, but one thatwill at least be seasoned with good wishes.’ ‘Oh,sir,’ I cried, ‘you must surely be a husband and a



father, since you show me so much kindness!’ I thenlearned that it was General Schuyler.”

Schuyler’s magnanimity Schuyler had indeed

come, with unruffled soul, to look on while the fruitwhich he had sown, with the gallant aid of Star and Herkimer, Arnold and Morgan, was plucked byan unworthy rival. He now met Burgoyne, who wasnaturally pained and embarrassed at therecollection of the beautiful house which his mehad burned a few days before. In a speech in theHouse of Commons, some months later, Burgoynetold how Schuyler received him. “I expressed to

General Schuyler,” says Burgoyne, “my regret atthe event which had happened, and the reasonswhich had occasioned it. He desired me to think nomore of it, saying that the occasion justified it,according to the rules of war.... He did more: hesent an aide-de-camp to conduct me to Albany, inorder, as he expressed it, to procure me better quarters than a stranger might be able to find. Thisgentleman conducted me to a very elegant house,

and, to my great surprise, presented me to Mrs.Schuyler and her family; and in this general’s houseI remained during my whole stay at Albany, with atable of more than twenty covers for me and my



friends, and every other possible demonstration ohospitality.” Madame Riedesel was also invited tostay with the Schuylers; and when first she arrivedin the house, one of her little girls exclaimed, “Oh,mamma! Is this the palace that papa was to havewhen he came to America?” As the Schuylersunderstood German, the baroness coloured, but alllaughed pleasantly, and put her at ease.

Bad faith of Congress With the generosity and

delicacy shown alike by generals and soldiers, it is painful, though instructive, to contrast thecoarseness and bad faith with which Congress

proceeded to treat the captured army. The presenceof the troops in and about Boston was felt to be ahardship, and General Heath, who commandedthere, wrote to Washington, saying that if they wereto stay till cold weather he hardly knew how to findshelter and fuel for them. Washington replied thatthey would not be likely to stay long, since it wasclearly for Howe’s interest to send them back toEngland as soon as possible, in order that theymight replace other soldiers who would be sent



over to America for the spring campaign. Congresscaught up this suggestion with avidity, and put it touses quite remote from Washington’s meaning.When Sir William Howe proposed Newport as a

point from which the soldiers might more speedilye shipped, Washington, for sound and obvious

reasons, urged that there should be no departurefrom the strict letter of the convention. Congress

forthwith not only acted upon this suggestion so far as to refuse Sir William Howe’s request, but itwent on gratuitously and absurdly to charge theBritish general with bad faith. It was hinted that hesecretly intended to bring the troops to New York for immediate service, in defiance of theconvention, and Congress proceeded to make thisimputed treachery the ground for really falsedealing on its own part. When Lord Howe’s

transports reached Boston, it was not only orderedthat no troops should be allowed to embark until allthe accounts for their subsistence should have beesettled, but it was also required that these accounts

should be liquidated in gold. In the instructionsgiven to General Washington a year before, arefusal on the part of anybody to receive theContinental paper money was to be treated as ahigh misdemeanour. Now Congress refused to take



its own money, which had depreciated till it wasworth barely thirty cents on a dollar. The capturedarmy was supplied with provisions and fuel thatwere paid for by General Heath with Continental

paper, and now Congress insisted that GeneralBurgoyne should make his repayment dollar for dollar in British gold, worth three times as much. Ifairness

to the

delegates, we may admit that in all probability theydid not realize the baseness of this conduct. Theywere no doubt misled by one of those wonderful

its of financial sophistry by which the enactinmind of our countrymen has so often beehopelessly confused. In an amusing letter toWashington, honest General Heath naïvelyexclaims, “What an opinion must General Burgoynehave of the authority of these states, to suppose that

his money would be received at any higher rate thaour own in public payment! Such payment would atonce be depreciating our currency with a witness.”Washington was seriously annoyed and mortified



y these vagaries,—the more so that he was at thisery time endeavouring to arrange with Howe a

general cartel for the exchange of prisoners; and heknew that the attempt to make thirty cents equal to adollar would, as he said, “destroy the very idea oa cartel.”

While these discussions were going on,Congress, like the wicked king in the fairy tale,anxious to impose conditions unlikely to befulfilled, demanded that General Burgoyne shouldmake out a descriptive list of all the officers andsoldiers in his army, in order that if any of them

should thereafter be found serving against theUnited States they might be punished accordingly.As no such provision was contained in theconvention, upon the faith of which Burgoyne hadsurrendered, he naturally regarded the demand asinsulting, and at first refused to comply with it. Heafterwards yielded the point, in his eagerness toliberate his soldiers; but meanwhile, in a letter toGates, he had incautiously let fall the expression,

“The publick faith is broke [ sic ];” and this remark,coming to the ears of Congress, was immediatelylaid hold of as a pretext for repudiating theconvention altogether. It was argued that Burgoyne



had charged the United States with bad faith, iorder to have an excuse for repudiating theconvention on his own part; and on the 8th oJanuary, Congress accordingly resolved, “that theembarkation of Lieutenant-General Burgoyne andthe troops under his command be suspended till adistinct and explicit ratification of the Conventioof Saratoga shall be properly notified by the court

of Great Britain to Congress.” Now as the Britisgovernment could not give the required ratificatiowithout implicitly recognizing the independence othe United States, no further steps were taken in thematter, the “publick faith” was really broken, andthe captured army was never sent home.



ENCAMPMENT OF THE CONVENTION TROOPS INVIRGINIA

The behavior of Congress was simplyinexcusable In this wretched affair, Congressdeliberately sacrificed principle to policy. Itrefused, on paltry pretexts, to carry out a solemengagement which had been made by its accreditedagent; and it did so simply through the fear that theBritish army might indirectly gain a possiblereinforcement. Its conduct can be justified upon nogrounds save such as would equally justify firin



upon flags of truce. Nor can it be palliated eveupon the lowest grounds of expediency, for, as ithas been well said, “to a people struggling for

political life the moral support derivable from themaintenance of honour and good faith was worth adozen material victories." This sacrifice o

principle to policy has served only to call down thecondemnation of impartial historians, and to di

the lustre of the magnificent victory which thealour of our soldiers and the self-devotion of our

people had won in the field. It was one out of manyinstances which show that, under any form ogovernment, the moral sense of the governing bodyis likely to fall far below the highest moral standardrecognized in the community.

What became of the captured army Thecaptured army was never sent home. The officerswere treated as prisoners of war, and from time totime were exchanged. Burgoyne was allowed to goto England in the spring, and while still a prisoner on parole he took his seat in Parliament, and

ecame conspicuous among the defenders of theAmerican cause. The troops were detained in theneighbourhood of Boston until the autumn of 1778,when they were all transferred to Charlottesville i



Virginia. Here a rude village was built on the browof a pleasant ridge of hills, and gardens were laidout and planted. Much kind assistance wasrendered in all this work by Thomas Jefferson, whowas then living close by, on his estate atMonticello, and did everything in his power tomake things comfortable for soldiers and officers.Two years afterward, when Virginia became the

seat of war, some of them were removed toWinchester in the Shenandoah valley, to Frederick in Maryland, and to Lancaster in Pennsylvania.Those who wished to return to Europe wereexchanged or allowed to escape. The greater number, especially of the Germans, preferred tostay in this country and become American citizens.Before the end of 1783 they had dispersed in alldirections.

Such was the strange sequel of a campaigwhich, whether we consider the picturesqueness oits incidents or the magnitude of its results, was oneof the most memorable in the history of mankind. Its

aried scenes, framed in landscapes of grand andstirring beauty, had brought together such types omanhood as the feathered Mohawk sachem, thehelmeted Brunswick dragoon, and the blue-frocked



eoman of New England,—types of ancientarbarism, of the militancy bequeathed from the

Middle Ages, and of the industrial democracy thatis to possess and control the future of the world.These men had mingled in a deadly struggle for thestrategic centre of the Atlantic coast of NorthAmerica, and now the fight had ended in thecomplete and overwhelming defeat of the forces o

George III. Four years, indeed,—four years of soredistress and hope deferred,—were yet to pass

efore the fruits of this great victory could begathered. The independence of the United Stateswas not yet won; but the triumph at Saratoga set imotion a train of events from which the winning oindependence was destined surely to follow.



VOLUME II



CONTENTS

CHAPTER VIIITHE FRENCH ALLIANCE PAGEThe four periods of the R evolutionarywar 1-3

Consequences of Saratoga;consternation in England 4

Views of the different parties 5, 6Lord North’s political somersault 6Strange scene in the House of Commons 7, 8

Treaty between France and the UnitedStates (February 6, 1778) 8, 9

Great Britain declares war againstFrance (March 13) 10

Demand for Lord Chatham for primeminister 11, 12

The king’s rage 12, 13What Chatham would have tried to do 13, 14Death of Chatham 14-16His prodigious greatness 16-20



Lord North remains in power 20, 21His commissioners in America fail toaccomplish anything

22

Germain’s new plan for conducting thewar 22, 23

CHAPTER IXVALLEY FORGE

Distress in America 24Lack of organization 25Vexatious meddling of Congress withthe army 26

Sufferings at Valley Forge 27Promoting officers for non-militaryreasons 28

Absurd talk of John Adams 29Gates is puffed up with success 30And shows symptoms of insubordination 31

The Conway cabal 32, 33

Attempts to injure Washington 34, 35Conway’s letter to Gates 36Gates’s letter to Washington 37Washington’s reply 38



Gates tries, unsuccessfully, to savehimself by lying

39

But is successful, as usual, in keepingfrom under fire 40

The forged letters 40Scheme for invading Canada 41The dinner at York, and Lafayette’stoast 42

Absurdity of the scheme 43Downfall of the cabal 43Decline of the Continental Congress 44, 45Increasing influence of Washington 45, 46

CHAPTER XMONMOUTH AND NEWPORT

Baron Friedrich von Steuben 47-49He arrives in America and visitsCongress at York 50

His work in training the army at ValleyForge 51-53

His manual of tactics 54Sir William Howe resigns hiscommand 55

The Mischianza 56The British evacuate Philadelphia



(June 18, 1778) 56, 57Arnold takes command there 57Charles Lee is exchanged, and returnsto his command in the American army 58

His reasons for returning 58, 59Washington pursues the British 60His plan of attack 61

Battle of Monmouth (June 28) 62-65Lee’s shameful retreat 62Washington retrieves the situation 63, 64It was a drawn battle 65

Washington’s letter to Lee 66Trial and sentence of Lee 67, 68Lee’s character and schemes 68-70Lee’s expulsion from the army; hisdeath 71

The situation at New York 72The French fleet unable to enter theharbour 73

General Prescott at Newport 74Attempt to capture the British garrisonat Newport 75

Sullivan seizes Butts Hill 76



Naval battle prevented by storm 77Estaing goes to Boston to refit hisships 77, 78

Yeomanry go home in disgust 78Battle of Butts Hill (August 29) 79The enterprise abandoned 79Unpopularity of the French alliance 80Stagnation of the war in the northernstates 81, 82

CHAPTER XIWAR ON THE FRONTIER

Joseph Brant, or Thayendanegea,missionary and war-chief 83-86The Tories of western New York 87, 88The valley of Wyoming and its settlersfrom Connecticut 89, 90

Massacre at Wyoming (July 3, 1778) 91, 92Massacre at Cherry Valley (November 10) 93, 94

Sullivan’s expedition against the

Iroquois94

Battle of Newtown (August 29, 1779) 95Devastation of the Iroquois country 96Reign of terror in the Mohawk valley 97, 98



The wilderness beyond theAlleghanies 99

Rivalry between Pennsylvania and

Virginia for the possession of Fort Pitt 100

Lord Dunmore’s war (1774) 100-104

Logan and Cresap102,103

Battle of Point Pleasant (October 10,1774) and its consequences

104

Settlement of Kentucky 105And of eastern Tennessee 106Defeat of the Cherokees on theWatauga, and its consequences

106-108

George Rogers Clark 108His conquest of the northwesternterritory (1778) 109

Capture of Vincennes (February 23,

1779)110

Settlement of middle Tennessee 111Importance of Clark’s conquest 112Tryon’s raids upon the coast of 113



129His cruise on the British coast 130He meets a British fleet off Flamborough Head

130,131

Terrific fight between the Serapis andthe Bon Homme Richard (September 23, 1779)

132-135

Effect of Jones’s victory 135

Why Denmark and Russia wereinterested in it 136,137Relations of Spain to France andEngland 138

Intrigues of Spain139,140

Treaty between Spain and France(April, 1779)

141

French and Spanish fleets attempt an

invasion of England (August, 1779)142

Sir George Rodney 143,144

Rights of neutrals upon the sea 144-157

The Consolato del Mare 145,146

England’s conduct in the eighteenthcentury 147



Prussian doctrine that free ships makefree goods

148

Influence of the French philosophers 148,

149Great Britain wishes to secure analliance with Russia 149

Importance of Minorca 150

France adopts the Prussian doctrine151,152

The affair of Fielding and Bylandt 153Spanish cruisers capture Russianvessels 154

Catherine’s proclamation (March 8,1780) 154

The Armed Neutrality 155,156

Vast importance of the principles laiddown by Catherine 157

Relations between Great Britain andHolland

158,159

Holland joins the Armed Neutrality 160Capture of Henry Laurens and his papers 160

Great Britain declares war against 161



Holland (December 20, 1780)Catherine decides not to interfere 162Capture of St. Eustatius (February 3,1781)

163-165

Shameful proceedings 166Ignominious results of the politics of George III. 167

CHAPTER XIII

A YEAR OF DISASTERSState of affairs in Georgia and SouthCarolina

168,169

Georgia overrun by the British 170,

171Arrival of General Lincoln(December, 1778) 172

Partisan warfare; barbarous reprisals 172

The Americans routed at Briar Creek (March 3, 1779) 173

Vandalism of General Prevost 174Plan for arming negroes 175

Indignation in South Carolina 176Action of the council 176

End of the campaign 177,178



Attempt to recapture Savannah 179Clinton and Cornwallis go to Georgia 180The British advance upon Charleston 181Surrender of Charleston (May 12,

1780)182

South Carolina overrun by the British 182-184

Clinton returns to New York 185

An injudicious proclamation 186Disorders in South Carolina 186The strategic points 187Partisan commanders 187

Francis Marion 188Thomas Sumter 189First appearance of Andrew Jackson inhistory 189

Advance of Kalb 190Gates appointed to the chief commandin the south

190,191

Choice of roads to Camden 192

Gates chooses the wrong road 193He loses the moment for striking 193And weakens his army on the eve of

battle 194



And is surprised by Cornwallis 195Battle of Camden (August 16, 1780);total and ignominious defeat of Gates

195-197

His campaign was a series of blunders 197

Partisan operations 198Weariness and depression of the

people 199

Evils wrought by the paper currency 200

“Not worth a Continental” 201,202

Taxes paid in the form of specificsupplies 203

Difficulty of keeping the army together 203,204

The French alliance 205

Lafayette’s visit to France (February,

1779)

206,

207Arrival of part of the French auxiliaryforce under Count Rochambeau (July,1780)

208

The remainder is detained in France bya British fleet 209General despondency 210

CHAPTER XIVBENEDICT ARNOLD



Arnold put in command of Philadelphia (June, 1778) 211

He gets into difficulties with the

government of Pennsylvania212

Miss Margaret Shippen 212Views of the moderate Tories 213Arnold’s drift toward Toryism 214

He makes up his mind to leave thearmy 215

Charges are brought against him(January, 1779) 216

He is acquitted by a committee of Congress (March) 216

The case is referred to a court-martial(April) 217

First correspondence with Sir HenryClinton 218The court-martial acquits Arnold of allserious charges, but directs Washington to reprimand

him for two very trivial ones (January 26, 1780)

219

Arnold thirsts for revenge uponCongress 220



Significance of West Point 221Arnold put in command of West Point(July, 1780) 222

Secret interview between Arnold andAndré (September 22) 223

The plot for surrendering West Point 224-225

André takes compromising documents 226

And is persuaded to return to NewYork by land

227

The roads infested by robbers 228

Arrest of André (September 23) 229-

232Colonel Jameson’s perplexity 232Washington returns from Hartfordsooner than expected

233,234

Flight of Arnold (September 25) 235

Discovery of the treasonable plot 236,237

André taken to Tappan (September 28) 238André’s trial and sentence (September 29) 238Clinton’s arguments and protests 239Captain Ogden’s message 240



Execution of André (October 2) 241Lord Stanhope’s unconsciousimpudence 242

There is no reason in the world why

André’s life should have been spared 243

Captain Battersby’s story 244

Arnold’s terrible downfall 244-

246Arnold’s family 247His remorse and death (June 14, 1801) 248

Reflections 248-250

Mutiny of Pennsylvania troops(January 1, 1781)

251,252

Fate of Clinton’s emissaries 253

Further mutiny suppressed253,254

CHAPTER XVYORKTOWN

Cornwallis invades North Carolina

(September, 1780)255

Ferguson’s expedition 255

Rising of the backwoodsmen256,257



Battle of King’s Mountain (October 7,1780)

258,259

Effect of the blow 260

Reinforcements from the North; arrivalof Daniel Morgan 261

Greene appointed to the chief command at the South 261

Greene’s daring strategy; he threatensCornwallis on both flanks

262-264

Cornwallis retorts by sending Tarletonagainst Morgan 265

Morgan’s position at the Cowpens 265Battle of the Cowpens (January 17,1781); nearly the whole British force captured on the field

266

Brilliant movements of Morgan andGreene; they lead Cornwallis a chase across North Carolina

267-269

Further manœuvres 270

Battle of Guilford (March 15)270,271

Retreat of Cornwallis 272He abandons the Carolinas andmarches into Virginia 273



Greene’s master-stroke; he returns toSouth Carolina (April 6-18) 273

And, by taking Fort Watson, cuts Lord

Rawdon’s communications (April 23)

274

Rawdon defeats Greene at Hobkirk’sHill (April 25); but is none the less obliged to give upCamden in order to save his army (May 10)

275,

276

All the inland posts taken from theBritish (May-June) 276

Rawdon goes to England, leavingStuart in command 277

Greene marches against Stuart (August22) 277

Battle of Eutaw Springs (September 8) 278Greene’s superb generalship 278,

279Lord Cornwallis arrives at Petersburg

(May 20)

279,

280

His campaign against Lafayette281-283



Cornwallis retreats to the coast, andoccupies Yorktown

284,285

Elements of the final catastrophe;arrival of the French

fleet

286,287

News from Grasse and Lafayette 288Subtle and audacious scheme of Washington

289

He transfers his army to Virginia(August 19-September 18) 290-292Movements of the fleets 293Cornwallis surrounded at Yorktown 294

Clinton’s attempt at a counter-stroke;Arnold’s proceedings at New London (September 6)

295,296

Surrender of Cornwallis 297Importance of the aid rendered by theFrench fleet and army

298,299

Effect of the news in England 300,301

Difficult position of Great Britain 302

Rodney’s victory over Grasse (April12, 1782) 303

Resignation of Lord North (March 20,1782)

304



Defeat of the political schemes of George III.

305

The American Revolution was not aconflict between Englishmen and Americans, but between twoantagonistic principles of government, each of which had itsadvocates and opponents in

both countries; and Yorktown wasan auspicious victory won by Washington for both countries

306-310



THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION



CHAPTER VIIITHE FRENCH ALLIANCE

The history of the Revolutionary War may bedivided into four well-marked periods. The first

period begins in 1761 with the resistance of JamesOtis to the general search-warrants, and it may beregarded as ending in June, 1774, when the acts for changing the government of Massachusetts wereintended to take effect. This period of constitutionaldiscussion culminated in the defiance of Great

Britain by the people of Boston when they threw thetea into the harbour; and the acts of April, 1774, bywhich Parliament replied to the challenge, were

irtually a declaration of war against the Americancolonies, though yet another year elapsed before thefirst bloodshed at Lexington.

The second period opens with June, 1774,when Massachusetts began to nullify the acts oParliament, and it closes with the Declaration oIndependence. During this period warfare wascarried on only for the purpose of obtaining aredress of grievances, and without any design o

ringing about a political separation of the Englis



people in America from the English people inBritain. The theatre of war was mainly confined to

New England and Canada; and while theAmericans failed in the attempt to conquer Canada,their defensive warfare was crowned with success.The fighting of this period began with the victory oLexington: it ended with the victory of FortMoultrie. New England, except the island o

Newport, was finally freed from the presence of theBritish, and no further attack was made upon thesouthern states for more than two years.

The essential feature of the third period,

comprising the years 1776 and 1777, was thestruggle for the state of New York and the greatnatural strategic line of the Mohawk and Hudsorivers. Independence having been declared, theUnited States and Great Britain were now fightineach other single-handed, like two separate andforeign powers. It was the object of Great Britaito conquer the United States, and accordingly shestruck at the commercial and military centre of the

confederation. If she could have thoroughlyconquered the state of New York and secured theline of the Hudson, she would have broken theconfederation in two, and might perhaps have



proceeded to overcome its different parts in detail.Hence in this period of the war everything centresabout New York, such an outlying expedition asthat of Howe against Philadelphia having nodecisive military value except in its bearings upothe issue of the great central conflict. The strategyof the Americans was mainly defensive, thoughwith regard to certain operations they assumed the

offensive with brilliant success. The period begawith the disasters of Long Island and FortWashington; it ended with the triumph of Saratoga.As the net result of the two years’ work, the Britishhad taken and held the cities of New York andPhiladelphia and the town of Newport. The fortressof Ticonderoga, which they had likewise taken,they abandoned after the overthrow of Burgoyne;and in like manner they retired from the highlands

of the Hudson, which the Americans now proceeded to occupy with a stronger force tha

efore. In short, while the British had lost an army,they had conquered nothing but the ground on whic

they were actually encamped. Their attempt toreak through the centre of the American positionhad ended in a total defeat, and it now began toseem clear to discerning minds that there was smallchance of their being able to conquer the United



States.

The fourth period, upon which we are nowentering, begins with the immediate consequences

of the victory of Saratoga, and extends to the treatyof 1783, whereby Great Britain acknowledged theindependence of the United States. The militaryhistory of this period ends with the surrender oCornwallis at Yorktown, in October, 1781, justfour years after the surrender of Burgoyne. Exceptas regards the ultimate triumph of the Americanarms, the history of these four years presentsstriking contrasts to the history of the two years we

have just passed in review. The struggle is nolonger confined to the arms of Great Britain and theUnited States, but it extends in some measure over the whole civilized world, though it is only France,with its army and more especially its navy, thatcomes into direct relation with the final result iAmerica. Moreover, instead of a well-aimed andconcentrated blow at the centre of the American

position, the last period of the war consisted partly

of a straggling and disorderly series of movements,designed simply to harass the Americans and wear out their patience, and partly of an attempt toconquer the southern states and detach them fro



the Union. There is, accordingly, less dramaticunity in this last stage of the war than in the periodwhich ended at Saratoga, and it is less susceptibleof close and consecutive treatment; but, on the other hand, in richness of incidents and in variety ohuman interest it is in no wise inferior to the earlier

periods.

Consternation in England The firstconsequence of Saratoga was the retreat of the

British government from every one of the positionsfor the sake of which it had begun the war. Thenews of Burgoyne’s surrender reached England just

efore Parliament adjourned for Christmas, andLord North immediately gave notice that as soon asthe holidays were over he should bring in measuresfor conciliating the Americans. The general feelingin England was one of amazement andconsternation. In these days, when we areaccustomed to contemplate military phenomena oenormous magnitude, when we have lately carriedon a war in which more than two million men wereunder arms, and more than two million dollars



were expended every day, we must not forget howdifferent was the historic background upon whicevents were projected a century ago. Those werenot the days of submarine telegraphs and Cunardsteamships, and in trying to carry on warfare acrossthree thousand miles of ocean the problem beforeGeorge III. was far more arduous than that whicthe great Frederick had solved, when, acting o

interior lines and supported by British gold, heovercame the combined assaults of France andAustria and Russia. The loss which Great Britaihad now suffered could not easily be made good.At the same time it was generally believed, both iEngland and on the continent of Europe, that theloss of the American colonies would entail the ruinof the British Empire. Only a few wise politicaleconomists, “literary men,” like Adam Smith and

Josiah Tucker, were far-seeing enough to escapethis prodigious fallacy; even Chatham was misled

y it. It was not understood that English Americaand English Britain were bound together by

commercial and social ties so strong that noquestion of political union or severance could permanently affect them. It was not foreseen thatwithin a century the dealings of Great Britain witthe independent United States would far exceed her



dealings with the rest of the world. On the contrary,it was believed that if political independence wereconceded to the Americans, the whole stream otransatlantic commerce would somehow bediverted to other parts of Europe, that the Britisnaval power would forthwith decay, and thatEngland would sink from her imperial position intosuch a mere insular nation as that over which Henry

VIII. had ruled. So greatly did men overrate political conditions; so far were they froappreciating those economic conditions which areso much more deep-seated and essential.



LORD NORTH

Views of the different parties Under thesecircumstances, the only people in England whowere willing to concede the independence of theUnited States were the Rockingham Whigs, andthese were now in a small minority. Lord



Rockingham and his friends, with Burke as their leader, had always condemned the harsh and stupid

policy of the government toward America, and theywere now ready to concede independence becausethey were convinced that conciliation was nolonger practicable. Lord Chatham, on the other hand, with his section of the Whig party, while evemore emphatically condemning the policy of the

government, still clung to the hope of conciliation,and could not bear to think of the disruption of theempire. But with the Tory party, which had allalong supported the government, the war was still

popular, and no calamity seemed so great as theloss of the American colonies. Most of the countrysquires believed in crushing out rebellion, nomatter where it occurred or for what reason, andthis view was almost unanimously taken by the

clergy. In the House of Lords none were soloodthirsty as the bishops, and country parsons

preached from all the texts of the Old Testamentwhich refer to smiting Jehovah’s enemies hip and

thigh. The trading classes in the large towns, andthe few manufacturers who had come upon thescene, were so afraid of losing the Americanmarket that they were ready to vote men and moneywithout stint. The town of Manchester even raised



and equipped two regiments at its own expense.Thus while the great majority of the British natio

elieved that America must be retained at whatever cost, a majority of this majority believed that itmust be conquered before it could be conciliated or reasoned with; and this was the opinion which hadthus far found favour with Lord North andcontrolled the policy of the government.

Lord North’s political somersault We mayimagine, then, the unspeakable amazement of theHouse of Commons, on the 17th of February, 1778,when Lord North arose in his place and moved that

every one of the points for which Samuel Adamsand his friends had zealously contended, from the

passage of the Stamp Act to the breaking out owar, should at once be conceded forever andwithout further parley. By the bill which he now

proceeded to read, the famous Tea Act and the actfor changing the constitution of Massachusetts wereunconditionally repealed. It was furthermoredeclared that Parliament would renounce forever

the right of raising a revenue in America; and it was provided that commissioners should be sent over totreat with Congress, armed with full powers for negotiating a peace. Pending the negotiations the



commissioners might proclaim a truce, and mightsuspend the operation of any act of Parliamentrelating to America which had been passed since1763. They might also proclaim complete amnestyfor all political offences.



Strange scene in the House of Commons Socomplete a political somersault has seldom bee



turned by an English minister, and the speech inwhich Lord North defended himself was worthy othe occasion. Instead of resigning when he saw thathis policy had proved a failure, as an Englisminister would naturally do, he suddenly shifted hisground, and adopted the policy which theopposition had urged in vain against him threeears before, and which, if then adopted, would

unquestionably have prevented bloodshed. Not onlydid he thus shift his ground, but he declared that this

policy of conciliation was really the one which hehad favoured from the beginning. There was moretruth in this than appeared at the moment, for imore than one instance Lord North had, witculpable weakness, carried out the king’s policy indefiance of his own convictions. It was in vain,however, that he sought to clear himself o

responsibility for the Tea Act, the oppressiveedicts of 1774, and the recent events in Americagenerally. The House received his bill and hisspeech in profound silence. Disgust and dejectio

filled every bosom, yet no one could very well helpoting for the measures. The Tories, alreadychagrined by the bitter news from Saratoga, wereenraged at being thus required to abandon all theground for which they had been fighting, yet no way



seemed open for them but to follow their leader.The Whigs were vexed at seeing the wind taken outof their sails, but they could not in honour oppose a

policy which they had always earnestly supported.All sat for some moments in grim, melancholysilence, till Charles Fox, arising, sarcastically

egan his speech by congratulating his Whig friendson having gained such a powerful and unexpected

ally in the prime minister. Taunts and innuendoesflew back and forth across the House. From theTory side came sullen cries that the country was

etrayed, while from among the Whigs the premier was asked if he supposed himself armed with thespear of Achilles, which could heal the wounds thatitself had made. It was very pointedly hinted thatthe proposed measures would not be likely to

produce much effect upon the Americans unlessaccompanied by Lord North’s resignation, since,coming from him, they would come as from atainted spring. But in spite of all this ill-feeling the

ill was passed, and the same reasons which had

operated here carried it also through the House oLords. On the 11th of March it received the royalsignature, and three commissioners wereimmediately appointed to convey information othis action to Congress, and make arrangements for



a treaty of peace.

Treaty between France and the United States,Feb. 6, 1778 The conciliatory policy of Lord Nort

had come at least two years too late. The Americanleaders were now unwilling to consider thequestion of reunion with the mother-country upoany terms, and even before the extraordinary scenein Parliament which we have just witnessed a treatyhad been made with France, by which theAmericans solemnly agreed, in consideration oarmed support to be furnished by that power, never to entertain proposals of peace from Great Britai

until their independence should be acknowledged,and never to conclude a treaty of peace except witthe concurrence of their new ally. The Frenchgovernment had secretly assisted the Americans asearly as the summer of 1776 by occasional loans omoney, and by receiving American privateers inFrench ports. The longer Great Britain and her colonies could be kept weakening each other bywarfare, the greater the hope that France might at

some time be enabled to step in and regain her lostmaritime empire. But it was no part of Frenc

policy to take an active share in the struggle untilthe proper moment should come for reaping some



decisive material advantage. At the beginning of theear 1778 that moment seemed to have arrived. The

capture of Burgoyne and the masterly strategywhich Washington had shown, in spite of his ill-success on the field, had furnished convincing proothat the American alliance was worth having. At thesame time, the announcement that Lord North wasabout to bring in conciliatory measures indicated

that the British government was weakening in its purpose. Should such measures succeed iconciliating the Americans and in bringing about afirm reunion with the mother-country, the schemesof France would be irretrievably ruined. Now,therefore, was the golden opportunity, and Francewas not slow to seize it. On the 6th of February thetreaty with the United States was signed at Paris.By a special article it was stipulated that Spai

might enter into the alliance at her earliestconvenience. Just now, too, Frederick the Great

publicly opened the port of Dantzic to Americancruisers and prohibited Hessian soldiers fro

passing through his dominions to the seaboard,while he wrote to Franklin at Paris that he should probably soon follow the king of France irecognizing the independence of the United States.



Great Britain declares war against France,arch 13 Rumours of all these things kept comin

to England while the conciliatory measures were passing through Parliament, and on the 13th oMarch, two days after those measures had becomelaw, the action of France was formallycommunicated to the British government, and war was instantly declared.



The situation of England seemed desperate.With one army lost in America, with the recruitingground in Germany barred against her, with a debt

piling up at the rate of a million dollars a week, andwith a very inadequate force of troops at home icase of sudden invasion, she was now called upoto contend with the whole maritime power oFrance, to which that of Spain was certain soon to

e added, and, to crown all, the government hadust written its own condemnation by confessinefore the world that its policy toward America,

which had been the cause of all this mischief, was

impracticable as well as unrighteous.[15]

The Earl of Chatham At this terrible momentthe eyes of all England were turned upon one greatman, old now and wasted by disease, but the fire o

whose genius still burned bright and clear. Thegovernment must be changed, and in the Earl oChatham the country had still a leader whose veryname was synonymous with victory. Not thus hadmatters gone in the glorious days of Quiberon andMinden and Quebec, when his skilful hand was atthe helm, and every heart in England and America

eat high with the consciousness of worthy endsachieved by well-directed valour. To whom but



Chatham should appeal be made to repair thedrooping fortunes of the empire? It was in his handsalone that a conciliatory policy could have anychance of success. From the first he had been theconsistent advocate of the constitutional rights othe Americans; and throughout America he was theobject of veneration no less hearty and enthusiasticthan that which was accorded to Washington

himself. Overtures that would be laughed at ascoming from North would at least find respectfulhearing if urged by Chatham. On the other hand,should the day for conciliation have irrevocably

passed by, the magic of his name was of itselsufficient to create a panic in France, while iEngland it would kindle that popular enthusiaswhich is of itself the best guarantee of success. IGermany, too, the remembrance of the priceless

services he had rendered could not but dispel thehostile feeling with which Frederick had regardedEngland since the accession of George III. Moved

y such thoughts as these, statesmen of all parties,

eginning with Lord North himself, implored theking to form a new ministry under Chatham. LordMansfield, his bitterest enemy, for once declaredthat without Chatham at the helm the ship of statemust founder, and his words were echoed by Bute



and the young George Grenville. At the oppositeextreme of politics, the Duke of Richmond, whohad long since made up his mind that the coloniesmust be allowed to go, declared, nevertheless, thatif it were to be Chatham who should see fit to makeanother attempt to retain them, he would aid him ievery possible way. The press teemed withexpressions of the popular faith in Chatham, and

every one impatiently wondered that the kinshould lose a day in calling to the head of affairsthe only man who could save the country. But allthis unanimity of public opinion went for nothinwith the selfish and obdurate king. All the oldreasons for keeping Chatham out of office had now

anished, so far as the American question wasconcerned; for by consenting to North’sconciliatory measures the king had virtually comeover to Chatham’s position, and as regarded theseparation of the colonies from the mother-country,Chatham was no less unwilling than the king toadmit the necessity of such a step. The king’s

rage Indeed, the policy upon which the king hadnow been obliged to enter absolutely demandedChatham as its exponent instead of North.Everybody saw this, and no doubt the king saw ithimself, but it had no weight with him in the



presence of personal considerations. He hatedChatham with all the ferocity of hatred that a meaand rancorous spirit can feel toward one that isgenerous and noble; and he well knew besides that,with that statesman at the head of affairs, his owshare in the government would be reduced tonullity. To see the government administered inaccordance with the policy of a responsible

minister, and in disregard of his own irresponsiblewhims, was a humiliation to which he was not yetready to submit. For eight years now, by coaxingand bullying the frivolous North, he had contrived

to keep the reins in his own hands; and having solong tasted the sweets of power, he was resolved infuture to have none but milksops for his ministers.In face of these personal considerations the welfareof the nation was of little account to him. [16] Heflew into a rage. No power in heaven or earth, hesaid, should ever make him stoop to treat wit“Lord Chatham and his crew;” he refused to be“shackled by those desperate men” and “made a

slave for the remainder of his days.” Rather thaield to the wishes of his people at this solemcrisis, he would submit to lose his crown. Better thus, he added, than to wear it in bondage and



disgrace.

What Chatham would have tried to do In spiteof the royal wrath, however, the popular demand

for a change of government was too strong to beresisted. But for Lord Chatham’s sudden death, afew weeks later, he would doubtless have beencalled upon to fill the position which North was soanxious to relinquish. The king would have had toswallow his resentment, as he was afterwardsobliged to do in 1782. Had Chatham now become

prime minister, it was his design to follow up therepeal of all obnoxious legislation concernin

America by withdrawing every British soldier froour soil, and attacking France with might and main,as in the Seven Years’ War, on the ocean andthrough Germany, where the invincible Ferdinandof Brunswick was again to lead the armies of GreatBritain. In America such a policy could hardly havefailed to strengthen not only the loyalists andwaverers, but also the Whigs of conciliatory mould,such as Dickinson and Robert Morris. Nor was the

moment an inopportune one. Many Americans, whowere earnest in withstanding the legislativeencroachments of Parliament, had formerly beealienated from the popular cause by what they



deemed the needlessly radical step of theDeclaration of Independence. Many others werenow alienated by the French alliance. In NewEngland, the chief stronghold of the revolutionary

party, many people were disgusted at an alliancewith the Catholic and despotic power which idays gone by had so often let loose the Indian hell-hounds upon their frontier. The treaty with France

was indeed a marriage of convenience rather thaof affection. The American leaders, even whilearranging it, dreaded the revulsion of feeling thatmight ensue in the country at large; and their dreadwas the legitimate hope of Chatham. To return tothe state of things which had existed previous to1765 would no doubt be impossible. Independenceof some sort must be conceded, and in this LordRockingham and the Duke of Richmond were

unquestionably right. But Chatham was in no wisefoolish in hoping that some sort of federal bondmight be established which should maintaiAmericans and British in perpetual alliance, and,

while granting full legislative autonomy to thecolonies singly or combined, should prevent the people of either country from ever forgetting thatthe Americans were English. There was at least achance that this noble policy might succeed, and



until the trial should have been made he would notwillingly consent to a step that seemed certain towreck the empire his genius had won for England.But death now stepped in to simplify the situation ithe old ruthless way.



Death of Chatham The Duke of Richmond,



anxious to bring matters to an issue, gave notice thaton the 7th of April he should move that the royalfleets and armies should be instantly withdrawfrom America, and peace be made on whatever terms Congress might see fit to accept. Such at leastwas the practical purport of the motion. For such aunconditional surrender Chatham was not yet ready,and on the appointed day he got up from his sick-

ed and came into the House of Lords to argueagainst the motion. Wrapped in flannel bandagesand leaning upon crutches, his dark eyes in their

rilliancy enhancing the pallor of his carewor face, as he entered the House, supported on the oneside by his son-in-law, Lord Mahon, on the other bythat younger son who was so soon to add fresglory to the name of William Pitt, the peers allstarted to their feet, and remained standing until he

had taken his place. In broken sentences, witstrange flashes of the eloquence that had once heldcaptive ear and heart, he protested against the hastyadoption of a measure which simply prostrated the

dignity of England before its ancient enemy, theHouse of Bourbon. The Duke of Richmond’sanswer, reverently and delicately worded, urgedthat while the magic of Chatham’s name could work anything short of miracles, yet only a miracle could



now relieve them from the dire necessity oabandoning America. The earl rose to reply, but hisoverwrought frame gave way, and he sank in aswoon upon the floor. All business was at onceadjourned. The peers, with eager sympathy, camecrowding up to offer assistance, and theunconscious statesman was carried in the arms ohis friends to a house near by, whence in a few

days he was removed to his home at Hayes. There,after lingering between life and death for severalweeks, on the 11th of May, and in the seventiethear of his age, Lord Chatham breathed his last.

His prodigious greatness The man thus strucdown, like a soldier at his post, was one whoAmericans no less than Englishmen have delightedto honour. The personal fascination which heexerted in his lifetime is something we can nolonger know; but as the field of modern historyexpands till it covers the globe, we find ourselves

etter able than his contemporaries to comprehendthe part which he played at one of the most critical

moments of the career of mankind. For simplemagnitude, the preponderance of the English race ithe world has come now to be the most striking factin human history; and when we consider all that is



implied in this growing preponderance of aindustrial civilization over other civilizations orelatively archaic and militant type, we find reasoto believe that among historic events it is the mostteeming with mighty consequences to be witnessed

y a distant future. With no other historic personageare the beginnings of this supremacy of the Englisrace so closely associated as with the elder

William Pitt. It was he who planned the victorieswhich gave England the dominion of the sea, andwhich, rescuing India from the anarchy of centuries,

prepared it to become the seat of a newcivilization, at once the apt pupil and the suggestiveteacher of modern Europe. It was he who, bydriving the French from America, cleared the wayfor the peaceful overflow of our industrialcivilization through the valley of the Mississippi;

saving us from the political dangers which chronicwarfare might otherwise have entailed, and insurinus the ultimate control of the fairest part of thiscontinent. To his valiant and skilful lieutenants by

sea and land, to such great men as Hawke, andClive, and Wolfe, belongs the credit of executingthe details; it was the genius of Pitt that conceivedand superintended the prodigious scheme as aconnected whole. Alone among the Englishmen o



his time, Pitt looked with prophetic gaze into themysterious future of colonial history, and saw themeaning of the creation of a new and greater Europe in the outlying regions of the earth; andthrough his triumphs it was decided that this newand greater Europe should become for the most parta new and greater England,—a world of self-government, and of freedom of thought and speech.

While his political vision thus embraced theuttermost parts of the globe, his action in the centreof Europe helped to bring about results theimportance of which we are now beginning toappreciate. From the wreck of all Germany in thathorrible war of religion which filled one third othe seventeenth century, a new Protestant power had slowly emerged and grown apace, till in Pitt’stime—for various reasons, dynastic, personal, and

political—it had drawn down upon itself theengeance of all the reactionary countries o

Europe. Had the coalition succeeded, the onlyconsiderable Protestant power on the continent

would have been destroyed, and the anarchy whichad followed the Thirty Years’ War might haveeen renewed. The stupid George II., who could

see in Prussia nothing but a rival of Hanover, wasalready preparing to join the alliance against



Frederick, when Pitt overruled him, and threw theweight of England into the other side of the scale.The same act which thus averted the destruction oPrussia secured to England a most efficient ally iher struggle with France. Of this wise policy wenow see the fruits in that renovated German Empirewhich has come to be the strongest power on thecontinent of Europe, which is daily establishin

fresh bonds of sympathy with the people of theUnited States, and whose political interests aredaily growing more and more visibly identical witthose of Great Britain. As in days to come the

solidarity of the Teutonic race in its three greatnationalities—America, England, and Germany— ecomes more and more clearly manifest, the more

will the student of history be impressed with thewonderful fact that the founding of moder Germany, the maritime supremacy of England, andthe winning of the Mississippi valley for English-speaking America, were but the different phases oone historic event, coherent parts of the one vast

conception which marks its author as the grandestof modern statesmen. As the lapse of time carriesus far enough from the eighteenth century to study itin its true proportions, the figure of Chatham in the



annals of the Teutonic race will appear no lessgreat and commanding than the figure oCharlemagne a thousand years before.



CHATHAM’S TOMB IN WESTMINSTER ABBEY

But Chatham is interesting to Americans notonly as the eloquent defender in our revolutionarystruggle, not only as standing in the forefront of that

ast future in which we are to play so important a part, but also as the first British statesman whose political thinking was of a truly American type. Pittwas above all things the man of the people, and ithas been well said that his title of the “GreatCommoner” marks in itself a political revolution.When the king and the Old Whig lords sought towithstand him in the cabinet, he could say wit

truth, “It is the people who have sent me here.” Hewas the first to discover the fact that thedevelopment of trade and manufactures, due chieflyto the colonial expansion of England, had broughtinto existence an important class of society, for which neither the Tory nor the Old Whig schemesof government had made provision. He was the firstto see the absurdity of such towns as Leeds andManchester going without representation, and he

egan in 1745 the agitation for parliamentaryreform which was first successful in 1832. In thecelebrated case of Wilkes, while openly expressinghis detestation of the man, he successfully defended



the rights of constituencies against the tyranny of theHouse of Commons. Against the fierce oppositionof Lord Mansfield, he maintained inviolate theliberty of every Englishman to publish his opinions.He overthrew the abuse of arbitrary imprisonment

y general warrants. He ended the chronic troublesof Scotland by taking the Highlanders into hisconfidence and raising regiments from them for the

regular army. In this intense devotion to liberty andto the rights of man, Pitt was actuated as much byhis earnest, sympathetic nature as by the clearnessand breadth of his intelligence. In his austere purityof character, as in his intensity of conviction, hewas an enigma to sceptical and frivolous people ihis own time. Cromwell or Milton would haveunderstood him much better than did HoraceWalpole, to whom his haughty mien and soaring

language seemed like theatrical affectation. But thisgrandiose bearing was nothing but the naturalexpression of that elevation of soul which, lighted

y a rich poetic imagination and fired by the glow

of passion beneath, made his eloquence the mostimpressive that has ever been heard in England. Hewas soaring in outward demeanour only as his mindhabitually dwelt with strong emotion upon greatthoughts and noble deeds. He was the incarnation o



all that is lofty and aspiring in human nature, andhis sublime figure, raised above the grave in thenorthern transept of Westminster Abbey, with itseager outstretched arm, still seems to be urging ohis countrymen in the path of duty and of glory.



Lord North remains in power By the death oChatham the obstacles which had beset the kinwere suddenly removed. On the morning after the



pathetic scene in the House of Lords, he wrote witill-concealed glee to North, “May not the politicalexit of Lord Chatham incline you to continue at thehead of my affairs?” North was very unwilling toremain, but it was difficult to find any one whocould form a government in his place. Among the

New Whigs, now that Chatham was gone, LordShelburne was the most prominent; but he was a

man who, in spite of great virtues and talents, never succeeded in winning the confidence either of the

politicians or of the people. He was a warm friendto the American cause, but no one supposed himequal to the difficult task which Chatham wouldhave undertaken, of pacifying the American people.The Old Whigs, under Lord Rockingham, hadcommitted themselves to the full independence othe United States, and for this the people of England

were not yet prepared. Under the circumstances,there seemed to be nothing for Lord North to do butremain in office. The king was delighted, and his

party appeared to have gained strength from the

indignation aroused by the alliance of theAmericans with France. It was strengthened stillmore by the positive refusal of Congress to treatwith the commissioners sent over by Lord North.The commissioners arrived in America in June, and



remained until October, without effecting anything.Congress refused to entertain any propositionswhatever from Great Britain until the independenceof the United States should first be acknowledged. His commissioners in America fail to accomplishanything Copies of Lord North’s conciliatory billswere published by order of Congress, and scattered

roadcast over the country. They were everywhere

greeted with derision; at one town in Rhode Islandthey were publicly burned under a gallows whichad been erected for the occasion. After fruitlesslytrying all the devices of flattery and intrigue, thecommissioners lost their temper; and just beforesailing for England they issued a farewellmanifesto, in which they threatened the American

people with exemplary punishment for their contumacy. The conduct of the war, they said, was

now to be changed; these obstinate rebels were toe made to suffer the extremes of distress, and no

mercy was to be shown them. Congress instantly published this document, and it was received witsomewhat more derision than the conciliatory billshad been. Under the circumstances of that day, thethreat could have but one meaning. It meant arsoalong the coasts at the hands of the British fleet, andmurder on the frontiers at the hands of India



auxiliaries. The commissioners sought to justifytheir manifesto before Parliament, and one of the

ehemently declared that if all hell could be letloose against these rebels, he should approve of themeasure. “The proclamation,” said he, “certainlydoes mean a war of desolation: it can mean nothinelse.” Lord Rockingham denounced the policy othe manifesto, and few were found in Parliament

willing to support it openly. This barbarous policy,however, was neither more nor less than that whichLord George Germain had deliberately made up hismind to pursue for the remainder of the war. Givingup the problem of conquering the Americans bysystematic warfare, he thought it worth while to doas much damage and inflict as much suffering as

possible, in the hope that by and by the spirit of the people might be broken and their patience wor

out. No policy could be more repugnant to theamiable soul of Lord North, but his false positioobliged him passively to sanction much that he didnot like. Besides this plan for tiring out the people,

it was designed to conduct a systematic expeditioagainst Virginia and the Carolinas, in order todetach these states from the rest of the confederacy.Should it be found necessary, after all, toacknowledge the independence of the United States,



it seemed worth while at least to cut down their territory as much as possible, and save to theBritish Crown these rich countries of rice, andindigo, and tobacco. Such was the plan now

proposed by Germain, and adopted by the ministryof which he was a member.



CHAPTER IXVALLEY FORGE

Distress in America Lord George Germain’sscheme for tiring out the Americans could not seemaltogether hopeless. Though from a military point o

iew the honours of the war thus far remained witthem, yet the losses and suffering had been verygreat. The disturbance of trade was felt even moreseverely in America than in England, and it wasfurther exacerbated by the evils of a depreciated

currency. The country had entered into the war heavily handicapped by the voluntary stoppage oimportation which had prevailed for several years.The war had cut off New England from the

Newfoundland fisheries and the trade with the WestIndies, and the coasting trade had been nearlyannihilated by British cruisers. The problem omanaging the expenses of a great war wassomething quite new to the Americans, and the

consequent waste and extravagance werecomplicated and enhanced by the curse of paper money. Congress, as a mere advisory body, couldonly recommend to the various states the measures



of taxation which were deemed necessary for thesupport of the army. It had no authority to raisetaxes in any state, nor had it any power to constraithe government of a state to raise taxes. The stateswere accordingly all delinquent, and there was noresource left for Congress but to issue its

promissory notes. Congress already owed morethan forty million dollars, and during the first hal

of the year 1778 the issues of paper moneyamounted to twenty-three millions. Thedepreciation had already become alarming, and themost zealous law-making was of course powerlessto stop it.

Lack of organization Until toward the close othe Revolutionary War, indeed, the United Stateshad no regularly organized government. At the timeof the Declaration of Independence a committee had

een appointed by Congress to prepare articles oconfederation, to be submitted to the states for their approval. These articles were ready by the summer of 1778, but it was not until the spring of 1781, that

all the states had signed them. While the thirteedistinct sovereignties in the United States were

isible in clear outline, the central government wassomething very shadowy and ill-defined. Under



these circumstances, the military efficiency of the people was reduced to a minimum. The countrynever put forth more than a small fraction of itsavailable strength. Everything suffered from thewant of organization. In spite of the popular ardour,which never seems to have been deficient wheopportunities came for testing it, there was almostas much difficulty in keeping up the numbers of the

army by enlistment as in providing equipment,sustenance, and pay for the soldiers when onceenlisted. The army of 80,000 men, which Congresshad devised in the preceding year, had never existed except on paper. The action of Congresshad not, indeed, been barren of results, but it hadfallen far short of the end proposed. During thecampaigns of 1777 the army of Washington hadnever exceeded 11,000 men; while of the 20,000 or

more who witnessed the surrender of Burgoyne, atleast half were local militia, assembled merely tomeet the exigencies of the moment. The wholecountry, indeed, cherished such a horror of armies

that it was unjust even to the necessary instrumenty which its independence was to be won; and itsympathized with Congress in the niggardly policywhich, by discouraging pensions, endangered thefuture of brave and skilful officers who were



devoting the best years of their lives to the publicservice. Washington’s earnest efforts to secure for retired officers the promise of half pay for lifesucceeded only in obtaining it for the term of seveears. The excessive dread of a standing army

made it difficult to procure long enlistments, andthe frequent changes in the militia, besides beinruinous to discipline, entailed a sad waste o

equipments and an interruption of agriculture whicadded much to the burdens of the people.



WASHINGTON’S HEADQUARTERS AT VALLEYFORGE

Vexatious meddling of Congress Besides theseevils, for which no one in particular was to blame,since they resulted so directly from the general stateof the country, the army suffered under other drawbacks, which were immediately traceable tothe incapacity of Congress. Just as afterwards, ithe War of Secession, the soldiers had often to pay



the penalty for the sins of the politicians. A singlespecimen of the ill-timed meddling of Congressmay serve as an example. At one of the mostcritical moments of the year 1777, Congress made acomplete change in the commissariat, which hadhitherto been efficiently managed by a singleofficer, Colonel Joseph Trumbull. Twocommissary-generals were now appointed, one o

whom was to superintend the purchase and theother the issue of supplies; and the subordinateofficers of the department were to be accountable,not to their superiors, but directly to Congress. Thiswas done in spite of the earnest opposition oWashington, and the immediate result was just whathe expected. Colonel Trumbull, who had beenretained as commissary-general for purchases,

eing unable to do his work properly without

controlling his subordinate officers, soon resignedhis place. The department was filled up with meselected without reference to fitness, andstraightway fell into hopeless confusion, whereby

the movements of the armies were grievouslycrippled for the rest of the season. On the 22d oDecember Washington was actually prevented fromexecuting a most promising movement againstGeneral Howe, because two brigades had become



mutinous for want of food. Sufferings at ValleyForge For three days they had gone without bread,and for two days without meat. The quartermaster’sdepartment was in no better condition. The dreadfulsufferings of Washington’s army at Valley Forgehave called forth the pity and the admiration ohistorians; but the point of the story is lost unlesswe realize that this misery resulted from gross

mismanagement rather than from the poverty of thecountry. As the poor soldiers marched on the 17thof December to their winter quarters, their routecould be traced on the snow by the blood that oozedfrom bare, frost-bitten feet; yet at the same moment,says Gordon, “hogsheads of shoes, stockings, andclothing were lying at different places on the roadsand in the woods, perishing for want of teams, or omoney to pay the teamsters.” On the 23d,Washington informed Congress that he had in camp2,898 men “unfit for duty, because they are

arefoot, and otherwise naked.” For want olankets, many were fain “to sit up all night by

fires, instead of taking comfortable rest in a naturaland common way.” Cold and hunger daily addedmany to the sick-list; and in the crowded hospitals,which were for the most part mere log-huts or frailwigwams woven of twisted boughs, men sometimes



died for want of straw to put between themselvesand the frozen ground on which they lay. In thedeficiency of oxen and draft-horses, gallant me

olunteered to serve as beasts of burden, and,oking themselves to wagons, dragged into camp

such meagre supplies as they could obtain for their sick and exhausted comrades. So great was thedistress that there were times when, in case of a

attack by the enemy, scarcely two thousand mencould have been got under arms. When one thinks othese sad consequences wrought by a negligentquartermaster and a deranged commissariat, one is

strongly reminded of the remark once made by theeccentric Charles Lee, when with causticalliteration he described Congress as “a stable ostupid cattle that stumbled at every step.”

Promoting officers for non-military reasons Themischief did not end, however, with thedemoralization of the departments that werecharged with supplying the army. In the appointmentand promotion of general officers, Congress ofteacted upon principles which, if consistently carriedout, would have ruined the efficiency of any armythat ever existed. For absurdly irrelevant politicalreasons, brave and well-tried officers were passed



y, and juniors, comparatively little known, were promoted over their heads. The case of BenedictArnold was the most conspicuous and flagrantexample of this. After his good name had beendestroyed by his treason, it became customary for historians to cite the restiveness of Arnold under such treatment as one more proof of his innatewickedness. But Arnold was not the only officer

who was sensitive about his rank. In June, 1777, itwas rumoured about Washington’s camp that aFrenchman named Ducoudray was about to beappointed to the chief command of the artillery,with the rank of major-general. Congress wascontinually beset with applications from vagrantforeign officers in quest of adventure; and sucappointments as this were sometimes made, nodoubt, in that provincial spirit which it has take

Americans so long to outgrow, and which sees allthings European in rose-colour. As soon as thereport concerning Ducoudray reached the camp,Generals Greene, Sullivan, and Knox each wrote a

letter to Congress, proffering their resignations icase the report were true; and the three letters weredated on the same day. Congress was very angry atthis, and the three generals were abused withoutstint. The affair, however, was more serious than



Congress had supposed, and the contemplatedappointment of Ducoudray was not made. Absur talk of John Adams The language of John Adamswith reference to matters of this sort was more

pungent than wise, and it gave clear expression tothe principles upon which Congress too often acted.This “delicate point of honour” he stigmatized as“one of the most putrid corruptions of absolute

monarchy.” He would be glad to see Congress electall the general officers annually; and if some greatmen should be obliged to go home in consequenceof this, he did not believe the country would beruined! The jealousy with which the several statesinsisted upon “a share of the general officers” i

proportion to their respective quotas of troops, hecharacterized as a just and sound policy. It wasupon this principle, he confessed, that many

promotions had been made; and if the generalswere so unreasonable as not to like it, they must“abide the consequences of their discontent.” Sucexpressions of feeling, in which John Adams found

many sympathizers, bear curious testimony to theintense distrust with which our poor little army wasregarded on account of the monarchical tendenciessupposed to be necessarily inherent in a militaryorganization. This policy, which seemed so



“sound” to John Adams, was simply an attempt toapply to the regimen of the army a set of principlesfit only for the organization of political assemblies;and if it had been consistently adopted, it is

probable that Lord George Germain’s scheme otiring the Americans out would have succeeded

eyond his most sanguine expectations.

But the most dangerous ground upon whicCongress ventured during the whole course of thewar was connected with the dark intrigues of thoseofficers who wished to have Washington removedfrom the chief command that Gates might be put i

his place. We have seen how successful Gates hadeen in supplanting Schuyler on the eve of victory.

Gates is puffed up with success Without having beenunder fire or directing any important operation,Gates had carried off the laurels of the norther campaign. From many persons, no doubt, he gotcredit even for what had happened before he joinedthe army, on the 19th of August. His appointmentdated from the 2d, before either the victory of Star or the discomfiture of St. Leger; and it was easy for

people to put dates together uncritically, and saythat before the 2d of August Burgoyne hadcontinued to advance into the country, and nothing



could check him until after Gates had beeappointed to command. The very air rang with the

praises of Gates, and his weak head was notunnaturally turned with so much applause. In hisdispatches announcing the surrender of Burgoyne,he not only forgot to mention the names of Arnoldand Morgan, who had won for him the decisive

ictory, but he even seemed to forget that he was

serving under a commander-in-chief, for he sent hisdispatches directly to Congress, leavinWashington to learn of the event through hearsay.Thirteen days after the surrender, Washington wroteto Gates, congratulating him upon his success. “Atthe same time,” said the letter, “I cannot but regretthat a matter of such magnitude, and so interestinto our general operations, should have reached me

y report only, or through the channels of letters not

earing that authenticity which the importance of itrequired, and which it would have received by aline over your signature stating the simple fact.”

But, worse than this, Gates kept his victorious

army idle at Saratoga after the whole line of theHudson was cleared of the enemy, and would notsend reinforcements to Washington. and shows ymptoms of insubordination Congress so far upheld



him in this as to order that Washington should notdetach more than 2,500 men from the northern armywithout consulting Gates and Governor Clinton. Itwas only with difficulty that Washington, bysending Colonel Hamilton with a special message,succeeded in getting back Morgan with hisriflemen. When reinforcements finally did arrive, itwas too late. Had they come more promptly, Howe

would probably have been unable to take the fortson the Delaware, without control of which he couldnot have stayed in Philadelphia. But the blame for the loss of the forts was by many people throwupon Washington, whose recent defeats atBrandywine and Germantown were now commonlycontrasted with the victories at the North.



The Conway Cabal The moment seemed propitious for Gates to try his peculiar strategy



once more, and displace Washington as he hadalready displaced Schuyler. Assistants were notwanting for this dirty work. Among the foreignadventurers then with the army was one ThomasConway, an Irishman, who had been for a long timein the French service, and, coming over to America,had taken part in the Pennsylvania campaign.Washington had opposed Conway’s claims for

undue promotion, and the latter at once threwhimself with such energy into the faction theforming against the commander-in-chief that it soocame to be known as the “Conway Cabal.” Theother principal members of the cabal were ThomasMifflin, the quartermaster-general, and JamesLovell, a delegate from Massachusetts, who had

een Schuyler’s bitterest enemy in Congress. It wasat one

time

reported that Samuel Adams was in sympathy withthe cabal, and the charge has been repeated bymany historians, but it seems to have originated in amalicious story set on foot by some of the friends o



John Hancock. At the beginning of the war,Hancock, whose overweening vanity often marredhis usefulness, had hoped to be made commander-in-chief, and he never forgave Samuel Adams for

preferring Washington for that position. In theautumn of 1777, Hancock resigned his position as

president of Congress, and was succeeded byHenry Laurens, of South Carolina. On the day whe

Hancock took leave of Congress, a motion wasmade to present him with the thanks of that body iacknowledgment of his admirable discharge of hisduty; but the New England delegates, who had not

een altogether satisfied with him, defeated themotion on general grounds, and established the

principle that it was injudicious to pass succomplimentary votes in the case of any president.This action threw Hancock into a rage, which was

chiefly directed against Samuel Adams as the most prominent member of the delegation; and after hisreturn to Boston it soon became evident that he hadresolved to break with his old friend and patron.

Artful stories, designed to injure Adams, were inmany instances traced to persons who were in closerelation with Hancock. After the fall of the cabal,no more deadly stab could be dealt to the reputatioof any man than to insinuate that he had given it aid



or sympathy; and there is good ground for believinthat such reports concerning Adams wereindustriously circulated by unscrupulous partisansof the angry Hancock. The story was revived at alater date by the friends of Hamilton, on theoccasion of the schism between Hamilton and JohAdams, but it has not been well sustained. The most

plausible falsehoods, however, are those which are

ased upon misconstrued facts; and it is certain thatSamuel Adams had not only favoured theappointment of Gates in the North, but he hadsometimes spoken with impatience of the so-calledFabian policy of Washington. In this he was likemany other ardent patriots whose militaryknowledge was far from commensurate with their zeal. His cousin, John Adams, was even moreoutspoken. He declared himself “sick of Fabiasystems.” “My toast,” he said, “is a short and

iolent war;” and he complained of the reverentaffection which the people felt for Washington asan “idolatry” dangerous to American liberty. It was

y working upon such impatient moods as these, iwhich high-minded men like the Adamsessometimes indulged, that unscrupulous men likeGates hoped to attain their ends.



Attempts to injure Washington The first fruits



of the cabal in Congress were seen in thereorganization of the Board of War in November,1777. Mifflin was chosen a member of the board,and Gates was made its president, with permissioto serve in the field should occasion require it.Gates was thus, in a certain sense, placed over Washington’s head; and soon afterward Conwaywas made inspector-general of the army, with the

rank of major-general. In view of Washington’swell-known opinions, the appointments of Miffliand Conway might be regarded as an opedeclaration of hostility on the part of Congress.Some weeks before, in regard to the rumour thatConway was to be promoted, Washington hadwritten, “It will be impossible for me to be of anyfurther service, if such insuperable difficulties arethrown in my way.” Such language might easily be

understood as a conditional threat of resignation,and Conway’s appointment was probably urged bythe conspirators with the express intention oforcing Washington to resign. Should this affront

prove ineffectual, they hoped, by dint of anonymousletters and base innuendoes, to make thecommander’s place too hot for him. It was assertedthat Washington’s army had all through the year outnumbered Howe’s more than three to one. The



distress of the soldiers was laid at his door; thesole result, if not the sole object, of his manymarches, according to James Lovell, was to wear out their shoes and stockings. An anonymous letter to Patrick Henry, then governor of Virginia, datedfrom York, where Congress was sitting, observed:“We have wisdom, virtue, and strength enough tosave us, if they could be called into action. The

northern army has shown us what Americans arecapable of doing with a general at their head. Thespirit of the southern army is no way inferior to thespirit of the northern. A Gates, a Lee, or a Conwaywould in a few weeks render them an irresistible

ody of men. Some of the contents of this letter ought to be made public, in order to awaken,enlighten, and alarm our country.” Henry sent thisletter to Washington, who instantly recognized thewell-known handwriting of Dr. Benjamin Rush.Another anonymous letter, sent to PresidentLaurens, was still more emphatic: “It is a very greatreproach to America to say there is only one

general in it. The great success to the northwardwas owing to a change of commanders; and thesouthern army would have been alike successful ia similar change had taken place. The people oAmerica have been guilty of idolatry by making a



man their God, and the God of heaven and eartwill convince them by woful experience that he isonly a man; for no good can be expected from our army until Baal and his worshippers are banishedfrom camp.” This mischievous letter was addressedto Congress, but, instead of laying it before that

ody, the high-minded Laurens sent it directly toWashington. But the commander-in-chief was

forewarned, and neither treacherous missives likethese, nor the direct affronts of Congress, wereallowed to disturb his equanimity. Conway’s letter to Gates Just before leaving Saratoga, Gates

received from Conway a letter containing aallusion to Washington so terse and pointed as to beeasily remembered and quoted, and Gates showedthis letter to his young confidant and aid-de-camp,Wilkinson. A few days afterward, when Wilkinsonhad reached York with the dispatches relating toBurgoyne’s surrender, he fell in with a member of Lord Stirling’s staff, and under the genial stimulusof Monongahela whiskey repeated the malicious

sentence. Thus it came to Stirling’s ears, and hestraightway communicated it to Washington byletter, saying that he should always deem it his dutyto expose such wicked duplicity. Thus armed,



Washington simply sent to Conway the followingrief note:—

“SIR ,—A letter which I received last nightcontained the following paragraph: ‘In a letter from General Conway to General Gates, hesays, Heaven has determined to save your country, or a weak General and bad counsellors would have ruined it .’ I am, sir,your humble servant.

GEORGE W ASHINGTON. ”

Gates’s letter to WashingtonConway knew notwhat sort oanswer to make tothis startling note.When Miffli

heard of it, hewrote at once toGates, telling hithat an extractfrom one oConway’s lettershad fallen intoWashington’shands, and



advising him totake better care of his papers in future. All the

plotters were seriously alarmed; for their schemewas one which would not bear the light for amoment, and Washington’s curt letter left them quitein the dark as to the extent of his knowledge. “Thereis scarcely a man living,” protested Gates, “whotakes greater care of his papers than I do. I never

fail to lock them up, and keep the key in my pocket.” One thing was clear: there must be nodelay in ascertaining how much Washington knewand where he got his knowledge. After four anxiousdays it occurred to Gates that it must have beeWashington’s aid-de-camp, Hamilton, who hadstealthily gained access to his papers during hisshort visit to the northern camp. Filled with thisidea, Gates chuckled as he thought he saw a way o

diverting attention from the subject matter of theletters to the mode in which Washington had got

possession of their contents. He sat down andwrote to the commander-in-chief, saying he had

learned that some of Conway’s confidential lettersto himself had come into his excellency’s hands:such letters must have been copied by stealth, andhe hoped his excellency would assist him iunearthing the wretch who prowled about and did



such wicked things, for obviously it was unsafe tohave such creatures in the camp; they mightdisclose precious secrets to the enemy. And soimportant did the matter seem that he sent aduplicate of the present letter to Congress, in order that every imaginable means might be adopted for detecting the culprit without a moment’s delay. The

purpose of this elaborate artifice was to create i

Congress, which as yet knew nothing of the matter,an impression unfavourable to Washington, bymaking it appear that he encouraged his aids-de-camp in prying into the portfolios of other generals.For, thought Gates, it is as clear as day thatHamilton was the man; nobody else could havedone it.



Washington’s reply But Gates’s silly glee was

short-lived. Washington discerned at a glance thetreacherous purpose of the letter, and foiled it bythe simple expedient of telling the plain truth.“Your letter,” he replied, “came to my hand a few



days ago, and, to my great surprise, informed methat a copy of it had been sent to Congress, for whatreason I find myself unable to account; but as someend was doubtless intended to be answered by it, Iam laid under the disagreeable necessity oreturning my answer through the same channel, lestany member of that honourable body should harbour an unfavourable suspicion of my having practised

some indirect means to come at the contents of theconfidential letters between you and GeneralConway.” After this ominous prelude, Washingtonwent on to relate how Wilkinson had babbled over his cups, and a certain sentence from one oConway’s letters had thereupon been transmitted tohim by Lord Stirling. He had communicated thisdiscovery to Conway, to let that officer know thathis intriguing disposition was observed and

watched. He had mentioned this to no one else butLafayette, for he thought it indiscreet to let scandalsarise in the army, and thereby “afford a gleam ohope to the enemy.” He had not known that Conway

was in correspondence with Gates, and had evesupposed that Wilkinson’s information was givenwith Gates’s sanction, and with friendly intent toforearm him against a secret enemy. “But in this,”he disdainfully adds, “as in other matters of late, I



have found myself mistaken.”

HORATIO GATES

Gates tries, unsuccessfully, to save himself bylying So the schemer had overreached himself. Itwas not Washington’s aid-de-camp who had pried,

ut it was Gates’s own aid who had blabbed. Butfor Gates’s treacherous letter, Washington wouldnot even have suspected him; and, to crown all, he

had only himself to thank for rashly blazoninefore Congress a matter so little to his credit, and

which Washington, in his generous discretion,would forever have kept secret. Amid this



discomfiture, however, a single ray of hope coulde discerned. It appeared that Washington had

known nothing beyond the one sentence which hadcome to him as quoted in conversation byWilkinson. A downright falsehood might now clear up the whole affair, and make Wilkinson thescapegoat for all the others. Gates accordinglywrote again to Washington, denying his intimacy

with Conway, declaring that he had never receivedut a single letter from him, and solemnly protestin

that this letter contained no such paragraph as thatof which Washington had been informed. Theinformation received through Wilkinson hedenounced as a villainous slander. But these lieswere too transparent to deceive any one, for in hisfirst letter Gates had implicitly admitted theexistence of several letters between himself and

Conway, and his manifest perturbation of spirit hadshown that these letters contained remarks that hewould not for the world have had Washington see.A cold and contemptuous reply from Washington

made all this clear, and put Gates in a veryuncomfortable position, from which there was noretreat.

but is successful, as usual, in keeping from under



ire When the matter came to the ears oWilkinson, who had just been appointed secretaryof the Board of War, and was on his way toCongress, his youthful blood boiled at once. Hewrote bombastic letters to everybody, andchallenged Gates to deadly combat. A meeting wasarranged for sunrise, behind the Episcopal churcat York, with pistols. At the appointed hour, when

all had arrived on the ground, the old generalrequested, through his second, an interview with hisoung antagonist, walked up a back street with him,urst into tears, called him his dear boy, and denied

that he had ever made any injurious remarks abouthim. Wilkinson’s wrath was thus assuaged for amoment, only to blaze forth presently with fres

iolence, when he made inquiries of Washington,and was allowed to read the very letter in whic

his general had slandered him. He instantly wrote aletter to Congress, accusing Gates of treachery andfalsehood, and resigned his position on the Boardof War.

The forged letters These revelationsstrengthened Washington in proportion as theyshowed the malice and duplicity of his enemies.About this time a pamphlet was published i



London, and republished in New York, containingletters which purported to have been written byWashington to members of his family, and to have

een found in the possession of a mulatto servanttaken prisoner at Fort Lee. The letters, if genuine,would have proved their author to be a traitor to theAmerican cause; but they were so bunglinglyconcocted that every one knew them to be a forgery,

and their only effect was to strengthen Washingtonstill more, while throwing further discredit upon thecabal, with which many persons were inclined toconnect them.

PISTOL GIVEN TO WASHINGTON BY LAFAYETTE



Scheme for invading Canada The army and the people were now becoming incensed at the plotters, and the press began to ridicule them, whilethe reputation of Gates suffered greatly in Congressas the indications of his real character were broughtto light. All that was needed to complete thediscomfiture of the cabal was a military fiasco, andthis was soon forthcoming. In order to detac

Lafayette from Washington, a winter expeditionagainst Canada was devised by the Board of War.Lafayette, a mere boy, scarcely twenty years old,was invited to take the command, with Conway for his chief lieutenant. It was said that the Frenc

population of Canada would be sure to welcomethe high-born Frenchman as their deliverer from theBritish yoke; and it was further thought that the

eteran Irish schemer might persuade his youncommander to join the cabal, and bring to it sucsupport as might be gained from the Frencalliance, then about to be completed. Congress was

persuaded to authorize the expedition, and

Washington was not consulted in the matter.The dinner at York But Lafayette knew his ow

mind better than was supposed. He would notaccept the command until he had obtained



Washington’s consent, and then he made it anindispensable condition that Baron de Kalb, whooutranked Conway, should accompany theexpedition. These preliminaries having beearranged, the young general went to York for his



SEALS GIVEN TO WASHINGTONBY LAFAYETTE

instructions.There he foundGates,surrounded byschemers andsycophants,seated at a verydifferent kind o

dinner from thatto whicLafayette hadlately been usedat Valley Forge.Hilarious witwine, thecompanywelcomed the

new guest witacclamations.He was dulyflattered and

toasted, and agloriouscampaign was

predicted. Gatesassured him that on reaching Albany he would find



3,000 regulars ready to march, while powerfulassistance was to be expected from the valiantStark with his redoubtable Green Mountain Boys.The marquis listened with placid composure till his

papers were brought him, and he felt it to be time togo. Then rising as if for a speech, while all eyeswere turned upon him and breathless silence filledthe room, he reminded the company that there was

one toast which, in the generous excitement of theoccasion, they had forgotten to drink, and he beggedleave to propose the health of the commander-in-chief of the armies of the United States. Lafayette’stoast The deep silence became still deeper. Nonedared refuse the toast, “but some merely raisedtheir glasses to their lips, while others cautiously

put them down untasted.” With the politest of bowsand a scarcely perceptible shrug of the shoulder,the new commander of the northern army left theroom, and mounted his horse to start for hisheadquarters at Albany.

Absurdity of the scheme When he got there, he

found neither troops, supplies, nor equipments ireadiness. Of the army to which Burgoyne hadsurrendered, the militia had long since gone home,while most of the regulars had been withdrawn to



Valley Forge or the highlands of the Hudson.Instead of 3,000 regulars which Gates had

promised, barely 1,200 could be found, and thesewere in no wise clothed or equipped for a winter march through the wilderness. Between carousinand backbiting, the new Board of War had no timeleft to attend to its duties. Not an inch of the country

ut was known to Schuyler, Lincoln, and Arnold,

and they assured Lafayette that an invasion oCanada, under the circumstances, would be worthyof Don Quixote. In view of the French alliance,moreover, the conquest of Canada had even ceasedto seem desirable to the Americans; for when peaceshould be concluded the French might insist uporetaining it, in compensation for their services. Themen of New England greatly preferred GreatBritain to France as a neighbour, and accordingly

Stark, with his formidable Green Mountain Boys,felt no interest whatever in the enterprise, and not adozen volunteers could be got together for love or money.

Downfall of the cabal The fiasco was socomplete, and the scheme itself so emphaticallycondemned by public opinion, that Congress awokefrom its infatuation. Lafayette and Kalb were glad



to return to Valley Forge. Conway, who stayedehind, became indignant with Congress over some

fancied slight, and sent a conditional threat oresignation, which, to his unspeakable amazement,was accepted unconditionally. In vain he urged thathe had not meant exactly what he said, having lostthe nice use of English during his long stay iFrance. His entreaties and objurgations fell upo

deaf ears. In Congress the day of the cabal wasover. Mifflin and Gates were removed from theBoard of War. The latter was sent to take charge of the forts on the Hudson, and cautioned againstforgetting that he was to report to the commander-in-chief. The cabal and its deeds having become thesubject of common gossip, such friends as it hadmustered now began stoutly to deny their connection with it. Conway himself was

dangerously wounded a few months afterward in aduel with General Cadwallader, and, believinghimself to be on his deathbed, he wrote a veryhumble letter to Washington, expressing his sincere

grief for having ever done or said anything witintent to injure so great and good a man. His wound proved not to be mortal, but on his recovery,finding himself generally despised and shunned, hereturned to France, and American history knew him



no more.

POPULAR PORTRAITS FROM BICKERSTAFF’SALMANAC, 1778

Decline of the Continental Congress Had Lord

George Germain been privy to the secrets of theConway cabal, his hope of wearing out theAmerican cause would have been sensiblystrengthened. There was really more danger in suc



intrigues than in an exhausted treasury, a half-starved army, and defeat on the field. The peoplefelt it to be so, and the events of the winter left astain upon the reputation of the ContinentalCongress from which it never fully recovered.Congress had already lost the high personalconsideration to which it was entitled at the outset.Such men as Franklin, Washington, Jefferson,

Henry, Jay, and Rutledge were now serving in other capacities. The legislatures of the several statesafforded a more promising career for able men thathe Continental Congress, which had neither courtsnor magistrates, nor any recognized position osovereignty. The meetings of Congress were oftenattended by no more than ten or twelve members.Curious symptoms were visible which seemed toshow that the sentiment of union between the states

was weaker than it had been two years before.Instead of the phrase “people of the United States,”one begins, in 1778, to hear of “inhabitants of theseConfederated States.” In the absence of any central

sovereignty which could serve as the symbol ounion, it began to be feared that the new natiomight after all be conquered through its lack o

political cohesion. Such fears came to cloud therejoicings over the victory of Saratoga, as, at the



end of 1777, the Continental Congress begaisibly to lose its place in public esteem, and sink,

step by step, into the utter degradation andimpotence which was to overwhelm it beforeanother ten years should have expired.

Increasing influence of Washington As thedefeat of the Conway cabal marked the beginning othe decline of Congress, it marked at the same timethe rise of Washington to a higher place in thehearts of the people than he had ever held before.As the silly intrigues against him recoiled upotheir authors, men began to realize that it was far

more upon his consummate sagacity and unselfis patriotism than upon anything that Congress coulddo that the country rested its hopes of success in thegreat enterprise which it had undertaken. As thenullity of Congress made it ever more apparent thatthe country as a whole was without a government,Washington stood forth more and moreconspicuously as the living symbol of the union othe states. In him and his work were centred the

common hopes and the common interests of all theAmerican people. There was no need of clothinhim with extraordinary powers. During the lastears of the war he came, through sheer weight o



personal character, to wield an influence like thatwhich Perikles had wielded over the Athenians. Hewas all-powerful because he was “first in thehearts of his countrymen.” Few men, since history

egan, had ever occupied so lofty a position; noneever made a more disinterested use of power. Hisarduous labours taught him to appreciate, better than any one else, the weakness entailed upon the

country by the want of a stable central government.But when the war was over, and the political

problem came into the foreground, instead of usinthis knowledge to make himself personallyindispensable to the country, he bent all the weightof his character and experience toward securing theadoption of such a federal constitution as shouldmake anything like a dictatorship forever unnecessary and impossible.



SWORD GIVEN TO WASHINGTON

BY FREDERICK THE GREAT

CHAPTER X.MONMOUTH AND NEWPORT.

BaronFriedrich von

SteubenDuring the

dreary winter at ValleyForge,Washington

busied himselin improvinthe organizatioof his army.The fall of the

Conway cabalremoved manyobstacles.Greene was

persuaded,somewhat

against his wishes, to serve as quartermaster-general, and forthwith the duties of that importantoffice were discharged with zeal and promptness.



Conway’s resignation opened the way for a mostauspicious change in the inspectorship of the army.Of all the foreign officers who served under Washington during the War for Independence, theBaron von Steuben was in many respects the mostimportant. Member of a noble family which for fivecenturies had been distinguished in the local annalsof Magdeburg, Steuben was one of the best

educated and most experienced soldiers oGermany. His grandfather, an able theologian, waswell known as the author of a critical treatise on the

New Testament. His uncle, an eminentmathematician, had been the inventor of a newsystem of fortification. His father had seen half acentury of honourable service in the corps oengineers. He had himself held the rank of firstlieutenant at the beginning of the Seven Years’ War,

and after excellent service in the battles of Prague,Rossbach, and Kunersdorf he was raised to a

position on the staff of Frederick the Great. At theend of the war, when the thrifty king reduced his

army, and Blücher with other officers afterwardfamous left the service, Steuben retired to privatelife, with the honorary rank of General of the Circleof Swabia. For more than ten years he was grandmarshal to the Prince of Hohenzollern-Hechingen.



Then he went travelling about Europe, until in thespring of 1777 he arrived in Paris, and becameacquainted with Franklin and Beaumarchais.



The American alliance was already secretlycontemplated by the French ministry, and the astute

Vergennes, knowing that the chief defect of our armies lay in their want of organization anddiscipline, saw in the scientific German soldier aefficient instrument for remedying the evil. After



much hesitation Steuben was persuaded toundertake the task. That his arrival upon the scenemight excite no heart-burning among the Americanofficers, the honorary rank which he held iGermany was translated by Vergennes into the ranof lieutenant-general, which the Americans wouldat once recognize as more eminent than any positioexisting in their own army except that of the

commander-in-chief. Steuben arrives in America Knowing no

English, Steuben took with him as secretary andinterpreter the youthful Pierre Duponceau,

afterward famous as a lawyer, and still morefamous as a philologist. One day, on shipboard, thisgay young Frenchman laid a wager that he wouldkiss the first Yankee girl he should meet on landing.So as they came ashore at Portsmouth on a frostyDecember day, he gravely stepped up to a pretty

New Hampshire maiden who was passing by, andtold her that before leaving his native land to fightfor American freedom he had taken a vow to ask, in

earnest of victory, a kiss from the first lady heshould meet. The prayer of chivalry found favour ithe eyes of the fair Puritan, and the token of successwas granted.



At Boston John Hancock furnished the partywith sleighs, drivers, and saddle-horses for theinland journey of more than four hundred miles toYork. During this cheerful journey, which it took three weeks to perform, Steuben’s heart waswarmed toward his new country by thereminiscences of the Seven Years’ War which hefrequently encountered. The name of Frederick was

deservedly popular in America, and his familiar features decorated the sign-board of many awayside inn, while on the coffee-room walls hunquaint prints with doggerel verses commemoratinRossbach and Leuthen along with Louisburg andQuebec. and visits Congress at York On arriving atYork, the German general was received byCongress with distinguished honours; and this timethe confidence given to a trained European soldier turned out to be well deserved. Throughout the war Steuben proved no less faithful than capable. Hecame to feel a genuine love for his adopted country,and after the war was over, retiring to the romantic

woodland near Oriskany, where so many familiesof German lineage were already settled, and wherethe state of New York presented him with a farm of sixteen thousand acres in acknowledgment of hisservices, he lived the quiet life of a country



gentleman until his death in 1794. A little villagesome twelve miles north of the site of old FortStanwix still bears his name and marks the positioof his estate.

STEUBEN’S RUSTIC HOUSE AT ORISKANY Steuben at Valley Forge After his interview

with Congress, Steuben repaired at once to ValleyForge, where Washington was not slow in



recognizing his ability; nor was Steuben, on theother hand, at a loss to perceive, in the ragged andmotley army which he passed in review, theexistence of soldierly qualities which needednothing so much as training. Disregarding theEnglish prejudice which looked upon the drilling osoldiers as work fit only for sergeants, he toomusket in hand and showed what was to be done.

Alert and untiring, he worked from morning tillnight in showing the men how to advance, retreat,or change front without falling into disorder,—howto perform, in short, all the rapid and accuratemovements for which the Prussian army had

ecome so famous. It was a revelation to theAmerican troops. Generals, colonels, and captainswere fired by the contagion of his example and histremendous enthusiasm, and for several months the

camp was converted into a training-school, iwhich masters and pupils worked with incessantand furious energy. Steuben was struck with thequickness with which the common soldiers learned

their lessons. He had a harmlessly choleric temper,which was part of his overflowing vigour, andsometimes, when drilling an awkward squad, hewould exhaust his stock of French and Germaoaths, and shout for his aid to come and curse the



lockheads in English. “Viens, mon ami Walker,”he would cry,—"viens, mon bon ami. Sacre-bleu!Gott-vertamn de gaucherie of dese badauts. Je ne

puis plus; I can curse dem no more!” Yet in anincredibly short time, as he afterward wrote, theseawkward fellows had acquired a military air, hadlearned how to carry their arms, and knew how toform into column, deploy, and execute manœuvres

with precision. In May, 1778, after three months osuch work, Steuben was appointed inspector-general of the army, with the rank and pay of major-general. The reforms which he introduced were sofar-reaching that after a year they were said to havesaved more than 800,000 French livres to theUnited States. No accounts had been kept of armsand accoutrements, and owing to the careless good-nature which allowed every recruit to carry homehis musket as a keepsake, there had been a loss ofrom five to eight thousand muskets annually.During the first year of Steuben’s inspectorship lessthan twenty muskets were lost. Half of the arms at

Valley Forge were found by Steuben withoutayonets. The American soldier had no faith in thisweapon, because he did not know how to use it;when he did not throw it away, he adapted it toculinary purposes, holding on its point the bee



which he roasted before his camp-fire. Yet in littlemore than a year after Steuben’s arrival we shallsee an American column, without firing a gun,storm the works at Stony Point in one of the mostspirited bayonet charges known to history.



ENCAMPMENT AT VALLEY FORGE, 1777-1778

Steuben’s manual of tactics Besides all this, itwas Steuben who first taught the American army to



understand the value of an efficient staff. The wantof such a staff had been severely felt at the battle oBrandywine; but before the end of the war Washington had become provided with a staff thatFrederick need not have despised. While busy witall these laborious reforms, the good baron foundtime to prepare a new code of discipline andtactics, based on Prussian experience, but adapted

to the peculiar conditions of American warfare; andthis excellent manual held its place, long after thedeath of its author, as the Blue Book of our army. Inthis adaptation of means to ends, Steuben proved

himself to be no martinet, but a thorough militaryscholar; he was able not only to teach, but to learn.And in the art of warfare there was one lessowhich Europe now learned from America. Inwoodland fights with the Indians, it had been founddesirable to act in loose columns, which couldeasily separate to fall behind trees and reunite at

rief notice; and in this way there had beedeveloped a kind of light infantry peculiar to

America, and especially adapted for skirmishing. Itwas light infantry of this sort that, in the hands oArnold and Morgan, had twice won the day in theSaratoga campaign. Reduced to scientific shape by



Steuben, and absorbed, with all the other militaryknowledge of the age, by Napoleon, these light-infantry tactics have come to play a great part othe European battlefields of the nineteenth century.

HOWE’S HEADQUARTERS IN PHILADELPHIA

Sir William Howe resigns his command Thusfrom the terrible winter at Valley Forge, in whichthe accumulated evils of congressionalmismanagement had done their best to destroy the



army, it came forth, nevertheless, stronger inorganization and bolder in spirit than ever before.On the part of the enemy nothing had been done tomolest it. The position at Valley Forge was a strongone, and Sir William Howe found it easier to loiter in Philadelphia than to play a strategic game againstWashington in the depths of an American winter.When Franklin at Paris first heard the news that

Howe had taken Philadelphia, knowing well howslight was the military value of the conquest, heobserved that it would be more correct to say thatPhiladelphia had taken General Howe. And so itturned out, in more ways than one; for his conductin going there at all was roundly blamed by theopposition in Parliament, and not a word was saidin his behalf by Lord George Germain. Thecampaign of 1777 had been such a bungling piece

of work that none of the chief actors, saveBurgoyne, was willing frankly to assume his shareof responsibility for it. Sir William Howe did notwish to disclose the secret of his peculiar

obligations to the traitor Lee; and it would haveruined Lord George Germain to have told the storyof the dispatch that never was sent. Lord George,who was never noted for generosity, sought toscreen himself by throwing the blame for everythin



MAJOR ANDRÉ

indiscriminately upon the two generals. Burgoyne,who sat in Parliament, defended himself ably andcandidly; and when Howe heard what was goinon, he sent in his resignation, in order that he toomight go home and defend himself. Besides this, hehad grown sick of the war, and was more than ever convinced that it must end in failure. The

Mischianza

On the 18th oMay,Philadelphiawas the sceneof a grandfarewell

banquet,called the

Mischianza ,

—a strangemedleycombining themodern

parade witthe mediæval tournament, wherein seven silk-cladknights of the Blended Rose and seven more of theBurning Mountain did amicably break lances ihonour of fourteen blooming damsels dressed i



Turkish costume, while triumphal arches,surmounted by effigies of Fame, displayedinscriptions commemorating in fulsome Latin andFrench the glories of the departing general. In thesecurious festivities, savouring more strongly oBruges in the fifteenth century than of Philadelphiain the eighteenth, it was long after remembered thatthe most prominent parts were taken by the ill-

starred Major André and the charming MissMargaret Shippen, who was soon to become thewife of Benedict Arnold. With such farewellceremonies Sir William Howe set sail for England,and Sir Henry Clinton took his place ascommander-in-chief of the British armies iAmerica.

The British evacuate Philadelphia, June 18,1778 Washington’s position at Valley Forge hadheld the British in check through the winter. Theyhad derived no advantage from the possession othe “rebel capital,” for such poor work as Congresscould do was as well done from York as from

Philadelphia, and the political life of the UnitedStates was diffused from one end of the country tothe other. The place was worthless as a basis for military operations. It was harder to defend and



harder to supply with food than the insular city o New York; and, moreover, a powerful French fleet,under Count d’Estaing, was approaching theAmerican coast. With the control of the Delawareimperilled, Philadelphia would soon becomeuntenable, and, in accordance with instructionsreceived from the ministry, Sir Henry Clinton

prepared to evacuate the place and concentrate his

forces at New York. His first intention was to go bywater; but finding that he had not transports enougfor his whole army, together with the Tory refugeeswho had put themselves under his protection, hechanged his plan. The Tories, to the number of 3,000, with their personal effects, were sent on ithe fleet, while the army, encumbered with twelvemiles of baggage wagons, began its retreat across

New Jersey. On the morning of the 18th of June,

1778, the rear-guard of the British marched out oPhiladelphia, and before sunset the Americanadvance marched in and took possession of thecity. Arnold takes command at Philadelphia General

Arnold, whose crippled leg did not allow him totake the field, was put in command, and after afortnight both Congress and the state governmentreturned. Of the Tories who remained behind,twenty-five were indicted, under the laws o



MISCHIANZA HEADDRESS

Pennsylvania,for the crimeof offering aidto the enemy.Two Quakers,who hadactuallyconducted a

party oBritish to amidnightattack upon aAmericanoutpost, werefound guilty otreason and

hanged. The other twenty-three were either acquitted or pardoned. Across the river, seventeenTories, convicted of treason under the laws of NewJersey, all received pardon from the governor.

Return of Charles Lee The British retreat fro

Philadelphia was regarded by the Americans asequivalent to a victory, and Washington wasanxious to enhance the moral effect of it by asudden blow which should cripple Sir Henry



Clinton’s army. In force he was about equal to theenemy, both armies now numbering about 15,000,while in equipment and discipline his men were

etter off than ever before. Unfortunately, theAmerican army had just received one additiowhich went far to neutralize these advantages. Themischief-maker Lee had returned. In the precedinsummer the British Major-general Prescott had

een captured in Rhode Island, and after a tediousnegotiation of nine months Lee was exchanged for him. He arrived at Valley Forge in May, and asWashington had found a lenient interpretation for his outrageous conduct before his capture, whilenothing whatever was known of his treasonable

plot with the Howes, he naturally came bacunquestioned to his old position as senior major-general of the army. What a frightful situation for

the Americans; to have for the second officer intheir army the man whom the chances of war mightat any moment invest with the chief command, suca villain as this who had so lately been plottin

their destruction! What would Washington, whatwould Congress have thought, had the truth in itslackness been so much as dreamed of? But why,

we may ask, did the intriguer come back? Why didhe think it worth his while to pose once more in the



attitude of an American? Could it have been withthe intention of playing into the hands of the enemy?and could Sir Henry Clinton have been aware othis purpose?



Lee’s reasons for returning Such a hypothesis,implying direct collusion between Lee and the

British commander, is highly improbable. We mustremember that Sir William Howe, the Whiggeneral, had just gone home to defend his militaryconduct against the fierce attacks of the King’s



party; and his successor, Sir Henry Clinton, was notonly a Tory, but the personal relations between thetwo men were not altogether friendly. It is thereforehardly credible that Clinton could have knowanything about Lee’s coöperation with Howe. If hehad known it, we may be sure that the secret wouldnot have lain buried for eighty years. It is mucmore likely that since the disastrous failure of Lee’s

military advice he was reduced to painfulinsignificance in the British camp, and was thus

prepared to welcome an opportunity for trying hisfortune once more with the Americans. Indeed, thecircumstances were such as hardly to leave him anychoice in the matter. As a prisoner of war, he mustsubmit to exchange. The only way to avoid it was tomake a public avowal of having abandoned theAmerican service and cast in his lot with the

British. But such an avowal would at oncewithdraw from him General Washington’s

protection, and thus leave him liable to be tried as adeserter and shot for the gratification of George III.

On the whole, as the event proved, there was moresafety for Lee in following Fortune’s lead back intothe American camp. He came with the renewedhope of supplanting Washington uppermost in his

reast. As for Clinton, there is nothing to indicate



collusion between him and the traitor, but he had probably seen and heard enough to confirm thedeclared opinion of Sir Joseph Yorke, that such aman as Charles Lee was “the worst present theAmericans could receive.”

Washington pursues the British WhePhiladelphia was evacuated, Lee first tried tothrow Washington off on a false scent by allegingreasons for believing that Clinton did not intend toretreat across New Jersey. Failing in this, he foundreasons as plentiful as blackberries why the Britisarmy should not be followed up and harassed on its

retreat. Then when Washington decided that anattack must be made, he grew sulky and refused toconduct it. Washington was marching more rapidlythan Clinton, on a line nearly parallel with him, tothe northward, so that by the time the Britisgeneral reached Allentown he found his adversarygetting in front of him upon his line of retreat.Clinton had nothing to gain by fighting, if he could

possibly avoid it, and accordingly he turned to the

right, following the road which ran througMonmouth and Middletown to Sandy Hook.Washington now detached a force of about 5,000men to advance swiftly and cut off the enemy’s



rear, while he designed to come up and support theoperation with the rest of his army. To Lee, assecond in rank, the command of this advanced party

properly belonged; but he declined to take it, on theground that it was sure to be defeated, andWashington entrusted the movement to the youthfulLafayette, of the soundness of whose judgment hehad already seen many proofs. But in the course o

the night it occurred to Lee, whatever his miserable purpose may have been, that perhaps he might bestaccomplish it, after all, by taking the field. So hetold Washington, next morning, that he had changedhis mind, and was anxious to take the commandwhich he had just declined. With extraordinaryforbearance Washington granted his request, andarranged the affair with such tact as not to woundthe feelings of Lafayette, who thus, unfortunately,

lost the direction of the movement. His plan of attack On the night of June 27th the

left wing of the British army, 8,000 strong,commanded by Lord Cornwallis, encamped near

Monmouth Court House, on the road froAllentown. The right wing, of about equal strength,and composed chiefly of Hessians under Knyphausen, lay just beyond the Court House on the



road to Middletown. In order of march the rightwing took the lead, convoying the immense baggagetrain. The left wing, following in the rear, was the

part exposed to danger, and with it stayed Sir Henry Clinton. The American advance under Lee,6,000 strong, lay about five miles northeast of theBritish line, and Washington, with the main body,was only three miles behind. Lee’s orders from

Washington were positive and explicit. He was togain the flank of the British left wing and attack it

igorously, until Washington should come up andcomplete its discomfiture. Lee’s force was ample,in quantity and quality, for the task assigned it, andthere was fair ground for hope that the flower of theBritish army might thus be cut off and captured or destroyed. Since the war began there had hardly

een such a golden opportunity.

Battle of Monmouth, June 28, 1778 Sunday, the28th of June, was a day of fiery heat, thethermometer showing 96° in the shade. Early in themorning Clinton moved cautiously. Knyphausen

made all haste forward on the Middletown road,and the left wing followed till it had passed morethan a mile beyond Monmouth Court House, when itfound itself outflanked on the north by the American



columns. Lee had advanced from Freehold churcy the main road, crossing two deep ravines upo

causeways; and now, while his left wing wasfolding about Cornwallis on the north, occupyinsuperior ground, his centre, under Wayne, wasclose behind, and his right, under Lafayette, hadalready passed the Court House, and wasthreatening the other end of the British line on the

south. Cornwallis instantly changed front to meetthe danger on the north, and a detachment wasthrown down the road toward the Court House tocheck Lafayette. The British position was one o

peril, but the behaviour of the Americancommander now became very extraordinary. WhenWayne was beginning his attack, he was ordered byLee to hold back and simply make a feint, as themain attack was to be made in another quarter.

While Wayne was wondering at this, the Britishtroops coming down the road were seen directintheir march so as to come between Wayne andLafayette. It would be easy to check them, but the

marquis had no sooner started than Lee ordered hiack, murmuring about its being impossible to standagainst British soldiers. Lee’s shameful retreat Lafayette’s suspicions were now aroused, and hesent a dispatch in all haste to Washington, saying



that his presence in the field was sorely needed.The army was bewildered. Fighting had hardly

egun, but their position was obviously so goodthat the failure to make prompt use of it suggestedsome unknown danger. One of the divisions on theleft was now ordered back by Lee, and the others,seeing this retrograde movement, and understandinit as the prelude to a general retreat, began likewise

to fall back. All thus retreated, though withoutflurry or disorder, to the high ground just east of thesecond ravine which they had crossed in their advance. All the advantage of their offensivemovement was thus thrown away without astruggle, but the position they had now reached wasexcellent for a defensive fight. To the amazement of everybody, Lee ordered the retreat to be continuedacross the marshy ravine. As they crowded uponthe causeway the ranks began to fall into somedisorder. Many sank exhausted from the heat. Noone could tell from what they were fleeing, and theexultant ardour with which they had begun to enfold

the British line gave place to bitter disappointment,which vented itself in passionate curses. So theyhurried on, with increasing disorder, till theyapproached the brink of the westerly ravine, wheretheir craven commander met Washington riding up.



Washington retrieves the situation The men whothen beheld Washington’s face and listened to hisoutburst of wrath could never forget it for the rest

of their lives. It was one of those moments that livein tradition. People of to-day, who know nothingelse about Charles Lee, think of him vaguely as theman whom Washington upbraided at Monmouth.People who know nothing else about the battle oMonmouth still dimly associate the name with thedisgrace of a General Lee. Not many words werewasted. [17] Leaving the traitor cowering andtrembling in his stirrups, Washington hurried on to

rally the troops and form a new front. There wasnot a moment to lose, for the British were within amile of them, and their fire began before the line o

attle could be formed. To throw a mass of

disorderly fugitives in the face of advancinreinforcements, as Lee had been on the point odoing, was to endanger the organization of thewhole force. It was now that the admirable resultsof Steuben’s teaching were to be seen. Theretreating soldiers immediately wheeled andformed under fire with as much coolness and

precision as they could have shown on parade, andwhile they stopped the enemy’s progress,



Washington rode back and brought up the mainody of his army. On some heights to the left of the

enemy Greene placed a battery which enfiladedtheir lines with deadly effect, while Wayneattacked them vigorously in front. After a braveresistance, the British were driven back upon thesecond ravine which Lee had crossed in themorning’s advance. Washington now sent word to

Steuben, who was a couple of miles in the rear,telling him to bring up three brigades and press theretreating enemy. Some time before this he hadagain met Lee and ordered him to the rear, for hissuspicion was now thoroughly aroused. As thetraitor rode away from the field, baffled and full ospite, he met Steuben advancing, and tried to wor one final piece of mischief. He tried to persuadeSteuben to halt, alleging that he must have

misunderstood Washington’s orders; but the worthyaron was not to be trifled with, and doggedly kept

on his way. [18] The British were driven in someconfusion across the ravine, and were just making a

fresh stand on the high ground east of it when night put an end to the strife. Washington sent out partiesto attack them on both flanks as soon as day shoulddawn; but Clinton withdrew in the night, taking wit



him many of his wounded men, and by daybreahad joined Knyphausen on the heights oMiddletown, whither it was useless to follow him.

CHARLES LEE

It was a drawn battle The total American lossin the battle of Monmouth was 362. The British loss



is commonly given as 416, but must have beemuch greater. According to Washington’s ownaccount, the Americans buried on the battlefield245 British dead, but could not count the wounded,as so many had been carried away; from theordinary proportion of four or five wounded to oneman killed, he estimates the number at from 1,000to 1,200. [19] More than 100 of the British were

taken prisoners. On both sides there were manydeaths from sunstroke. The battle has usually beeclaimed as a victory for the Americans; and so itwas in a certain sense, as they drove the enemy

from the field. Strategically considered, however,Lord Stanhope is quite right in calling it a drawattle. The purpose for which Washington

undertook it was foiled by the treachery of Lee. Nevertheless, in view of the promptness witwhich Washington turned defeat into victory, and of the greatly increased efficiency which it showed ithe soldiers, the moral advantage was doubtlesswith the Americans. It deepened the impression

produced by the recovery of Philadelphia, itsilenced the cavillers against Washington, [20] andits effect upon Clinton’s army was disheartening.More than 2,000 of his men, chiefly Hessians,



deserted in the course of the following week.

During the night after the battle, the behaviour of Lee was the theme of excited discussion amon

the American officers. By the next day, havingrecovered his self-possession, he wrote a petulantletter to Washington, demanding an apology for hislanguage on the battlefield. Washington’s reply wasas follows:—

Washington’s letter to Lee. “SIR ,—I receivedyour letter, expressed, as I conceive, in termshighly improper. I am not conscious of makinguse of any very singular expressions at the time

of meeting you, as you intimate. What Irecollect to have said was dictated by duty andwarranted by the occasion. As soon ascircumstances will permit, you shall have anopportunity of justifying yourself to the army, to

Congress, to America, and to the world ingeneral; or of convincing them that you wereguilty of a breach of orders, and of misbehaviour before the enemy on the 28thinstant, in not attacking them as you had been

directed, and in making an unnecessary,disorderly, and shameful retreat.”

Trial and sentence of Lee To this terrible letter Lee sent the following impudent answer: “You



cannot afford me greater pleasure than in giving methe opportunity of showing to America thesufficiency of her respective servants. I trust thattemporary power of office and the tinsel dignityattending it will not be able, by all the mists theycan raise, to obfuscate the bright rays of truth.”Washington replied by putting Lee under arrest. Acourt-martial was at once convened, before whic

he was charged with disobedience of orders in notattacking the enemy, with misbehaviour on the fieldin making an unnecessary and shameful retreat, and,lastly, with gross disrespect to the commander-in-chief. After a painstaking trial, which lasted morethan a month, he was found guilty on all threecharges, and suspended from command in the armyor the term of one year .

This absurdly inadequate sentence is aexample of the extreme and sometimes ill-judgedhumanity which has been wont to characterizeudicial proceedings in America. Many a European

soldier has been ruthlessly shot for less serious

misconduct. A commander can be guilty of nolacker crime than knowingly to betray his trust o

the field of battle. But in Lee’s case, the veryenormity of his crime went far to screen him fro



the punishment which it deserved. People areusually slow to believe in criminality that goes far

eyond the ordinary wickedness of the society iwhich they live. If a candidate for Congress isaccused of bribery or embezzlement, weunfortunately find it easy to believe the charge; butif he were to be accused of attempting to poison hisrival, we should find it very hard indeed to believe

it. In the France of Catherine de’ Medici or the Italyof Cæsar Borgia, the one accusation would have

een as credible as the other, but we have gone far toward outgrowing some of the grosser forms ocrime. In American history, as in modern Englishhistory, instances of downright treason have been

ery rare; and in proportion as we are impressedwith their ineffable wickedness are we slow toadmit the possibility of their occurrence. In ancient

Greece and in mediæval Italy there were manyBenedict Arnolds; in the United States a single plotfor surrendering a stronghold to the enemy hasconsigned its author to a solitary immortality o

infamy. But unless the proof of Arnold’s treasonhad been absolutely irrefragable, many personswould have refused to believe it. In like manner,

people were slow to believe that Lee could haveeen so deliberately wicked as to plan the defeat o



the army in which he held so high a command, andsome historians have preferred to regard hisconduct as wholly unintelligible, rather than adoptthe only clue by which it can be explained. Hemight have been bewildered, he might have beeafraid, he might have been crazy, it was suggested;and to the latter hypothesis his well-knoweccentricity gave some countenance. It was perhaps

well for the court-martial to give him the benefit othe doubt, but in any case it should have beeobvious that he had proved himself permanentlyunfit for a command.



CARICATURE OF CHARLES LEE

Lee’s character and schemes Historians for a



long time imitated the clemency of the court-martialy speaking of the “waywardness” of General Lee.

Nearly eighty years elapsed before the discovery othat document which justifies us in putting the worstinterpretation upon his acts, while it enables usclearly to understand the motives which promptedthem. Lee was nothing but a selfish adventurer. Hehad no faith in the principles for which the

Americans were fighting, or indeed in any principles. He came here to advance his owfortunes, and hoped to be made commander-in-chief. Disappointed in this, he began at once to loowith hatred and envy upon Washington, and soughtto thwart his purposes, while at the same time heintrigued with the enemy. He became infatuatedwith the idea of playing some such part in theAmerican Revolution as Monk had played in the

Restoration of Charles II. This explains his conductin the autumn of 1776, when he refused to march tothe support of Washington. Should Washington bedefeated and captured, then Lee, as next i

command and at the head of a separate army, mightnegotiate for peace. His conduct as prisoner i New York, first in soliciting an interview withCongress, then in giving aid and counsel to theenemy, is all to be explained in the same way. And



his behaviour in the Monmouth campaign was partand parcel of the same crooked policy. Lord

North’s commissioners had just arrived fromEngland to offer terms to the Americans, but in theexultation over Saratoga and the French alliance,now increased by the recovery of Philadelphia,there was little hope of their effecting anything. Thespirits of these Yankees, thought Lee, must not be

suffered to rise too high, else they will never listeto reason. So he wished to build a bridge of goldfor Clinton to retreat by; and when he found itimpossible to prevent an attack, his second thoughtsled him to take command, in order to keep the gamein his own hands. Should Washington now incur defeat by adopting a course which Lee hademphatically condemned as impracticable, theimpatient prejudices upon which the cabal had

played might be revived. The downfall oWashington would perhaps be easy to compass; andthe schemer would thus not only enjoy thehumiliation of the man whom he so bitterly hated,

ut he might fairly hope to succeed him in the chiecommand, and thus have an opportunity of bringinthe war to a “glorious” end through a negotiatiowith Lord North’s commissioners. Such thoughts asthese were, in all probability, at the bottom o



Lee’s extraordinary behaviour at Monmouth. Theywere the impracticable schemes of a vain,egotistical dreamer. That Washington and Chatham,had that great statesman been still alive, might have

rought the war to an honourable close througopen and frank negotiation was perhaps notimpossible. That such a man as Lee, by palterinwith agents of Lord North, should effect anythin

ut mischief and confusion was inconceivable. Butselfishness is always incompatible with soundudgment, and Lee’s wild schemes were quite in

keeping with his character. The method he adopted

for carrying them out was equally so. It would haveeen impossible for a man of strong militaryinstincts to have relaxed his clutch upon an enemyin the field, as Lee did at the battle of Monmouth. IArnold had been there that day, with his head never so full of treason, an irresistible impulse woulddoubtless have led him to attack the enemy tootand nail, and the treason would have waited till themorrow.



Lee’s expulsion from the army As usuallyhappens in such cases, the selfish schemer overreached himself. Washington won a victory,after all; the treachery was detected, and the traitor disgraced. Maddened by the destruction of his air-



castles, Lee now began writing scurrilous articlesin the newspapers. He could not hear Washington’sname mentioned without losing his temper, and his

enomous tongue at length got him into a duel witColonel Laurens, one of Washington’s aids and sonof the president of Congress. He came out of theaffair with nothing worse than a wound in the side;

ut when, a little later, he wrote an angry letter to

Congress, he was summarily expelled from thearmy. “Ah, I see,” he said, aiming a Parthian shot atWashington, “if you wish to become a great generalin America, you must learn to grow tobacco;” andso he retired to a plantation which he had in theShenandoah valley. His death He lived to beholdthe triumph of the cause which he had done so mucto injure, and in October, 1782, he died in a mean

public-house in Philadelphia, friendless and alone.

His last wish was that he might not be buried iconsecrated ground, or within a mile of any churcor meeting-house, because he had kept so much badcompany in this world that he did not choose to

continue it in the next. But in this he was notallowed to have his way. He was buried in thecemetery of Christ Church in Philadelphia, andmany worthy citizens came to the funeral.



CHRIST CHURCH, PHILADELPHIA

The situation at New York When Washington,after the battle of Monmouth, saw that it wasuseless further to molest Clinton’s retreat, hemarched straight for the Hudson river, and on the20th of July he encamped at White Plains, while his



adversary took refuge in New York. The opposingarmies occupied the same ground as in the autumof 1776; but the Americans were now theaggressive party. Howe’s object in 1776 was thecapture of Washington’s army; Clinton’s object in1778 was limited to keeping possession of NewYork. There was now a chance for testing the worthof the French alliance. With the aid of a powerful

French fleet, it might be possible to captureClinton’s army, and thus end the war at a blow. Butthis was not to be. The French fleet of twelveships-of-the-line and six frigates, commanded bythe Count d’Estaing, sailed from Toulon on the 13thof April, and after a tedious struggle with head-winds arrived at the mouth of the Delaware on the8th of July, just too late to intercept Lord Howe’ssquadron. The fleet contained a land force of 4,000

men, and brought over M. Gérard, the first minister from France to the United States. Finding nothing todo on the Delaware, the count proceeded to SandyHook, where he was boarded by Washington’s

aids, Laurens and Hamilton, and a council of war was held. As the British fleet in the harbour consisted of only six ships-of-the-line, with severalfrigates and gunboats, it seemed obvious that itmight be destroyed or captured by Estaing’s



superior force, and then Clinton would beentrapped in the island city. But this plan wasdefeated by a strange obstacle. The French fleet unable to enter the harbour Though the harbour o

New York is one of the finest in the world, it has,like most harbours situated at the mouths of greatrivers, a bar at the entrance, which in 1778 was far more troublesome than it is to-day. Since that time

the bar has shifted its position and been partiallyworn away, so that the largest ships can now freelyenter, except at low tide. But when the American

pilots examined Estaing’s two largest ships, whichcarried eighty and ninety guns respectively, theydeclared it unsafe, even at high tide, for them to

enture upon the bar. The enterprise wasaccordingly abandoned, but in its stead another onewas undertaken, which, if successful, might provehardly less decisive than the capture of New York.



General Prescott at Newport After their expulsion from Boston in the first year of the war,



the British never regained their foothold upon themainland of New England. But in December, 1776,the island which gives its name to the state oRhode Island had been seized by Lord Percy, andthe enemy had occupied it ever since. From itscommanding position at the entrance to the Sound, itassisted them in threatening the Connecticut coast;and, on the other hand, should occasion require, it

might even enable them to threaten Boston with aoverland attack. After Lord Percy’s departure for England in the spring of 1777, the commanddevolved upon Major-general Richard Prescott, aunmitigated brute. Under his rule no citizen o

Newport was safe in his own house. He not onlyarrested people and threw them into jail withoutassigning any reason, but he encouraged hissoldiers in plundering houses and offering gross

insults to ladies, as well as in cutting down shade-trees and wantonly defacing the beautiful lawns. Agreat loud-voiced, irascible fellow, swelling withthe sense of his own importance, if he chanced to

meet with a Quaker who failed to take off his hat,he would seize him by the collar and knock hishead against the wall, or strike him over theshoulders with the big gnarled stick which heusually carried. One night in July, as this petty



tyrant was sleeping at a country house about fivemiles from Newport, a party of soldiers rowedover from the mainland in boats, under the guns othree British frigates, and, taking the general out o

ed, carried him off in his night-gown. He was sentto Washington’s headquarters on the Hudson. As he

passed through the village of Lebanon, iConnecticut, he stopped to dine at an old inn kept

y one Captain Alden. He was politely received,and in the course of the meal Mrs. Alden set uponthe table a dish of succotash, whereupon Prescott,not knowing the delicious dish, roared, “What doou mean by offering me this hog’s food?” and

threw it all upon the floor. The good womaretreated in tearsto the kitchen, and

presently her husband, comingin with a stouthorsewhip, dealtwith the boor as he deserved. When Prescott was

exchanged for General Lee, in April, 1778, heresumed the command at Newport, but was soosuperseded by the amiable and accomplished Sir Robert Pigot, under whom the garrison wasincreased to 6,000 men.



Attempt to capture the British garrison at ewport New York and Newport were now the

only places held by the enemy in the United States,

and the capture of either, with its army ooccupation, would be an event of primeimportance. As soon as the enterprise wassuggested, the New England militia began to muster in force, Massachusetts sending a strong contingentunder John Hancock. General Sullivan had been icommand at Providence since April. Washingtonnow sent him 1,500 picked men of his Continentaltroops, with Greene, who was born hard by and

knew every inch of the island; with Glover, oamphibious renown; and Lafayette, who was akinsman of the Count d’Estaing. The New Englandeomanry soon swelled this force to about 9,000,

and with the 4,000 French regulars and the fleet, itmight well be hoped that General Pigot wouldquickly be brought to surrender.

The expedition failed through the inefficientcoöperation of the French and the insubordinatioof the yeomanry. Estaing arrived off the harbour o

Newport on the 29th of July, and had a conferencewith Sullivan. It was agreed that the Americansshould land upon the east side of the island while



the French were landing upon the west side, thusintervening between the main garrison at Newportand a strong detachment which was stationed oButts Hill, at the northern end of the island. By suca movement this detachment might be isolated andcaptured, to begin with. But General Pigot, divininthe purpose of the allies, withdrew the detachment,and concentrated all his forces in and around the

city. At this moment the French troops were landingupon Conanicut island, intending to cross to thenorth of Newport on the morrow, according to theagreement. Sullivan seizes Butts Hill Sullivan didnot wait for them, but seeing the commandin

position on Butts Hill evacuated, he rightly pushedacross the channel and seized it, while at the sametime he informed Estaing of his reasons for doinso. The count, not understanding the situation, was

somewhat offended at what he deemed undue hasteon the part of Sullivan, but thus far nothing hadhappened to disturb the execution of their scheme.He had only to continue landing his troops and

lockade the southern end of the island with hisfleet, and Sir Robert Pigot was doomed. But thenext day Lord Howe appeared off Point Judith, witthirteen ships-of-the line, seven frigates, andseveral small vessels, and Estaing, reëmbarking the



troops he had landed on Conanicut, straightway putout to sea to engage him. For two days the hostilefleets manœuvred for the weather-gage, and just asthey were getting ready for action there came up aterrific storm, which scattered them far and wide.Instead of trying to destroy one another, each had to

end all his energies to saving himself. Naval battlerevented by storm So fierce was the storm that it

was remembered in local tradition as lately as1850 as “the Great Storm.” Windows in the townwere incrusted with salt blown up in the oceaspray. Great trees were torn up by the roots, andmuch shipping was destroyed along the coast.



Estaing goes to Boston, to refit his ships It was



not until the 20th of August that Estaing brought inhis squadron, somewhat damaged from the storm.He now insisted upon going to Boston to refit, iaccordance with general instructions received frothe ministry before leaving home. It was urged i

ain by Greene and Lafayette that the vessels coulde repaired as easily in Narragansett Bay as i

Boston harbour; that by the voyage around Cape

Cod, in his crippled condition, he would only incur additional risk; that by staying he would strictlyfulfil the spirit of his instructions; that an army had

een brought here, and stores collected, in relianceupon his aid; that if the expedition were to beruined through his failure to coöperate, it wouldsully the honour of France and give rise to hardfeelings in America; and finally, that even if he feltconstrained, in spite of sound arguments, to go and

refit at Boston, there was no earthly reason for histaking the 4,000 French soldiers with him. Thecount was quite disposed to yield to these sensibleremonstrances, but on calling a council of war he

found himself overruled by his officers. Estainwas not himself a naval officer, but a lieutenant-general in the army, and it has been said that theofficers of his fleet, vexed at having a land-lubber

put over them, were glad of a chance to thwart hi



in his plans. However this may have been, it wasoted that the letter of the royal instructions must belindly adhered to, and so on the 23d Estain

weighed anchor for Boston, taking the land forceswith him, and leaving General Sullivan in the lurch.

BATTLE OF BUTTS HILL

Yeomanry go home in disgust Great was theexasperation in the American camp. Sullivan’s

exation found indiscreet expression in a generalorder, in which he hoped the event would proveAmerica “able to procure that by her own armswhich her allies refuse to assist in obtaining.” But



the insubordination of the volunteers now came ito complicate the matter. Some 3,000 of them,despairing of success and impatient at being keptfrom home in harvest time, marched away in disgustand went about their business, thus reducinSullivan’s army to the same size as that of theenemy. The investment of Newport, by land, hadalready been completed, but the speedy success o

the enterprise depended upon a superiority of force,and in case of British reinforcements arriving fro

New York the American situation would becomedangerous. Upon these grounds, Sullivan, on the28th, decided to retreat to the strong position atButts Hill, and await events. Lafayette mounted hishorse and rode the seventy miles to Boston in sevehours, to beg his kinsman to return as soon as

possible. Estaing despaired of getting his ships

ready for many days, but, catching a spark of theoung man’s enthusiasm, he offered to bring up his

troops by land. Fired with fresh hope, the younmarquis spurred back as fast as he had come, but

when he arrived on the scene of action all wasover. As soon as Sullivan’s retreat was perceivedthe whole British army gave chase. Battle of Butts

ill, Aug. 29, 1778 After the Americans had retiredto their lines on Butts Hill, Sir Robert Pigot tried to



carry their position by storm, and there ensued aobstinate fight, in which the conditions were imany respects similar to those of Bunker Hill; butthis time the Americans had powder enough, andthe British were totally defeated. This slaughter otheir brave men was useless. The next day Sullivareceived a dispatch from Washington, with thenews that Clinton had started from New York with

5,000 men to reinforce Sir Robert Pigot. Under these circumstances, it was rightly thought best toabandon the island. The enterprise abandoned Theservices of General Glover, who had takenWashington’s army across the East River after thedefeat of Long Island, and across the Delaware

efore the victory of Trenton, were called intorequisition, and all the men and stores were ferriedsafely to the mainland; Lafayette arriving froBoston just in time to bring off the pickets andcovering-parties. The next day Clinton arrived withis 5,000 men, and the siege of Newport was over.



Unpopularity of the French alliance The failureof this enterprise excited much indignation, andseemed to justify the distrust with which so many

people regarded the French alliance. In Boston theill-feeling found vent in a riot on the wharves

etween French and American sailors, andthroughout New England there was loud discontent.It required all Washington’s tact to keep peace

etween the ill-yoked allies. When Congress passed a politic resolution approving the course othe French commander, it met with no cordialassent from the people. When, in November,Estaing took his fleet to the West Indies, for

purposes solely French, the feeling was one olively disgust, which was heightened by aindiscreet proclamation of the count inviting the

people of Canada to return to their old allegiance.For the American people regarded the work of Pittas final, and at no time during the war did their feeling against Great Britain rise to such a point asto make them willing to see the French restored to

their old position on this continent. The sagaciousVergennes understood this so well that Estaing’s proclamation found little favour in his eyes. But itserved none the less to irritate the Americans, andespecially the people of New England.



Stagnation of the war in the northern states Sofar as the departure of the fleet for the West Indieswas concerned, the American complaints were not

wholly reasonable; for the operations of the Frencin that quarter helped materially to diminish theforce which Great Britain could spare for the war in the United States. On the very day of Estaing’sdeparture, Sir Henry Clinton was obliged to send5,000 men from New York to take part in the WestIndia campaign. This new pressure put upoEngland by the necessity of warding off Frencattack went on increasing. In 1779 England had

314,000 men under arms in various parts of theworld, but she had so many points to defend that itwas difficult for her to maintain a sufficient force iAmerica. In the autumn of that year, Sir HenryClinton did not regard his position in New York assecure enough to justify him any longer in sparintroops for the occupation of Newport, and theisland was accordingly evacuated. From this timetill the end of the war, the only point which theBritish succeeded in holding, north of Virginia, wasthe city of New York. After the Rhode Islandcampaign of 1778, no further operations occurred atthe North between the two principal armies whic



could properly be said to constitute a campaign.Clinton’s resources were too slender for him to doanything but hold New York. Washington’sresources were too slender for him to do anythin

ut sit and watch Clinton. While the twocommanders-in-chief thus held each other at bay,the rapid and violent work of the war was going oin the southern states, conducted by subordinate

officers. During much of this time Washington’sarmy formed a cordon about Manhattan Island, froDanbury in Connecticut to Elizabethtown in NewJersey, and thus blockaded the enemy. But whilethere were no decisive military operations in thenorthern states during this period, many interestinand important events occurred which demandconsideration before we go on to treat of the greatsouthern campaigns which ended the war.



CHAPTER XIWAR ON THE FRONTIER

The barbarous border fighting of theRevolutionary War was largely due to the fact that

powerful tribes of wild Indians still confronted uson every part of our steadily advancing frontier.They would have tortured and scalped our

ackwoodsmen even if we had had no quarrel witGeorge III., and there could be no lasting peaceuntil they were crushed completely. When the war

roke out, their alliance with the British wasnatural, but the truculent spirit which sought to putthat savage alliance to the worst uses wassomething which it would not be fair to ascribe tothe British commanders in general; it must becharged to the account of Lord George Germain anda few unworthy men who were willing to be histools.



A North View of Fort Johnson drawn on the spot by Mr.Guy Johnson, Sir Wm. Johnson’s Son.

Joseph Brant, missionary and war-chief In thesummer of 1778 this horrible border warfare

ecame the most conspicuous feature of thestruggle, and has afforded themes for poetry andromance, in which the figures of the principalactors are seen in a lurid light. One of these figures



is of such importance as to deserve especialmention. Joseph Brant, or Thayendanegea, was

perhaps the greatest Indian of whom we have anyknowlege; certainly the history of the red me

presents no more many-sided and interestincharacter. A pure-blooded Mohawk, descendedfrom a line of distinguished chiefs, [21] in early

oyhood he became a favourite with Sir William

Johnson, and the laughing black eyes of hishandsome sister, Molly Brant, so fascinated therough baronet that he took her to Johnson Hall ashis wife, after the Indian fashion. Sir William

elieved that Indians could be tamed and taught thearts of civilized life, and he laboured with greatenergy, and not without some success, in thisdifficult task. The young Thayendanegea was sent to

e educated at the school in Lebanon, Connecticut,which was afterwards transferred to NewHampshire and developed into Dartmouth College.At this school he not only became expert in the useof the English language, in which he learned to

write with elegance and force, but he also acquiredsome inkling of general literature and history. Heecame a member of the Episcopal Church, and

after leaving school he was for some time engaged



in missionary work among the Mohawks, andtranslated the Prayer-Book and parts of the NewTestament into his native language. He was a manof earnest and serious character, and his devotionto the church endured throughout his life. Someears after the peace of 1783, the first Episcopal

church ever built in Upper Canada was erected byJoseph Brant, from funds which he had collected

for the purpose while on a visit to England. Butwith this character of devout missionary andearnest student Thayendanegea combined, icurious contrast, the attributes of an Iroquois war-chief developed to the highest degree of efficiency.There was no accomplishment prized by India

raves in which he did not outshine all his fellows.He was early called to take the war-path. In thefierce struggle with Pontiac he fought with great

distinction on the English side, and at the beginninof the War of Independence he was one of the mostconspicuous of Iroquois war-chiefs.

It was the most trying time that had ever come

to these haughty lords of the wilderness, and calledfor all the valour and diplomacy which they couldsummon. Brant was equal to the occasion, and nochieftain ever fought a losing cause with greater



spirit than he. We have seen how at Oriskany hecame near turning the scale against us in one of thecritical moments of a great campaign. From the St.Lawrence to the Susquehanna his name became aname of terror. Equally skilful and zealous, now in

planning the silent night march and deadly ambush,now in preaching the gospel of peace, he remindsone of some newly reclaimed Frisian or Norma

warrior of the Carolingian age. But in the eighteentcentury the incongruity is more striking than in thetenth, in so far as the traits of the barbarian aremore vividly projected against the background of ahigher civilization. It is odd to think oThayendanegea, who could outyell any of his tribeon the battlefield, sitting at table with Burke andSheridan, and behaving with the modest grace of aEnglish gentleman. The tincture of civilization he

had acquired, moreover, was by no meanssuperficial. Though engaged in many a murderousattack, his conduct was not marked by the ferocityso characteristic of the Iroquois. Though he

sometimes approved the slaying of prisoners ogrounds of public policy, he was flatly opposed totorture, and never would allow it. He often wentout of his way to rescue women and children frothe tomahawk, and the instances of his magnanimity



toward suppliant enemies were very numerous.



A View of Niagara FortThe Tories of western New York At the

eginning of the war the influence of the Johnsonshad kept all the Six Nations on the side of the

Crown, except the Oneidas and Tuscaroras, whowere prevailed upon by New England missionariesto maintain an attitude of neutrality. The Indians ingeneral were quite incapable of understanding the



issue involved in the contest, but Brant had somecomprehension of it, and looked at the matter witTory eyes. The loyalists in central New York werenumerous, but the patriot party was the stronger,and such fierce enmities were aroused in thisfrontier society that most of the Tories wereobliged to abandon their homes and flee to thewilds of western New York and Upper Canada,

where they made the beginnings of the first Englissettlement in that country. There, under their leaders, the Johnsons, with Colonel John Butler andhis son Walter, they had their headquarters at Fort

Niagara, where they were joined by Brant with hisMohawks. Secure in the possession of that remotestronghold, they made it the starting-point of their frequent and terrible excursions against thecommunities which had cast them forth. These

rough frontiersmen, many of them ScotcHighlanders of the old stripe, whose raiding andreaving propensities had been little changed bytheir life in an American wilderness, were in every

way fit comrades for their dusky allies. Clothed ilankets and moccasins, decked with beads andfeathers, and hideous in war-paint, it was not easyto distinguish them from the stalwart barbarianswhose fiendish cruelties they often imitated and



sometimes surpassed. Border tradition tells of aIndian who, after murdering a young mother wither three children, as they sat by the eveninfireside, was moved to pity by the sight of a littleinfant sweetly smiling at him from its cradle; but hisTory comrade picked up the babe with the point of his bayonet, and, as he held it writhing in mid-air,exclaimed, “Is not this also a d—d rebel?” There

are many tales of like import, and whether alwaystrue or not they seem to show the reputation whicthese wretched men had won. The Tory leaderstook less pains than Thayendanegea to preventuseless slaughter, and some of the atrocities

permitted by Walter Butler have never beenoutdone in the history of savage warfare.



EARLY MAP OF WYOMING AND LACKAWANNAVALLEYS.

The valley of Wyoming and its settlers fromConnecticut During the year 1778 the frontier

ecame the scene of misery such as had not beewitnessed since the time of Pontiac. Early in Julythere came a blow at which the whole countrystood aghast. The valley of Wyoming, situated innortheastern Pennsylvania, where the Susquehannamakes its way through a huge cleft in the mountains,had become celebrated for the unrivalled fertilityand beauty which, like the fatal gift of someunfriendly power, served only to make it an



occasion of strife. The lovely spot lay within thelimits of the charter of Connecticut, granted i1662, according to which that colony or plantatiowas to extend westward to the Pacific Ocean. Italso lay within the limits of the charter of 1681, bywhich the proprietary colony of Pennsylvania had

een founded. About one hundred people fromConnecticut had settled in Wyoming in 1762, but

within a year this little settlement was wiped out ilood and fire by the Indians. In 1768 some

Pennsylvanians began to settle in the valley, butthey were soon ousted by a second detachment oYankees, and for three years a miniature war waskept up, with varying fortunes, until at last theConnecticut men, under Zebulon Butler and LazarusStewart, were victorious. In 1771 the question wasreferred to the law-officers of the Crown, and the

claim of Connecticut was sustained. Settlers nowegan to come rapidly,—the forerunners of that

great New England migration which in these latter days has founded so many thriving states in the

West. By the year 1778 the population of the valleyexceeded 3,000, distributed in several pleasanthamlets, with town-meetings, schools and churches,and all the characteristics of New Englandorderliness and thrift. Most of the people were



from Connecticut, and were enthusiastic anddevoted patriots, but in 1776 a few settlers from theHudson valley had come in, and, exhibiting Torysympathies, were soon after expelled. Here was aexcellent opportunity for the loyalist border ruffiansto wreak summary vengeance upon their enemies.Here was a settlement peculiarly exposed i

position, regarded with no friendly eyes by its

Pennsylvania neighbours, and, moreover, ill provided with defenders, for it had sent the best part of its trained militia to serve in Washington’sarmy.



FORTY FORT, WYOMING Massacre at Wyoming, July 3, 1778 These

circumstances did not escape the keen eye oColonel John Butler, and in June, 1778, he took the

war-path from Niagara, with a company of his owrangers, a regiment of Johnson’s Greens, and aand of Senecas under their chief Sayenqueraghta,

commonly called Old King; in all about 1,200 men.



Reaching the Susquehanna, they glided down theswift stream in bark canoes, landed a little abovethe doomed settlement, and began their work omurder and pillage. Consternation filled the valley.The women and children were huddled in a

lockhouse called Forty Fort, and Colonel ZebuloButler, with 300 men, went out to meet the enemy.There seemed to be no choice but to fight, thoug

the odds were so desperate. As the enemy came insight, late in the afternoon of July 3d, the patriotscharged upon them, and for about an hour there wasa fierce struggle, till, overwhelmed by weight onumbers, the little band of defenders broke andfled. Some made their way to the fort, and a fewescaped to the mountains, but nearly all wereovertaken and slain, save such as were reserved for the horrors of the night. The second anniversary o

independence was ushered in with dreadful orgiesin the valley of Wyoming. Some of the prisonerswere burned at the stake, some were laid upon hotembers and held down with pitchforks till they

died, some were hacked with knives. Sixteen poor fellows were arranged in a circle, while an oldhalf-breed hag, known as Queen Esther, andsupposed to be a granddaughter of the famousFrontenac, danced slowly around the ring, shriekin



a death-song as she slew them one after the other with her tomahawk.

The next day, when Forty Fort surrendered, no

more lives were taken, but the Indians plunderedand burned all the houses, while the inhabitants fledto the woods or to the nearest settlements on theLehigh and Delaware, and the vale of Wyomingwas for a time abandoned. Dreadful sufferingsattended the flight. A hundred women and children

perished of fatigue and starvation in trying to crossthe swamp, which has since been known to this dayas the “Shades of Death." Several children were

orn in that fearful spot, only to die there with their unhappy mothers. Such horrors needed noexaggeration in the telling, yet from the confusedreports of the fugitives, magnified by popular rumour, a tale of wholesale slaughter went abroadwhich was even worse than the reality, but whichcareful research has long since completelydisproved.



The Six Nations

Massacre at Cherry Valley, Nov. 10 The popular reputation of Brant as an incarnate demorests largely upon the part which he was formerlysupposed to have taken in the devastation oWyoming. But the “monster Brant,” who figures soconspicuously in Campbell’s celebrated poem, wasnot even present on this occasion. Thayendanegea



was at that time at Niagara. It was not long,however, before he was concerned in a bloodyaffair in which Walter Butler was principal. The

illage of Cherry Valley, in central New York, wasdestroyed on the 10th of November by a party o700 Tories and Indians. All the houses were

urned, and about fifty of the inhabitants murdered,without regard to age or sex. [22] Many other

atrocious things were done in the course of thisear; but the affairs of Wyoming and Cherry Valley

made a deeper impression than any of the others.Among the victims there were many refined

gentlemen and ladies, well known in the norther states, and this was especially the case of CherryValley.


http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/the-american-revolution-john-fiske 808/1225 Sullivan’s expedition Washington made up his



mind that exemplary vengeance must be taken, andthe source of the evil extinguished as far as

possible. An army of 5,000 men was sent out in thesummer of 1779, with instructions to lay waste thecountry of the hostile Iroquois and capture the nestof Tory miscreants at Fort Niagara. The commandof the expedition was offered to Gates, and when hetestily declined it, as requiring too much hard wor

from a man of his years, it was given to Sullivan.To prepare such an army for penetrating to a depthof four hundred miles through the forest was nolight task; and before they had reached the Iroquoiscountry, Brant had sacked the town of Minisink andannihilated a force of militia sent to oppose him.Yet the expedition was well timed for the purposeof destroying the growing crops of the enemy. Thearmy advanced in two divisions. The right wing,

under General James Clinton, proceeded up thealley of the Mohawk as far as Canajoharie, and

then turned to the southwest; while the left wing,under Sullivan himself, ascended the Susquehanna.

On the 22d of August the two columns met at Tioga,and one week later they found the enemy at Newtown, on the site of the present town of Elmira, —1,500 Tories and Indians, led by Sir JohJohnson in person, with both the Butlers and



Thayendanegea. Battle of Newtown, Aug 29, 1779 Ithe battle which ensued, the enemy was routed witgreat slaughter, while the American loss was lessthan fifty. No further resistance was made, but thearmy was annoyed in every possible way, andstragglers were now and then caught and tortured todeath. On one occasion, a young lieutenant, namedBoyd, was captured while leading a scouting party,

and fell into the hands of one of the Butlers, whothreatened to give him up to torture unless he shoulddisclose whatever he knew of General Sullivan’s

plans. On his refusal, he was given into the hands oa Seneca demon, named Little Beard; and after

eing hacked and plucked to pieces with arefinement of cruelty which the pen refuses todescribe, his torments were ended bydisembowelling.

Devastation of the Iroquois country Suchorrors served only to exasperate the Americantroops, and while they do not seem to have takelife unnecessarily, they certainly carried out their

orders with great zeal and thoroughness. TheIroquois tribes were so far advanced in theagricultural stage of development that they weremuch more dependent upon their crops than upo



the chase for subsistence; and they had besideslearned some of the arts of civilization from their white neighbours. Their long wigwams were

eginning to give place to framed houses witchimneys; their extensive fields were planted witcorn and beans; and their orchards yielded apples,

pears, and peaches in immense profusion. All this prosperity was now brought to an end. From Tioga

the American army marched through the entirecountry of the Cayugas and Senecas, laying wastethe cornfields, burning the houses, and cutting dowall the fruit-trees. More than forty villages, thelargest containing 128 houses, were razed to theground. So terrible a vengeance had not overtakethe Long House since the days of Frontenac. Theregion thus devastated had come to be the mostimportant domain of the Confederacy, which never

recovered from the blow thus inflicted. The winter of 1779-80 was one of the coldest ever known iAmerica, so cold that the harbour of New York wasfrozen solid enough to bear troops and artillery, [23]

while the British in the city, deprived of the aid otheir fleet, spent the winter in daily dread of attack.During this extreme season the houseless Cayugasand Senecas were overtaken by famine and



pestilence, and the diminution in their numbers wasnever afterwards made good. The stronghold at

Niagara, however, was not wrested fromThayendanegea. That part of Sullivan’s expeditionwas a failure. From increasing sickness among thesoldiers and want of proper food, he deemed itimpracticable to take his large force beyond theGenesee river, and accordingly he turned back

toward the seaboard, arriving in New Jersey at theend of October, after a total march of more thanseven hundred miles.



Reign of terror in the Mohawk valley Though somuch harrying had been done, the snake was onlyscotched, after all. Nothing short of the completeannihilation of the savage enemy would have put astop to his inroads. Before winter was over dire

engeance fell upon the Oneidas, who were nowregarded by their brethren as traitors to theConfederacy; they were utterly crushed by

Thayendanegea. For two years more the tomahawand firebrand were busy in the Mohawk valley. Itwas a reign of terror. Blockhouses were erected inevery neighbourhood, into which forty or fiftyfamilies could crowd together at the first note oalarm. The farmers ploughed and harvested icompanies, keeping their rifles within easy reach,while pickets and scouts peered in every directiofor signs of the stealthy foe. In battles with themilitia, of which there were several, the enemy,with his greatly weakened force, was nowgenerally worsted; but nothing could exceed the

oldness of his raids. On one or two occasions he

came within a few miles of Albany. Once a small party of Tories actually found their way into thecity, with intent to assassinate General Schuyler,and came very near succeeding. In no other part othe United States did the war entail so muc



suffering as on the New York border. During thefive years ending with 1781, the population oTryon county was reduced by two thirds of itsamount, and in the remaining third there were morethan three hundred widows and two thousandorphan children.

JOHNSON HALL



The wilderness beyond the Alleghanies Thiscruel warfare, so damaging to the New York frontier settlements and so fatal to the Six Nations,was really part of a desultory conflict which ragedat intervals from north to south along our wholewestern border, and resulted in the total overthrow

of British authority beyond the Alleghanies. Theast region between these mountains and theMississippi river—a territory more than twice aslarge as the German Empire—was at that time aalmost unbroken wilderness. A few French townsgarrisoned by British troops, as at Natchez,Kaskaskia, and Cahokia on the Mississippi river, atVincennes, on the Wabash, and at Detroit, sufficedto represent the sovereignty of George III., and to

exercise a very dubious control over the wild tribesthat roamed through these primeval solitudes. Whethe thirteen colonies declared themselvesindependent of the British Crown, the ownership othis western territory was for the moment leftundecided. Portions of it were claimed byMassachusetts, Connecticut, New York, Virginia,

North Carolina, and Georgia, on the strength otheir old charters or of their relations with the



Indian tribes. Little respect, however, was paid tothe quaint terminology of charters framed in an agewhen almost nothing was known of Americangeography; and it was virtually left for circumstances to determine to whom the wester country should belong. It was now very fortunatefor the United States that the policy of Pitt hadwrested this all-important territory from the French.

For to conquer from the British enemy so remote aregion was feasible; but to have sought to obtain itfrom a power with which we were forming aalliance would have been difficult indeed.

Rivalry between Pennsylvania and Virginia for the possession of Fort Pitt The commandinapproach to this territory was by the town andfortress of Pittsburgh, the “Gateway of the West,”from which, through the Ohio river and its tributarystreams, an army might penetrate with comparativeease to any part of the vast Mississippi valley. The

possession of this gateway had for some years beea subject of dispute between Pennsylvania and

Virginia. Though the question was ultimately settledin favour of Pennsylvania, yet for the presentVirginia, which had the longest arm, kept her holdupon the commanding citadel. To Virginia its



possession was then a matter of peculiar importance, for her population had already begun tooverflow its mountain barriers, and, pressing dowthe Ohio valley, had made the beginnings of thestate of Kentucky. Virginia and North Carolina,lying farther westward than any of the other oldstates, were naturally the first to send coloniesacross the Alleghanies. It was not long before the

eginning of the war that Daniel Boone hadexplored the Kentucky river, and that Virginiasurveyors had gone down the Ohio as far as the

present site of Louisville. Conflicts ensued with theIndians, so fierce and deadly that this region waslong known as the “Dark and Bloody Ground.”

During this troubled period, the hostile feelinetween Pennsylvania and Virginia was nourishedy the conflicting interests of the people of those

two colonies in respect to the western country andits wild inhabitants. The Virginians entered thecountry as settlers, with intent to take possession othe soil and keep the Indians at a distance; but there

were many people in Pennsylvania who reapedlarge profits from trade with the barbarians, andtherefore did not wish to see them dispossessed otheir border forests and driven westward. The



Virginia frontiersmen were angry with thePennsylvania traders for selling rifles and powder to the redskins, and buying from them horses stolefrom white men. This, they alleged, was practicallyinciting the Indians to deeds of plunder and outrage.In the spring of 1774, there seemed to be seriousdanger of an outbreak of hostilities at Fort Pitt,when the attention of Virginia was all at once

absorbed in a brief but hard-fought war, which hada most important bearing upon the issue of theAmerican struggle for independence.



Lord Dunmore’s War, 1774 This border war o1774 has sometimes been known as “Cresap’sWar,” but more recently, and with less impropriety,as “Lord Dunmore’s War.” It was conducted under the general direction of the Earl of Dunmore, lastroyal governor of Virginia; and in the politicalexcitement of the time there were some who

elieved that he actually contrived to stir up the

war out of malice aforethought, in order to hamper the Virginians in their impending struggle with themother-country. Dunmore’s agent, or lieutenant, inwestern Virginia, Dr. John Connolly, was a violentand unscrupulous man, whose arrogance was aslikely to be directed against friendly as againsthostile Indians, and it was supposed that he actedunder the earl’s secret orders with intent to bring oa war. But the charge is ill-supported and quiteimprobable. According to some writers, the truecause of the war was the slaying of the wholefamily of the friendly chief Logan, and doubtlessthis event furnished the occasion for the outbreak o

hostilities. It was conspicuous in a series ooutrages that had been going on for years, such asare always apt to occur on the frontier betweeadvancing civilization and resisting barbarism.John Logan, or Tagahjutè, was of Cayuga descent, a



chief of the Mingos, a brave and honest man, of fineand stately presence. He had always been kind andhospitable to the English settlers, perhaps iaccordance with the traditional policy of hisIroquois forefathers,—a tradition which by 1774had lost much of its strength. In April of that year some Indian depredations occurred on the upper Ohio, which led Dr. Connolly to issue instructions,

warning the settlers to be on their guard, as aattack from the Shawnees was to be apprehended. Logan and Cresap Captain Michael Cresap was a pioneer from Maryland, a brave man and sterlin

patriot; but as for the Indians, his feelings towardthem were like those of most backwoodsmen.Cresap not unnaturally interpreted the instructionsfrom Dunmore’s lieutenant as equivalent to adeclaration of war, and he proceeded forthwith toslay and scalp some friendly Shawnees. As is apt to

e the case with reprisals and other unreasoninforms of popular vengeance, the blow fell in thewrong quarter, and innocent people were made

scapegoats for the guilty. Cresap’s party nextstarted off to attack Logan’s camp at Yellow Creek;ut presently bethinking themselves of Logan’s

well-known friendliness toward the whites, as they



argued with one another, they repented of their purpose, and turned their steps in another direction.But hard by the Mingo encampment a wretch namedGreathouse had set up a whiskey shop, and thither,on the last day of April, repaired Logan’s family,nine thirsty barbarians, male and female, old andoung. When they had become dead drunk,

Greathouse and two or three of his cronies

illustrated their peculiar view of the purport oConnolly’s instructions by butchering them all incold blood. The Indians of the border needed nostronger provocation for rushing to arms. Within afew days Logan’s men had taken a dozen scalps,half of them from young children. Mingos andShawnees were joined by Wyandots, Delawares,and Senecas, and the dismal tale of blazing cabinsand murdered women was renewed all along the

frontier. It was in vain that Lord Dunmore and hislieutenant disclaimed responsibility for themassacre at Yellow Creek. The blame was by allthe Indians and many of the whites laid upo

Cresap, whose name has been handed down to posterity as that of the arch-villain in this rougorder romance. The pathetic speech of theereaved Logan to Dunmore’s envoy, John Gibson,

was preserved and immortalized by Jefferson in his



“Notes on Virginia,” and has been declaimed bythousands of American schoolboys. In hiscommentsJeffersonspoke of Cresap as “aman infamousfor the many

murders hehadcommittedupon theseinjured

people.”Jefferson here simply gave voice to the traditiowhich had started into full life as early as June,1774, when Sir William Johnson wrote that “acertain Mr. Cressop had trepanned and murderedforty Indians on the Ohio, ... and that the unworthyauthor of this wanton act is fled.” The charge made

y Jefferson was answered at the time, but

continued to live on in tradition, until finallydisposed of in 1851 by Brantz Mayer. [24] The origiof the misconception is doubtless to be traced to theinsignificance of Greathouse. In trying to shield



himself, Connolly deposed Cresap from command,ut he was presently reinstated by Lord Dunmore.

In June of the next year, Captain Cresap

marched to Cambridge at the head of 130 Marylandriflemen; but during the early autumn he was seizedwith illness, and while making his way homewarddied at New York, at the age of thirty-three. Hisgrave is still to be seen in Trinity churchyard, near the door of the north transept. The Indian chief witwhose name his has so long been associated wassome time afterwards tomahawked by a brother Indian, in the course of a drunken affray.

Battle of Point Pleasant and its consequencesThe war thus ushered in by the Yellow Creek massacre was an event of cardinal importance ithe history of our western frontier. It was ended by

the decisive battle at Point Pleasant, on the GreatKanawha (October 10, 1774), in which the Indians,under the famous Shawnee chief Cornstalk, weretotally defeated by the backwoodsmen under Andrew Lewis. This defeat so cowed the Indiansthat they were fain to purchase peace bysurrendering all their claims upon the hunting-grounds south of the Ohio. It kept the northwester tribes comparatively quiet during the first two years



of the Revolutionary War, and thus opened the wayfor white settlers to rush into Kentucky. The four ears following the battle of Point Pleasant saw

remarkable and portentous changes on the frontier.It was just at the beginning of Lord Dunmore’s war that Parliament passed the Quebec Act, of whichthe practical effect, had it ever been enforced,would have been the extension of Canada

southward to the Ohio river. In contravention of oldcharters, it would have deprived the Americancolonies of the great northwestern territory. But theevents that followed upon Lord Dunmore’s war soon rendered this part of the Quebec Act a nullity.

Settlement of Kentucky In 1775, RichardHenderson of North Carolina purchased frotheCherokees the tract between the Kentucky andCumberland rivers, and at the same timeBoonesborough and Harrodsburg were founded byDaniel Boone and James Harrod. As a party othese bold backwoodsmen were encamping near thesources of the southern fork of the Licking, they

heard the news of the victory which ushered in theWar of Independence, and forthwith gave the nameof Lexington to the place of their encampment, owhich a thriving city now stands. These new



settlementswere not lonin organizinthemselvesinto a state,which theycalledTransylvania.

Courts wereinstituted,laws enacted,and a militiaenrolled, anda delegatewas sent totheContinental

Congress; butfinding thatVirginia stillclaimed their

allegiance,they yieldedtheir

pretensions to autonomy, and were organized for the present as a county of the mother state. The so-



called “county” of Kentucky, comprising the wholeof the present state of that name, with an area onefourth larger than that of Scotland, was indeed oformidable dimensions for a county.

and of eastern Tennessee The settlement oTennessee was going on at the same time. Themovement of population for some time had asouthwestward trend along the great valleysinclosed by the Appalachian ranges, so thatfrontiersmen from Pennsylvania found their waydown the Shenandoah, and thence the stream oVirginian migration reached the Watauga, the

Holston, and the French Broad, in the midst of themost magnificent scenery east of the RockyMountains. At the same time there was a westwardmovement from North Carolina across the GreatSmoky range, and the defeat of the Regulators byGovernor Tryon at the battle of the Alamance in1771 no doubt did much to give strength and

olume to this movement. The way was prepared i1770 by James Robertson, who penetrated the

wilderness as far as the banks of the Watauga. Fortswere soon erected there and on the Nolichucky. Thesettlement grew apace, and soon came into conflictwith the most warlike and powerful of the souther



tribes of Indians. The Cherokees, like their kinsmethe Iroquois at the North, had fought on the Englisside in the Seven Years’ War, and had renderedsome service, though of small value, at the captureof Fort Duquesne. Early in the Revolutionary War fierce feuds with the encroaching settlers led theto take sides with the British, and in company witTory guerrillas they ravaged the frontier. Defeat o

the Cherokees on the Watauga In 1776, the Wataugasettlement was attacked, and invasions were madeinto Georgia and South Carolina. But the blowrecoiled upon the Cherokees. Their country waslaid waste by troops from the Carolinas, under Andrew Williamson and Griffith Rutherford; their attack upon the Watauga settlement was defeated byJames Robertson and John Sevier; and in 1777 theywere forced to make treaties renouncing for the

most part their claims upon the territory betweethe Tennessee and the Cumberland rivers.



THE COUNTRY BEHIND THE MOUNTAINS, 1770-80

Its consequences Robertson and Sevier werethe most commanding and picturesque figures iTennessee history until Andrew Jackson came uponthe scene; and their military successes, moreover,like those of “Old Hickory,” were of the utmostimportance to the whole country. This wasespecially true of their victory at the Watauga; for had the settlement there been swept away by the

arbarians, it would have uncovered the greatWilderness Road to Lexington and Harrodsburg,and the Kentucky settlement, thus fatally isolated,

would very likely have had to be abandoned. TheWatauga victory thus helped to secure in 1776 theground won two years before at the GreatKanawha. [25]

George Rogers Clark Such were the beginningsof Kentucky and Tennessee, and such was the progress already made to the west of the mountains,when the next and longest step was taken by GeorgeRogers Clark. During the years 1776 and 1777,Colonel Henry Hamilton, the British commander atDetroit, was busily engaged in preparing a generalattack of Indian tribes upon the northwester frontier. Such concerted action among these



arbarians was difficult to organize, and the moraleffect of Lord Dunmore’s war doubtless served to

postpone it. There were isolated assaults, however,upon Boonesborough and Wheeling and in theneighbourhood of Pittsburgh. While Hamilton wasthus scheming, a gallant young Virginian was

preparing an effective counter-stroke. In the lateautumn of 1777, George Rogers Clark, then just

twenty-five years old, was making his way bacfrom Kentucky along the Wilderness Road, andheard with exultation the news of Burgoyne’ssurrender. Clark was a man of bold originality. Hehad been well educated by that excellent Scotcschoolmaster, Donald Robertson, among whose

pupils was James Madison. In 1772, Clark was practising the profession of a land surveyor upothe upper Ohio, and he rendered valuable service

as a scout in the campaign of the Great Kanawha.For skill in woodcraft, as for indomitable

perseverance and courage, he had few equals. Hewas a man of picturesque and stately presence, like

an old Norse viking, tall and massive, with ruddycheeks, auburn hair, and piercing blue eyes sunk deep under thick yellow brows.

Clark’s conquest of the northwestern territory,



1778 When he heard of the “convention” oSaratoga, Clark was meditating a stroke asmomentous in the annals of the Mississippi valleyas Burgoyne’s overthrow in the annals of theHudson. He had sent spies through the Illinoiscountry, without giving them any inkling of his

purpose, and from what he could gather from their reports he had made up his mind that by a bold and

sudden movement the whole region could besecured and the British commander checkmated. Oarriving in Virginia, he laid his scheme beforeGovernor Patrick Henry; and Jefferson, Wythe, andMadison were also taken into his confidence. The

plan met with warm approval; but as secrecy anddispatch were indispensable, it would not do toconsult the legislature, and little could be done

eyond authorizing the adventurous young man to

raise a force of 350 men and collect material owar at Pittsburgh. People supposed that his objectwas merely to defend the Kentucky settlements.Clark had a hard winter’s work in enlisting men,

ut at length, in May, 1778, having collected aflotilla of boats and a few pieces of light artillery,he started from Pittsburgh with 180 pickedriflemen, and rowed swiftly down the Ohio river athousand miles to its junction with the Mississippi.



The British garrison at Kaskaskia had beeremoved, to strengthen the posts at Detroit and

Niagara, and the town was an easy prey. Hiding hisoats in a creek, Clark marched across the prairie,

and seized the place without resistance. The Frencinhabitants were not ill-disposed toward thechange, especially when they heard of the newalliance between the United States and Louis XVI.,

and Clark showed consummate skill in playinupon their feelings. Cahokia and two other neighbouring villages were easily persuaded tosubmit, and the Catholic priest Gibault volunteeredto carry Clark’s proposals to Vincennes, on theWabash; upon receiving the message this important

post likewise submitted. As Clark had secured thefriendship of the Spanish commandant at St. Louis,he felt secure from molestation for the present, andsent a party home to Virginia with the news of his

loodless conquest. The territory north of the Ohiowas thus annexed to Virginia as the “county” oIllinois, and a force of 500 men was raised for its

defence.Capture of Vincennes, Feb. 23, 1779 Whe

these proceedings came to the ears of ColonelHamilton, at Detroit, he started out with a little



army of about 500 men, regulars, Tories, andIndians, and after a march of seventy days througthe primeval forest reached Vincennes, and took

possession of it. He spent the winter intriguing witthe Indian tribes, and threatened the Spanisgovernor at St. Louis with dire vengeance if heshould lend aid or countenance to the nefarious

proceedings of the American rebels. Meanwhile,

the crafty Virginian was busily at work. Sending afew boats, with light artillery and provisions, toascend the Ohio and Wabash, Clark startedoverland from Kaskaskia with 130 men; and after an arduous winter march of sixteen days across thedrowned lands in what is now the state of Illinois,he appeared before Vincennes in time to pick up his

oats and cannon. In the evening of February 23dthe town surrendered, and the townspeople

willingly assisted in the assault upon the fort. After a brisk cannonade and musket-fire for twenty hours,Hamilton surrendered at discretion, and Britisauthority in this region was forever at an end. An

expedition descending from Pittsburgh in boats hadalready captured Natchez and ousted the Britisfrom the lower Mississippi. Shortly after, theCherokees and other Indians whom Hamilton hadincited to take the war-path were overwhelmed by



Colonel Shelby, and on the upper Ohio andAlleghany the Indian country was so thoroughlydevastated by Colonel Brodhead that all along thefrontier there reigned a profound peace, instead othe intended carnival of burning and scalping.

Settlement of middle Tennessee The stream oimmigration now began to flow steadily. FortJefferson was established on the Mississippi river to guard the mouth of the Ohio. Another fortress,higher up on the beautiful river which La Salle haddiscovered and Clark had conquered became thesite of Louisville, so named in honour of our ally,

the French king. James Robertson again appearedon the scene, and became the foremost pioneer imiddle Tennessee, as he had already led thecolonization of the eastern part of that great state.On a bold bluff on the southern bank of theCumberland river, Robertson founded a city, whichtook its name from the General Nash who fell in the

attle of Germantown; and among the cities of thefair South there is to-day none more thriving tha

Nashville. Thus by degrees was our grasp firmlyfastened upon the western country, and year by year it grew stronger.



CLARK’S FINAL SUMMONS TO HAMILTONSee Transcription

Importance of Clark’s conquest In the gallery o

our national heroes, George Rogers Clark deservesa conspicuous and honourable place. It was due tohis boldness and sagacity that when our commissioners at Paris, in 1782, were engaged i



their difficult and delicate work of thwarting our not too friendly French ally, while arranging termsof peace with the British enemy, the fortified postson the Mississippi and the Wabash were held byAmerican garrisons. Possession is said to be nine

points in the law, and while Spain and France wereintriguing to keep us out of the Mississippi valley,we were in possession of it. The military enterprise

of Clark was crowned by the diplomacy of Jay. [26]The four cardinal events in the history of our western frontier during the Revolution are: (1) thedefeat of the Shawnees and their allies at Point

Pleasant in 1774; (2) the defeat of the Cherokees othe Watauga in 1776; (3) Clark’s conquest of theIllinois country in 1778-79; (4) the detection andthwarting of the French diplomacy in 1782 by Jay.When Washington took command of the Continentalarmy at Cambridge, in 1775, the population andurisdiction of the thirteen united commonwealths

scarcely reached beyond the Alleghanies; it wasdue to the series of events here briefly recounted

that when he laid down his command at Annapolis,in 1783, the domain of the independent UnitedStates was bounded on the west by the Mississippiriver.



Clark’s last years were spent in poverty andobscurity at his sister’s home, near Louisville,where he died in 1818. It was his younger brother,William Clark, who in company with Meriwether Lewis made the famous expedition to the Columbiariver in 1804, thus giving the United States a holdupon Oregon.

Marauding expeditions To return to our story,— Lord George Germain’s plan for breaking the spirit

of the Americans, in so far as it depended upon thearbarous aid which his Indian allies could render,

had not thus far proved very successful. Terribledamage had been wrought on the frontier,

especially in Pennsylvania and New York, but thenet result had been to weaken the Indians andloosen the hold of the British upon the continent,while the American position was on the wholestrengthened. The warfare which the Britisthemselves conducted in the north after the Newportcampaign degenerated into a series of maraudinexpeditions unworthy of civilized soldiers. Theyseem to have learned a bad lesson from their



savage allies. While Sir Henry Clinton’s force waseleaguered in New York, he now and then found

opportunities for detaching some small force bysea, to burn and plunder defenceless villages on thecoast, in accordance with Lord George’sinstructions. During the autumn of 1778 the prettyisland of Martha’s Vineyard was plundered fromend to end, the towns of New Bedford and Fair

Haven, with all the shipping in their harbours, wereurned, and similar havoc was wrought on the coast

of New Jersey. At Old Tappan some Americandragoons, asleep in a barn, were captured by Sir Charles Grey’s troops,—and thirty-seven of themwere bayoneted in cold blood. Fifty-five lightinfantry belonging to Pulaski’s legion weresimilarly surprised at night by Captain Fergusoand all but five were massacred. In May, 1779,

General Mathew was sent with 2,500 men toVirginia, where he sacked the towns of Portsmouthand Norfolk, with cruelties worthy of a mediævalfreebooter. Tryon’s proceedings, July, 1779 In July

the enterprising Tryon conducted a raidingexpedition along the coast of Connecticut. At NewHaven he burned the ships in the harbour and twoor three streets of warehouses, and slew severalcitizens; his intention was to burn the whole town,



ut the neighbouring yeomanry quickly swarmed iand drove the British to their ships. Next day theBritish landed at Fairfield and utterly destroyed it.

Next they burned Green Farms and then Norwalk.After this, just as they were about to proceedagainst New London, they were suddenly recalledto New York by bad news.

In so far as these barbarous raids had anyassignable military purpose, it was hoped that theymight induce Washington to weaken his force at theHighlands by sending troops into Connecticut to

protect the private property and chastise the

marauders. After the destruction of the Highlandforts in October, 1777, the defence of this mostimportant position had been entrusted to the

powerful fortifications lately erected at West Point.Clinton captures the fortress at Stony Point, May 31,1779 A little lower down the river two small but

ery strong forts, at Stony Point on the right banand at Verplanck’s Point on the left, guarded theentrance to the Highlands. While the fort at Stony

Point was building, Sir Henry Clinton came up theriver and captured it, and then, with the aid of its

atteries, subdued the opposite citadel also. StonyPoint was a rocky promontory washed on three



sides by the waters of the Hudson. It was separatedfrom the mainland by a deep morass, over whicran a narrow causeway that was covered at higtide, but might be crossed when the water was low.This natural stronghold was armed with heavy

atteries which commanded the morass, with itscauseway, and the river; and the British garrisonedit with six hundred men, and built two additional

lines of fortification, rendering it well-nigimpregnable.



The storming of Stony Point, July 16, 1779 Theacquisition of this spot seemed like the auspicious



eginning of a summer campaign for Clinton’sarmy, which had been cooped up in New York ever since the battle of Monmouth. To have kept on andcaptured West Point would have gone a long waytoward retrieving the disaster of Saratoga, butWashington’s force was so well disposed thatClinton did not venture to attempt so much as this.Such hopes, moreover, as he may have based upon

the Connecticut raids proved entirely delusive.Washington’s method of relieving Connecticut anddestroying Clinton’s scheme was different fromwhat was expected. Among his generals was onewhom the soldiers called “Mad Anthony” for hisdesperate bravery, but there was much moremethod than madness about Anthony Wayne. For theunion of impetuous valour with a quick eye and acool head, he was second to none. Twelve hundred

light infantry were put at his disposal. Every dowithin three miles was slaughtered, that noindiscreet bark might alarm the garrison. Not a guwas loaded, lest some untimely shot betray the

approaching column. The bayonet was now to be put to more warlike use than the roasting of meatefore a camp-fire. At midnight of the 15th of July

the Americans crossed the causeway at low tide,and were close upon the outworks before their



advance was discovered. The garrison sprang toarms, and a heavy fire was opened from the

atteries, but Wayne’s rush was rapid and sure. Intwo solid columns the Americans came up the slopeso swiftly that the grape-shot made few victims.Shoulder to shoulder, in resistless mass, like theTheban phalanx of Epaminondas, they pressed over the works, heedless of obstacles, and within a few

minutes the garrison surrendered at discretion. Ithis assault the Americans lost fifteen killed andeighty-three wounded, and the British sixty-threekilled. The rest of the garrison, 553 in number,including the wounded, were made prisoners, andnot a man was killed in cold blood, though theshameful scenes in Virginia were fresh in men’smemories, and the embers of Fairfield and Norwalstill smouldered. The contemporary Britishistorian Stedman praises Wayne for his humanity,and thinks that he “would have been fully justifiedin putting the garrison to the sword;” but certainlyno laws or usages of war that have ever obtained

among the people of the United States would haveustified such a barbarous proceeding. [27]



HOME OF ANTHONY WAYNE Evacuation of Stony Point The capture of Stony

Point served the desired purpose of relievinConnecticut, but the Americans held it but three

days. Clinton at once drew his forces together andcame up the Hudson, hoping to entice Washingtoninto risking a battle for the sake of keeping his holdupon Stony Point. But Washington knew better tha



to do so. In case of defeat he would run risk olosing the far more important position at WestPoint. He was not the man to hazard his maicitadel for the sake of an outpost. Finding that itwould take more men than he could spare to defendStony Point against a combined attack by land andwater, he ordered it to be evacuated. The workswere all destroyed, and the garrison, with the

cannon and stores, withdrawn into the Highlands.Sir Henry took possession of the place and held itfor some time, but did not venture to advanceagainst Washington.



Henry Lee’s exploit at Paulus Hook. To givethe British general a wholesome sense of hisadversary’s vigilance, a blow was struck in an



unexpected quarter. At Paulus Hook, on the site of the present Jersey City, the British had a verystrong fort. The “Hook” was a long low neck oland reaching out into the Hudson. A sandy isthmus,severed by a barely fordable creek, connected itwith the mainland. Within the line of the creek, adeep ditch had been dug across the whole isthmus,and this could only be crossed by means of a

drawbridge. Within the ditch were two lines ointrenchments. The place was garrisoned by 500men, but, relying on the strength of their works andtheir distance from the American lines, the garrisonhad grown somewhat careless. This fact was madeknown to Washington by Major Henry Lee, who

olunteered to surprise the fort. On the night of the18th of August, at the head of 300 picked men, Leecrossed the creek which divided Paulus Hook fro

the mainland. A foraging expedition had been sentout in the course of the day, and as the Americansapproached they were at first mistaken by thesentinels for the foragers returning. Favoured by

this mistake, they surmounted all the obstacles andgot possession of the fort in a twinkling. Alarmguns, quickly answered by the ships in the river andthe forts on the New York side, warned them toretreat as fast as they had come, but not until Lee



had secured 159 prisoners, whom he carried of safely to the Highlands, losing of his own men onlytwo killed and three wounded. This exploit, worthyof the good Lord James Douglas, has no militarysignificance save for its example of skill and

oldness; but it deserves mention for the personalinterest which must ever attach to its author. In theouthful correspondence of Washington, mention is

made of a “Lowland Beauty” for whom heentertained an unrequited passion. This ladymarried a member of the illustrious Virginianfamily to which Richard Henry Lee belonged. Her son, the hero of Paulus Hook, was always afavourite with Washington, and for his dashingexploits in the later years of the revolutionary war

ecame endeared to the American people as “LightHorse Harry.” His noble son, Robert Edward Lee,has taken rank among the foremost generals omodern times.



CHAPTER XIIWAR ON THE OCEAN

Importance of the control of the water Until thewar of independence the Americans had no navy otheir own, such maritime expeditions as that againstLouisburg having been undertaken with the aid oBritish ships. When the war broke out, one of thechief advantages possessed by the British, in their offensive operations, was their entire control of theAmerican waters. Not only were all the coast

towns exposed to their sudden attack, but on theroad deep rivers they were sometimes able to penetrate to a considerable distance inland, and bymeans of their ships they could safely transport meand stores from point to point. Their armies alwaysrested upon the fleets as bases of operations, andsoon lost their efficiency when severed from these

ases. General Howe was not safe in Philadelphiauntil his brother had gained control of the Delaware

river, and Burgoyne’s army invited capture as soonas its connection with the lakes was cut off. Frofirst to last, the events of the war illustrated thisdependence of the army upon the fleet. On the



retreat from Lexington, it was only the ships thatfinally saved Lord Percy’s weary troops fromcapture; at Yorktown, it was only the momentaryloss of naval superiority that made escapeimpossible for Cornwallis. For want of a navy,General Washington could not hold the island of

New York in 1776; and for a like reason, in 1778,after the enemy had been reduced to the defensive,

he could not prudently undertake its recapture. Itwas through lack of effective naval aid that the

Newport expedition failed; and the events of 1779,in Virginia and Connecticut, bore sad testimony tothe defenceless condition of our coasts.



Feeble action of Congress Early in the war thiscrying want was earnestly considered by Congress,and efforts were made to repair it by theconstruction of a navy and the equipment of private



cruisers. But the construction of a regular navy,which alone could serve the purpose, was besetwith even greater difficulties than those whicattended the organization of a permanent army.There was, indeed, no lack of good material,whether for ships or for seamen. New England, i

particular, with its great length of seacoast and itsextensive fisheries, had always possessed a

considerable merchant marine, and nourished ahardy race of seafaring people. How formidablethey could become in naval warfare, Great Britaiwas destined, nearly forty years afterward, to findout, to her astonishment and chagrin. But theabsence of a central government was even moreseriously felt in naval than in military affairs. Theaction of Congress was feeble, unintelligent, and

acillating. The “marine committees,” “navy

oards,” and “boards of admiralty,” to which thework of creating a navy was entrusted, were sooften changed in their composition and in their functions that it was difficult for any piece of wor

to be carried out in accordance with its originaldesign. As there was a total absence of system inthe department of admiralty, so there was utter looseness of discipline in the service. There werethe same wranglings about rank as in the army, and



the consequences were even more pernicious. Itwas difficult to enlist good crews, because of theuncertainty arising from the general want of system.The risks encountered were excessive, because othe overwhelming preponderance of the enemy frothe outset. Of thirteen new cruisers laid down in theautumn of 1775, only six ever succeeded in gettinout to sea. During the war one ship-of-the-line was

uilt,—the America 74, first commanded byCaptain John Barry; [28] but she was launched toolate for active service. Between 1775 and 1783,there were twenty small frigates and twenty-one

sloops-of-war in the service. Most of these wereeither captured by the enemy, or destroyed to prevent their falling into the enemy’s hands. [29] Thearmaments of these ships were very light; thelargest of them, the Bon Homme Richard, wasconstructed for a thirty-eight, but her heaviest gunswere only twelve-pounders.



AUGUSTATUS KUNINGAM



American and British cruisers Yet in spite of this light force, weak discipline, and unsteadymanagement, the little American navy did some

ery good work in the course of the war, and it wasefficiently helped by a multitude of private cruisers,ust as the Continental army often got valuable aid

from the militia. Before the French alliance morethan six hundred British vessels had fallen prey to

the American cruisers, and so venturesome werethese swift little craft that they even hovered aroundthe coast of England, and merchant vessels goinfrom one British port to another needed the

protection of a convoy. During the same period,about nine hundred American vessels were taken byBritish cruisers; so that the damaging power of theAmerican marine seems to have amounted to abouttwo thirds that of such part of the British marine ascould be devoted to the injury of Americanshipping. The damage inflicted upon the Americanswas the more serious, for it well-nigh ruined the

New England fisheries and the coasting trade. O

the other hand, the American cruisers causedmarine insurance in England to rise to a far higher point than had ever before been known; and welearn from a letter of Silas Deane to Robert Morristhat, shortly before the alliance between France and



the United States, the docks on the Thames werecrowded with French vessels loading with Britisgoods that sought the shelter of a neutral flag.

CONYNGHAM CAPTURING A BRITISH PACKET

In one respect the value of this work of theAmerican cruisers was incalculable. It familiarized



Europe with the sight of the American flag inEuropean waters. It was of great importance thatEurope should think of the new republic not asmerely the theme of distant rumours, but as amaritime power, able to defend itself within sightof the British coasts; and in this respect it would bedifficult to overrate the services rendered by theheroic captains who first carried the flag of the

United States across the ocean, and bearded thelion in his native lair. Wickes and Conyngham Othese gallant fellows, Lambert Wickes was the first,and his ship, the Reprisal 16, which carried

Benjamin Franklin to France in the autumn of 1776,was the first American war vessel to visit theeastern shores of the Atlantic. After a brilliantcruise in the summer of 1777, she foundered off the

anks of Newfoundland, with the loss of all ooard. Next came Gustavus Conyngham, with the

Surprise and the Revenge, which in the samesummer took so many prizes in the North Sea andthe British Channel that insurance rose as high as

twenty-five per cent., and in some instances ten per cent. was demanded for the short passage betweeDover and Calais. Paul Jones But the fame of botthese captains was soon eclipsed by that of Joh



Paul Jones, a Scotch sailor, who from boyhood hadeen engaged in the Virginia trade, and in 1773 had

gone to Virginia to live. When war broke out Jonesoffered his services to Congress, and in October,1776, his name appears as eighteenth in the list ocaptains in the new navy. From the outset he wasdistinguished for skill and bravery, and in 1778,

eing then thirty years old, he was sent, with the

Ranger 18, to prowl about the British coasts. In thislittle ship he made a successful cruise in the IrisChannel, burned some of the shipping in the port oWhitehaven, in Cumberland, and in a fierce fight of Carrickfergus captured the British sloop-of-war Drake 20; losing only eight men in killed andwounded, while the Drake lost forty-two. With theDrake and several merchant prizes, Jones made hisway to Brest, and sent the Ranger home to America,

while he remained to take command of a moreconsiderable expedition that was fitting out for thefollowing year. Franklin’s supervision of maritimeaffairs Along with the other duties of Franklin, as

minister of the United States at the French court,was joined a general superintendence of maritimeaffairs. He was a sort of agent plenipotentiary oCongress in all matters relating to the navy. He hadauthority from Congress to issue letters of marque,



and exercised it freely, while imposing restrictionsthat were characteristic of his magnanimous spirit.In 1779, he issued instructions to all Americancruisers that, in whatsoever part of the sea theymight happen to meet the great discoverer CaptaiCook, they were to forget the temporary quarrel iwhich they were fighting, and not merely suffer hito pass unmolested, but offer him every aid and

service in their power; since it would ill beseeAmericans to lift their hands against one who hadearned the reverence and gratitude of all mankind.So in the instructions given to Paul Jones, heordered him not to burn defenceless towns on theBritish coast except in case of military necessity,and in such case he was to give notice, so that thewomen and children, with the sick and agedinhabitants, might be removed betimes.



Jones’s squadron The expedition of which PaulJones took command in the summer of 1779 wasdesigned for a signal “demonstration” upon thecoasts of Great Britain. The object of the Britisraids in Virginia and Connecticut was partly toterrify the Americans by a bold and savage



assertion of the ubiquity of British power. Theexpedition of Paul Jones was to serve as a sort ocounter-irritant. The confused and indefinitecharacter of the American naval service at that timecould not have a better illustration than is to befound in the details of the little squadron witwhich he was called upon to undertake his periloustask. The flagship was an old Indiaman named the

Duras, purchased by the French government andfitted up for the occasion. In compliment to theauthor of Poor Richard’s maxims, her name waschanged to “Bon Homme Richard.” She was aexceedingly clumsy affair, with swelling bows anda tower-like poop such as characterized the shipsof the seventeenth century. She was now piercedfor a thirty-eight-gun frigate, but as there was delayin procuring the eighteen-pounders suited for such a

craft, her main deck was armed with twelve- pounders instead. In the gun-room below, CaptainJones had twelve portholes cut, in which hemounted six old eighteens, that could be shifted

from side to side as occasion required. Leavinthese eighteens out of the account, the force of theBon Homme Richard was about equal to that of athirty-two-gun frigate. This singular vessel wasmanned by a crew as nondescript as herself,—a



motley gang of sailors and marines from nearlyevery country in Europe, with half a dozen Malaysinto the bargain. To these a hundred New Englandmen were afterwards added, bringing up the wholenumber to 380. For this flagship three consortswere supplied, under the direction of the Frencgovernment. The Pallas, a merchant vessel piercedfor the occasion, was thus transformed into a thirty-

two-gun frigate; the Vengeance and Cerf were of smaller calibre. All these ships were French built.To these Franklin added the Alliance 32, whichhappened to be in a French port at the time. TheAlliance, lately built at Salisbury, inMassachusetts, and named in honour of the treaty

etween France and the United States, was a swiftand beautiful ship, one of the finest in the Americannavy. Unfortunately, it was thought desir able to paya further compliment to our new allies byappointing a French captain to command her, andthis step gave rise to so much discontent andinsubordination as well-nigh to destroy her

efficiency. Nor had Captain Landais done anythingto merit such distinction; he was simply aadventurer, seeking notoriety in the Americanservice.



PAUL JONES’S COMMISSION

Jones’s cruise on the British coast The ships ithis motley squadron were not privateers. The

Alliance was a regular member of our navy. TheFrench-built ships were regarded as loaned to theUnited States, and were to resume their Frencnationality after the termination of the cruise; but



they were all duly commissioned by Franklin, under the powers delegated to him by Congress. For thetime being, they were part of the American navyand subject to its regulations. Their commodore,Paul Jones, has often been spoken of as a privateer,sometimes as a pirate, but he was as much a regular captain in our navy as Greene was a regular generalin our army. Though, however, there could be no

doubt as to the legitimate naval character of theexpedition, a more ill-assorted or disorderlysquadron was perhaps never sent to sea. Thesummer was spent in cruising about the Britiscoasts, and many prizes were taken; but theinsubordination of the French commanders was sogross that during a large part of the time the shipswere scattered in all directions, and Jones was leftto cruise alone. On the 17th of September, having

got his fleet together, he entered the Frith of Forth,and came within gunshot of Leith, which heintended to attack and capture. Sir Walter Scott,then a schoolboy at Edinburgh, has given, in the

introduction to “Waverley,” a graphic descriptionof the excitement which was felt upon thatoccasion. But, as Scott says, “a steady and

powerful west wind settled the matter by sweepinPaul Jones and his vessels out of the Frith o



Forth.” Four days later, the Bon Homme Richardand the Vengeance entered the river Humber, anddestroyed several vessels. On the 23d, the Allianceand Pallas having come up, a British fleet of fortysail was descried off Flamborough Head. He meetsa British fleet off Flamborough Head They weremerchant vessels bound for the Baltic, under convoy of the Serapis 44, Captain Richard Pearson,

and the Countess of Scarborough 20, CaptaiPiercy. Jones instantly gave chase, ordering hisconsorts to follow and form in line of battle; but theAlliance disobeyed and ran off to some distance,for a time disconcerting the Pallas, which could notunderstand the discrepancy between the signals andthe movements. The British merchant shipscrowded all sail to get out of the way, but the twofrigates accepted Jones’s challenge, and came up tofight. The Countess of Scarborough was veryinferior in size and armament to the Pallas, whileon the other hand the Serapis was much more

powerful than the Bon Homme Richard. She was a

two-decker, mounting twenty eighteen-pounderselow, and twenty nine-pounders above, with tesix-pounders on her quarter-deck and forecastle; sothat she could throw 300 pounds of metal on a

roadside. The Bon Homme Richard, with her si



eighteens, could indeed throw 312 pounds on aroadside, but her weight of metal was very badly

distributed among light guns. Without her eighteens,she could throw only 204 pounds on a broadside,

eing thus inferior to her opponent by one third.The Serapis had a crew of 320 well-trained Britissailors, and she was a new and fast ship, perfect iall her appointments.



CAPTAIN PEARSON

Terrific fight between the Serapis and the Bonomme Richard, Sept. 23, 1779 The fight began athalf past seven o’clock, a little before moonrise, oa cloudy evening, in smooth water. The two

principal opponents delivered their entire



roadsides at the same moment. At this first fire,two of the old eighteens in the American frigate

urst, killing a dozen men. After this disaster, noone had confidence enough in such guns to fire theagain, so that the Bon Homme Richard was at oncereduced to two thirds the force of her antagonist,and in ordinary fight must soon have beeovercome. A brisk cannonade was kept up for an

hour, while the two ships manœuvred for a raking position. The Serapis, being much the better sailer,was passing across her adversary’s bows, with

ery little elbow-room, when Jones succeeded irunning his vessel into her just aft of her weather

eam. For a moment all firing ceased on both ships,and Captain Pearson called out, “Have you strucour colours?” “I have not yet begun to fight,”

replied Captain Jones. For a moment the shipsseparated, the Serapis running ahead almost in aline with the Bon Homme Richard. The Serapisnow put her helm hard down and was boxhauled, iorder to luff up athwart her adversary’s bow, and

thus regain her raking position; but the Bon HommeRichard changed her tack, and presently, in a densecloud of smoke, the two ships came together again,the British bowsprit passing over the high old-fashioned poop of the American vessel. This was



ust what Jones desired, and as he stood there ohis quarter-deck he seized a stout rope, and lashedthe enemy’s jib-boom to his mizzen-mast. Thus tiedfast, the pressure of the light wind brought the shipsalongside, the head of the one lying opposite thestern of the other. Grappling-hooks were nowthrown into the quarter of the Serapis, and witrepeated lashings fore and aft the two monsters

were held together in deadly embrace. So close didthey lie that their yards were interlocked, and someof the guns of the Serapis became useless for wantof room to use the rammers. The advantage of her

superior armament was thus in some measure lost,while her advantage in quickness of movement wasentirely neutralized. Still her heavy guns at thisshort range did frightful execution, and the maideck of the Bon Homme Richard was soon coveredwith mangled and dying men, while her timberswere badly shivered and many cannon wereknocked from their carriages. Unable to bear thisterrible fire, the Americans crowded upon the

upper deck in such numbers as easily to defeat theBritish attempts to board. Parties of marksmen,climbing into the rigging, cleared the enemy’s tops,and shot down every man upon the Serapis who



entured from under cover. Hand-grenades werethrown into her portholes to slay the gunners; and

presently one bold fellow, crawling out to the veryend of the Bon Homme Richard’s main-yard, justover the main hatchway of the Serapis, dropped oneof these mischievous missiles through the hatchway,where it ignited a row of cartridges that were lyinupon the main deck. The explosion ran swiftly

along the line, as through a pack of gigantic fire-crackers. More than twenty men were blown intofragments, their heads, arms, and legs flying ievery direction, while forty others were disabled.With the havoc already wrought by the guns, theSerapis had now lost two fifths of her crew, andher fire perceptibly slackened; so that theAmericans were able to go below and work their guns again, pouring into the British portholes a

storm of grape and canister which made an awfulcarnage.

It was now ten o’clock. All this time theAlliance had kept out of the fight, but the Pallas had

attacked the Countess of Scarborough, and after arisk cannonade compelled her to surrender. The

Alliance now came down, and stupidly poured araking volley along the decks of the two chie



combatants, doing impartial damage to friend andfoe. Warning shouts went up from the Bon HommeRichard, and her commander called out to CaptaiLandais to fall upon the farther side of the Serapisand board her. The Frenchman replied that hewould do so, but instead he ran his ship off acouple of miles to leeward, and comfortablyawaited the end of the battle. By this time the

Serapis was on fire in several places, so that partof her crew had to leave their guns, and bend alltheir energies to extinguishing the flames. TheAmerican ship was in still worse plight; she hadnot only been burning for half an hour, but so manyholes had been shot in her hull that she began tosink. She had more than a hundred British prisoners

elow decks, and these men were now set free andmarshalled at the pumps. Few guns were worked o

either ship, and the rest of the fight between the twoexhausted combatants was a mere question odogged tenacity. At last Captain Jones, with hisown hands, directed a couple of guns against the

enemy’s mainmast, and just as it was threatening tofall she surrendered. The gallant Britiscommander stood almost alone on the main deck ohis ship, in the midst of an awful scene of death;while of his few men who remained unhurt, most



had sunk down, panting and overcome with fatigue. No sooner were the ships cut asunder than thetottering mainmast of the Serapis went overboard,carrying with it the mizzen topmast and all themizzen rigging. [30] The Bon Homme Richard waswith difficulty kept afloat till morning, and all nightlong fresh men from her consorts were hard at wor fighting the flames, while the wounded were bein

carried off. At ten o’clock next morning she sank. Effect of Jones’s victory Thus ended one of the

most obstinate and murderous struggles recorded inaval history. Of the men engaged, more than hal

were killed or badly wounded, and few got of without some scar or bruise to carry as a mementoof that dreadful night. From a merely military pointof view, this first considerable fight between

British and American frigates had perhaps no greatsignificance. But the moral effect, in Europe, osuch a victory within sight of the British coast was

prodigious. The King #Page_vi_2 France madePaul Jones a knight of the order of merit, and frothe Empress of Russia he received the ribbon of St.Anne. The King of Denmark settled a pension ohim, while throughout Europe his exploit was toldand told again in the gazettes, and at the drinking-



tables on street corners. On his arrival in Holland,whither he went with his prizes a fortnight after the

attle, the British government peremptorilydemanded that he should be given up, to be hangedas a pirate. The sympathies of the Dutch weredecidedly with the Americans; but as they were notquite ready to go to war with England, a tardynotice was given to Jones, after ten weeks, that he

had better quit the country. Though chased by aBritish fleet, he got safely to France in December,and after various adventures, lasting through theensuing year, he reached Philadelphia early in1781. On inquiry into the extraordinary behaviour of Captain Landais some doubt as to his sanityarose, so that he was not shot for disobedience oorders, but simply discharged from the navy. PaulJones was put in command of the America 74, but

the war was so nearly ended that he did not get tosea again, and Congress presented his ship to theKing of France. In 1788, he passed into the Russiaservice with the rank of rear-admiral. He died i

Paris, in 1792, in the forty-fifth year of his age.



Here the question naturally arises, Why shouldthe King of Denmark and the Empress of Russiahave felt so much interest in the victory of PaulJones as to confer distinguished honours upon hifor winning it? The answer, at which we shall

presently arrive, will forcibly disclose to us theextent to which, by the end of the year 1779, thewhole civilized world had become involved in the

quarrel between England and her revolted colonies.As at the bridge of Concord the embattled farmersof Massachusetts had once fired a shot heard roundthe world, so those last guns aimed by Paul Jonesagainst the mainmast of the Serapis aroused an echoof which the reverberations were not to cease untilit should be shown that henceforth nobler principlesof international law must prevail upon the high seasthan had ever yet been acknowledged. We havenow to trace the origin and progress of theremarkable complication of affairs which at length,during the year 1780, brought all the other maritime

powers of Europe into an attitude of hostility

toward Great Britain. For not until we have dulycomprehended this can we understand the world-wide significance of our Revolutionary War, or estimate aright the bearings of the events which ledto that grand twofold consummation,—the



recognition of the independence of the UnitedStates, and the overthrow of the personalgovernment of George III. in England.

Relations of Spain to France and England PaulJones was not the only enemy who hovered aboutthe British coast in the summer of 1779. In June othat year, Spain declared war against England, butwithout recognizing the independence of the UnitedStates, or entering into an alliance with us. Frothe beginning, Count Vergennes had sought Spanishaid in his plans for supporting the Americans, butanything like cordial coöperation between Spai

and France in such an undertaking was impossible,for their interests were in many respects directlyopposite. So far as mere hatred toward Englandwas concerned, Spain doubtless went even farther than France. Spain had not forgotten that she hadonce been mistress of the seas, or that it wasEngland which had ousted her from this supremacyin the days of Queen Elizabeth. Of England, as thegreatest of Protestant and constitutional powers, asthe chief defender of political and religious liberty,

priest-ridden and king-ridden Spain was the naturalenemy. She had also, like France, the recollectionof injuries lately suffered in the Seven Years’ War



to urge her to a policy of revenge. And to crownall, in the event of a successful war, she might hopeto regain Jamaica, or the Floridas, or Minorca, or,above all, Gibraltar, that impregnable stronghold,the possession of which by England had for morethan sixty years made Spaniards blush for shame.On the other hand, Spain regarded the Americanswith a hatred probably not less rancorous than that

which she felt toward the British. The mereexistence of these English colonies in NortAmerica was a perpetual reminder of the dayswhen the papal edict granting this continent toSpain had been set at naught by heretical cruisersand explorers. The obnoxious principles of civiland religious liberty were represented here witeven greater emphasis than in England. In Mexicoand South America the Spanish crown had still a

ast colonial empire; and it was rightly foreseethat a successful revolt of the English colonieswould furnish a dangerous precedent for theSpanish colonies to follow. Spain was, moreover,

the chief upholder of the old system of commercialmonopoly; and here her interests were directlyopposed to those of France, which, since it had

een deprived of its colonial empire, saw in thegeneral overthrow of commercial monopoly the



surest way of regaining its share in the trade of theworld.

COUNT FLORIDA BLANCA

Intrigues of Spain Under the influence of these



conflicting motives,the conduct of Spainwas marked for atime by hesitationand double-dealing.Between his variouswishes and fears, the Spanish prime minister,Florida Blanca, knew not what course to pursue.

When he heard of the alliance between France andthe United States, which was undertaken against hisadvice to Vergennes, his wrath knew no bounds. Itwas a treaty, he said, “worthy of Don Quixote.” Atfirst he intrigued with the British government,offering his services as mediator between Englandand France. Lord Weymouth, the British minister for foreign affairs, refused to enter into anynegotiation so long as France should extend aid to

the rebel colonies. To the covert threat of the wilySpaniard, that if the war were to continue his royalmaster would doubtless feel compelled to take partwith one side or the other, Lord Weymouth replied

that the independence of the United States would prove fatal to the continuance of Spanish controlover Mexico and South America; and he suggested,accordingly, that the true interest of Spain lay informing an alliance with Great Britain. While this



secret discussion was going on, Florida Blancaalso sounded Vergennes, proposing that peaceshould be made on such terms as to allow theBritish to retain possession of Rhode Island and

New York. This, he thought, would prevent theformation of an American Union, and would sowthe seeds of everlasting dissension between GreatBritain and the American States, whereby the

energies of the English race would be fritteredaway in internecine conflict, leaving room for Spain to expand itself. But Vergennes would nothear of this. France had recognized theindependence of the thirteen States, and hadexplicitly and publicly agreed to carry on the war until that independence should be acknowledged byEngland; and from that position she could not easilyretreat. At the same time Vergennes intimated thatFrance was in no way bound to protect theAmerican claim to the Ohio valley, and was far from desiring that the people of the United Statesshould control the whole of North America. Treaty

between Spain and France, April, 1779 Upon thissuggestion the Spanish court finally acted. After sixmonths more of diplomatic fencing, a treaty wasconcluded in April, 1779, between France andSpain, whereby it was agreed that these two



powers should undertake a concerted invasion oEngland. For this undertaking, France was tofurnish the land force, while both powers were toraise as great a naval armament as possible. Francewas to assist Spain in recovering Minorca and theFloridas, and if Newfoundland could be conquered,its fisheries were to be monopolized by the two

parties to this treaty. Neither power was to make

peace on any terms until England should havesurrendered Gibraltar to Spain.

This convention brought Spain into the listsagainst England without bringing her directly into

alliance with the United States. She was left free tonegotiate with Congress at her own good pleasure,and might ask for the whole Mississippi valley, ishe chose, in return for her assistance. Gerard, theFrench minister at Philadelphia, sought to persuadeCongress to give up the fisheries and relinquish allclaim to the territory west of the Alleghanies. Therewere hot debates on this subject in 1779, andindeed the situation of affairs was sufficientlycomplicated to call for the exercise of skilfuldiplomacy. As the treaty between France and Spain

ecame known in America, it was felt to be in somerespects inconsistent with the prior conventio



etween France and the United States. In thatconvention it had been stipulated that neither partyshould make peace with Great Britain without theconsent of the other. In the convention betweenFrance and Spain it was agreed that neither partyshould make peace until Great Britain shouldsurrender Gibraltar. But the Americans rightly feltthat, should Great Britain be found willing to

concede their independence, they were in no wiseound to keep up the war for the sole purpose o

helping France to conquer Gibraltar for a power which had never owed them any good will, andwas at this very moment hoping to cut down their territory. The proposal to exclude America as wellas Great Britain from the fisheries excited loudindignation in New England.

French and Spanish fleets attempt an invasion ongland, Aug., 1779 Meanwhile, the new allies

had gone energetically to work. Early in 1779, aFrench fleet had captured the British settlements iSenegambia, and made a vigorous thoug

unsuccessful assault upon the island of Jersey. InJune, war was declared by Spain so suddenly thatEngland was quite taken by surprise. FloridaBlanca had lied with so grave a face that Lord



North had not been looking out for such a step. IAugust, the allied French and Spanish fleets,numbering more than sixty ships-of-the-line, with afull complement of frigates, entered the EnglisChannel, with intent to repeat the experiment of theInvincible Armada; while a French army lay atHavre, ready to cross at the first opportunity. Tooppose this formidable force, Admiral Hardy was

able to get together only thirty-eight ships-of-the-line, with the ordinary proportion of frigates. Therewas a panic in England, and the militia were calledout. But owing to dissensions between the Frencand Spanish admirals and serious illness in thecrews, nothing whatever was accomplished, andthe great fleet retired crestfallen from the channel.Everybody blamed everybody else, while aimmense sum of money had been spent upon a

wretched fiasco. In America, however, the allieswere more successful. Galvez, the Spanisgovernor of Louisiana, captured Baton Rouge andMobile, with their British garrisons, and

preparations were made for the siege of Pensacola,to complete the conquest of West Florida. In theWest Indies, the islands of Grenada and St. Vincentwere captured by Estaing. The moment that war was declared by Spain, there was begun that siege



of Gibraltar which, for the heroic defence, as wellas for its long duration of nearly four years, has hadno parallel in the annals of modern warfare.



Sir George Rodney It was only througmaritime expeditions that the two new allies coulddirectly assail England with any hope of success;

ut here on the sea her natural superiority was notlong in asserting itself. Great efforts were made toincrease the strength of the navy, and in December,1779, the command of the fleet in the West Indieswas given to a man who among English sailors

ranks with Blake and Hawke, on a plane inferior only to that occupied by Nelson. The brilliantcareer of Sir George Rodney began in the SeveYears’ War, in the course of which he bombardedHavre, thus warding off a projected invasion oEngland, and moreover captured several islands ithe West Indies. It was Pitt who first discerned hisgenius, and put him into a position in which hecould win victories. After the peace of 1763 he

ecame a member of Parliament, but lost all he hadin gambling, and fled to France to get rid of hiscreditors. When war broke out between France andEngland in 1778, the venerable Marshal de Biro

lent him enough money to save him from theMarshalsea or the Fleet, and he returned to Englandto be appointed to the chief command in the WestIndies. A vain and unscrupulous man, as manycalled him, he was none the less a most skilful and



indomitable captain. He was ordered, on his way tothe West Indies, to relieve Gibraltar, which was

eginning to suffer the horrors of famine, and never was such a task more brilliantly performed. First,he had the good fortune to fall in with fifteeSpanish ships, loaded with provisions and under the convoy of seven war vessels, and all this fleethe captured. Then, at Cape St. Vincent, on a dark

and stormy night, he gave chase to a Spanish fleetof eleven ships-of-the-line and two frigates, and ia sharp fight captured or destroyed all but four othem without losing one of his own ships. He thus

reached Gibraltar, and after passing up to thefortress the welcome cargoes of the fifteemerchant prizes went on to the West Indies, wherehis presence turned the scale against the allies. A

powerful French fleet under Count de Guichen wascruising in those waters; and it was hoped that thisfleet would soon be able to come to New York andcoöperate with Washington in an attempt to regainthat city. But the arrival of Rodney changed all this,

and the Count de Guichen, after being worsted iattle, sailed away for France, while Rodney proceeded to New York, to relieve Sir HenryClinton and foil the projects of Washington.



Rights of neutrals upon the sea That verysupremacy upon the sea, however, which enabledEngland to defy the combined fleets of France andSpain served, in its immediate consequences, onlyto involve her in fresh difficulties. By the arrogantand indiscriminate manner in which she exercisedthe right of search, she soon succeeded in unitinagainst her all the neutral nations of Europe; and a

principle of international law was laid down whicin our own time has become fully established, andmust in future essentially limit the areas over whicwars are likely to extend. This new principle ointernational law related to the rights of merchant

essels belonging to neutral powers in time of war.In early times it was held that if one country went towar with another, its right to prey upon its enemy’scommerce was virtually unlimited. If it found itsenemy’s goods carried in a ship belonging to someneutral power, it had a right to seize and confiscatethem; and in days when hostility was the rule and

peace the exception, when warfare was deemed

honourable and commerce ignoble, and when theusages of war were rough and unscrupulous, theneutral ship itself, which carried the goods, was

ery likely to be confiscated also. As the neutral power whose ship was seized would be sure to



resent such behaviour, it followed that any war etween two maritime powers was likely to spread

until it involved every other power whic possessed any merchant shipping or did any

usiness upon the high seas. The Consolato del are With a view to confining such evils within as

narrow a limit as possible, the maritime codeknown as the Consolato del Mare, whic

represented the commercial interests of the MiddleAges, and was generally accepted as of the highestauthority in maritime affairs, recognized the right oconfiscating an enemy’s goods found in a neutral

ship, but did not recognize the right of confiscatinthe neutral ship. In the Middle Ages maritimewarfare played a subordinate part; but after colonies had been planted in America and the EastIndies by the great maritime nations of WesternEurope, the demand for fixed rules, whereby theusages of such warfare should be regulated, soocame to be of transcendent importance. England andthe Netherlands, as powers with whom industrial

considerations were of the first consequence andmilitary considerations only secondary, adheredfirmly to the rule of the Consolato del Mare as themost liberal rule then in existence. France and



Spain, as preëminently militant powers, carinmore for the means of annoying an enemy than for the interests of commerce in general, asserted the

principle that neutral ships detected in carrying aenemy’s goods were themselves lawful subjects for seizure. France, however, did not hold this doctrineso firmly as Spain. Here, as in so many other respects, France showed herself more advanced i

civilization than Spain, while less advanced thaEngland and the Netherlands. In 1655, by a treaty

etween Cromwell and Mazarin, France acceptedthe English rule; in 1681, under the retrogradegovernment of Louis XIV., she went back to her ancient practice; in 1744, she again adopted theEnglish rule, while Spain kept on with her oldcustom, until sharply called to account by Russia i1780.



MEDAL GIVEN PAUL JONES BY CONGRESS(OBVERSE)



MEDAL GIVEN PAUL JONES BY CONGRESS(REVERSE)

Until the middle of the eighteenth century, themost liberal doctrines respecting maritime warfarehad concerned themselves only with the protectioof neutral ships. It had never occurred to anybodyto maintain that the goods of an enemy should beguaranteed against scrutiny and seizure by the merefact of their being carried on a neutral ship. That



any belligerent could seize its antagonist’s property, if found on a neutral ship, was thedoctrine laid down alike by Vattel andBynkershoek, the chief French and Dutch authoritieson maritime law. In acting upon this principle,therefore, at the time of our Revolutionary War,England acted strictly in accordance with therecognized maritime law of Europe. She was not,

as some American writers seem to have supposed,introducing a new principle of aggression, in virtueof her position as chief among maritime powers. Istopping the defenceless merchant vessels oneutral or friendly powers, compelling them toshow their bills of lading, searching their holds ineed be, subjecting them to a hateful inquisition and

exatious delays, she did no more than everymaritime nation had been in the habit of doing, and

even less than Spain claimed the right to do. It wasquite natural, too, that England should insist uporetaining this privilege, as something which nogreat naval power could afford to dispense with;

for obviously, if in time of war your enemy can goon trading with everybody but yourself, and caeven receive timber and provisions from people notconcerned in the struggle, your means of cripplinhim are very materially diminished.



Prussian doctrine: free ships make free goodsSuch reasoning seemed conclusive everywhere iEurope until after the middle of the eighteentcentury. At that time, however, the unexamplednaval preponderance of England began to leadother nations to take a new view of the case. By themaintenance of the old rule, England could damageother nations much more than they could damage

her. Other nations, accordingly, began to feel that itwould be a good thing if the flag of a neutral shipmight be held to protect any merchandisewhatsoever that she might happen to have on board.This modern doctrine, that free ships make freegoods, was first suggested by Prussia in 1752. Suca view naturally commended itself to a natiowhich had a considerable number of merchantmeafloat, without any navy fit to protect them; and it

was accordingly likely to find favour in the eyes osuch nations as Denmark, Sweden, Russia, and theUnited States. But, more than this, it was a viewentirely in accordance with the philosophictendencies of the age. The great humanitariamovement, which in our time has borne rich andample fruit, and which has tended in every

practicable way to diminish the occasions for warfare and to restrict its scope, had its first



rilliant literary representatives among the clear-sighted and enthusiastic French philosophers of theeighteenth century. The liberal tendencies in

politics, which hitherto England alone hadrepresented practically, were caught up in France,as soon as the dismal and protracted tyranny oLouis XIV. had come to an end, with an eagernessthat partook of fanaticism. Influence of the French

hilosophers English political ideas, without beinthoroughly comprehended in their practical

earings, were seized and generalized byMontesquieu and Turgot, and a host of lesser writers, until they acquired a width of scope and agenial interest which exercised a prodigiousinfluence upon the thought of Continental Europe.

Never in any age, perhaps, since the days wheSokrates talked to enchanted crowds upon street

corners in Athens, did men of broad philosophicideas come so closely into contact with meabsorbed in the pursuit of life’s immediate ends asat the time when all Paris rushed to kiss the hand o

Voltaire, and when ladies of the court went to sleepwith the last brochure of Diderot or Helvetiusunder their pillows. The generous “enthusiasm ohumanity,” which revealed itself in every line of thewritings of these great men, played an important



part in the political history of the eighteentcentury. It was an age of crowned philosophers and

enevolent despots. Joseph of Austria, Frederick oPrussia, and Catherine of Russia, in their severalways, furnished illustrations of this tendency.Catherine, who wrote letters to Voltaire, andadmired Fox above all other English statesmen, setalmost as much store by free thought as by free

love, and her interest in the amelioration omankind in general was second only to her

particular interest in the humiliation of the Turk.The idea of taking the lead in a general movementfor the liberation of maritime commerce was sureto prove congenial to her enlightened mind, and her action would have great weight with England,which at that time, isolated from all Europeasympathy, was especially desirous of an alliancewith Russia, and especially anxious to avoidoffending her.



Great Britain wishes to secure an alliance withussia At the beginning of 1778, Sir James Harris,

afterward Earl of Malmesbury, was sent asambassador to St. Petersburg, with instructions toleave no stone unturned to secure an offensive anddefensive alliance between Russia and GreatBritain, in order to offset and neutralize the alliance

etween France and the United States. Negotiations

to this end were kept up as long as the war lasted,ut they proved fruitless. While Catherinecoquetted and temporized, the Prussian ambassador had her ear, and his advice was unfavourable tosuch an alliance. For the England of Pitt the greatFrederick felt sympathy and gratitude; for theEngland of George III. he had nothing but hatred,and his counsels went far to steady Catherine, iever she showed signs of wavering. The weight o

France was of course thrown into the same scale,and for four years the Russian court was the sceneof brisk and multifarious intrigues. Harris said thathis very valets were offered bribes by busybodieswho wished to get a look at his papers; and whehe went out, leaving his secretary writing, he usedto lock him up, not through doubts of his fidelity,

ut lest he should thoughtlessly leave the door ajar.From Prince Potemkin, one of Catherine’s lovers



whose favour Harris courted, he learned thatnothing short of the cession of Minorca wouldinduce the empress to enter into the desiredalliance. Russia was already taking advantage othe situation to overrun and annex the Crimea, andthe maritime outlook thus acquired made her eager to secure some naval station on the Mediterranean.Minorca was England’s to give. She had won it in

the war of the Spanish Succession, and for seventyears it had been one of the brightest jewels in her

imperial crown. Together with Gibraltar it hadgiven her that firm grasp upon the Mediterraneawhich—strengthened in later times by theacquisition of Malta, Cyprus, and the isthmus oSuez—has gone far toward making that vast inlandsea an English lake. Importance of Minorca Sogreat a value did England set upon Minorca, that

when, in the Seven Years’ War, it was lost for amoment, through an error of judgment on the part oAdmiral Byng, the British people were seized wita bloodthirsty frenzy, and one of the foulest judicial

murders known to history was committed when thatgallant commander was shot on his own quarter-deck. Yet even this island, by which England setsuch store, she was now ready to surrender iexchange for the help of Russia against her revolted



colonies and the House of Bourbon. It was not,however, until 1781 that the offer of Minorca wasmade, and then Catherine had so far acceded to thegeneral combination against England that she couldnot help refusing it. That such an offer should ever have been made shows how important an alliancewith Russia seemed to England at the moment wheFrance and Spain were leagued against her, and all

the neutral powers looked on her with hostile eyes.We can thus the better appreciate the significanceof the step which Russia was now to take witreference to the great question of maritime law thatwas beginning to agitate the civilized world.

France adopts the Prussian doctrine In thesummer of 1778, the French government, with intentto curb the depredations of British cruisers, issueda proclamation adopting the Prussian doctrine o1752, that free ships make free goods, andVergennes took occasion to suggest that Catherineshould put herself at the head of a league of neutral

powers for the purpose of protecting neutral

commerce all over the world. For the moment nodecided action was taken, but the idea was one othose broad ideas in which the empress delighted.Count Panin, her principal minister, who was



strongly in sympathy with the King of Prussia,insisted upon the necessity of protecting thecommerce of minor powers against England, whicsince 1763 had become the great naval bully of theworld. England was doubtless acting in strictaccordance with time-honoured custom, butcircumstances had changed, and the law must bechanged to meet them. The first great war since

1763 was now showing that England could destroythe commerce of all the rest of the world, withoutany fear of retaliation except through a universalwar. During the summers of 1778 and 1779,Prussian, Swedish, Danish, and Dutch ships werecontinually overhauled by British cruisers, androbbed of cargoes which they were carrying toFrance. Such gross outrages upon private property,however sanctioned by laws of war that had grow

up in a barbarous age, awakened generalindignation throughout Europe; and from whatever quarter complaints poured in, Vergennes andFrederick took good care that they should be laid

efore the Empress of Russia, until presently shecame to look upon herself as the champion of littlestates and oppressed tradesmen.

Affair of Fielding and Bylandt The Britis



depredations were, moreover, apt to becharacterized by an arrogance which, while itrendered them all the more exasperating, sometimestranscended the limits of aggression prescribed bythe rude maritime law of that day. Upon Netherlandcommerce England was especially severe, for theDutch had more merchant shipping than any other

people on the Continent, with a weak navy to

protect it. England forbade the Dutch to send timber to France, as it would probably be used in buildinships of war. On the 30th of December, 1779,seventeen Dutch vessels, laden with tar and hemp,and other materials useful in shipyards, weresailing through the English Channel, escorted byfive ships-of-the-line under Count Bylandt, whetoward nightfall they were overtaken and hailed bya British squadron of sixteen ships-of-the-line

under Admiral Fielding. A lively parley ensued.Bylandt swore that his ships should not besearched, and Fielding threatened violence. Whilethis was going on, twelve of the Dutch ships got

away under cover of darkness, and reached isafety the French ports to which they were bound.Early in the morning, Bylandt fired upon the boatwhich was bringing a party of British officers tosearch the merchantmen that remained. Upon this,



three British ships instantly poured their broadsidesinto the Dutch flagship, which returned thecompliment, and then hauled down its flag, asresistance was useless. Nobody was killed, butFielding seized the five merchantmen, and toothem in to Portsmouth. The States-General of the

Netherlands complained of the outrage to LordStormont, the new foreign secretary, and demanded

the restitution of the prizes. The matter was referredto the British court of admiralty, and the singular doctrine was there laid down that the Dutch vesselswere virtually blockade-runners, and as such werelawfully captured! “Great Britain,” said the judge,“by her insular position, blocks naturally all the

ports of Spain and France, and she has a right toavail herself of this position as a gift oProvidence.” But the States-General did not acceptthis interpretation of the law and theology of thematter, and they appealed to the Empress of Russia.

Spanish cruisers capture Russian vessels Just atthis moment events occurred which compelled

Catherine to take some decided stand on thequestion of neutral rights. Through fear of addinher to the list of their enemies, the British ministryhad issued the most stringent orders that no Russia



essels should be searched or molested, under anycircumstances. The Dutch and Danish flags might

e insulted at pleasure, but that of Russia must berespected; and so well were these orders obeyedthat Catherine had no grounds for complaint againstEngland on this score. Spain, on the other hand,was less cautious. In the winter of 1779-80, her cruisers captured two Russian vessels laden wit

wheat, in the mistaken belief that their cargoeswere destined for Gibraltar. The ships were takeninto Cadiz, their cargoes were sold at auction,while their penniless crews were outrageouslytreated by the people, and came little short ostarving. Hereupon Catherine without delayordered out fifteen ships-of-the-line and fivefrigates for the protection of Russian commerce.For a moment war between Spain and Russia

seemed imminent. But Panin moved with cautiousshrewdness, and consulted the King of Prussia, who

persuaded Florida Blanca to restore the capturedships, with compensation to the owners of the

cargoes, and an ample apology for the blunder. Theempress was satisfied, and Panin assured her thatnow the time had come for her to act witmagnanimity and power, laying down an impartialcode for the protection of maritime commerce, and



thus establishing a claim to the gratitude of mankindthrough all future ages. Catherine’s proclamation,

arch 8, 1780 On the 8th of March, 1780,Catherine issued a proclamation, setting forth the

principles of maritime law which she washenceforth resolved to defend by force, inecessary. Henceforth neutral ships were to sailunmolested from port to port, even on the coasts o

countries at war. They were to be free to carry intosuch ports any goods or merchandise whatsoever,except arms and ammunition, and the right of searcwas to be tolerated as regarded such contrabandarticles, and for no other purpose. Hereafter no portwas to be considered blockaded unless the enemy’sships of war should be near enough to make itdangerous to enter.



The Armed Neutrality These principles wereimmediately adopted by Spain, France, and theUnited States, the three powers actually at war witEngland. At the same time, Denmark and Swedenentered into an arrangement with Russia for themutual protection of their commerce. It wasannounced that for every Danish, Swedish, or Russian ship searched or seized by the cruisers o

any belligerent power, a strict retaliation would bemade by the allied navies of these three countries.This covenant, known as the Armed Neutrality, was

practically a threat aimed at England, and througher unwillingness to alienate Russia it proved a

ery effective threat. We can now understand theinterest shown by Denmark and Russia in the

ictory of Paul Jones, and we can also appreciatethe prodigious moral effect of that victory. Sooverwhelming was England’s naval superiority thatthe capture of a single one of her warships was amemorable event. To the lesser maritime powers itseemed to bring the United States at once into the

front rank of belligerents. The British ministry wastoo well instructed to be brought under this spell;ut in view of the great hostile combination now

formed against it, for the moment it was at its wits’end. “An ambiguous and trimming answer was



given,” says Sir James Harris; “we seemed equallyafraid to accept or dismiss the new-fangleddoctrines. I was instructed secretly to oppose, butavowedly to acquiesce in them.” In England, thewrath and disgust extended to all parties. Shelburneand Camden joined with North and Thurlow idenouncing Catherine’s proclamation as animpudent attempt, on the part of an upstart power,

hardly known on the sea till quite lately, to dictatemaritime law to the greatest maritime power theworld had ever seen. It was contended that the rightto search neutral vessels and take an enemy’s goods

from them was a cardinal principle of internationallaw; and jurists, of course, found the whole body o precedents on the side of this opinion. But in spiteof all protests these “new-fangled doctrines,”subversive of all precedent, were almostimmediately adopted throughout Europe. IDecember, 1780, the Netherlands joined the Armed

Neutrality, under circumstances presently to berelated. In May, 1781, it was joined by Prussia; in

October, 1781, by the Empire; in July, 1782, byPortugal; in September, 1782, by the Turk; inFebruary, 1783, by the Kingdom of Naples. ThoughEngland’s maritime strength exceeded that of all the



members of the league taken together, she could notafford to run the risk of war with all the world atonce; and thus the doctrine that free ships make freegoods acquired a firm foothold. In the chaos of the

Napoleonic wars, indeed, paper blockades andillegal seizures abounded, and it fared ill witneutral commerce on the high seas. But the

principles laid down by Catherine survived that

terrible crisis, and at last they were formallyadopted by England at the close of the CrimeaWar, in 1856.

Vast Importance of the principles laid down by

Catherine This successful assertion of the rights oneutrals was one of the greatest and most beneficentrevolutions in the whole history of human warfare.It was the most emphatic declaration that had ever

een made of the principle that the interests o peace are paramount and permanent, while those owar are subordinate and temporary. In the interestof commerce it put a mighty curb upon warfare, andannounced that for the future the business of the

producer is entitled to higher consideration thathat of the destroyer. Few things have ever done somuch to confine the area of warfare and limit itsdestructive power. If the old doctrine were in force



at the present day, when commerce has expanded tosuch enormous dimensions, and every sea is

populous with merchant ships, it would be well-nigh impossible for any two maritime powers to goto war without dragging all the rest of the worldinto the struggle. For the speedy accomplishment othis great reform we have chiefly to thank theEmpress Catherine, whose action at the critical

moment was so prompt and decisive. It is curiousto consider that an act which so distinctlysubordinated military to industrial interests shouldhave emanated from that country of Europe whichad least outgrown the militant stage of civilization,and should have been chiefly opposed by thatcountry which had advanced the farthest into theindustrial stage. It is a brilliant instance of whatmay be achieved by an enlightened despot whe

circumstances are entirely favourable. Among themany acts of Catherine which, in spite of her horrible vices, have won the admiration omankind, this is doubtless the most memorable; and

as time goes on we shall realize its importancemore and more.

Relations between Great Britain and Holland The immediate effect of the Armed Neutrality was



to deprive England of one of her principal weaponsof offence. To add to her embarrassment, there nowcame war with Holland. While there was stronsympathy between the British and Dutcgovernments, there was great jealousy between the

peoples which had so long been rivals in thecolonial world. Hence there were two parties in the

Netherlands,—the party of the Stadtholder, which

was subservient to the policy of the Britisgovernment, and the popular party, which lookedwith favour upon the American cause. The popular

party was far the more numerous, including all themerchants of the most mercantile of countries, andit was especially strong in the city of Amsterdam. A

risk trade—illicit from the British point of view— was carried on between Holland and the UnitedStates, chiefly through the little Dutch island of St.

Eustatius, in the West Indies. An equally livelytrade went on between Holland and France, andagainst this England felt that she had an especialright to make complaint. Her relations with Holland

were regulated not simply by the ordinary law onations, but by careful and elaborate treaties, madein the days when the two peoples were leagued isympathy against the aggressive policy of LouisXIV. In 1678, it had been agreed that if either



England or Holland should be attacked by France,oth powers should make common cause against

their common enemy; and in 1716 this agreementhad been renewed in such wise as to include thecontingency of an attack by Spain, since a younger

ranch of the House of Bourbon had succeeded tothe Spanish throne. When, in 1779, Spain declaredwar against England, the latter power accordingly

called upon the Netherlands for aid; but no aid wasgiven, for the Dutch felt that they had an especialright to complain of the conduct of England. By thatsame treaty which in 1674 had finally given NewYork to the English, it had been provided that incase either England or Holland should ever go towar with any other country, the ordinary rules omaritime law should not be enforced as betweethese two friendly commercial powers. It wasagreed that either power might freely trade with theenemies of the other; and such a treaty was at thattime greatly to the credit of both nations. It wasmade in a moment when an honourable spirit o

commercial equity prevailed. But it was one of thechief symptoms of the utter demoralization of theBritish government in 1778, after the untimely deatof Lord Chatham, that these treaty obligations werecompletely ignored; and in the general plunder o



merchant shipping which went on at that time, nonation suffered like the Dutch. George III. now feltthat he had got everything into his own hands, andwhen the Dutch complained he gave them tounderstand that, treaty or no treaty, he should do ashe pleased. Under such circumstances, it was rather cool for England to ask aid against Spain, and theDutch quite naturally turned a deaf ear to the

demand.



Holland joins the Armed Neutrality It was thusa very pretty quarrel as it stood at the end of 1779,when Fielding fired upon the flagship of CountBylandt, and Paul Jones was allowed to stay wit



his prizes ten weeks in a Dutch harbour. Each partywas thus furnished with an “outrage.” The righteousanger of the Dutch over the high-handed conduct oFielding was matched by the British chagrin over the victory of Jones. The Stadtholder’s weak effortsto keep the peace were quite overwhelmed in thestorm of wrath that arose. After much altercation,England notified Holland that all treaties betwee

the two countries must be considered as abrogated,owing to the faithless behaviour of the Dutch irefusing aid against Spain, in trading with Franceand America, in resisting the right of search, and insheltering Paul Jones. Having thus got rid of thetreaties, England proceeded to act as if there wereno such thing as international law where Dutchmewere concerned. During the summer of 1780, thewholesale robbery on the high seas grew worse

than ever, and, with a baseness that seems almostincredible, the British ambassador at the Haguewas instructed to act as a spy, and gather information concerning the voyages of Dutc

merchants, so that British cruisers might know justwhere to pounce upon the richest prizes. Thusgoaded beyond human endurance, Holland at lastoined the Armed Neutrality, hoping thereby to

enlist in her behalf the formidable power of Russia.



Capture o Henry Laurensand his papersBut the policy o

England, thoug bold in theextreme, was sofar well

considered as tohave providedagainst such aemergency. Shewas determinedto make war oHolland, to

punish her for joining the Armed

Neutrality; but ishe were to avow this reason, it would at onceentail war with Russia also, so that it wasnecessary to find some other reason. The requisite

one of contention was furnished by a curiouslyopportune accident. In October, 1780, an American

packet was captured off the banks o Newfoundland, and among the prisoners was HenryLaurens, lately president of Congress, now on his



way to the Hague to negotiate a loan. He threw his papers overboard, but a quick-witted tar jumpedafter them, and caught them in the water. Amongthem was found a project for a future treaty ocommerce between the Netherlands and the UnitedStates which had been secretly concerted two years

efore between Jean de Neufville, an Amsterdammerchant, and William Lee, an American

commissioner to Berlin. It was signed also by VanBerckel, the chief magistrate of Amsterdam; but asit had been neither authorized nor sanctioned by theStates-General or by Congress, it had no validitywhatever. Quite naturally, however, the discoveryof such a document caused much irritation iEngland, and it furnished just the sort of excuse for going to war which the ministry wanted. To imposeupon the imagination of the common people,

Laurens was escorted through the streets of Londoy a regiment of soldiers, and shut up in the Tower,

where he was denied pen and paper, and no onewas allowed to enter his room. A demand was

made upon Holland to disavow the act of VanBerckel, and to inflict condign punishment upon hiand his accomplices, “as disturbers of the public

peace and violators of the rights of nations.” Imaking this demand, it was foreseen that the States-



General would disavow the act of Van Berckel, butwould nevertheless decline to regard him as a fitsubject for punishment. Great Britain declares war against Holland, Dec. 20, 1780 The message wassent to the British ambassador at the Hague on the3d of November. It was then known in England thatHolland contemplated joining the Northern league,

ut the decisive step had not yet been actually take

y the States-General. The ambassador wassecretly instructed by Lord Stormont not to presentthe demand for the disavowal and punishment oVan Berckel unless it should become absolutelycertain that Holland had joined the league. At their meeting in November, the States-General voted tooin the league, and the demand was accordingly

presented. Everything happened according to the programme. The States-General freely condemnedand disavowed the Amsterdam affair, and offeredto make reparation; but with regard to the

punishment of Van Berckel, they decided that aninquiry must first be made as to the precise nature

of his offence and the court most fit for trying him.England replied by a peremptory demand for theimmediate punishment of Van Berckel, and, withoutwaiting for an answer, proceeded to declare war against Holland on the 20th of December. Four



days before this, the swiftest ship that could befound was sent to Admiral Rodney, who was thenat Barbadoes, ordering him to seize upon St.Eustatius without a moment’s delay.

Catherine decides not to interfere Whatever other qualities may have been lacking in the Britisministry at this time, they certainly were notwanting in pluck. England had now to fight single-handed against four nations, three of which were,after herself, the chief naval powers of the world.According to the Malmesbury Diaries, “this boldconduct made a great and useful impression upo

the Empress” of Russia. It was partly with a viewto this moral effect that the ministry were so readyto declare war. It was just at this time that theywere proposing, by the offer of Minorca, to temptCatherine into an alliance with England; and theydid not wish to have her interpret their eagerness tosecure her aid as a confession of weakness or discouragement. By making war on Holland, theysought to show themselves as full of the spirit ofight as ever. To strengthen the impression, Harris

lustered and bragged. The Dutch, said he, “areungrateful, dirty, senseless boors, and, since theywill be ruined, must submit to their fate.” But in all



this the British government was sailing very near the wind. Prince Galitzin, the Russian ambassador at the Hague, correctly reported that the accessioof Holland to the Armed Neutrality was the realcause of the war, and that the Amsterdam affair wasonly a pretext. Upon this ground, the Dutcrequested armed assistance from Catherine, as chieof the league. The empress hesitated; she knew the

true state of the case as well as any one, but it wasopen to her to accept the British story or not, asmight seem best. Dispatches from Berlin announcedthat Frederick was very angry. When he first heardthe news, he exclaimed, “Well! since the Englishwant a war with the whole world, they shall haveit.” Catherine then sat down and wrote with her own hand a secret letter to Frederick, asking him ihe would join her in making war upon England. O

second thoughts, the King of Prussia concludedthere was no good reason for taking part in theaffair, and he advised Catherine also to keep her hands free. This decided the empress. She did not

care to make war upon England, except with sucoverwhelming force as to be sure of extorting someimportant concessions. She accordingly chose to

elieve the British story, and she refused to aid theDutch, on the ground that their quarrel with England



grew out of a matter with which the Armed Neutrality had nothing to do. At the same time, after dallying for a while with the offer of Minorca, sherefused that also, and decided to preserve to theend the impartial attitude which she had maintainedfrom the beginning.



TYPES OF BRITISH CARICATURE

Capture of St. Eustatius, Feb. 3, 1781Meanwhile, on the 3d of February, 1781, a

powerful fleet under Rodney, with the force o5,000 men which had been detached in November,1779, from Clinton’s army in New York, appeared

efore the island of St. Eustatius, and summoned itto surrender. The Dutch governor, ignorant of the

fact that war had begun, had only fifty-five soldierson the island. He had no choice but to surrender,and the place was given up without a blow. TheBritish had an especial spleen against this wealthy

little island, which had come to be the centre of aenormous trade between France and Holland andthe United States. Rodney called it a nest of thieves,and declared that “this rock, only six miles in lengtand three in breadth, had done England more har than all the arms of her most potent enemies, andalone supported the infamous American rebellion.”His colleague, General Vaughan, who commandedthe land force, regarded it as a feeder for the

American “colonies,” of which the summaryextinction would go far toward ending the war.With such feelings, they made up their minds to dotheir work thoroughly; and accordingly they



confiscated to the Crown not only all the publicstores, but all the private property of theinhabitants. Their orders were carried out witgreat brutality. The goods in the warehouses wereseized and laden upon ships, to be carried awayand sold at auction in the neighbouring islands.Every kind of private and personal property waslaid hold of, and the beggared inhabitants were

turned out of doors and ordered to quit the island.The total value of the booty amounted to more thatwenty million dollars. Shameful

roceedings Among the victims of this robberywere many British merchants, who were no better treated than the rest. Rodney tore up their remonstrance without reading it, and exclaimed,“This island is Dutch, and everything in it is Dutch,and as Dutch you shall all be treated.” The

proceedings were fitly crowned by an act otreachery. The Dutch flag was kept flying as adecoy, and in the course of the next seven weeksmore than fifty American ships, ignorant of the fate

of the island, were captured by the aid of this dirtystratagem.

The conduct of the government in declaring war against Holland was denounced by the Whigs as



criminal, and the true character of the shamefulaffair of St. Eustatius was shown up by Burke itwo powerful speeches. But the government cappedthe climax when it deliberately approved theconduct of Rodney, and praised him for it. Many othe British victims, however, brought their cases

efore the courts, and obtained judgments whiccondemned as illegal the seizure of private

property so far as they were concerned. On thecontinent of Europe, the outrage awakened generalindignation, as an infraction of the laws and usagesof civilized warfare, the like of which had not beeseen for many years; and it served to alienate froGreat Britain the little sympathy that remained for her.

To the historian who appreciates the glorious part which England has played in history, the proceedings here recorded are painful tocontemplate; and to no one should they be more

painful than to the American, whose forefathersclimbed with Wolfe the rugged bank of the St.Lawrence; or a century earlier, from their homes in



New England forests, heard with delight of Nasebyand Marston Moor; or back yet another hundredears, in Lincolnshire villages defied the tyranny o

Gardiner and Bonner; or at yet a more remote period did yeoman’s service in the army of gloriousEarl Simon, or stood, perhaps, beside greatEdward on the hallowed fields of Palestine. The

pride with which one recalls such memories as

these explains and justifies the sorrow and disgustwith which one contemplates the spectacle of atruculent George Germain, an unscrupulousStormont, or a frivolous North; or hears the dismalstories of Indian massacres, of defenceless villageslaid in ashes, of legalized robbery on the oceahighway, or of colossal buccaneering, such as thatwhich was witnessed at St. Eustatius. The earlier

part of the reign of George III. is that period o

English history of which an enlightened Englishmamust feel most ashamed, as an enlightenedFrenchman must feel ashamed of the reigns of LouisXIV. and the two Bonapartes. All these were

periods of wholesale political corruption, ooppression at home and unrighteous warfareabroad, and all invited swift retribution in theshape of diminished empire and temporarylowering of the national prestige. It was not until



after the downfall of the personal government oGeorge III. that England began to resume her natural

place in the foremost rank of liberal and progressive powers. Toward that happy result, therenewal and purification of English political life,the sturdy fight sustained by the Americans indefence of their liberties did much to contribute.The winning of independence by the Americans

was the winning of a higher political standpoint for England and for the world.



CHAPTER XIIIA YEAR OF DISASTERS

After the surrender of Burgoyne, the militaryattitude of the British in the northern states became,as we have seen, purely defensive. Their effortswere almost exclusively directed towardmaintaining their foothold, at first in the islands o

New York and Rhode Island, afterward in NewYork alone, whence their ships could ascend theHudson as far as the frowning crags which sentinel

the entrance of the Highlands. Their offensiveoperations were restricted to a few plunderinexpeditions along the coast, well calculated toremind the worthy Connecticut farmers of theubiquitousness of British power, and the vanity ohopes that might have been built upon theexpectation of naval aid from France. But while thewar thus languished at the centre, while at the sametime it sent forth waves of disturbance that

reverberated all the way from the Mississippi river to the Baltic sea, on the other hand the southernmostAmerican states were the scene of continuous and

igorous fighting. Upon the reduction of the



Carolinas and Georgia the king and Lord GeorgeGermain had set their hearts. If the rebellion couldnot be broken at the centre, it was hoped that itmight at least be frayed away at the edges; andshould fortune so far smile upon the royal armies asto give them Virginia also, perhaps the campaignsagainst the wearied North might be renewed atsome later time and under better auspices.

State of things in the Far South In this viewthere was much that was plausible. Events hadshown that the ministry had clearly erred in strikinthe rebellion at its strongest point; it now seemed

worth while to aim a blow where it was weakest.The people of New England were almostunanimous in their opposition to the king, and up tothis time the states of Massachusetts andConnecticut in particular had done more to sustaithe war than all the others put together. Georgia andthe Carolinas, a thousand miles distant, might beregarded as almost beyond the reach oreinforcements from New England; and it might be

doubted whether they possessed the ability todefend themselves against a well-planned attack.Georgia, the weakest of the thirteen states,

ordered upon the British territory of Florida. I



South Carolina the character of the population madeit difficult to organize resistance. The citizens oCharleston, and the rich planters of English or Huguenot descent inhabiting the lowlands, belongedmostly to the revolutionary party, but they wereoutnumbered by their negro slaves; and the peculiar features of slavery in South Carolina made this a

ery embarrassing circumstance. The relations

etween master and slave were not friendly there,as they were in Virginia; and while the state hadkept up a militia during the whole colonial period,this militia found plenty of employment i

patrolling the slave quarters, in searching for hidden weapons, and in hunting fugitives. It wasnow correctly surmised that on the approach of ainvading army the dread of negro insurrection, witall its nameless horrors, would paralyze the arm o

the state militia. While the patriotic SoutCarolinians were thus handicapped in entering upothe contest, there were in the white population manydiscordant elements. It was commonly said that the

Quakers and men of German ancestry took littleinterest in politics, and were only too ready tosubmit to any authority that would protect them itheir ordinary pursuits. A strong contrast to the

political apathy of these worthy men was to be



found in the rugged population of the uplandcounties. Here the small farmers of Scotch-Irisdescent were, every man of them, Whigs, burninwith a fanatical hatred of England; while, on theother hand, the Scotchmen who had come over since Culloden were mostly Tories, and had by nomeans as yet cast off that half-savage type oHighland character which we find so vividly

portrayed in the Waverley novels. It was notstrange that the firebrands of war, thrown amongsuch combustible material, should have flamedforth with a glare of unwonted cruelty; nor was itstrange that a commonwealth containing sucincongruous elements, so imperfectly blended,should have been speedily, though but for amoment, overcome. The fit ground for wonder isthat, in spite of such adverse circumstances, thestate of South Carolina should have shown as mucelastic strength as she did under the severestmilitary stress which any American state wascalled upon to withstand during the Revolutionary

War.



SEAL OF SOUTH CAROLINA (OBVERSE)



SEAL OF SOUTH CAROLINA (REVERSE)

Georgia overrun by the British Since the defeatof the British fleet before Charleston, in June 1776,the southern states had been left unmolested untilthe autumn of 1778, when there was more or lessfrontier skirmishing between Georgia and Florida,



—a slight premonitory symptom of the storm thatwas coming. The American forces in the southerndepartment were then commanded by GeneralRobert Howe, who was one of the mostdistinguished patriots of North Carolina, but whosemilitary capacity seems to have been slender. In theautumn of 1778 he had his headquarters atSavannah, for there was war on the frontier.

Guerrilla parties, made up chiefly of vindictiveloyalist refugees, but aided by a few Britisregulars from General Augustine Prevost’s force inFlorida, invaded the rice plantations of Georgia,

urning and murdering, and carrying off negroes,— not to set them free, but to sell them for their ow

enefit. As a counter-irritant, General Howe planned an expedition against St. Augustine, andadvanced as far as St. Mary’s river; but so many

men were swept away by fever that he was obligedto retreat to Savannah. He had scarcely arrivedthere when 3,500 British regulars from New York,under Colonel Campbell, landed in the

neighbourhood, and offered him battle. Though hisown force numbered only 1,200, of whom halwere militia, Howe accepted the challenge, relyinupon the protection of a great swamp whiccovered his flanks. But a path through the swamp



was pointed out to the enemy by a negro, and theAmericans, attacked in front and behind, wereinstantly routed. Some 500 prisoners were taken,and Savannah surrendered, with all its guns andstores; and this achievement cost the British but 24men. A few days afterward, General Prevostadvanced from Florida and captured Sunbury, withall its garrison, while Colonel Campbell captured

Augusta. A proclamation was issued, offering protection to such of the inhabitants as would takeup arms in behalf of the king’s government, whileall others were by implication outlawed. The uglytemper of Lord George Germain was plainly

isible in this proclamation and in the proceedingsthat followed. A shameless and promiscuous

plunder was begun. The captive soldiers were packed into prison-ships and treated with barbarity.The more timid people sought to save their property

y taking sides with the enemy, while the bolder spirits took refuge in the mountains; and thusGeneral Prevost was enabled to write home that the

state of Georgia was conquered. Arrival of General Lincoln At the request of the

southern delegates in Congress, General Howe hadalready been superseded by General Benjami



Lincoln, who had won distinction through hismanagement of the New England militia in theSaratoga campaign. When Lincoln arrived atCharleston, in December, 1778, an attempt wasmade to call out the lowland militia of SoutCarolina, but the dread of the slaves kept them froobeying the summons. North Carolina, however,sent 2,000 men under John Ashe, one of the most

eminent of the southern patriots; and with this forceand 600 Continentals the new general watched theSavannah river and waited his chances. But NortCarolina sent foes as well as friends to take part ithe contest. A party of 700 loyalists from that statewere marching across South Carolina to join theBritish garrison at Augusta, when they weresuddenly attacked by Colonel Andrew Pickens witha small force of upland militia. In a sharp fight the

Tories were routed, and half their number weretaken prisoners. Indictments for treason were

rought against many of these prisoners, and, after trial before a civil court, some seventy were found

guilty, and five of them were hanged. The rashnessof this step soon became apparent. Barbarousreprisals The British had put in command oAugusta one Colonel Thomas Browne, a Tory, whohad been tarred and feathered by his neighbours at



the beginning of the war. As soon as Browne heardof these executions for treason, he forthwith hangedsome of his Whig prisoners; and thus was begun along series of stupid and cruel reprisals, which, astime went on, bore bitter fruit.



Americans routed at Briar Creek, March 3, 1779While these things were going on in the baccountry, the British on the coast attempted tocapture Port Royal, but were defeated, with heavy



loss, by General Moultrie. Lincoln now felt able toassume the offensive, and he sent General Ashewith 1,500 men to threaten Augusta. At hisapproach the British abandoned the town, andretreated toward Savannah. Ashe pursued closely,

ut at Briar Creek, on the 3d of March, 1779, theBritish turned upon him and routed him. TheAmericans lost 400 in killed and wounded, besides

seven pieces of artillery and more than 1,000 standof arms. Less than 500 succeeded in making their way back to Lincoln’s camp; and this victory costthe British but five men killed and eleven wounded.Augusta was at once retaken; the royal governor,Sir James Wright, was reinstated in office; and, ingeneral, the machinery of government which had

een in operation previous to 1776 was restored.Lincoln, however, was far from accepting the

defeat as final. With the energetic coöperation oGovernor Rutledge, to whom extraordinary powerswere granted for the occasion, enough militia weregot together to repair the losses suffered at Briar

Creek; and in April, leaving Moultrie with 1,000men to guard the lower Savannah, Lincoln marchedupon Augusta with the rest of his army, hoping tocapture it, and give the legislature of Georgia achance to assemble there, and destroy the moral



effect of this apparent restoration of the royalgovernment. But as soon as Lincoln had got out othe way, General Prevost crossed the Savannahwith 3,000 men and advanced upon Charleston,laying waste the country and driving Moultrie

efore him. It was a moment of terror andconfusion. Provost’s vandalism In General Prevostthere was at last found a man after Lord George

Germain’s own heart. His march was a scene owanton vandalism. The houses of the wealthy

planters were mercilessly sacked; their treasures osilver plate were loaded on carts and carried off;their mirrors and china were smashed, their family

portraits cut to pieces, their gardens trampled out,their shade-trees girdled and ruined; and as Prevosthad a band of Cherokees with him, the horrors othe tomahawk and scalping-knife in some instancescrowned the shameful work. The cabins of theslaves were burned. Cattle, horses, dogs, and

poultry, when not carried away, were slaughteredwholesale, and the destruction of food was so great

that something like famine set in. More than athousand negroes are said to have died ostarvation.

Plan for arming negroes In such wise did



Prevost leisurely make his way toward Charleston;and reaching it on the 11th of May, he sent in asummons to surrender. A strangely interesting sceneensued. Events had occurred which had sorely

perturbed the minds of the members of the statecouncil. Pondering upon the best means of makinthe state militia available, Henry Laurens had hitupon the bold expedient of arming the most stalwart

and courageous negroes, and marching them off tocamp under the lead of white officers. Such a

policy might be expected to improve the relationsetween whites and blacks by uniting them against

a common danger, while the plantations would beto some extent relieved of an abiding source odread. The plan was warmly approved byLaurens’s son, who was an officer on Washington’sstaff, as well as by Alexander Hamilton, who

further suggested that the blacks thus enrolled asmilitia should at the same time be given their freedom. Washington, on the other hand, feared thatif the South Carolinians were to adopt such a policy

the British would forestall them by offering better arms and equipments to the negroes, and thusmuster them against their masters. It was a game, hefelt, at which two could play. The matter wasearnestly discussed, and at last was brought before



Congress, which approved of Laurens’s plan, andrecommended it to the consideration of the peopleof South Carolina; and it was just before the arrivalof Prevost and his army that the younger Laurensreached Charleston with this message froCongress.

Indignation in South Carolina The advice wasreceived in anything but a grateful spirit. For acentury the state had maintained an armed patrol togo about among the negro quarters and confiscateevery pistol, gun, or knife that could be found, andnow it was proposed that three or four thousand

slaves should actually be furnished with muskets bythe state! People were startled at the thought, andthere might well be a great diversity of opinion asto the feasibleness of so bold a measure at socritical a moment. To most persons it seemed likeumping out of the frying-pan into the fire. Coming,

too, at a moment when the state was in sucdesperate need of armed assistance from Congress,this advice was very irritating. The people

naturally could not make due allowance for thedifficulties under which Congress laboured, andtheir wrath waxed hot. South Carolina seemed to beleft in the lurch. Was it to join such a league as this



that she had cast off allegiance to Great Britain?She had joined in the Declaration of Independencereluctantly, and from an honourable feeling of thedesirableness of united action among the states. Othat momentous day, of which it was not yet clear whether the result was to be the salvation or theruin of America, her delegates had, with wisecourtesy, changed their vote in deference to the

opinions of the other states, in order that theAmerican people might behave as a unit in sosolemn a matter. Action of the council And now thatthe state was invaded, her people robbed andinsulted, and her chief city threatened, she was

irtually bidden to shift for herself! Under theinfluence of such feelings as these, after a hotdebate, the council, by a bare majority, decided tosend a flag of truce to General Prevost, and to

suggest that South Carolina should remain neutraluntil the end of the war, when it should be decided

y treaty whether she should cast in her lot witGreat Britain or with the United States. What might

have come of this singular suggestion had it beeseriously discussed we shall never know, for Prevost took no notice of it whatever. To neutralizeSouth Carolina would not accord with the Britis

plan which involved the conquest and occupation o



that state as a base from which to proceed to thesubjugation of its neighbours to the north. Prevostrefused to exchange question and answer with a

ranch of the rebel government of South Carolina,ut to Moultrie, as military commandant, he

announced that his only terms were unconditionalsurrender. We can imagine how the gallant heart of Moultrie must have sunk within him at what he

could not but call the dastardly action of thecouncil, and how it must have leaped with honestoy at the British general’s ultimatum. “Very good,”

said he simply; “we’ll fight it out, then.”



COUNT PULASKI

In citing this incident for its real historicinterest, we must avoid the error of making toomuch of it. At this moment of sudden peril,indignation at the fancied neglect of Congress was



oined to the natural unwillingness, on the part othe council, to incur the risk of giving up the

property of their fellow-citizens to the tender mercies of such a buccaneer as Prevost had showhimself to be. But there is no sufficient reason for supposing that, had the matter gone farther, thesuggestion of the council would have been adopted

y the legislature or acquiesced in by the people o

South Carolina. End of the campaign On this occasion the

danger vanished as suddenly as it came. CountPulaski, with his legion, arrived from the norther

army, and Lincoln, as soon as he learned what wasgoing on, retraced his steps, and presently attackedGeneral Prevost. After an indecisive skirmish, thelatter, judging his force inadequate for the work hehad undertaken, retreated into Georgia, and nothinmore was done till autumn. The military honours othe campaign, however, remained with the British;for by his march upon Charleston Prevost had

prevented Lincoln from disturbing the Britis

supremacy in Georgia, and besides this he hadgained a foothold in South Carolina; when heretreated he left a garrison in Beaufort whicLincoln was unable to dislodge.



Attempt to recapture Savannah The Frencalliance, which thus far had been of so little directmilitary value, now appears again upon the scene.During the year which had elapsed since the futileRhode Island campaign, the French fleet had bee

usy in the West Indies. Honours were easy, on the

whole, between the two great maritime antagonists,ut the French had so far the advantage that i

August, 1779, Estaing was able once more to givesome attention to his American friends. On the firstday of September he appeared off the coast oGeorgia with a powerful fleet of twenty-two ships-of-the-line and eleven frigates. Great hopes werenow conceived by the Americans, and a plan waslaid for the recapture of Savannah. By the 23d o



the month the place was invested by the combinedforces of Lincoln and Estaing, and for three weeksthe siege was vigorously carried on by a regular system of approaches, while the works werediligently bombarded by the fleet. At length Estainggrew impatient. There was not sufficientharbourage for his great ships, and the captainsfeared that they might be overtaken by the

dangerous autumnal gales for which that coast isnoted. To reduce the town by a regular siege would

perhaps take several weeks more, and it wasaccordingly thought best to try to carry it by storm.On the 9th of October a terrific assault was made ifull force. Some of the outworks were carried, andfor a moment the stars and stripes and the fleurs-de-lis were planted on the redoubts; but Britisendurance and the strength of the position at last

prevailed. The assailants were totally defeated,losing more than 1,000 men, while the British, itheir sheltered position, lost but 55. The gallantPulaski was among the slain, and Estaing received

two severe wounds. The French, who had borne therunt of the fight, now embarked and stood out tosea, but not in time to escape the October galewhich they had been dreading. After weatheringwith difficulty a terrible storm, their fleet was



divided; and while part returned to the West Indies,Estaing himself, with the remainder, crossed toFrance. Thus the second attempt at concerted actio

etween French and Americans had met with evenmore lamentable failure than the first.

Sir Henry Clinton and Lord Cornwallis go toGeorgia While these things were going on,Washington had hoped, and Clinton had feared, thatEstaing might presently reach New York in suchforce as to turn the scale there against the British.As soon as he learned that the French fleet was outof the way, Sir Henry Clinton proceeded to carry

out a plan which he had long had in contemplation.A year had now elapsed since the beginning oactive operations in the south, and, although theBritish arms had been crowned with success, it wasdesirable to strike a still heavier blow. The captureof the chief southern city was not only the next stepin the plan of the campaign, but it was an object oespecial desire to Sir Henry Clinton personally, for he had not forgotten the humiliating defeat at Fort

Moultrie in 1776. He accordingly made things assnug as possible at the north, by finallywithdrawing the garrisons from Rhode Island andthe advanced posts on the Hudson. In this way,



while leaving Knyphausen with a strong force icommand of New York, he was enabled to embark 8,000 men on transports, under convoy of fiveships-of-the-line; and on the day after Christmas,1779, he set sail for Savannah, taking LordCornwallis with him.

The voyage was a rough one. Some of thetransports foundered, and some were captured byAmerican privateers. Yet when Clinton arrived inGeorgia, and united his forces to those of Prevost,the total amounted to more than 10,000 men. He

entured, however, to weaken the garrison of New

York still more, and sent back at once for 3,000men under command of the young Lord Rawdon, othe famous family of Hastings,—better known iafter-years as Earl of Moira and Marquis oHastings, and destined, like Cornwallis, to servewith great distinction as governor-general of India.The event fully justified Clinton’s sagacity in takingthis step. New York was quite safe for the present;for so urgent was the need for troops in Sout

Carolina, and so great the difficulty of raising them,that Washington was obliged to detach from hisarmy all the Virginia and North Carolina troops,and sent them down to aid General Lincoln. With



his army thus weakened, it was out of the questiofor Washington to attack New York.



The British advance upon Charleston Lincoln,on the other hand, after his reinforcements arrived,had an army of 7,000 men with which to defend thethreatened state of South Carolina. It was ainadequate force, and its commander, a thoroughly

rave and estimable man, was far from possessinthe rare sagacity which Washington displayed i

affling the schemes of the enemy. The government

of South Carolina deemed the preservation oCharleston to be of the first importance, just as, i1776, Congress had insisted upon the importance okeeping the city of New York. But we have seenhow Washington, in that trying time, though hecould not keep the city, never allowed himself toget his army into a position from which he could notwithdraw it, and at last, through his sleepless

igilance, won all the honours of the campaign. Ithe defence of Charleston no such high sagacity wasshown. Clinton advanced slowly overland, until othe 26th of February, 1780, he came in sight of thetown. It had by that time become so apparent that

his overwhelming superiority of force wouldenable him to encompass it on every side, thatLincoln should have evacuated the place without amoment’s delay; and such was Washington’sopinion as soon as he learned the facts. The loss o



Charleston, however serious a blow, could in nocase be so disastrous as the loss of the army. ButLincoln went on strengthening the fortifications, andgathering into the trap all the men and all themilitary resources he could find. For some weeksthe connections with the country north of theCooper river were kept open by two regiments ocavalry; but on the 14th of April these regiments

were cut to pieces by Colonel Banastre Tarleton,the cavalry commander, who now first appeared onthe scene upon which he was soon to become sofamous. Five days later, the reinforcement under

Lord Rawdon, arriving from New York, completedthe investment of the doomed city. The shipsentering the harbour did not attempt to batter dowFort Moultrie, but ran past it; and on the 6th of Maythis fortress, menaced by troops in the rear,surrendered.

Surrender of Charleston, May 12, 1780 TheBritish army now held Charleston engirdled with acordon of works on every side, and were ready to

egin an assault which, with the disparity of forcesin the case, could have but one possible issue. Othe 12th of May, to avoid a wanton waste of life,the city was surrendered, and Lincoln and his



whole army became prisoners of war. TheContinental troops, some 3,000 in number, were to

e held as prisoners till regularly exchanged. Themilitia were allowed to return home on parole, andall the male citizens were reckoned as militia, and

paroled likewise. The victorious Clinton at oncesent expeditions to take possession of Camden andother strategic points in the interior of the state. One

regiment of the Virginia line, under Colonel Buford,had not reached Charleston, and on hearing of thegreat catastrophe it retreated northward with all

possible speed. But Tarleton gave chase as far asWaxhaws, near the North Carolina border, andthere, overtaking Buford, cut his force to pieces,slaying 113 and capturing the rest. Not a vestige oan American army was left in all South Carolina.



A VIEW OF CHARLESTON BEFORE THEREVOLUTION

South Carolina overrun by the British “We look on America as at our feet,” said Horace Walpole;and doubtless, after the capture of Fort Washington,this capture of Lincoln’s army at Charleston wasthe most considerable disaster which befell theAmerican arms during the whole course of the war.It was of less critical importance than the affair oFort Washington, as it occurred at what every onemust admit to have been a less critical moment. The



loss of Fort Washington, taken in connection withthe misconduct of Charles Lee, came within ahair’s-breadth of wrecking the cause of Americanindependence at the outset; and it put matters into so

ad a shape that nothing short of Washington’sgenius could have wrought victory out of them. Theloss of South Carolina, in May, 1780, serious as itwas, did not so obviously imperil the whole

American cause. The blow did not come at quite socritical a time, or in quite so critical a place. Theloss of South Carolina would not havedismembered the confederacy of states, and icourse of time, with the American cause elsewheresuccessful, she might have been recovered. The

low was nevertheless very serious indeed, and, iall the consequences which Clinton contemplatedhad been achieved, it might have proved fatal. To

crush a limb may sometimes be as dangerous as tostab the heart. For its temporary completeness, theoverthrow may well have seemed greater than thatof Fort Washington. The detachments which Clinton

sent into the interior met with no resistance. Manyof the inhabitants took the oath of allegiance to theCrown; others gave their parole not to serve againstthe British during the remainder of the war. Clintonissued a circular, inviting all well-disposed people



to assemble and organize a loyal militia for the purpose of suppressing any future attempts atrebellion. All who should again venture to take uparms against the king were to be dealt with astraitors, and their estates were to be confiscated;

ut to all who should now return to their allegiancea free pardon was offered for past offences, exceptin the case of such people as had taken part in the

hanging of Tories. Having struck this great blow,Sir Henry Clinton returned, in June, to New York,taking back with him the larger part of his force, butleaving Cornwallis with 5,000 men to maintain andextend the conquests already made.



MILES BREWTON HOUSE IN CHARLESTON An injudicious proclamation Just before

starting, however, Sir Henry, in a too hopefulmoment, issued another proclamation, which went

far toward destroying the effect of his previousmeasures. This new proclamation required all the people of South Carolina to take an active part ireëstablishing the royal government, under penalty



of being dealt with as rebels and traitors. At thesame time, all paroles were discharged except ithe case of prisoners captured in ordinary warfare,and thus everybody was compelled to declarehimself as favourable or hostile to the cause of theinvaders. The British commander could hardly havetaken a more injudicious step. Under the first

proclamation, many of the people were led to

comply with the British demands because theywished to avoid fighting altogether; under thesecond, a neutral attitude became impossible, andthese lovers of peace and quiet, when they foundthemselves constrained to take an active part on oneside or the other, naturally preferred to help their friends rather than their enemies. Thus the countrysoon showed itself restless under British rule, andthis feeling was strengthened by the cruelties

which, after Clinton’s departure, Cornwallis foundhimself quite unable to prevent. Officers endowedwith civil and military powers combined were sentabout the country in all directions, to make full lists

of the inhabitants for the purpose of enrolling aloyalist militia. In the course of these unwelcomecircuits many affrays occurred, and instances werenot rare in which people were murdered in cold

lood. Disorders in South Carolina Debtors too



occasion to accuse their creditors of want oloyalty, and the creditor was obliged to take theoath of allegiance before he could collect his dues.Many estates were confiscated, and the houses osuch patriots as had sought refuge in the mountainswere burned. Bands of armed men, whose aim wasrevenge or plunder, volunteered their services in

preserving order, and, getting commissions, went

about making disorder more hideous, and wreakintheir evil will without let or hindrance. Theloyalists, indeed, asserted that they behaved noworse than the Whigs when the latter got the upper hand, and in this there was much truth. Cornwallis,who was the most conscientious of men and verycareful in his statements of fact, speaks, somewhatlater, of “the shocking tortures and inhumanmurders which are every day committed by theenemy, not only on those who have taken part withus, but on many who refuse to join them.” There ca

e no doubt that Whigs and Tories were alike guiltyof cruelty and injustice. But on the present occasio

all this disorder served to throw discredit on theBritish, as the party which controlled the country,and must be held responsible accordingly.

The strategic points Organized resistance was



impossible. The chief strategic points on the coastwere Charleston, Beaufort, and Savannah; in theinterior, Augusta was the gateway of Georgia, andthe communications between this point and the wildmountains of North Carolina were dominated by a

illage known as “Ninety-Six,” because it was justthat number of miles distant from Keowee, the

principal town of the Cherokees. Eighty miles to the

northeast of Ninety-Six lay the still more important post of Camden, in which centred all the principalinland roads by which South Carolina could bereached from the north. All these strategic pointswere held in force by the British, and save by helpfrom without there seemed to be no hope oreleasing the state from their iron grasp. Partisancommanders Among the patriotic Whigs, however,there were still some stout hearts that did not

despair. Retiring to the dense woods, the tangledswamps, or the steep mountain defiles, thesesagacious and resolute men kept up a romantic

partisan warfare, full of midnight marches, sudde

surprises, and desperate hand-to-hand combats.Foremost among these partisan commanders, for enterprise and skill, were James Williams, AndrewPickens, Thomas Sumter, and Francis Marion.



FRANCISMARION

Francis Marion Of allthe picturesquecharacters oour Revolutionary

period, thereis perhaps noone who, ithe memory othe people, isso closely

associated with romantic adventure as FrancisMarion. He belonged to that gallant race of men owhose services France had been forever deprived

when Louis XIV. revoked the edict of Nantes. Hisfather had been a planter near Georgetown, on thecoast, and the son, while following the sameoccupation, had been called off to the wester frontier by the Cherokee war of 1759, in the courseof which he had made himself an adept iwoodland strategy. He was now forty-seven yearsold, a man of few words and modest demeanour,small in stature and slight in frame, delicately



organized, but endowed with wonderful nervousenergy and sleepless intelligence. Like a woman iquickness of sympathy, he was a knight in courtesy,truthfulness, and courage. The brightness of hisfame was never sullied by an act of cruelty. “Never shall a house be burned by one of my people,” saidhe; “to distress poor women and children is what Idetest.” To distress the enemy in legitimate warfare

was, on the other hand, a business in which few partisan commanders have excelled him. For swiftness and secrecy he was unequalled, and the

oldness of his exploits seemed almost incredible,when compared with the meagreness of hisresources. His force sometimes consisted of lessthan twenty men, and seldom exceeded seventy. Toarm them, he wasobliged to take the

saws fromsawmills and havethem wrought intorude swords at the

country forge, while pewter mugs and spoons werecast into bullets. With such equipment he wouldattack and overwhelm parties of more than twohundred Tories; or he would even swoop upon acolumn of British regulars on their march, throw



them into disorder, set free their prisoners, slay anddisarm a score or two, and plunge out of sight in thedarkling forest as swiftly and mysteriously as hehad come.



Thomas Sumter Second to Marion alone i



this wild warfare was Thomas Sumter, a tall and powerful man, stern in countenance and haughty idemeanour. Born in Virginia in 1734, he was

present at Braddock’s defeat in 1755, and after prolonged military service on the frontier found hisway to South Carolina before the beginning of theRevolutionary War. He lived nearly a hundredears; sat in the Senate of the United States durin

the War of 1812, served as minister to Brazil, andwitnessed the nullification acts of his adopted stateunder the stormy presidency of Jackson. During thesummer of 1780, he kept up so brisk a guerrillawarfare in the upland regions north of Ninety-Sithat Cornwallis called him “the greatest plague ithe country.” “But for Sumter and Marion,” said theBritish commander, “South Carolina would be at

peace.” The first advantage of any sort gained over

the enemy since Clinton’s landing was thedestruction of a company of dragoons by Sumter, onthe 12th of July. Three weeks later, he made adesperate attack on the British at Rocky Mount, but

was repulsed. First appearance of Andrew Jackson On the 6th of August, he surprised theenemy’s post at Hanging Rock, and destroyed awhole regiment. It was on this occasion thatAndrew Jackson made his first appearance i



history, an orphan boy of thirteen, staunch in thefight as any of his comrades.

But South Carolina was too important to be left

dependent upon the skill and bravery of its partisacommanders alone. Already, before the fall of Charleston, it had been felt that further reinforcements were needed there, and Washingtonhad sent down some 2,000 Maryland and Delawaretroops under Baron Kalb, an excellent officer. Advance of Kalb It was a long march, and the 20tof June had arrived when Kalb halted atHillsborough, in North Carolina, to rest his me

and seek the coöperation of General Caswell, whocommanded the militia of that state. By this time thenews of the capture of Lincoln’s army had reachedthe north, and the emergency was felt to be adesperate one. Fresh calls for militia were madeupon all the states south of Pennsylvania. Thatresources obtained with such difficulty should not

e wasted, it was above all desirable that acompetent general should be chosen to succeed the

unfortunate Lincoln. The opinions of thecommander-in-chief with reference to this matter were well known. Washington wished to haveGreene appointed, as the ablest general in the army.



But the glamour which enveloped the circumstancesof the great victory at Saratoga was not yetdispelled. Since the downfall of the Conway cabal,Gates had never recovered the extraordinary placewhich he had held in public esteem at the beginninof 1778, but there were few as yet who seriouslyquestioned the reputation he had so lightly won for generalship. Many people now called for Gates,

who had for the moment retired from active serviceand was living on his plantation in Virginia, and thesuggestion found favour with Congress. Gatesappointed to the chief command in the South On the13th of June Gates was appointed to the chiecommand of the southern department, and eagerlyaccepted the position. The good wishes of the

people went with him. Richard Peters, secretary othe Board of War, wrote him a very cordial letter,

saying, “Our affairs to the southward look blue: sothey did when you took command before the

urgoynade . I can only now say, Go and dolikewise —God bless you.” Charles Lee, who was

then living in disgrace on his Virginia estate, sent aery different sort of greeting. Lee and Gates hadalways been friends,—linked together, perhaps, by

pettiness of spirit and a common hatred for thecommander-in-chief, whose virtues were a



perpetual rebuke to them. But the cynical Lee knewhis friend too well to share in the prevailindelusion as to his military capacity, and he badehim good-by with the ominous warning, “Take carethat your northern laurels do not change to souther willows!”



Choice of roads to Camden With this word oill omen, which doubtless he little heeded, the“hero of Saratoga” made his way to Hillsborough,



where he arrived on the 19th of July, and relievedKalb of the burden of anxiety that had been thrustupon him. Gates found things in a most deplorablestate: lack of arms, lack of tents, lack of food, lacof medicines, and, above all, lack of money. Theall-pervading neediness which in those days besetthe American people, through their want of aefficient government, was never more thoroughly

exemplified. It required a very different man froGates to mend matters. Want of judgment and wantof decision were faults which he had not outgrown,and all his movements were marked by weaknessand rashness. He was adventurous where cautiowas needed, and timid when he should have bee

old. The objective point of his campaign was thetown of Camden. Once in possession of thisimportant point, he could force the British fro

their other inland positions and throw them upon thedefensive at Charleston. It was not likely that sogreat an object would be attained without a battle,

ut there was a choice of ways by which the

strategic point might be approached. Two roads ledfrom Hillsborough to Camden. The westerly route passed through Salisbury and Charlotte, in a lonarc of a circle, coming down upon Camden from thenorthwest. The country through which it passed was



fertile, and the inhabitants were mostly Scotch-IrisWhigs. By following this road, the danger of asudden attack by the enemy would be slight,wholesome food would be obtained in abundance,and in case of defeat it afforded a safe line oretreat. The easterly route formed the chord of thislong arc, passing from Hillsborough to Camdealmost in a straight line 160 miles in length. It was

50 miles shorter than the other route, but it laythrough a desolate region of pine barrens, wherefarmhouses and cultivated fields were very few andfar between, and owned by Tories. This line of march was subject to flank attacks, it would yieldno food for the army, and a retreat through it, on themorrow of an unsuccessful battle, would simplymean destruction. The only advantage of this routewas its directness. The British forces were more or less scattered about the country. Lord Rawdon heldCamden with a comparatively small force, andGates was anxious to attack and overwhelm hi

efore Cornwallis could come up from Charleston.

Gates chooses the wrong road Gatesaccordingly chose the shorter route, with all itsdisadvantages, in spite of the warnings of Kalb andother officers, and on the 27th of July he put his



army in motion. On the 3d of August, having enteredSouth Carolina and crossed the Pedee river, he wasoined by Colonel Porterfield with a small force o

Virginia regulars, which had been hovering on theorder since the fall of Charleston. On the 7th he

effected a junction with General Caswell and his North Carolina militia, and on the 10th his army,thus reinforced, reached Little Lynch’s Creek, about

fifteen miles northeast of Camden, and confrontedthe greatly inferior force of Lord Rawdon. The twoweeks’ march had been accomplished at the rate of about eleven miles a day, with no end of fatigue andsuffering. Distress of the troops The few lean kineslaughtered by the roadside had proved quiteinsufficient to feed the army, and for want of any

etter diet the half-starved men had eateoraciously of unripe corn, green apples, and

peaches. All were enfeebled, and many were dyingof dysentery and cholera morbus, so that theAmerican camp presented a truly distressing scene.

Gates loses the moment for striking Rawdon’s

force stood across the road, blocking the way toCamden, and the chance was offered for Gates tostrike the sudden blow for the sake of which he hadchosen to come by this bad road. There was still,



however, a choice of methods. The two roads,converging toward their point of intersection atCamden, were now very near together. Gates mighteither cross the creek in front, and trust to hissuperior numbers to overwhelm the enemy, or, by aforced march of ten miles to the right, he might tur Rawdon’s flank and gain Camden before him. Agood general would have done either the one o

these things or the other, and Kalb recommendedthe immediate attack. But now at the suprememoment Gates was as irresolute as he had beeimpatient when 160 miles away. He let theopportunity slip, waited two days where he was,and on the 13th marched slowly to the right andtook up his position at Clermont, on the westerlyroad; thus abandoning the whole purpose for thesake of which he had refused to advance by that

road in the first place. On the 14th he was joined byGeneral Stevens with 700 Virginia militia; but onthe same day Lord Cornwallis reached Camdewith his regulars, and the golden moment for

crushing the British in detachments was goneforever.

The American army now numbered 3,052 men,of whom 1,400 were regulars, chiefly of the



STATUE OF KALB AT ANNAPOLIS

Maryland line.The rest weremostly rawmilitia. Theunited forceunder Cornwallisamounted to

only 2,000men, but theywere allthoroughlytrainedsoldiers. Itwas rash for the Americansto hazard a

attack under suchcircumstances,especially i

their forlor condition, faint as they were with hunger andillness, and many of them hardly fit to march or takethe field. and weakens his army on the eve obattle But, strange as it may seem, a day and a night



passed by, and Gates had not yet learned thatCornwallis had arrived, but still supposed he hadonly Rawdon to deal with. It was no time for him todetach troops on distant expeditions, but on the 14the sent 400 of his best Maryland regulars on a lonmarch southward, to coöperate with Sumter icutting off the enemy’s supplies on the road

etween Charleston and Camden. At ten o’clock on

the night of the 15th, Gates moved his army dowthe road from Clermont to Camden, intending tosurprise Lord Rawdon before daybreak. Thedistance was ten miles through the woods, by arough road, hemmed in on either side, now by hills,and now by impassable swamps. At the very samehour, Cornwallis started up the road, with thesimilar purpose of surprising General Gates. Alittle before three in the morning, the British andAmerican advance guards of light infantryencountered each other on the road, five miles nortof Camden, and a brisk skirmish ensued, in whicthe Americans were routed and the gallant Colonel

Porterfield was slain. Both armies, however,having failed in their scheme of surprising eacother, lay on their arms and waited for daylight.Some prisoners who fell into the hands of theAmericans now brought the news that the army



opposed to them was commanded by Cornwallishimself, and they overstated its numbers at 3,000men. and is surprised by Cornwallis The astonishedGates called together his officers, and asked whatwas to be done. No one spoke for a few moments,until General Stevens exclaimed, “Well, gentlemen,is it not too late now to do anything but fight?”Kalb’s opinion was in favour of retreating to

Clermont and taking a strong position there; but hisadvice had so often passed unheeded that he nolonger urged it, and it was decided to open the

attle by an attack on the British right.

Battle of Camden, Aug. 16, 1780 The rising su presently showed the two armies close together.Huge swamps, at a short distance from the road, oeither side, covered both flanks of both armies. Othe west side of the road the British left wascommanded by Lord Rawdon, on the east side their right was led by Colonel James Webster, whileTarleton and his cavalry hovered a little in the rear.The American right wing, opposed to Rawdon, wascommanded by Kalb, and consisted of theDelaware regiment and the second Maryland

rigade in front, supported by the first Marylandrigade at some distance in the rear. The American



KALB’S SWORD WORN AT CAMDEN

left wing,opposed toWebster,consisted othe militiafromVirginia and

North

Carolina,under GeneralsStevens andCaswell.Such aarrangementof troopsinvited

disaster. The battle was to begin witan attack o

the Britisright, aattack upo

disciplined soldiers; and the lead in this attack wasentrusted to raw militia who had hardly ever bee



under fire, and did not even understand the use othe bayonet! This work should have been given tothose splendid Maryland troops that had gone tohelp Sumter. The militia, skilled in woodcraft,should have been sent on that expedition, and theregulars should have been retained for the battle.The militia did not even know how to advance

properly, but became tangled up; and while they

were straightening their lines, Colonel Webster came down upon them in a furious charge. Theshock of the British column was resistless. TheVirginia militia threw down their guns and fledwithout firing a shot. The North Carolina militiadid likewise, and within fifteen minutes the wholeAmerican left became a mob of struggling men,smitten with mortal panic, and huddling like sheepin their wild flight, while Tarleton’s cavalry gavechase and cut them down by scores. LeavinTarleton to deal with them, Webster turned upon thefirst Maryland brigade, and slowly pushed it off thefield, after an obstinate resistance. The second

Maryland brigade, on the other hand, after twicerepelling the assault of Lord Rawdon, brokethrough his left with a spirited bayonet charge, andremained victorious upon that part of the field, untilthe rest of the fight was ended; when being attacked



in flank by Webster, these stalwart troops retreatedwesterly by a narrow road between swamp andhillside, and made their escape in good order. Longafter the battle was lost in every other quarter, thegigantic form of Kalb, unhorsed and fighting ofoot, was seen directing the movements of his braveMaryland and Delaware troops, till he fell dyinfrom eleven wounds, Gates, caught in the throng o

fugitives at the beginning of the action, was bornein headlong flight as far as Clermont, where, takina fresh horse, he made the distance of nearly twohundred miles to Hillsborough in less than four

days. The laurels of Saratoga had indeed changedinto willows. Total and ignominious defeat oGates It was the most disastrous defeat ever inflicted upon an American army, and ignominiouswithal, since it was incurred through a series of thegrossest blunders. The Maryland troops lost haltheir number, the Delaware regiment was almostentirely destroyed, and all the rest of the army wasdispersed. The number of killed and wounded has

never been fully ascertained, but it can hardly haveeen less than 1,000, while more than 1,000 prisoners were taken, with seven pieces of artilleryand 2,000 muskets. The British loss in killed and



wounded was 324.

His campaign was a series of blunders Thereputation of General Gates never recovered fro

this sudden overthrow, and his swift flight toHillsborough was made the theme of unsparinridicule. Yet, if duly considered, that was the one

part of his conduct for which he cannot fairly belamed. The best of generals may be caught in a

rush of panic-stricken fugitives and hurried off theattlefield: the flight of Frederick the Great at

Mollwitz was even more ignominious than that oGates at Camden. When once, moreover, the full

extent of the disaster had become apparent, it wascertainly desirable that Gates should reacHillsborough as soon as possible, since it was the

point from which the state organization of NortCarolina was controlled, and accordingly the pointat which a new army might soonest be collected.Gates’s flight was a singularly dramatic andappropriate end to his silly career, but our censureshould be directed to the wretched generalship by

which the catastrophe was prepared: to the wronchoice of roads, the fatal hesitation at the criticalmoment, the weakening of the army on the eve o

attle; and, above all, to the rashness in fighting at



all after the true state of affairs had become known.The campaign was an epitome of the kind of errorswhich Washington always avoided; and itadmirably illustrated the inanity of John Adams’stoast, “A short and violent war,” against an enemyof superior strength.

Partisan operations If the 400 Marylandregulars who had been sent to help General Sumter had remained with the main army and beeentrusted with the assault on the British right, theresult of this battle would doubtless have been verydifferent. It might not have been a victory, but it

surely would not have been a rout. On the dayefore the battle, Sumter had attacked the Britis

supply train on its way from Charleston, andcaptured all the stores, with more than 100

prisoners. But the defeat at Camden deprived thisexploit of its value. Sumter retreated up theWateree river to Fishing creek, but on the 18thTarleton for once caught him napping, and routedhim; taking 300 prisoners, setting free the captured

British, and recovering all the booty. The same daywitnessed an American success in another quarter.At Musgrove’s Mills, in the western part of thestate, Colonel James Williams defeated a force o



500 British and Tories, killing and wounding nearlyone third of their number. Two days later, Marion

performed one of his characteristic exploits. Adetachment of the British army was approachin

Nelson’s Ferry, where the Santee river crosses theroad from Camden to Charleston, when Marion,with a handful of men, suddenly darting upon thesetroops, captured 26 of their number, set free 150

Maryland prisoners whom they were taking dowto the coast, and got away without losing a man.

Such deeds showed that the life of SoutCarolina was not quite extinct, but they could not go

far toward relieving the gloom which overspreadthe country after the defeat of Camden. For asecond time within three months the American armyin the south had been swept out of existence. Gatescould barely get together 1,000 men atHillsborough, and Washington could not well spareany more from his already depleted force. Tomuster and train a fresh army of regulars would beslow and difficult work, and it was as certain as

anything could be that Cornwallis wouldimmediately proceed to attempt the conquest o

North Carolina.



Weariness and depression of the people Never was the adage that the darkest time comes just

efore day more aptly illustrated than in the generalaspect of American affairs during the summer andfall of 1780. The popular feeling had not so mucthe character of panic as in those “times which tried

men’s souls,” when the broad Delaware river screened Washington’s fast dwindling army fromdestruction. It was not now a feeling of quick alar so much as of utter weariness and depression. Morethan four years had passed since the Declaration oIndependence, and although the enemy had as yetgained no firm foothold in the northern states exceptin the city of New York, it still seemed impossibleto dislodge them from that point, while Cornwallis,

flushed with victory, boasted that he would soonconquer all the country south of the Susquehanna.For the moment it began to look as if Lord GeorgeGermain’s policy of tiring the Americans out might

prove successful, after all. The country was stillwithout anything fit to be called a generalgovernment. After three years’ discussion, theArticles of Confederation, establishing a “league ofriendship” between the thirteen states, had not yet



een adopted. The Continental Congress hadcontinued to decline in reputation and capacity.From this state of things, rather than from any real

poverty of the country, there had ensued a generaladministrative paralysis, which went on increasineven after the war was ended, until it was broughtto a close by the adoption of the FederalConstitution. It was not because the thirteen states

were lacking in material resources or in patriotisthat the conduct of the war languished as it did. Theresources were sufficient, had there been any meansof concentrating and utilizing them. The relations othe states to each other were not defined; and whilethere were thirteen powers which could plan andcriticise, there was no single power which couldact efficiently. Hence the energies of the peoplewere frittered away.

Evils wrought by the paper currency Thedisease was most plainly visible in those moneymatters which form the basis of all human activity.The Scondition of American finance in 1780 was

simply horrible. The “greenback” delusio possessed people’s minds even more strongly thenthan in the days following our Civil War. PelatiahWebster, the ablest political economist in America



at that time, a thinker far in advance of his age, wasalmost alone in insisting upon taxation. The popular feeling was expressed by a delegate in Congresswho asked, with unspeakable scorn, why he should

ote to tax the people, when a Philadelphia printing-press could turn out money by the

ushel. [31] But indeed, without an amendment,Congress had no power to lay any tax, save throug

requisitions upon the state governments. Thereseemed to be no alternative but to go on issuing thismoney, which many people glorified as the “safest

possible currency,” because “nobody could take it

out of the country.” As Webster truly said, thecountry had suffered more from this cause than frothe arms of the enemy. “The people of the states atthat time,” said he, “had been worried and fretted,disappointed and put out of humour, by so manytender acts, limitations of prices, and other compulsory methods to force value into paper money, and compel the circulation of it, and by somany vain funding schemes and declarations and

promises, all which issued from Congress, but diedunder the most zealous efforts to put them intooperation, that their patience was exhausted. Theseirritations and disappointments had so destroyed



the courage and confidence of the people that theyappeared heartless and almost stupid when their attention was called to any new proposal.” Durinthe summer of 1780 this wretched “Continental”currency fell into contempt. As Washington said, ittook a wagon-load of money to buy a wagon-loadof provisions. At the end of the year 1778, the

paper dollar was worth sixteen cents in the norther

states and twelve cents in the south. Early in 1780its value had fallen to two cents, and before the endof the year it took ten paper dollars to make a cent.In October, Indian corn sold wholesale in Bostonfor $150 a bushel, butter was $12 a pound, tea $90,sugar $10, beef $8, coffee $12, and a barrel of flour cost $1,575. Samuel Adams paid $2,000 for a hatand suit of clothes. The money soon ceased tocirculate, debts could not be collected, and there

was a general prostration of credit. “Not worth aContinental” To say that a thing was “not worth aContinental” became the strongest possibleexpression of contempt. A barber in Philadelphia

papered his shop with bills, and a dog was led upand down the streets, smeared with tar, with thisunhappy “money” sticking all over him,—a sorrysubstitute for the golden-fleeced sheep of the old

Norse legend. Save for the scanty pittance of gold



which came in from the French alliance, from thelittle foreign commerce that was left, and frotrade with the British army itself, the country waswithout any circulating medium. In making itsrequisitions upon the states, Congress resorted to ameasure which reminds one of the barbaric ages o

arter. Instead of asking for money, it requested thestates to send in their “specific supplies” of bee

and pork, flour and rice, salt and hay, tobacco andrum. The finances of what was so soon to becomeone of the richest of nations were thus managed othe principle whereby the meagre salaries ocountry clergymen in New England used to be ekedout. It might have been called a continental systeof “donation parties.”



VIRGINIA COLONIAL CURRENCY

Difficulty of keeping the army together Under these circumstances, it became almost impossibleto feed and clothe the army. The commissaries,without either money or credit, could do but little;and Washington, sorely against his will, was

obliged to levy contributions on the countrysurrounding his camp. It was done as gently as possible. The county magistrates were called on for a specified quantity of flour and meat; the supplies



rought in were duly appraised, and certificateswere given in exchange for them by thecommissaries. Such certificates were received attheir nominal value in payment of taxes. But thismeasure, which simply introduced a new kind o

paper money, served only to add to the generalconfusion. These difficulties, enhanced by thefeeling that the war was dragged out to a

interminable length, made it impossible to keep thearmy properly recruited. When four months’ pay of

a privatesoldier would not

buy asingle

bushel owheat for

his family,and whehe couldnot collect

even this pittance,while most

of the time he went barefoot and half-famished, itwas not strange that he should sometimes feel



mutinous. The desertions to the British lines at thistime averaged more than a hundred a month.Ternay, the French admiral, wrote to Vergennes thatthe fate of North America was as yet veryuncertain, and the Revolution by no means so far advanced as people in Europe supposed. Theaccumulated evils of the time had greatly increasedthe number of persons who, to save the remnant o

their fortunes, were ready to see peace purchased atany price. In August, before he had heard of thedisaster at Camden, Washington wrote to PresidentHuntington, reminding him that the term of serviceof half the army would expire at the end of the year.“The shadow of an army that will remain,” saidWashington, “will have every motive except mere

patriotism to abandon the service, without the hope,which has hitherto supported them, of a change for the better. This is almost extinguished now, andcertainly will not outlive the campaign unless itfinds something more substantial to rest upon. Tome it will appear miraculous if our affairs ca

maintain themselves much longer in their presenttrain. If either the temper or the resources of thecountry will not admit of an alteration, we mayexpect soon to be reduced to the humiliatincondition of seeing the cause of America in



FRANKLIN BEFORE LOUIS XVI.

America upheld by foreign arms.”

The French alliance To appreciate the fullforce of this, we must remember that, except i

South Carolina, there had been no fighting worthyof mention during the year. The southern campaig

absorbedtheenergies othe Britisto such aextent thatthey did

nothingwhatever in the nort

but makean



unsuccessful attempt at invading New Jersey iJune. While this fact shows how severely thestrength of England was taxed by the coalition thathad been formed against her, it shows even moreforcibly how the vitality of America had beesapped by causes that lay deeper down than themere presence of war. It was, indeed, becoming

painfully apparent that little was to be hoped save

through the aid of France. The alliance had thus far achieved but little that was immediately obvious tothe American people, but it had really been oenormous indirect benefit to us. Both in itself and ithe European complications to which it had led, theaction of France had very seriously crippled theefficient military power of England. It locked upand neutralized much British energy that wouldotherwise have been directed against the

Americans. The French government had alsofurnished Congress with large sums of money. Butas for any direct share in military enterprises oAmerican soil or in American waters, France had

as yet done almost nothing. An evil star had presided over both the joint expeditions for therecovery of Newport and Savannah, and no Frencarmy had yet been landed on our shores to cast iits lot with Washington’s brave Continentals in a



great and decisive campaign.



It had long been clear that France could in noway more effectively further the interests which sheshared with the United States than by sending a



strong force of trained soldiers to act under Washington’s command. Nothing could be moreobvious than the inference that such a general, once

provided with an adequate force, might drive theBritish from New York, and thus deal a blowwhich would go far toward ending the war. Lafayette’s visit to France This had long beeWashington’s most cherished scheme. In February,

1779, Lafayette had returned to France to visit hisfamily, and to urge that aid of this sort might begranted. To chide him for his naughtiness in runningaway to America in defiance of the royal mandate,the king ordered him to be confined for a week athis father-in-law’s house in Paris. Then he receivedhim quite graciously at court, while the quee

egged him to “tell us good news of our dearlyeloved Americans.” The good Lafayette, to whom,

in the dreadful years that were to come, this dullking and his bright, unhappy queen were to look for compassionate protection, now ventured to givethem some sensible words of advice. “The money

that you spend on one of your old court balls,” hesaid, “would go far toward sending a serviceablearmy to America, and dealing England a blowwhere she would most feel it.” For several monthshe persisted in urging Vergennes to send over at



least 12,000 men, with a good general, and to putthem distinctly under Washington’s command, sothat there might be no disastrous wrangling about

precedence, and no repetition of sucmisunderstandings as had ruined the Newportcampaign. When Estaing arrived at Paris, early i1780, after his defeat at Savannah, he gave similar advice. The idea commended itself to Vergennes,

and when, in April, 1780, Lafayette returned to theUnited States, he was authorized to infor Washington that France would soon send thedesired reinforcement.

Arrival of part of the French auxiliary forceunder Rochambeau On the 10th of July, AdmiralTernay, with seven ships-of-the-line and threefrigates, arrived at Newport, bringing with him aforce of 6,000 men, commanded by a good general,Count Rochambeau. This was the first instalment oan army of which the remainder was to be sent assoon as adequate means of transport could befurnished. On the important question of military

etiquette, Lafayette’s advice had been strictlyheeded. Rochambeau was told to put himself under Washington’s command, and to consider his troopsas part of the American army, while American



LANDING OF FRENCH TROOPS

officers wereto take

precedence oFrenchofficers oequal rank.This Frencarmy was

excellent idiscipline andequipment, andamong itsofficers weresome, such asthe Duke deLauzun-Bironand the

Marquis deChastellux,who had wo

high distinction. Rochambeau wrote to Vergennes

that on his arrival he found the people of RhodeIsland sad and discouraged. Everybody thought thecountry was going to the dogs. But when it wasunderstood that this was but the advance guard of aconsiderable army and that France was this time i



deadly earnest, their spirits rose, and the streets o Newport were noisy with hurrahs and brilliant witfireworks.

The hearts of the people, however, were stillfurther to be sickened with hope deferred. SeveralBritish ships-of-the-line, arriving at New York,gave the enemy such a preponderance upon thewater that Clinton resolved to take the offensive,and started down the Sound with 6,000 men toattack the French at Newport. Washington foiledthis scheme by a sudden movement against NewYork, which obliged the British commander to fall

ack hastily for its defence; but the French fleetwas nevertheless blockaded in Narragansett Bay bya powerful British squadron, and Rochambeau feltit necessary to keep his troops in Rhode Island toaid the admiral in case of such contingencies asmight arise. The second instalment of the Frencarmy, on which their hopes had been built, never came, for a British fleet of thirty-two sail held it

lockaded in the harbour of Brest.

General despondency The maritime supremacyof England thus continued to stand in the way of anygreat enterprise; and for a whole year the gallantarmy of Rochambeau was kept idle in Rhode



Island, impatient and chafing under the restraint.The splendid work it was destined to perfor under Washington’s leadership lay hidden in thedarkness of the future, and for the moment thegloom which had overspread the country was onlydeepened. Three years had passed since the victoryof Saratoga, but the vast consequences which werealready flowing from that event had not yet

disclosed their meaning. Looking only at the surfaceof things, it might well be asked—and many did as

—whether that great victory had really doneanything more than to prolong a struggle which wasessentially vain and hopeless. Such themes formedthe burden of discourse at gentlemen’s dinner-tables and in the back parlours of country inns,where stout yeomen reviewed the situation oaffairs through clouds of tobacco smoke; and never,

perhaps, were the Tories more jubilant or theWhigs more crestfallen than at the close of thisdoleful summer.

It was just at this moment that the country was

startled by the sudden disclosure of a scheme olackest treason. For the proper explanation of this

affair, a whole chapter will be required.



CHAPTER XIVBENEDICT ARNOLD

Arnold put in command of Philadelphia June 18,1778 To understand the proximate causes of Arnold’s treason, we must start from the summer o1778, when Philadelphia was evacuated by the

British. On that occasion, as General Arnold wasincapacitated for active service by the wound hehad received at Saratoga, Washington placed him icommand of Philadelphia. This step brought Arnold

into direct contact with Congres s, toward which heore a fierce grudge for the slights it had put upohim; and, moreover, the command was in itself adifficult one. The authority vested in thecommandant was not clearly demarcated from thatwhich belonged to the state government, so thatoccasions for dispute were sure to be forthcoming.While the British had held the city many of theinhabitants had given them active aid and

encouragement, and there was now more or less property to be confiscated. By a resolve oCongress, all public stores belonging to the enemywere to be appropriated for the use of the army, and



the commander-in-chief was directed to suspendthe sale or transfer of goods until the generalquestion of ownership should have been determined

y a joint committee of Congress and of theExecutive Council of Pennsylvania. It becameArnold’s duty to carry out this order, which notonly wrought serious disturbance to business, butmade the city a hornet’s nest of bickerings and

complaints. The qualities needed for dealinsuccessfully with such an affair as this were verydifferent from the qualities which had distinguishedArnold in the field. The utmost delicacy of tact wasrequired, and Arnold was blunt and self-willed,and deficient in tact. He was accordingly soon atloggerheads with the state government, and lost,

esides, much of the personal popularity witwhich he started. Stories were whispered about to

his discredit. It was charged against Arnold that theextravagance of his style of living was an offenceagainst republican simplicity, and a scandal in

iew of the distressed condition of the country; that

in order to obtain the means of meeting his heavyexpenses he resorted to peculation and extortion;and that he showed too much favour to the Tories.These charges were doubtless not without somefoundation. This era of paper money and failin



credit was an era of ostentatious expenditure, notaltogether unlike that which, in later days, precededthe financial break-down of 1873. People in thetowns lived extravagantly, and in no other townwas this more conspicuous than in Philadelphia;while perhaps no one in Philadelphia kept a finer stable of horses or gave more costly dinners thaGeneral Arnold. He ran in debt, and engaged in

commercial speculations to remedy the evil; and, iiew of the light afterward thrown upon his

character, it is not unlikely that he may havesometimes availed himself of his high position toaid these speculations.



Miss Margaret Shippen The charge ofavouring the Tories may find its explanation in a



circumstance which possibly throws a side-lightupon his lavish use of money. Miss MargaretShippen, daughter of a gentleman of moderate Torysympathies, who some years afterward becamechief justice of Pennsylvania, was at that time thereigning belle of Philadelphia; and no sooner hadthe new commandant arrived at his post than he wastaken captive by her piquant face and charmin

manner. The lady was scarcely twenty years old,while Arnold was a widower of thirty-five, withthree sons; but his handsome face, his gallant

earing, and his splendid career outweighed thesedisadvantages, and in the autumn of 1778 he was

etrothed to Miss Shippen, and thus entered intoclose relations with a prominent Tory family. In themoderate section of the Tory party, to which theShippens belonged, there were many people who,

while strongly opposed to the Declaration oIndependence, would nevertheless have deemed itdishonourable to lend active aid to the enemy.Views of the moderate Tories In 1778, such people

thought that Congress did wrong in making aalliance with France instead of accepting theliberal proposals of Lord North. The Declaration oIndependence, they argued, would never have beemade had it been supposed that the constitutional



liberties of the American people could anyotherwise be securely protected. Even SamuelAdams admitted this. In the war which had beeundertaken in defence of these liberties, the affair of Saratoga had driven the British government to

pledge itself to concede them once and forever.Then why not be magnanimous in the hour otriumph? Why not consider the victory of Saratoga

as final, instead of subjecting the resources of thecountry to a terrible strain in the doubtful attempt tosecure a result which, only three years before, eveWashington himself had regarded as undesirable?Was it not unwise and unpatriotic to reject theovertures of our kinsmen, and cast in our lot witthat Catholic and despotic power which had ever

een our deadliest foe?



OLD LONDON COFFEE HOUSE, PHILADELPHIA

Arnold’s drift toward Toryism Such were thearguments to which Arnold must have listenedagain and again, during the summer and autumn o1778. How far he may have been predisposed

toward such views it would be impossible to say.He always declared himself disgusted with theFrench alliance, [32] and in this there is nothinimprobable. But that, under the circumstances, heshould gradually have drifted into the Tory position



was, in a man of his temperament, almostinevitable. His nature was warm, impulsive, andeasily impressible, while he was deficient i

readth of intelligence in rigorous moralconviction; and his opinions on public matters tootheir hue largely from his personal feelings. It wasnot surprising that such a man, in giving splendidentertainments, should invite to them the Tory

friends of the lady whose favour he was courting.His course excited the wrath of the Whigs. GeneralReed wrote indignantly to General Greene thatArnold had actually given a party at which “not

only common Tory ladies, but the wives anddaughters of persons proscribed by the state, andnow with the enemy at New York,” were present inconsiderable numbers. When twitted with sucthings, Arnold used to reply that it was the part of atrue soldier to fight his enemies in the open field,

ut not to proscribe or persecute their wives anddaughters in private life. But such an explanationaturally satisfied no one. His quarrels with the

Executive Council, sharpened by such incidents asthese, grew more and more violent, until when, iDecember, his most active enemy, Joseph Reed,

ecame president of the Council, he suddenly made



up his mind to resign his post and leave the armyaltogether. He makes up his mind to leave thearmy He would quit the turmoil of public affairs,obtain a grant of land in western New York, settleit with his old soldiers, with whom he had always

een a favourite, and lead henceforth a life oArcadian simplicity. In this mood he wrote toSchuyler, in words which to-day seem strange and

sad, that his ambition was not so much to “shine ihistory” as to be “a good citizen;” and about the 1stof January, 1779, he set out for Albany to consultwith the New York legislature about the desiredland.



Arnold’s scheme was approved by John Jay,who was then president of the ContinentalCongress, as well as by several other men o



influence, and in all likelihood it would havesucceeded; but as he stopped for a day atMorristown, to visit Washington, a letter overtook him, with the information that as soon as his bachad been turned upon Philadelphia he had bee

publicly attacked by President Reed and theCouncil. Charges are brought against him Jan.,1779 Formal charges were brought against him: 1,

of having improperly granted a pass for a ship tocome into port; 2, of having once used some publicwagons for the transportation of private property; 3,of having usurped the privilege of the Council iallowing people to enter the enemy’s lines; 4, ohaving illegally bought up a lawsuit over a prize

essel; 5, of having “imposed menial offices upothe sons of freemen” serving in the militia; and 6, ohaving made purchases for his private benefit at the

time when, by his own order, all shops were shut.These charges were promulgated in a mostextraordinary fashion. Not only were they laid

efore Congress, but copies of them were sent to

the governors of all the states, accompanied by acircular letter from President Reed requesting thegovernors to communicate them to their respectivelegislatures. Arnold was naturally enraged at suchan elaborate attempt to prepossess the public mind



against him, but his first concern was for the possible effect it might have upon Miss Shippen.He instantly returned to Philadelphia, anddemanded an investigation. He is acquitted by acommittee of Congress in March He had obtainedWashington’s permission to resign his command,

ut deferred acting upon it till the inquiry shouldhave ended. The charges were investigated by a

committee of Congress, and about the middle oMarch this committee brought in a report statinthat all the accusations were groundless, save thetwo which related to the use of the wagons and theirregular granting of a pass; and since in theseinstances there was no evidence of wrong intent,the committee recommended an unqualified verdictof acquittal. Arnold thereupon, considering himsel

indicated, resigned his command. But Reed nowrepresented to Congress that further testimony wasforthcoming, and urged that the case should bereconsidered. Accordingly, instead of acting uponthe report of its committee, Congress referred the

matter anew to a joint committee of Congress andthe Assembly and Council of Pennsylvania. Thecase is referred to a court-martial, April 3, 1779 Thisoint committee shirked the matter by

recommending that the case be referred to a court-



martial, and this recommendation was adopted byCongress on the 3d of April. The vials of Arnold’swrath were now full to overflowing; but he had nocause to complain of Miss Shippen, for their marriage took place in less than a week after thisaction of Congress. Washington, who sympathizedwith Arnold’s impatience, appointed the court-martial for the 1st of May, but the Council o

Pennsylvania begged for more time to collectevidence. And thus, in one way and another, thesummer and autumn were frittered away, so that thetrial did not begin until the 19th of December. All

this time Arnold kept clamouring for a speedy trial,and Washington did his best to soothe him while paying due heed to the representations of theCouncil.

First correspondence with Clinton In theexcitement of this fierce controversy the Arcadian

project seems to have been forgotten. Up to this point Arnold’s anger had been chiefly directedtoward the authorities of Pennsylvania; but wheCongress refused to act upon the report of itscommittee exonerating him from blame, he becameincensed against the whole party which, as he said,had so ill requited his services. It is supposed to



have been about that time, in April, 1779, that hewrote a letter to Sir Henry Clinton, in disguisedhandwriting and under the signature of “Gustavus,”describing himself as an American officer of highrank, who, through disgust at the French allianceand other recent proceedings of Congress , might

perhaps be persuaded to go over to the British, provided he could be indemnified for any losses he

might incur by so doing. The beginning of thiscorrespondence—if this was really the time— coincided curiously with the date of Arnold’smarriage, but it is in the highest degree probablethat down to the final catastrophe Mrs. Arnoldknew nothing whatever of what was going on. [33]

The correspondence was kept up at intervals, Sir Henry’s replies being written by Major JohnAndré, his adjutant-general, over the signature o“John Anderson.” Nothing seems to have beenthought of at first beyond the personal desertion oArnold to the enemy; the betrayal of a fortress wasa later development of infamy. For the present, too,

we may suppose that Arnold was merely playingwith fire, while he awaited the result of the court-martial.



The court-martial acquits Arnold of all seriouscharges, but directs Washington to reprimand him for two very trivial ones, Jan. 26, 1780 The summer wasnot a happy one. His debts went on increasing,while his accounts with Congress remained



unsettled, and he found it impossible to collectlarge sums that were due him. At last the court-martial met, and sat for five weeks. On the 26th oJanuary, 1780, the verdict was rendered, and insubstance it agreed exactly with that of thecommittee of Congress ten months before. Arnoldwas fully acquitted of all the charges which allegeddishonourable dealings. The pass which he had

granted was irregular, and public wagons, whichwere standing idle, had once been used to remove

private property that was in imminent danger frothe enemy. The court exonerated Arnold of allintentional wrong, even in these venial matters,which it characterized as “imprudent;” but, as a sortof lame concession to the Council of Pennsylvania,it directed that he should receive a publicreprimand from the commander-in-chief for his

imprudence in the use of wagons, and for hurriedlygiving a pass in which all due forms were notattended to. The decision of the court-martial was

promptly confirmed by Congress, and Washington

had no alternative but to issue the reprimand, whiche couched in words as delicate and gracious as possible. [34]

Arnold thirsts for revenge upon Congress It was



too late, however. The damage was done. Arnoldhad long felt persecuted and insulted. He hadalready dallied with temptation, and the poison wasnow working in his veins. His sense of public dutywas utterly distorted by the keener sense of his

private injuries. We may imagine him broodingover some memorable incidents in the careers oMonk, of the great Montrose and the greater

Marlborough, until he persuaded himself that tochange sides in a civil war was not so heinous acrime after all. Especially the example of Monk,which had already led Charles Lee to disgrace,seems to have riveted the attention of Arnold,although only the most shallow scrutiny coulddiscover any resemblance between what the greatEnglish general had done and what Arnold

purposed to do. There was not a more scrupulously

honourable soldier in his day than George Monk.Arnold’s thoughts may have run somewhat asfollows. He would not become an ordinarydeserter, a villain on a small scale. He would not

sell himself cheaply to the devil; but he would playas signal a part in his new career as he had playedin the old one. He would overwhelm this

lundering Congress, and triumphantly carry thecountry back to its old allegiance. To play such a



part, however, would require the blackesttreachery. Fancy George Monk, “honest oldGeorge,” asking for the command of a fortress iorder to betray it to the enemy!

BENEDICT ARNOLD’S HOUSE AT PHILADELPHIA

When once Arnold had committed himself tothis evil course, his story becomes a sickening one,lacking no element of horror, whether in its foul

eginnings or in its wretched end. To play his new part properly, he must obtain an importantcommand, and the place which obviously suggesteditself was West Point.



Significance of West Point Since Burgoyne’soverthrow, Washington had built a chain of strongfortresses there, for he did not intend that the

possession of the Hudson river should ever agaie put in question, so far as fortifications could go.

Could this cardinal position be delivered up toClinton, the prize would be worth tenfold the recenttriumphs at Charleston and Camden. It would be

giving the British what Burgoyne had tried in vaito get; and now it was the hero of Saratoga who

plotted to undo his own good work at the dictates o perverted ambition and unhallowed revenge.

Arnold put in command of West Point, July,1780 To get possession of this stronghold, it wasnecessary to take advantage of the confidence witwhich his great commander had always honouredhim. From Washington, in July, 1780, Arnoldsought the command of West Point, alleging that hiswounded leg still kept him unfit for service in thefield; and Washington immediately put him incharge of this all-important post, thus giving him the

strongest proof of unabated confidence and esteewhich it was in his power to give; and among allthe dark shades in Arnold’s treason, perhaps noneseems darker than this personal treachery toward



the man who had always trusted and defended him.What must the traitor’s feelings have been when heread the affectionate letters which Schuyler wrotehim at this very time? In better days he had showmuch generosity of nature. Can it be that this is thesame man who on the field of Saratoga saved thelife of the poor soldier who in honest fight had shothim and broken his leg? Such are the strange

contrasts that we sometimes see in characters thatare governed by impulse, and not by principle.Their virtue may be real enough while it lasts, but itdoes not weather the storm; and when oncewrecked, the very same emotional nature by whicalone it was supported often prompts to deeds oincredible wickedness.



JOSHUA SMITH’S HOUSE, ON TREASON HILLAfter taking command of West Point, the

correspondence with André, carefully couched insuch terms as to make it seem to refer to some

commercial enterprise, was briskly kept up; andhints were let drop which convinced Sir HenryClinton that the writer was Arnold, and the betrayalof the highland stronghold his purpose. Troops



were accordingly embarked on the Hudson, and theflotilla was put in command of Admiral Rodney,who had looked in at New York on his way to theWest Indies. To disguise the purpose of theembarkation, a rumour was industriously circulatedthat a force was to be sent southward to theChesapeake. Secret interview between Arnold and

ndré, Sept. 22 To arrange some important details

of the affair it seemed desirable that the twocorrespondents “Gustavus” and “John Anderson,”should meet, and talk over matters which could notsafely be committed to paper. On the 18th oSeptember, Washington, accompanied by Lafayetteand Hamilton, set out for Hartford, for an interviewwith Rochambeau; and advantage was taken of hisabsence to arrange a meeting between the plotters.On the 20th André was taken up the river on the

Vulture, sloop-of-war, and on the night of the 21stArnold sent out a boat which brought him ashoreabout four miles below Stony Point. There in athicket of fir-trees, under the veil of blackest

midnight, the scheme was matured; but as graydawn came on before all the details had beearranged, the boatmen became alarmed, and refusedto take André back to the ship, and he wasaccordingly persuaded, though against his will, to



accompany Arnold within the American lines. Thetwo conspirators walked up the bank a couple omiles to the house of one Joshua Smith, a man odoubtful allegiance, who does not seem to haveunderstood the nature and extent of the plot, or tohave known who Arnold’s visitor was. It wasthought that they might spend the day discussing theenterprise, and when it should have grown dar

André could be rowed back to the Vulture.

LINKS OF WEST POINT CHAIN



SCENE OF ARNOLD’S TREASON, 1780

The plot for surrendering West Point But now aquite unforeseen accident occurred. Colonel

Livingston, commanding the works on the oppositeside of the river, was provoked by the sight of aBritish ship standing so near; and he opened such alively fire upon the Vulture that she was obliged to



withdraw from the scene. As the conspirators werewaiting in Smith’s house for breakfast to be served,they heard the booming of the guns, and André,rushing to the window, beheld with dismay the shipon whose presence so much depended dropping outof sight down the stream. On second thoughts,however, it was clear that she would not go far, asher commander had orders not to return to New

York without André, and it was still thought that hemight regain her. After breakfast he went to anupper chamber with Arnold, and several hourswere spent in perfecting their plans. Immediatelyupon André’s return to New York, the force under Clinton and Rodney was to ascend the river. Toobstruct the approach of a hostile flotilla, a massivechain lay stretched across the river, guarded bywater batteries. Under pretence of repairs, one lin

was to be taken out for a few days, and supplied bya rope which a slight blow would tear away. Theapproach of the British was to be announced by aconcerted system of signals, and the American

forces were to be so distributed that they could besurrounded and captured in detail, until at the proper moment Arnold, taking advantage of theapparent defeat, was to surrender the works, witall the troops—3,000 in number—under his



command. It was not unreasonably supposed thatsuch a catastrophe, coming on the heels oCharleston and Camden and general bankruptcy,would put a stop to the war and lead tonegotiations, in which Arnold, in view of suchdecisive service, might hope to play a leading part.

André takes compromising documents WheAndré set out on this perilous undertaking, Sir Henry Clinton specially warned him not to adoptany disguise or to carry any papers which mightcompromise his safety. But André disregarded theadvice, and took from Arnold six papers, all but

one of them in the traitor’s own handwriting,containing descriptions of the fortresses andinformation as to the disposition of the troops.Much risk might have been avoided by putting thisinformation into cipher, or into a memorandumwhich would have been meaningless save to the

parties concerned. But André may perhaps havedoubted Arnold’s fidelity, and feared lest under afalse pretence of treason he might be drawing the

British away into a snare. The documents which hetook, being in Arnold’s handwriting andunmistakable in their purport, were such as to puthim in Clinton’s power, and compel him, for the



sake of his own safety, to perform his part of thecontract. André intended, before getting into the

oat, to tie up these papers in a bundle loaded wita stone, to be dropped into the water in case of asudden challenge; but in the mean time he put thewhere they could not so easily be got rid of,

etween his stockings and the soles of his feet.Arnold furnished the requisite passes for Smith and

André to go either by boat or by land, and, havinthus apparently provided for all contingencies, tooleave before noon, and returned in his barge to hisheadquarters, ten miles up the stream. As eveningapproached, Smith, who seems to have been a maof unsteady nerves, refused to take André out to theVulture. and is reluctantly persuaded to return to

ew York by land, Sept. 22 He had been alarmed bythe firing in the morning, and feared there would be

more risk in trying to reach the ship than itravelling down to the British lines by land, and he

promised to ride all night with André if he wouldgo that way. The young officer reluctantly

consented, and partially disguised himself in someof Smith’s clothes. At sundown the two crossed theriver at King’s Ferry, and pursued their journey onhorseback toward White Plains.



FACSIMILE OF ARNOLD’S PASS TO ANDRÉ

The roads infested by robbers The roads east othe Hudson, between the British and the American

lines, were at this time infested by robbers, whocommitted their depredations under pretence okeeping up a partisan warfare. There were two setsof these scapegraces,—the “Cowboys,” or cattle-



annoyed him by his loquacious and inquisitivedisposition. So Smith made his way back toheadquarters, and informed Arnold that he hadescorted “Mr. Anderson” within a few miles of theBritish lines, which he must doubtless by this timehave reached in safety.



FACSIMILE OF ONE OF THE PAPERS FOUND INANDRÉ’S STOCKINGS

Arrest of André, Sept. 23 Meanwhile, André,left to himself, struck into the road which led



constraint, he avowed himself a British officer,travelling on business of great importance. To hisdismay, he now learned his mistake. John Paulding,the man in the Hessian coat, informed him that theywere Americans, and ordered him to dismount.When he now showed them Arnold’s pass theydisregarded it, and insisted upon searching him,until presently the six papers were discovered

where he had hidden them. “By God, he is a spy!”exclaimed Paulding, as he looked over the papers.Threats and promises were of no avail. The younmen, who were not to be bought or cajoled, tootheir prisoner twelve miles up the river, anddelivered him into the hands of Colonel JohJameson, a Virginian officer, who commanded acavalry outpost at North Castle. When Jamesolooked over the papers, they seemed to him veryextraordinary documents to be travelling toward

New York in the stockings of a stranger who couldgive no satisfactory account of himself. Colonel

Jameson’s perplexity But so far from his suspectin

Arnold of any complicity in the matter, he couldthink of nothing better than to send the prisoner straightway to Arnold himself, together with a brieletter in which he related what had happened. Tothe honest Jameson it seemed that this must be some



foul ruse of the enemy, some device for stirring upsuspicion in the camp,—something, at any rate,which could not too quickly be brought to hisgeneral’s notice. But the documents themselves he

prudently sent by an express-rider to Washington,accompanying them with a similar letter oexplanation. André, in charge of a military guard,had already proceeded some distance toward West

Point when Jameson’s second in command, Major Benjamin Tallmadge, came in from some errand onwhich he had been engaged. On hearing what hadhappened, Tallmadge suspected that all was not

right with Arnold, and insisted that André and theletter should be recalled. After a hurrieddiscussion, Jameson sent out a party which broughtAndré back; but he still thought it his duty to infor Arnold, and so the letter which saved the traitor’slife was allowed to proceed on its way.



BEVERLY ROBINSON’S HOUSEWashington returns from Hartford sooner than

expected Now, if Washington had returned fromHartford by the route which it was supposed he

would take, through Danbury and Peekskill, Arnoldwould not even thus have been saved. For somereason Washington returned two or three dayssooner than had been expected; and, moreover, hechose a more northerly route, through Farmingto



and Litchfield, so that the messenger failed to meethim. It was on the evening of Saturday, the 23d, thatJameson’s two letters started. On Sunday afternoonWashington arrived at Fishkill, eighteen milesabove West Point, and was just starting down theriver road when he met Luzerne, the Frencminister, who was on his way to consult withRochambeau. Wishing to have a talk with this

gentleman, Washington turned back to the nearestinn, where they sat down to supper and chatted, allunconsciously, with the very Joshua Smith fromwhom André had parted at the Croton river on the

morning of the day before. Word was sent toArnold to expect the commander-in-chief and hissuite to breakfast the next morning, and beforedaybreak of Monday they were galloping down thewooded road. As they approached the confiscatedcountry house of the loyalist Beverly Robinson,where Arnold had his headquarters, opposite WestPoint, Washington turned his horse down towardthe river, whereat Lafayette reminded him that they

were late already, and ought not to keep Mrs.Arnold waiting. “Ah, marquis,” said Washington,laughing, “I know you young men are all in lovewith Mrs. Arnold: go and get your breakfast, and



tell her not to wait for me.” Lafayette did not adoptthe suggestion. He accompanied Washington andKnox while they rode down to examine someredoubts. Hamilton and the rest of the party kept oto the house, and sat down to breakfast in itscheerful wainscoted dining-room, with Arnold andhis wife and several of his officers.

STAIRCASE IN ROBINSON’S HOUSE



Flight of Arnold, Sept. 25 As they sat at table, acourier entered, and handed to Arnold the letter inwhich Colonel Jameson informed him that one JohAnderson had been taken with compromisindocuments in his possession, which had beeforwarded to the commander-in-chief. Withastonishing presence of mind, Arnold folded theletter and put it in his pocket, finished the remar

which had been on his lips when the courier entered, and then, rising, said that he was suddenlycalled across the river to West Point, but wouldreturn to meet Washington without delay; and heordered his barge to be manned. None of theofficers observed anything unusual in his manner,

ut the quick eye of his wife detected somethinwrong, and as he left the room she excused herseland hurried after him. Going up to their bedroom,he told her that he was a ruined man and must flyfor his life; and as she screamed and fainted in hisarms, he laid her upon the bed, called in the maid toattend her, stooped to kiss his baby boy who was

sleeping in the cradle, rushed down to the yard,leaped on a horse that was standing there, andgalloped down a by-path to his barge. It had

promptly occurred to his quick mind that theVulture would still be waiting for André some



miles down stream, and he told the oarsmen to rowhim thither without delay, as he must get back soonto meet Washington. A brisk row of eighteen miles

rought them to the Vulture, whose commander wasstill wondering why André did not come back.From the cabin of the Vulture Arnold sent a letter toWashington, assuring him of Mrs. Arnold’sinnocence, and begging that she might be allowed to

return to her family in Philadelphia, or come to her husband, as she might choose. Then the ill-omenedship weighed anchor, and reached New York nextmorning.



MRS. BENEDICT ARNOLD AND CHILD

Discovery of the treasonable plot Meanwhile,about noonday Washington came in for his

reakfast, and, hearing that Arnold had crossed theriver to West Point, soon hurried off to meet himthere, followed by all his suite except Hamilton. Asthey were ferried across, no salute of canno



greeted them, and on landing they learned witastonishment that Arnold had not been there thatmorning; but no one as yet had a glimmer osuspicion. When they returned to Robinson’s house,about two o’clock, they found Hamilton walking upand down before the door in great excitement.Jameson’s courier had arrived, with the letters for Washington, which Hamilton had just opened and

read. The commander and his aide went into thehouse, and together examined the papers, which,taken in connection with the traitor’s flight, but too

plainly told the story. From Mrs. Arnold, who wasin hysterics, Washington could learn nothing. He

privately sent Hamilton and another aide in pursuitof the fugitive; and coming out to meet Lafayetteand Knox, his voice choking and tears rolling dowhis cheeks, he exclaimed, “Arnold is a traitor, and

has fled to the British! Whom can we trust now?” Ia moment, however, he had regained his wontedcomposure. It was no time for giving way toemotion. It was as yet impossible to tell how far the

scheme might have extended. Even now theenemy’s fleet might be ascending the river (as butfor André’s capture it doubtless would have beedoing that day), and an attack might be made beforethe morrow. Riding anxiously about the works,



Washington soon detected the treacherousarrangements that had been made, and by seven ithe evening he had done much to correct them andto make ready for an attack. As he was takingsupper in the room which Arnold had so hastilyquitted in the morning, the traitor’s letter from theVulture was handed him. “Go to Mrs. Arnold,” saidhe quietly to one of his officers, “and tell her that

though my duty required no means should beneglected to arrest General Arnold, I have great

pleasure in acquainting her that he is now safe ooard a British vessel.”

André taken to Tappan, Sept. 28 But while the principal criminal was safe it was far otherwisewith the agent who had been employed in this

perilous business. On Sunday, from his room inJameson’s quarters, André had written a letter toWashington, pathetic in its frank simplicity,declaring his position in the British army, andtelling his story without any attempt at evasion.From the first there could be no doubt as to the

nature of his case, yet André for the moment did notfully comprehend it. On Thursday, the 28th, he wastaken across the river to Tappan, where the mainarmy was encamped. His escort, Major Tallmadge,



was a graduate of Yale College and a classmate of Nathan Hale, whom General Howe had hanged as aspy four years before. Tallmadge had begun to feela warm interest in André, and as they rode their horses side by side into Tappan, when his prisoner asked how his case would probably be regarded,Tallmadge’s countenance fell, and it was not untilthe question had been twice repeated that he replied

y a gentle allusion to the fate of his lamentedclassmate. “But surely,” said poor André, “you donot consider his case and mine alike!” “They are

precisely similar,” answered Tallmadge gravely,“and similar will be your fate.”



André’s trial and sentence, Sept. 29 Next day amilitary commission of fourteen generals wasassembled, with Greene presiding, to sit i



udgment on the unfortunate young officer. “It isimpossible to save him,” said the kindly Steuben,who was one of the judges. “Would to God thewretch who has drawn him to his death might bemade to suffer in his stead!” The opinion of thecourt was unanimous that André had acted as a spy,and incurred the penalty of death. Washingtonallowed a brief respite, that Sir Henry Clinton’s

iews might be considered. The Britiscommander, in his sore distress over the danger ohis young friend, could find no better grounds toallege in his defence than that he had, presumably,gone ashore under a flag of truce, and that whetaken he certainly was travelling under the

protection of a pass which Arnold, in the ordinaryexercise of his authority, had a right to grant. Butclearly these safeguards were vitiated by the

treasonable purpose of the commander who grantedthem, and in availing himself of them André, whowas privy to this treasonable purpose, took his lifein his hands as completely as any ordinary spy

would do. André himself had already candidlyadmitted before the court “that it was impossiblefor him to suppose that he came ashore under thesanction of a flag;” and Washington struck to theroot of the matter, as he invariably did, in his letter



to Clinton, where he said that André “wasemployed in the execution of measures very foreigto the objects of flags of truce, and such as theywere never meant to authorize or countenance in themost distant degree.” The argument was conclusive,

ut it was not strange that the British general shouldhave been slow to admit its force. He begged thatthe question might be submitted to an impartial

committee, consisting of Knyphausen from the onearmy and Rochambeau from the other; but as noquestion had arisen which the military commissiowas not thoroughly competent to decide,Washington very properly refused to permit such anunusual proceeding. Lastly, Clinton asked thatAndré might be exchanged for Christopher Gadsden, who had been taken in the capture oCharleston, and was then imprisoned at St.Augustine. At the same time, a letter from Arnold toWashington, with characteristic want of tact, hintinat retaliation upon the persons of sundry SoutCarolinian prisoners, was received with silent

contempt.Captain Ogden’s message, Sept. 30 There was a

general feeling in the American army that if Arnoldhimself could be surrendered to justice, it might



perhaps be well to set free the less guilty victim byan act of executive clemency; and Greene gaveexpression to this feeling in an interview witLieutenant-General Robertson, whom Clinton sentup on Sunday, the 1st of October, to plead for André’s life. No such suggestion could be made inthe form of an official proposal. Under nocircumstances could Clinton be expected to betray

the man from whose crime he had sought to profit,and who had now thrown himself upon him for

protection. Nevertheless, in a roundabout way thesuggestion was made. On Saturday, Captain Ogden,with an escort of twenty-five men and a flag otruce, was sent down to Paulus Hook with lettersfor Clinton, and he contrived to whisper to thecommandant there that if in any way Arnold might

e suffered to slip into the hands of the Americans

André would be set free. It was Lafayette who hadauthorized Ogden to offer the suggestion, and so,apparently Washington must have connived at it; butClinton of course refused to entertain the idea for a

moment.[35]

The conference between Greene andRobertson led to nothing. Execution of André, Oct.2 A petition from André, in which he begged to beshot rather than hanged, was duly considered and



rejected; and, accordingly, on Monday, the 2d of October, the ninth day after his capture by theeomen at Tarrytown, the adjutant-general of the

British army was led to the gallows. His remainswere buried near the spot where he suffered, but i1821 they were disinterred and removed toWestminster Abbey.

FACSIMILE OF SKETCH OF ANDRÉ BY HIMSELF



The fate of this gallant young officer has alwayscalled forth tender commiseration, due partly to hishigh position and his engaging personal qualities,

ut chiefly, no doubt, to the fact that, while hesuffered the penalty of the law, the chieconspirator escaped. One does not easily get rid oa vague sense of injustice in this, but the injusticewas not of man’s contriving. But for the remarkable

series of accidents—if it be philosophical to callthem so—resulting in André’s capture, the treasonwould very likely have been successful, and thecause of American independence might have beenfor the moment ruined. But for an equallyremarkable series of accidents Arnold would nothave received warning in time to escape. If bothad been captured, both would probably have beehanged. Certainly both alike had incurred the

penalty of death. It was not the fault of Washingtonor of the military commission that the chief offender went unpunished, and in no wise was André made ascapegoat for Arnold.

Lord Stanhope’s unconscious impudence It isright that we should feel pity for the fate of André;

ut it is unfortunate that pity should be permitted tocloud the judgment of the historian, as in the case o



Lord Stanhope, who stands almost alone amoncompetent writers in impugning the justice oAndré’s sentence. One remark of Lord Stanhope’s Iam tempted to quote, as an amusing instance of thatcertain air of “condescension” which JamesRussell Lowell once observed in our Britiscousins. He seeks to throw discredit upon themilitary commission by gravely assuming that the

American generals must, of course, have beeignorant men, “who had probably never so much asheard the names of Vattel or Puffendorf,” and,accordingly, “could be no fit judges on any nice or doubtful point” of military law. Now, of the twelveAmerican generals who sat in judgment on André,at least seven were men of excellent education.Two of them had taken degrees at Harvard, and twoat English universities. Greene, the president, a

self-educated man, who used, in leisure moments,to read Latin poets by the light of his camp-fire, had

paid especial attention to military law, and hadcarefully read and copiously annotated his copy o

Vattel. The judgment of these twelve men agreedwith that of the two educated Europeans, Steubeand Lafayette, who sat with them on thecommission; and, moreover, no nice or intricatequestions were raised.



There is no reason in the world why André hould have been spared It was natural enough that

André’s friends should make the most of the factthat when captured he was travelling under a passgranted by the commander of West Point; but to ask the court to accept such a plea was not introducinany nice or doubtful question; it was simplycontending that “the wilful abuse of a privilege is

entitled to the same respect as its legitimateexercise.” Accordingly, historians on both sides of the Atlantic have generally admitted the justice oAndre’s sentence, though sometimes its rigorousexecution has been censured as an act ounnecessary severity. Yet if we withdraw our attention for a moment from the irrelevant fact thatthe British adjutant-general was an amiable andinteresting young man, and concentrate it upon the

essential fact that he had come within our lines toaid a treacherous commander in betraying his post,we cannot fail to see that there is no principle omilitary policy upon which ordinary spies arerigorously put to death which does not apply witredoubled force to the case of André. Moreover,while it is an undoubted fact that military morality

permits, and sometimes applauds, such enterprisesas that in which André lost his life, I cannot but feel



that the flavour of treachery which clings about itmust somewhat weaken the sympathy we shouldotherwise freely accord; and I find myself agreeinwith the British historian, Mr. Massey, when hedoubts “whether services of this character entitlehis memory to the honours of Westminster Abbey.”

Captain Battersby’s story As for Arnold, hisfall had been as terrible as that of Milton’srebellious archangel, and we may well believe hisstate of mind to have been desperate. It was saidthat on hearing of Captain Ogden’s suggestion as tothe only possible means of saving André, Arnold

went to Clinton and offered to surrender himself asa ransom for his fellow-conspirator. This story was

published in the London “Morning Herald” iFebruary, 1782, by Captain Battersby, of the 29thregiment,—one of the “Sam Adams” regiments.Battersby was in New York in September, 1780,and was on terms of intimacy with members oClinton’s staff. In the absence of further evidence,one must beware of attaching too much weight to

such a story. Yet it is not inconsistent with what weknow of Arnold’s impulsive nature. In the agony of his sudden overthrow it may well have seemed thatthere was nothing left to live for, and a death thus



savouring of romantic self-sacrifice might serve tolighten the burden of his shame as nothing elsecould. Like many men of weak integrity, Arnoldwas over-sensitive to public opinion, and histreason, as he had planned it, though equallyindefensible in point of morality, was something

ery different from what it seemed now that it wasfrustrated. It was not for this that he had bartered

his soul to Satan. Arnold’s terrible downfall He hadaimed at an end so vast that, when once attained, itmight be hoped that the nefarious means employedwould be overlooked, and that in Arnold, the

rilliant general who had restored America to her old allegiance, posterity would see the counterpartof that other general who, for bringing back CharlesStuart to his father’s throne, was rewarded with thedukedom of Albemarle. Now he had lost

everything, and got nothing in exchange but £6,000sterling and a brigadiership in the British army. [36]

He had sold himself cheap, after all, and incurredsuch hatred and contempt that for a long time, by a

righteous retribution, even his past services wereforgotten. Even such weak creatures as Gates couldnow point the finger of scorn at him, whileWashington, his steadfast friend, could never spea



of him again without a shudder. From men lessreticent than Washington strong words were heard.“What do you think of the damnable doings of thatdiabolical dog?” wrote Colonel Otho Williamswith sturdy alliteration to Arnold’s old friend andfellow in the victory of Saratoga, Daniel Morgan.“Curse on his folly and perfidy,” said Greene,“how mortifying to think that he is a New

Englander!” These were the men who could bestappreciate the hard treatment Arnold had receivedfrom Congress. But in the frightful abyss of hiscrime all such considerations were instantlyswallowed up and lost. No amount of personalwrong could for a moment excuse or even palliatesuch a false step as he had taken.



Within three months from the time when his



Earl of Surrey once, seeing him in the gallery of theHouse of Commons, asked the Speaker to have hi

put out, that the House might not be contaminated bythe presence of such a traitor. The story is not wellauthenticated; but it is certain that in 1792 the Earlof Lauderdale used such language about him in theHouse of Lords as to lead to a bloodless duel

etween Arnold and the noble earl. It does not

appear, however, that Arnold was universallydespised in England. Influenced by the political

passions of the day, many persons were ready toudge him leniently; and his generous and

affectionate nature won him many friends. It is saidthat so high-minded a man as Lord Cornwallis

ecame attached to him, and always treated hiwith respect.

Arnold’s family Mrs. Arnold proved herself adevoted wife and mother; [37] and the record of her four sons, during long years of service in the Britisarmy, was highly honourable. The second son,Lieutenant-General Sir James Robertson Arnold,served with distinction in the wars against

Napoleon. A grandson who was killed in theCrimean war was especially mentioned by LordRaglan for valour and skill. Another grandson, the



Rev. Edward Arnold, who died in 1887, was rector of Great Massingham, in Norfolk. The family hasintermarried with the peerage, and has secured for itself an honourable place among the landed gentryof England. But the disgrace of their ancestor hasalways been keenly felt by them. At Surinam, in1804, James Robertson Arnold, then a lieutenant,

egged the privilege of leading a desperate forlor

hope, that he might redeem the family name from theodium which attached to it; and he acquitted himselin a way that was worthy of his father in the days oQuebec and Saratoga. All the family tradition goesto show that the last years of Benedict Arnold inLondon were years of bitter remorse and self-reproach. The great name which he had so gallantlywon and so wretchedly lost left him no repose bynight or day. The iron frame, which had withstood

the fatigue of so many trying battlefields and stillmore trying marches through the wilderness, brokedown at last under the slow torture of lostfriendships and merited disgrace. His remorse an

death, June 14, 1801 In the last sad days in London,in June, 1801, the family tradition says thatArnold’s mind kept reverting to his old friendshipwith Washington. He had always carefully

preserved the American uniform which he wore on



the day when he made his escape to the Vulture; andnow as, broken in spirit and weary of life, he feltthe last moments coming, he called for this unifor and put it on, and decorated himself with theepaulettes and sword-knot which Washington hadgiven him after the victory of Saratoga. “Let medie,” said he, “in this old uniform in which I foughtmy battles. May God forgive me for ever putting o

any other!”

As we thus reach the end of one of the saddestepisodes in American history, our sympathy cannotfail for the moment to go out toward the sufferer,nor can we help contrasting these passionate dyin

words with the last cynical scoff of that other traitor, Charles Lee, when he begged that he mightnot be buried within a mile of any church, as he didnot wish to keep bad company after death. Fro

eginning to end the story of Lee is little more thaa vulgar melodrama; but into the story of Arnoldthere enters that element of awe and pity which, asAristotle pointed out, is an essential part of realtragedy. That Arnold had been very shabbily



treated, long before any thought of treason enteredhis mind, is not to be denied. That he may honestlyhave come to consider the American causehopeless, that he may really have lost his interest iit because of the French alliance,—all this is quite

possible. Such considerations might have justifiedhim in resigning his commission; or even, had heopenly and frankly gone over to the enemy, much as

we should have deplored such a step, some personswould always have been found to judge hicharitably, and accord him the credit of acting upon

principle. But the dark and crooked course whiche did choose left open no alternative but that ounqualified condemnation. If we feel less ocontempt and more of sorrow in the case of Arnoldthan in the case of such a weakling as Charles Lee,our verdict is not the less unmitigated. [38] Arnold’sfall was by far the more terrible, as he fell from agreater height, and into a depth than which nonecould be lower. It is only fair that we should recallhis services to the cause of American

independence, which were unquestionably greater than those of any other man in the Continental armyexcept Washington and Greene. But it is part of thenatural penalty that attaches to backsliding such as



his, that when we hear the name of Benedict Arnoldthese are not the things which it suggests to our minds, but the name stands, and will always stand,as a symbol of unfaithfulness to trust.

The enormity of Arnold’s conduct stands out inall the stronger relief when we contrast with it the

ehaviour of the common soldiers whose mutinyfurnished the next serious obstacle with whicWashington had to contend at this period of the

war. Mutiny of Pennsylvania troops, Jan. 1, 1781 I

the autumn of 1780, owing to the financial andadministrative chaos which had overtaken the

country, the army was in a truly pitiable condition.The soldiers were clothed in rags and nearlystarved, and many of them had not seen a dollar o

pay since the beginning of the year. As the winter frosts came on there was much discontent, and theirritation was greatest among the soldiers of thePennsylvania line who were encamped on theheights of Morristown. Many of these men hadenlisted at the beginning of 1778, to serve “for



three years or during the war;” but at that bright andhopeful period, just after the victory of Saratoga,nobody supposed that the war could last for threeears more, and the alternative was inserted only to

insure them against being kept in service for the fullterm of three years in spite of the cessation ohostilities. Now the three years had passed, the war was not ended, and the prospect seemed less

hopeful than in 1778. The men felt that their contract was fulfilled and asked to be discharged.But the officers, unwilling to lose such disciplinedtroops, the veterans of Monmouth and Stony Point,insisted that the contract provided for three years’service or more, in case the war should last longer;and they refused the requested discharge. On NewYear’s Day, 1781, after an extra ration of grog,1,300 Pennsylvania troops marched out of camp, i

excellent order, under command of their sergeants,and seizing six field-pieces, set out for Philadelphia, with declared intent to frighteCongress and obtain redress for their wrongs. Their

commander, General Wayne, for whom theyentertained great respect and affection, was unableto stop them, and after an affray in which one mawas killed and a dozen were wounded, they were

perforce allowed to go on their way. Alarm guns



had just been treated. As the troops assembled on parade Wayne read them this letter. Such a rebukefrom the president of their native state touchedthese poor fellows in a sensitive point. Tears rolleddown many a bronzed and haggard cheek. Theystood about in little groups, talking and ponderinand not half liking the business which they hadundertaken.


http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/the-american-revolution-john-fiske 1071/1225Fate of Clinton’s emissaries At this moment it



was discovered that two emissaries from Sir HenryClinton were in the camp, seeking to tamper witthe sergeant-major, and promising high pay, with

ounties and pensions, if they would come over toPaulus Hook or Staten Island and cast in their lotwith the British. In a fury of wrath the tempterswere seized and carried to Wayne to be dealt withas spies. “We will have General Clinton

understand,” said the men, “that we are notBenedict Arnolds!” Encouraged by this incident,President Reed came to the camp next day, and wasreceived with all due respect. He proposed at onceto discharge all those who had enlisted for threeears or the war, to furnish them at once with such

clothing as they most needed, and to give paper certificates for the arrears of their pay, to beredeemed as soon as possible. These terms, whic

granted unconditionally all the demands of theinsurgents, were instantly accepted. All those notincluded in the terms received six weeks’ furlough,and thus the whole force was dissolved. The two

spies were tried by court-martial and promptlyhanged.

Further mutiny suppressed The quickness witwhich the demands of these men were granted was



an index to the alarm which their defection hadexcited; and Washington feared that their examplewould be followed by the soldiers of other states.On the 20th of January, indeed, a part of the NewJersey troops mutinied at Pompton, and declaredtheir intention to do like the men of Pennsylvania.The case was becoming serious; it threatened the

ery existence of the army; and a sudden blow was

needed. Washington sent from West Point a brigadeof Massachusetts troops, which marched quickly toPompton, surprised the mutineers before daybreak,and compelled them to lay down their arms withouta struggle. Two of the ringleaders were summarilyshot, and so the insurrection was quelled.

Thus the disastrous year which had begun wheClinton sailed against Charleston, the year whichad witnessed the annihilation of two Americanarmies and the bankruptcy of Congress, came atlength to an end amid treason and mutiny. It had

een the most dismal year of the war, and it was notstrange that many Americans despaired of their

country. Yet, as we have already seen, theresources of Great Britain, attacked as she was bythe united fleets of France, Spain, and Holland,were scarcely less exhausted than those of the



United States. The moment had come when adecided military success must turn the scaleirrevocably the one way or the other; and eventshad already occurred at the South which were sooto show that all the disasters of 1780 were but thedarkness that heralds the dawn.



CHAPTER XVYORKTOWN

In the invasion of the South by Cornwallis, as ithe invasion of the North by Burgoyne, the firstserious blow which the enemy received was dealt

y the militia. After his great victory over Gates,Cornwallis remained nearly a month at Camderesting his troops, who found the August heatintolerable.

Cornwallis invades North Carolina, Sept., 1780

By the middle of September, 1780, he had startedon his march to North Carolina, of which heexpected to make an easy conquest. But hisreception in that state was anything but hospitable.

Advancing as far as Charlotte, he found himself ithe midst of that famous Mecklenburg County whichad issued its bold revolutionary resolvesimmediately on receiving the news of the battle oLexington. These rebels, he said, were the mostobstinate he had found in America, and he calledtheir country a “hornet’s nest.” Bands of yeomanrylurking about every woodland road cut off hisforaging parties, slew his couriers, and captured his



dispatches. It was difficult for him to get anyinformation; but bad news proverbially travels fast,and it was not long before he received intelligenceof dire disaster.

Ferguson’s expedition Before leaving SoutCarolina Cornwallis had detached Major PatricFerguson—whom, next to Tarleton, he consideredhis best partisan officer—to scour the highlandsand enlist as large a force of Tory auxiliaries as

possible, after which he was to join the main armyat Charlotte. Ferguson took with him 200 Britislight infantry and 1,000 Tories, whom he had

drilled until they had become excellent troops. Itwas not supposed that he would meet with seriousopposition, but in case of any unforeseen danger hewas to retreat with all possible speed and join themain army. Now the enterprising Fergusonundertook to entrap and capture a small force oAmerican partisans; and while pursuing this bait, he

pushed into the wilderness as far as Gilbert Town,in the heart of what is now the county of Rutherford,

when all at once he became aware that enemieswere swarming about him on every side. Rising othe backwoodsmen The approach of a hostile forceand the rumour of Indian war had aroused the hardy



ackwoodsmen who dwelt in these wild andromantic glens. Accustomed to Indian raids, thesequick and resolute men were always ready toassemble at a moment’s warning; and now theycame pouring from all directions, through thedefiles of the Alleghanies, a picturesque and motleycrowd, in fringed and tasselled hunting-shirts, witsprigs of hemlock in their hats, and armed with lon

knives and rifles that seldom missed their aim.From the south came James Williams, of Ninety-Six, with his 400 men; from the north, WilliamCampbell, of Virginia, Benjamin Cleveland andCharles McDowell, of North Carolina, with 560followers; from the west, Isaac Shelby and JohSevier, whose names were to become so famous inthe early history of Kentucky and Tennessee. By the30th of September 3,000 of these “dirty mongrels,”

as Ferguson called them,—men in whose veinsflowed the blood of Scottish Covenanters andFrench Huguenots and English sea rovers, [39] —hadgathered in such threatening proximity that the

British commander started in all haste on his retreattoward the main army at Charlotte, sendinmessengers ahead, who were duly waylaid and shotdown before they could reach Cornwallis and



inform him of the danger. The pursuit wasigorously pressed, and on the night of the 6th o

October, finding escape impossible without a fight,Ferguson planted himself on the top of King’sMountain, a ridge about half a mile in length and1,700 feet above sea level, situated just on the

order line between the two Carolinas. The crest isapproached on three sides by rising ground, above

which the steep summit towers for a hundred feet;on the north side it is an unbroken precipice. Themountain was covered with tall pine-trees, beneatwhich the ground, though little cumbered witunderbrush, was obstructed on every side by hugemoss-grown boulders. Perched with 1,125 stauncmen on this natural stronghold, as the bright autumsun came up on the morning of the 7th, Fergusolooked about him exultingly, and cried, “Well,

oys, here is a place from which all the rebelsoutside of hell cannot drive us!”


http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/the-american-revolution-john-fiske 1079/1225 Battle of King’s Mountain, Oct. 7, 1780 He was



dealing, however, with men who were used toclimbing hills. About three o’clock in the afternoon,the advanced party of Americans, 1,000 pickedmen, arrived in the ravine below the mountain, and,tying their horses to the trees, prepared to storm the

position. The precipice on the north was too steepfor the enemy to descend, and thus effectually cutoff their retreat. Divided into three equal parties,

the Americans ascended the other three sidessimultaneously. Campbell and Shelby pushed up infront until near the crest, when Ferguson openedfire on them. They then fell apart behind trees,returning the fire most effectively, but sufferinglittle themselves, while slowly they crept up nearer the crest. As the British then charged down uponthem with bayonets, they fell back, until the Britisranks were suddenly shaken by a deadly flank firefrom the division of Sevier and McDowell on theright. Turning furiously to meet these newassailants, the British received a volley in their

acks from the left division, under Cleveland and

Williams, while the centre division promptlyrallied, and attacked them on what was now their flank. Thus dreadfully entrapped, the British firedwildly and with little effect, while the trees and

oulders prevented the compactness needful for a



hover about the flanks of Cornwallis, as the GreeMountain boys had hovered about the flanks oBurgoyne. Had there been an organized armyopposed to Cornwallis, to serve as a nucleus for them, perhaps they might have done so. As it was,they soon dispersed and returned to their homes,after having sullied their triumph by hanging adozen prisoners, in revenge for some of their ow

party who had been massacred at Augusta. Theyhad, nevertheless, warded off for the moment thethreatened invasion of North Carolina. Thoroughlyalarmed by this blow, Cornwallis lost no time infalling back upon Winnsborough, there to wait for reinforcements, for he was in no condition to affordthe loss of 1,100 men. General Leslie had been sent

y Sir Henry Clinton to Virginia with 3,000 men,and Cornwallis ordered this force to join hi

without delay. Arrival of Daniel Morgan Hope began now to

return to the patriots of South Carolina, and durinthe months of October and November their activity

was greatly increased. Marion in the northeaster part of the state, and Sumter in the northwest,redoubled their energies, and it was more than eveTarleton could do to look after them both. On the



20th of November Tarleton was defeated by Sumter in a sharp action at Blackstock Hill, and thedisgrace of the 18th of August was thus wiped out.On the retreat of Cornwallis, the remnants of theAmerican regular army, which Gates had beenslowly collecting at Hillsborough, advanced andoccupied Charlotte. There were scarcely 1,400 othem, all told, and their condition was forlor

enough. But reinforcements from the North were athand; and first of all came Daniel Morgan, always ahost in himself. Morgan, like Arnold, had been illtreated by Congress. His services at Quebec andSaratoga had been inferior only to Arnold’s, yet, in1779, he had seen junior officers promoted over hishead, and had resigned his commission and retiredto his home in Virginia. When Gates took commandof the southern army, Morgan was urged to enter the

service again; but, as it was not proposed to restorehim to his relative rank, he refused. After Camden,however, declaring that it was no time to let

personal considerations have any weight, he

straightway came down and joined Gates atHillsborough in September. At last, on the 13th of October, Congress had the good sense to give himthe rank to which he was entitled; and it was notlong, as we shall see, before it had reason to



ut for his own keen sense of public duty andWashington’s unfailing tact his services might have

een lost to the country at a most critical moment.On the 5th of October Congress called upoWashington to name a successor to Gates, and heimmediately appointed Greene, who arrived atCharlotte and took command on the 2d oDecember. Steuben accompanied Greene as far as

Virginia, and was placed in command in that state,charged with the duty of collecting and forwardinsupplies and reinforcements to Greene, and owarding off the forces which Sir Henry Clinton sentto the Chesapeake to make diversions in aid oCornwallis. The first force of this sort, under General Leslie, had just been obliged to proceed bysea to South Carolina, to make good the lossinflicted upon Cornwallis by the battle of King’s

Mountain; and to replace Leslie in Virginia, Sir Henry Clinton, in December, sent the traitor Arnold, fresh from the scene of his treason, wit1,600 men, mostly New York loyalists. Steuben’s

duty was to guard Virginia against Arnold, and tokeep open Greene’s communication with the North.At the same time, Washington sent down withGreene the engineer Kosciuszko and Henry Leewith his admirable legion of cavalry. Another



superb cavalry commander now appears for thefirst time upon the scene in the person oLieutenant-Colonel William Washington, of Virginia, a distant cousin of the commander-in-chief.



Greene’s daring strategy; he threatens Cornwallison both flanks The southern army, though weak innumbers, was thus extraordinarily strong in thetalent of its officers. They were men who knew



how to accomplish great results with small means,and Greene understood how far he might rely upothem. No sooner had he taken command than he

egan a series of movements which, though darinin the extreme, were as far as possible fro

partaking of the unreasoned rashness which hadcharacterized the advance of Gates. Thatunintelligent commander had sneered at cavalry as

useless, but Greene largely based his plan ooperations upon what could be done by such swift

lows as Washington and Lee knew how to deal.Gates had despised the aid of partisan chiefs, butGreene saw at once the importance of utilizing sucmen as Sumter and Marion. His army as a solidwhole was too weak to cope with that oCornwallis. By a bold and happy thought, hedivided it, for the moment, into two great partisa

odies. The larger body, 1,100 strong, he led in person to Cheraw Hill, on the Pedee river, wherehe coöperated with Marion. From this point Marioand Lee kept up a series of rapid movements whic

threatened Cornwallis’s communications with thecoast. On one occasion, they actually galloped intoGeorgetown and captured the commander of that

post. Cornwallis was thus gravely annoyed, but hewas unable to advance upon these provokin



antagonists without risking the loss of Augusta and Ninety-Six; for Greene had thrown the other part ohis little army, 900 strong, under Morgan, to thewestward, so as to threaten those important inland

posts and to coöperate with the mountain militia.With Morgan’s force went William Washington,who accomplished a brilliant raid, penetrating theenemy’s lines, and destroying a party of 250 men at

a single blow.



Cornwallis retorts by sending Tarleton to deal with Morgan Thus worried and menaced upon bothis flanks, Cornwallis hardly knew which way toturn. He did not underrate his adversaries. He hadhimself seen what sort of man Greene was, atPrinceton and Brandywine and Germantown, whileMorgan’s abilities were equally well known. Hecould not leave Morgan and attack Greene without

losing his hold upon the interior; but if he were toadvance in full force upon Morgan, the wily Greenewould be sure to pounce upon Charleston and cuthim off from the coast. In this dilemma, Cornwallisat last decided to divide his own forces. With hismain body, 2,000 strong, he advanced into NorthCarolina, hoping to draw Greene after him; whilehe sent Tarleton with the rest of his army, 1,100strong, to take care of Morgan. By this division the

superiority of the British force was to some extentneutralized. Both commanders were playing askilful but hazardous game, in which mucdepended on the sagacity of their lieutenants; andnow the brave but over-confident Tarleton wasoutmarched and outfought. On his approach,Morgan retreated to a grazing ground known as theCowpens, a few miles from King’s Mountain,where he could fight on ground of his ow



men had been toiling half the night over muddyroads and wading through swollen brooks, butnothing could restrain his eagerness to strike asudden blow, and just about sunrise he chargedupon the first American line. The militia, who werecommanded by the redoubtable Pickens, behaved

ery well, and delivered, not two, but many deadlyolleys at close range, causing the British lines to

waver for a moment. As the British recoveredthemselves and pressed on, the militia retired

ehind the line of Continentals; while the Britisline, in pursuing, became so extended as to threatethe flanks of the Continental line. To avoid beingoverlapped, the Continentals refused their rightwing and fell back a little. The British followedthem hastily and in some confusion, having becometoo confident of victory. At this moment, Colonel

Washington, having swept down from his hill in asemicircle, charged the British right flank with fataleffect; Pickens’s militia, who had reformed in therear and marched around the hill, advanced upo

their left flank; while the Continentals, in front,roke their ranks with a deadly fire at thirty yards,and instantly rushed upon them with the bayonet. Destruction of Tarleton’s force The greater part othe British army thereupon threw down their arms



and surrendered, while the rest were scattered iflight. It was a complete rout. The British lost 230in killed and wounded, 600 prisoners, two field-

pieces, and 1,000 stand of arms. Their loss wasabout equal to the whole American force engaged.Only 270 escaped from the field, among theTarleton, who barely saved himself in a furioussingle combat with Washington. The American

loss, in this astonishing little battle, was 12 killedand 61 wounded. In point of tactics, it was the most

rilliant battle of the war. Morgan had in him thedivine spark of genius.



BATTLE OF COWPENS: COMBAT BETWEEN COLS.WASHINGTON AND TARLETON

Brilliant movements of Morgan and GreeneHaving struck this crushing blow, which deprivedCornwallis of one third of his force, the victor didnot rest for a moment. The only direct road bywhich he could rejoin Greene lay to the northward,across the fords of the Catawba river, andCornwallis was at this instant nearer than himself to



aggage which encumbered his headlong march. Hewas falling into the trap. A most exciting game of strategy was kept up for the next ten days; Greenesteadily pushing northeastward on a line convergintoward that taken by his main army, Cornwallis

ainly trying to get near enough to compel him tofight. The weather had been rainy, and aninteresting feature of the retreat was the swelling o

the rivers, which rendered them unfordable. Greenetook advantage of this circumstance, having witadmirable forethought provided himself with boats,which were dragged overland on light wheels andspeedily launched as they came to a river; carryinas part of their freight the wheels upon which theywere again to be mounted so soon as they shouldhave crossed. On the 9th of February Greenereached Guilford Court House, in the northern partof North Carolina, only thirty miles from theVirginia border; and there he effected a junctionwith the main army, which Huger had brought upfrom the camp on the Pedee. On the next day, the

gallant Morgan, broken down by illness, wasobliged to give up his command.



OPERATIONS IN THE CAROLINAS, JANUARY TOSEPTEMBER, 1781.

Further manœuvres It had not been a part oGreene’s plan to retreat any farther. He hadintended to offer battle at this point, and had sentword to Steuben to forward reinforcements froVirginia for this purpose. But Arnold’s invasion of Virginia had so far taxed the good baron’s

resources that he had not yet been able to send othe reinforcements; and as Greene’s force was stillinferior to the enemy’s, he decided to continue hisretreat. After five days of fencing, he placed hisarmy on the north side of the Dan, a broad andrapid stream, which Cornwallis had no means ocrossing. Thus baulked of his prey, the earl

proceeded to Hillsborough, and issued a proclamation announcing that he had conquered

North Carolina, and inviting the loyalists to rallyaround his standard. A few Tories came out andenlisted, but these proceedings were soon checked

y the news that the American general had

recrossed the river, and was advancing in athreatening manner. Greene had intended to awaithis reinforcements on the Virginia side of the river,

ut he soon saw that it would not do to encouragethe Tories by the belief that he had abandoned



North Carolina. On the 23d he recrossed the Dan,and led Cornwallis a will-o’-the-wisp chase,marching and countermarching, and foiling everyattempt to bring him to bay, until, on the 14th oMarch, having at last been reinforced till his armynumbered about 1,500 Continentals and 1,800militia, he suddenly pulled up at Guilford CourtHouse, and offered his adversary the long-coveted

attle. Cornwallis’s veterans numbered scarcely2,200, but a battle had come to be for him aabsolute military necessity. He had riskedeverything in this long march, and could notmaintain himself in an exposed position, so far frosupport, without inflicting a crushing defeat upohis opponent. To Greene a battle was now almostequally desirable, but it need not necessarily be aout-and-out victory: it was enough that he should

seriously weaken and damage the enemy. Battle of Guilford, March 15 On the morning o

March 15th Greene drew up his army in three lines.The first, consisting of North Carolina militia, was

placed in front of an open cornfield. It wasexpected that these men would give way before theonset of the British regulars; but it was thought thatthey could be depended upon to fire two or three



olleys first, and, as they were excellent marksmen,this would make gaps in the British line. In a woodthree hundred yards behind stood the second line,consisting of Virginia militia, whose fire wasexpected still further to impede the enemy’sadvance. On a hill four hundred yards in the rear othese were stationed the regulars of Maryland andVirginia. The flanks were guarded by Campbell’s

riflemen and the cavalry under Washington and Lee.Early in the afternoon the British opened the battle

y a charge upon the North Carolina militia, whowere soon driven from the field in confusion. TheVirginia line, however, stood its ground bravely,and it was only after a desperate struggle that theenemy slowly pushed it back. The attack upon thethird American line met with varied fortunes. Onthe right the Maryland troops prevailed, and drove

the British at the point of the bayonet; but on the leftthe other Maryland brigade was overpowered andforced back, with the loss of two cannon. A charge

y Colonel Washington’s cavalry restored the day,

the cannon were retaken, and for a while the victoryseemed secured for the Americans. Cornwallis wasthrown upon the defensive, but after two hours ohard fighting he succeeded in restoring order amonhis men and concentrating them upon the hill near



the court house, where all attempts to break their line proved futile. As evening came on, Greeneretired, with a loss of more than 600 men, leavinthe enemy in possession of the field, but too badlycrippled to move. The British fighting wasmagnificent,—worthy to be compared with that oThomas and his men at Chickamauga. [40] In thecourse of five hours they had lost at least 600 men,

more than one fourth of their number. This damagewas irretrievable. The little army, thus cut down toa total of scarcely 1,600 men, although victorious,could not afford to risk another battle. Greene’s

audacious scheme was thus crowned with success.He had lured Cornwallis far into a hostile country,more than two hundred miles distant from his baseof operations. Retreat of Cornwallis The earl nowsaw too late that he had been outgeneralled. Tomarch back to South Carolina was more than hedared to venture, and he could not stay where hewas. Accordingly, on the third day after the battleof Guilford, abandoning his wounded, Cornwallis

started in all haste for Wilmington, the nearest pointon the coast at which he could look for aid from thefleet. [41]

He abandons the Carolinas, and marches into



Virginia By this movement Lord Cornwallisirtually gave up the game. The battle of Guilford,

though tactically a defeat for the Americans, wasstrategically a decisive victory, and the mostimportant one since the capture of Burgoyne. Its fullsignificance was soon made apparent. WheCornwallis, on the 7th of April, arrived atWilmington, what was he to do next? To transport

his army by sea to Charleston, and thus begin hiswork over again, would be an open confession odefeat. The most practicable course appeared to beto shift the scene altogether, and march intoVirginia, where a fresh opportunity seemed to

present itself. Sir Henry Clinton had just sentGeneral Phillips down to Virginia, with a forcewhich, if combined with that of Cornwallis, wouldamount to more than 5,000 men; and with this army

it might prove possible to strike a heavy blow iVirginia, and afterward invade the Carolinas fromthe north. Influenced by such considerations,Cornwallis started from Wilmington on the 25th o

April, and arrived on the 20th of May at Petersburg,in Virginia, where he effected a junction with theforces of Arnold and Phillips. This importantmovement was made by Cornwallis on his owresponsibility. It was never sanctioned by Sir



Henry Clinton, and in after years it became theoccasion of a bitter controversy between the twogenerals; but the earl was at this time a favouritewith Lord George Germain, and the commander-in-chief was obliged to modify his own plans in order to support a movement of which he disapproved.

Greene’s master-stroke; he returns to SouthCarolina, April 6-18 But while Cornwallis wascarrying out this extensive change of programme,what was his adversary doing? Greene pursued theretreating enemy about fifty miles, from GuilfordCourt House to Ramsay’s Mills, a little above the

fork of the Cape Fear river, and then suddenly lefthim to himself, and faced about for South Carolina.Should Cornwallis decide to follow him, at leastthe state of North Carolina would be relieved; butGreene had builded even better than he knew. Hehad really eliminated Cornwallis from the game,had thrown him out on the margin of thechessboard; and now he could go to work with hishands free and redeem South Carolina. The

strategic points there were still held by the enemy;Camden, Ninety-Six, and Augusta were still in their

possession. Camden, the most important of all, washeld by Lord Rawdon with 900 men; and toward



Camden, a hundred and sixty miles distant, Greeneturned on the 6th of April, leaving Cornwallis tomake his way unmolested to the seaboard. Greenekept his counsel so well that his own officers oftefailed to understand the drift of his profound anddaring strategy. The movement which he now madehad not been taken into account by Cornwallis, whohad expected by his own movements at least to

detain his adversary. That Greene should actuallyignore him was an idea which he had not yet takein, and by the time he fully comprehended thesituation he was already on his way to Virginia, andcommitted to his new programme. The patriots iSouth Carolina had also failed to understandGreene’s sweeping movements, and his longabsence had cast down their hopes; but on hisreturn without Cornwallis, there was a revulsion o

feeling. People began to look for victory.and, by taking Fort Watson, cuts Lord Rawdon’s

communications, April 23 On the 18th of April theAmerican army approached Camden, while Lee

was detached to coöperate with Marion in reducinFort Watson. This stronghold, standing midway

etween Camden and Charleston, commanded LordRawdon’s line of communications with the coast.



The execution of this cardinal movement wasmarked by a picturesque incident. Fort Watson was

uilt on an Indian mound, rising forty feet sheer above the champaign country in which it stood, andhad no doubt witnessed many a wild siege beforeever the white man came to Carolina. It wasgarrisoned by 120 good soldiers, but neither theynor the besiegers had any cannon. It was to be a

affair of rifles. Lee looked with disgust on the lowland about him. Oh for a hill which might commandthis fortress even as Ticonderoga was overlookedon that memorable day when Phillips dragged hisguns up Mount Defiance! A happy thought nowflashed upon Major Mayham, one of Marion’sofficers. Why not make a hill? There grew near bya forest of superb yellow pine, heavy and hard asstone. For five days and nights the men worked like

eavers in the depths of the wood, quite screenedfrom the sight of the garrison. Forest trees werefelled, and saws, chisels, and adzes worked theinto shape. Great beams were fitted with mortise

and tenon; and at last, in a single night, they weredragged out before the fortress and put together, asin an old-fashioned New England “house-raising.”At daybreak of April 23, the British foundthemselves overlooked by an enormous woode



tower, surmounted by a platform crowded withmarksmen, ready to pick off the garrison at their leisure; while its base was protected by a

reastwork of logs, behind which lurked a hundreddeadly rifles. Before the sun was an hour high, awhite flag was hung out, and Fort Watson wassurrendered at discretion.



LORD RAWDON, AFTERWARD MARQUIS OFHASTINGS



Rawdon defeats Greene at Hobkirk’s Hill, April 25 While these things were going on, Greenereached Camden, and, finding his force insufficienteither to assault or to invest it, took up a stron

position at Hobkirk’s Hill, about two miles to thenorth. On the 25th of April Lord Rawdon advanced,to drive him from this position, and a battle ensued,in which the victory, nearly won, slipped through

Greene’s fingers. The famous Maryland brigade,which in all these southern campaigns had stoodforth preëminent, like Cæsar’s tenth legion,—whichad been the last to leave the disastrous field oCamden, which had overwhelmed Tarleton at theCowpens, and had so nearly won the day atGuilford,—now behaved badly, and, falling intoconfusion through a misunderstanding of orders,deranged Greene’s masterly plan of battle. but is

none the less obliged to give up Camden and save hisarmy, May 10 He was driven from his position, andthree days later retreated ten miles to Clermont; but,ust as at Guilford, his plan of campaign was so

good that he proceeded forthwith to reap all thefruits of victory. The fall of Fort Watson, breakingRawdon’s communication with the coast, made itimpossible for him to stay where he was. On the10th of May the British general retreated rapidly,



until he reached Monk’s Corner, within thirty milesof Charleston; and the all-important post oCamden, the first great prize of the campaign, fellinto Greene’s hands.

All the inland posts taken from the British, May- June Victories followed now in quick succession.Within three weeks Lee and Marion had taken FortMotte and Fort Granby, Sumter had takenOrangeburg, and on the 5th of June, after aobstinate defence, Augusta surrendered to Lee, thusthrowing open the state of Georgia. Nothing wasleft to the British but Ninety-Six, which was

strongly garrisoned, and now withstood a vigoroussiege of twenty-eight days. Determined not to losethis last hold upon the interior, and anxious to crushhis adversary in battle, if possible, Lord Rawdocollected all the force he could, well-nigh strippinCharleston of its defenders, and thus, with 2,000men, came up in all haste to raise the siege o

Ninety-Six. His bold movement was successful for the moment. Greene, too prudent to risk a battle,

withdrew, and the frontier fortress was relieved. Itwas impossible, however, for Rawdon to hold itand keep his army there, so far from the seaboard,after all the other inland posts had fallen, and on the



29th of June he evacuated the place, and retreatedupon Orangeburg; while Greene, following him,took up a strong position on the High Hills oSantee. Thus, within three months after Greene’sreturn from Guilford, the upper country of SoutCarolina had been completely reconquered, andonly one successful battle was now needed to drivethe enemy back upon Charleston. But first it was

necessary to take some rest and recruit the littlearmy which had toiled so incessantly since the lastDecember. The enemy, too, felt the need of rest,and the heat was intolerable. Both armies,accordingly, lay and watched each other until after the middle of August.

Rawdon goes to England During this vacation,Lord Rawdon, worn out and ill from his rougcampaigning, embarked for England, leavinColonel Stuart in command of the forces in SoutCarolina. Greene busied himself in recruiting hisarmy until it numbered 2,600 men, though 1,000 othese were militia. His position on the High Hills

of Santee was, by an air line, distant only sixteemiles from the British army. The intervening spacewas filled by meadows, through which the Watereeand Congaree rivers flowed to meet each other; and



often, as now, when the swift waters, swollen byrain, overflowed the lowlands, it seemed like a

ast lake, save for the tops of tall pine-trees thathere and there showed themselves in deepest green,

protruding from the mirror-like surface. Greeneunderstood the value of this meadow land as a

arrier, when he chose the site for his summer camp. Greene marches against the British, Aug.

22 The enemy could reach him only by a circuitousmarch of seventy miles. On the 22d of AugustGreene broke up his camp very quietly, and startedout on the last of his sagacious campaigns. Thenoonday heat was so intense that he marched onlyin the morning and evening, in order to keep hismen fresh and active; while by vigilant scoutin

parties he so completely cut off the enemy’s meansof information that Stuart remained ignorant of his

approach until he was close at hand. The Britiscommander then fell back upon Eutaw Springs,about fifty miles from Charleston, where he waitedin a strong position.

Battle of Eutaw Springs, Sept. 8 The battle oEutaw Springs may be resolved into two brieactions between sunrise and noon of the 8th oSeptember, 1781. In the first action the British line



was broken and driven from the field. In the secondStuart succeeded in forming a new line, supported

y a brick house and palisaded garden, and frothis position Greene was unable to drive him. It hastherefore been set down as a British victory. If so,it was a victory followed the next evening by thehasty retreat of the victors, who were hotly pursuedfor thirty miles by Marion and Lee. Strategically

considered, it was a decisive victory for theAmericans. The state government was restored tosupremacy, and, though partisan scrimmages werekept up for another year, these were but the dyingembers of the fire. The British were cooped up iCharleston till the end of the war, protected by their ships. Less than thirteen months had elapsed sincethe disaster of Camden had seemed to destroy allhope of saving the state. All this change had been

wrought by Greene’s magnificent generalship.Coming upon the scene under almost everyimaginable disadvantage, he had reorganized theremnant of Gates’s broken and dispirited army, he

had taken the initiative from the first, and he hadheld the game in his own hands till the last blowwas struck. Greene’s superb generalship Soconsummate had been his strategy that whether

ictorious or defeated on the field, he had, in every



instance, gained the object for which the campaigwas made. Under one disadvantage, indeed, he hadnot laboured: he had excellent officers. Seldom hasa more brilliant group been seen than that whiccomprised Morgan, Campbell, Marion, Sumter,Pickens, Otho Williams, William Washington, andthe father of Robert Edward Lee. It is only an ablegeneral, however, who knows how to use such

admirable instruments. Men of narrow intelligencedo not like to have able men about them, and do notknow how to deal with them. Gates had Kalb andOtho Williams, and put them in places where their talent was unavailable and one of them wasuselessly sacrificed, while he was too dull to detectthe extraordinary value of Marion. But genius isquick to see genius, and knows what to do with it.Greene knew what each one of his officers coulddo, and took it into the account in planning hissweeping movements. Unless he had known that hecould depend upon Morgan as certainly as

Napoleon, in after years, relied upon Davoust o

the day of Jena and Auerstadt, it would have beenfoolhardy for him to divide his force in theeginning of the campaign,—a move which, thoug

made in apparent violation of military rules,nevertheless gave him the initiative in his long and



triumphant game. What Greene might haveaccomplished on a wider field and with moreample resources can never be known. But theintellectual qualities which he showed in hissouthern campaign were those which havecharacterized some of the foremost strategists omodern times.

Lord Cornwallis arrives at Petersburg, May 20,1781 When Lord Cornwallis heard, from time to

time, what was going on in South Carolina, he wasnot cheered by the news. But he was too far awayto interfere, and it was on the very day of EutawSprings that the toils were drawn about him whicwere to compass his downfall. When he reachedPetersburg, on the 20th of May, the youthfulLafayette, whom Washington had sent down towatch and check the movements of the traitor Arnold, was stationed at Richmond, with a little

army of 3,000 men, two thirds of them raw militia.To oppose this small force Cornwallis had now5,000 veterans, comprising the men whom he had

rought away from Guilford, together with the



forces lately under Arnold and Phillips. Arnold,after some useless burning and plundering, had

een recalled to New York. Phillips had died of afever just before Cornwallis arrived. The earlentertained great hopes. His failure in NortCarolina rankled in his soul, and he was eager tomake a grand stroke and retrieve his reputation.Could the powerful state of Virginia be conquered,

it seemed as if everything south of the Susquehannamust fall, in spite of Greene’s successes. With hissoul thus full of chivalrous enterprise, Cornwallisfor the moment saw things in rose colour, and drewwrong conclusions. He expected to find half the

people Tories, and he also expected to find a stateof chronic hostility between the slaves and their masters. On both points he was quite mistaken.



THOMAS JEFFERSON



OPERATIONS IN VIRGINIA, MAY TO OCTOBER,1781



GREAT SEAL OF VIRGINIA (OBVERSE)

His campaign against Lafayette But whileCornwallis underrated the difficulty of the task, heknew, nevertheless, that 5,000 men were not enougto conquer so strong a state, and he tried to

persuade Clinton to abandon New York, if necessary, so that all the available British forcemight be concentrated upon Virginia. Clintonwisely refused. A state like Virginia, which, for the

want of aloyalist

party,could beheld only

y sheer conquest,was not fitfor a basisof operationsagainst theother

states;while the abandoning of New York, the recognizedstrategic centre of the Atlantic coast, would beinterpreted by the whole world, not as a change o

ase, but as a confession of defeat. Clinton’s



opinion was thus founded upon a truer and clearer iew of the whole situation than Cornwallis’s; nor

is it likely that the latter would ever have urgedsuch a scheme had he not been, in such a singular and unexpected way, elbowed out of NorthCarolina. Being now in Virginia, it was incumbenton him to do something, and, with the force at hisdisposal, it seemed as if he might easily begin by

crushing Lafayette. “The boy cannot escape me,”said Cornwallis; but the young Frenchman turnedout to be quite capable of taking care of himself.Although not a man of original genius, Lafayette had

much good sense and was quick at learning. He wasnow twenty-three years old, buoyant and kind, fullof wholesome enthusiasm, and endowed with nomean sagacity. A Fabian policy was all that could

e adopted for the moment. When Cornwallisadvanced from Petersburg to Richmond, Lafayette

egan the skilful retreat which proved him an aptlearner in the school of Washington and Greene.From Richmond toward Fredericksburg—over the

ground made doubly famous by the movements oLee and Grant—the youthful general kept up hisretreat, never giving the eager earl a chance to dealhim a blow; for, as with naïve humour he wrote to



GREAT SEAL OF VIRGINIA (REVERSE)

Washington, “I am not strong enough even to beeaten.” On the 4th of June Lafayette crossed the

Rapidan at Ely’s Ford and placed himself in asecure position; while Cornwallis, refraining frothe pursuit, sent Tarleton on a raid westward toCharlottesville, to break up the legislature, whicwas in session there, and to capture the governor,Thomas Jefferson. The raid, though conducted witTarleton’s usual vigour, failed of its principal prey;

for Jefferson, forewarned in the nick of time, got of to the mountains about twenty minutes before thecavalry surrounded his house at Monticello. Itremained for Tarleton to seize the military stores



collected at Albemarle; but on the 10th of JuneLafayette effected a junction with 1,000Pennsylvania regulars under Wayne, and thereuponsucceeded in placing his whole force betweeTarleton and the prize he was striving to reach.Unable to break through this barrier, Tarleton hadnothing left him but to rejoin Cornwallis; and asLafayette’s army was reinforced from various

sources until it amounted to more than 4,000 men,he became capable of annoying the earl in sucwise as to make him think it worth while to getnearer to the sea. Cornwallis, turninsouthwestward from the North Anna river, had

proceeded as far inland as Point of Forks wheTarleton joined him. On the 15th of June, the Britiscommander, finding that he could not catch “the

oy,” and was accomplishing nothing by his

marches and countermarches in the interior,retreated down the James river to Richmond.Cornwallis retreats to the coast In so doing he didnot yet put himself upon the defensive. Lafayette

was still too weak to risk a battle, or to prevent hisgoing wherever he liked. But Cornwallis was too prudent a general to remain at a long distance frohis base of operations, among a people whom hehad found, to his great disappointment, thoroughly



hostile. By retreating to the seaboard, he couldmake sure of supplies and reinforcements, andmight presently resume the work of invasion.Accordingly, on the 20th he continued his retreatfrom Richmond, crossing the Chickahominy a littleabove White Oak Swamp, and marching down theYork peninsula as far as Williamsburg. Lafayette,having been further reinforced by Steuben, so that

his army numbered more than 5,000, pressedclosely on the rear of the British all the way dowthe peninsula; and on the 6th of July an action wasfought between parts of the two armies, at GreeSpring, near Williamsburg, in which the Americanswere repulsed with a loss of 145 men. [42] anoccupies Yorktown The campaign was ended by thefirst week in August, when Cornwallis occupiedYorktown, adding the garrison of Portsmouth to hisarmy, so that it numbered 7,000 men, whileLafayette planted himself on Malvern Hill, andawaited further developments. Throughout thisgame of strategy, Lafayette had shown

commendable skill, proving himself a worthyantagonist for the ablest of the British generals. Buta far greater commander than either the Frenchmaor the Englishman was now to enter most



unexpectedly upon the scene. The elements of thecatastrophe were prepared, and it only remainedfor a master hand to strike the blow.

Elements of the final catastrophe; arrival of theFrench fleet As early as the 22d of May, just twodays before the beginning of this Virginiacampaign, Washington had held a conference withRochambeau, at Wethersfield, in Connecticut, and itwas there decided that a combined attack should bemade upon New York by the French and Americanarmies. If they should succeed in taking the city, itwould ruin the British cause; and, at all events, it

was hoped that if New York was seriouslythreatened Sir Henry Clinton would takereinforcements from Cornwallis, and thus relievethe pressure upon the southern states. In order toundertake the capture of New York, it would benecessary to have the aid of a powerful Frencfleet; and the time had at last arrived when sucassistance was confidently to be expected. Thenaval war between France and England in the West

Indies had now raged for two years, with varyinfortunes. The French government had exerted itselto the utmost, and early in the spring of this year had sent out a magnificent fleet of twenty-eight



ships-of-the-line and six frigates, carrying 1,700guns and 20,000 men, commanded by Count deGrasse, one of the ablest of the French admirals. Itwas designed to take from England the great islandof Jamaica; but as the need for naval coöperatioupon the North American coast had been stronglyurged upon the French ministry, Grasse wasordered to communicate with Washington and

Rochambeau, and to seize the earliest opportunityof acting in concert with them.

The arrival of this fleet would introduce afeature into the war such as had not existed at any

time since hostilities had begun. It would interruptthe British control over the water. The utmost forcethe British were ready to oppose to it amountedonly to nineteen ships-of-the-line, carrying 1,400guns and 13,000 men, and this disparity was toogreat to be surmounted by anything short of thegenius of a Nelson. The conditions of the strugglewere thus about to be suddenly and decisivelyaltered. The retreat of Cornwallis upon Yorktown

had been based entirely upon the assumption of thatBritish naval supremacy which had hitherto beeuninterrupted. The safety of his position dependedwholly upon the ability of the British fleet to



control the Virginia waters. Once let the French getthe upper hand there, and the earl, if assailed ifront by an overwhelming land force, would beliterally “between the devil and the deep sea.” Hewould be no better off than Burgoyne in the forestsof northern New York.

CORNWALLIS’S HEADQUARTERS AT YORKTOWN



News from Grasse and Lafayette It was not yetcertain, however, where Grasse would find it bestto strike the coast. The elements of the situatiodisclosed themselves but slowly, and it requiredthe master mind of Washington to combine them.Intelligence travelled at snail’s pace in those days,and operations so vast in extent were not within thecompass of anything but the highest military genius.

It took ten days for Washington to hear fromLafayette, and it took a month for him to hear froGreene, while there was no telling just whedefinite information would arrive from Grasse. Butso soon as Washington heard from Greene, inApril, how he had manœuvred Cornwallis up intoVirginia, he began secretly to consider the

possibility of leaving a small force to guard theHudson, while taking the bulk of his armysouthward to overwhelm Cornwallis. At theWethersfield conference, he spoke of this toRochambeau, but to no one else; and a dispatch toGrasse gave him the choice of sailing either for the

Hudson or for Chesapeake bay. So matters stoodtill the middle of August, while Washington,grasping all the elements of the problem, vigilantlywatched the whole field, holding himself ireadiness for either alternative,—to strike New



York close at hand, or to hurl his army to a distanceof four hundred miles. On the 14th of August amessage came from Grasse that he was just startinfrom the West Indies for Chesapeake bay, with hiswhole fleet, and hoped that whatever the armieshad to do might be done quickly, as he should beobliged to return to the West Indies by the middleof October. Washington could now couple with this

the information, just received from Lafayette, thatCornwallis had established himself at Yorktown,where he had deep water on three sides of him, anda narrow neck in front.


http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/the-american-revolution-john-fiske 1130/1225WASHINGTON SILHOUETTE BY FOLWELL



Subtle and audacious scheme of WashingtonThe supreme moment of Washington’s militarycareer had come,—the moment for realizing aconception which had nothing of a Fabian character about it, for it was a conception of the same order as those in which Cæsar and Napoleon dealt. Hedecided at once to transfer his army to Virginia andoverwhelm Cornwallis. He had everything i

readiness. The army of Rochambeau had marchedthrough Connecticut, and joined him on the Hudsoin July. He could afford to leave West Point with acomparatively small force, for that strong fortresscould be taken only by a regular siege, and he had

planned his march so as to blind Sir Henry Clintocompletely. This was one of the finest points inWashington’s scheme, in which the perfection of the details matched the audacious grandeur of the

whole. Sir Henry was profoundly unconscious oany such movement as Washington was about toexecute; but he was anxiously looking out for aattack upon New York. Now, from the Americanheadquarters near West Point, Washington couldtake his army more than half way through NewJersey without arousing any suspicion at all; for theenemy would be sure to interpret such a movementas preliminary to an occupation of Staten Island, as



the general officers supposed, until New Brunswicwas passed, that their destination was Staten Island.So rapid was the movement that, however much themen might have begun to wonder, they had reachedPhiladelphia before the purpose of the expeditiowas distinctly understood.



As the army marched through the streets oPhiladelphia, there was an outburst of exultin



hope. The plan could no longer be hidden.Congress was informed of it, and a fresh light shoneupon the people, already elated by the news oGreene’s career of triumph. The windows werethronged with fair ladies, who threw sweet flowerson the dusty soldiers as they passed, while thewelkin rang with shouts, anticipating the greatdeliverance that was so soon to come. The colum

of soldiers, in the loose order adapted to its rapidmarch, was nearly two miles in length. First camethe war-worn Americans, clad in rough toggery,which eloquently told the story of the meagreresources of a country without a government. Thefollowed the gallant Frenchmen, clothed igorgeous trappings, such as could be provided by agovernment which at that time took three fourths othe earnings of its people in unrighteous taxation.

There was some parading of these soldiers beforethe president of Congress, but time was precious.Washington, in his eagerness galloping on toChester, received and sent back the joyful

intelligence that Grasse had arrived in Chesapeakeay, and then the glee of the people knew noounds. Bands of music played in the streets, every

house hoisted its stars-and-stripes, and all theroadside taverns shouted success to the bold



general. “Long live Washington!” was the toast of the day. “He has gone to catch Cornwallis in hismousetrap!”



But these things did not stop for a moment theswift advance of the army. It was on the 1st o



September that they left Trenton behind them, andy the 5th they had reached the head of Chesapeakeay, whence they were conveyed in ships, and

reached the scene of action, near Yorktown, by the18th.

Movements of the fleets Meanwhile, all thingshad been working together most auspiciously. Onthe 31st of August the great French squadron hadarrived on the scene, and the only Englishmacapable of defeating it, under the existing odds, wasfar away. Admiral Rodney’s fleet had followedclose upon its heels from the West Indies, but

Rodney himself was not in command. He had beetaken ill suddenly, and had sailed for England, andSir Samuel Hood commanded the fleet. Hoodoutsailed Grasse, passed him on the ocean withoutknowing it, looked in at the Chesapeake on the 25tof August, and, finding no enemy there, sailed on to

New York to get instructions from Admiral Graves,who commanded the naval force in the North, Thiswas the first that Graves or Clinton knew of the

threatened danger. Not a moment was to be lost.The winds were favourable, and Graves, now chiein command, crowded sail for the Chesapeake, andarrived on the 5th of September, the very day on



which Washington’s army was embarking at thehead of the great bay. Graves found the French fleet

locking the entrance to the bay, and instantlyattacked it. A decisive naval victory for the Britishwould at this moment have ruined everything. Butafter a sharp fight of two hours’ duration, in whichsome 700 men were killed and wounded on the twofleets, Admiral Graves withdrew. Three of his

ships were badly damaged, and after manœuverinfor four days he returned, baffled and despondent,to New York, leaving Grasse in full possession of the Virginia waters. The toils were thus fast closingaround Lord Cornwallis. He knew nothing as yet oWashington’s approach, but there was just a chancethat he might realize his danger, and, crossing theJames river, seek safety in a retreat upon North

Carolina. Lafayette forestalled this solitary chance.Immediately upon the arrival of the Frencsquadron, the troops of the Marquis de Saint-Simon, 3,000 in number, had been set on shore and



added to Lafayette’s army; and with this increasedforce, now amounting to more than 8,000 men, “the

oy” came down on the 7th of September, and took his stand across the neck of the peninsula atWilliamsburg, cutting off Cornwallis’s retreat.

MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE



Cornwallis surrounded at Yorktown Thus, othe morning of the 8th, the very day on whicGreene, in South Carolina, was fighting his last

attle at Eutaw Springs, Lord Cornwallis, iVirginia, found himself surrounded. The door of themousetrap was shut. Still, but for the arrival oWashington, the plan would probably have failed. Itwas still in Cornwallis’s power to burst the door

open. His force was nearly equal to Lafayette’s innumbers, and better in quality, for Lafayette’scontained 3,000 militia. Cornwallis carefullyreconnoitred the American lines, and seriouslythought of breaking through; but the risk wasconsiderable, and heavy loss was inevitable. Hehad not the slightest inkling of Washington’smovements, and he believed that Graves wouldsoon return with force enough to drive awayGrasse’s blockading squadron. So he decided towait before striking a hazardous blow. It waslosing his last chance. On the 14th Washingtonreached Lafayette’s headquarters, and took

command. On the 18th the northern army begaarriving in detachments, and by the 26th it was allconcentrated at Williamsburg, more than 16,000strong. The problem was solved. The surrender oCornwallis was only a question of time. It was the



great military surprise of the Revolutionary War.Had any one predicted, eight months before, thatWashington on the Hudson and Cornwallis on theCatawba, eight hundred miles apart, would so soocome together and terminate the war on the coast oVirginia, he would have been thought a wild

prophet indeed. For thoroughness of elaboratioand promptness of execution, the movement, o

Washington’s part, was as remarkable as the marchof Napoleon in the autumn of 1805, when heswooped from the shore of the English Channel intoBavaria, and captured the Austrian army at Ulm.

Clinton’s attempt at a counterstroke By the 2dof September, Sir Henry Clinton, learning that theAmerican army had reached the Delaware, andcoupling with this the information he had got froAdmiral Hood, began to suspect the true nature oWashington’s movement, and was at his wit’s end.The only thing he could think of was to make acounterstroke on the coast of Connecticut, and heaccordingly detached Benedict Arnold with 2,000men to attack New London.

Arnold’s proceedings at New London, Sept. 6 Itwas the boast of this sturdy little state that nohostile force had ever slept a night upon her soil.



Such blows as her coast towns had received hadeen dealt by an enemy who retreated as quickly as

he had come; and such was again to be the case.The approach to New London was guarded by twoforts on opposite banks of the river Thames, butArnold’s force soon swept up the west bank,

earing down all opposition and capturing the city.In Fort Griswold, on the east bank, 157 militia

were gathered and made a desperate resistance.The fort was attacked by 600 regulars, and after losing 192 men, or 35 more than the entire number of the garrison, they carried it by storm. No quarter was given, and of the little garrison only 26escaped unhurt. [43] The town of New London waslaid in ashes; minute-men came swarming byhundreds; the enemy reëmbarked before sunset andreturned up the Sound. And thus, on the 6th oSeptember, 1781, with this wanton assault upon the

peaceful neighbourhood where the earliest years ohis life had been spent, the brilliant and wickedBenedict Arnold disappears from American

history.[44]

Surrender of Cornwallis, Oct. 19, 1781 Athoroughly wanton assault it was, for it did not andcould not produce the slightest effect upon the



movements of Washington. By the time the news of it had reached Virginia, the combination againstCornwallis had been completed, and day by day thelines were drawn more closely about the doomedarmy. Yorktown was invested, and on the 6th of October the first parallel was opened by GeneralLincoln. On the 11th, the second parallel, withinthree hundred yards of the enemy’s works, was

opened by Steuben. On the night of the 14tAlexander Hamilton and the Baron de Viomenilcarried two of the British redoubts by storm. On thenext night the British made a gallant but fruitlesssortie. By noon of the 16th their works were fastcrumbling to pieces under the fire of seventycannon. On the 17th—the fourth anniversary oBurgoyne’s surrender—Cornwallis hoisted thewhite flag. The terms of the surrender were like

those of Lincoln’s at Charleston. The British armyecame prisoners of war, subject to the ordinary

rules of exchange. The only delicate questiorelated to the American loyalists in the army, whom

Cornwallis felt it wrong to leave in the lurch. This point was neatly disposed of by allowing him tosend a ship to Sir Henry Clinton, with news of thecatastrophe, and to embark in it such troops as hemight think proper to send to New York, and no



questions asked. On a little matter of etiquette theAmericans were more exacting. The practice o

playing the enemy’s tunes had always beencherished as an inalienable prerogative of Britissoldiery; and at the surrender of Charleston, itoken of humiliation, General Lincoln’s army had

een expressly forbidden to play any but aAmerican tune. Colonel Laurens, who now

conducted the negotiations, directed that LordCornwallis’s sword should be received by GeneralLincoln, and that the army, on marching out to laydown its arms, should play a British or a Germaair. There was no help for it; and on the 19th oOctober, Cornwallis’s army, 7,247 in number, with840 seamen, marched out with colours furled andcased, while the band played a quaint old Englismelody, of which the significant title was “TheWorld Turned Upside Down!”



MOORE’S HOUSE, YORKTOWN, IN WHICH THETERMS OF SURRENDER WERE ARRANGED

Importance of the aid rendered by the Frenchleet and army On the very same day that

Cornwallis surrendered, Sir Henry Clinton, havinreceived naval reinforcements, sailed from NewYork with twenty-five ships-of-the-line and tenfrigates, and 7,000 of his best troops. Five days

rought him to the mouth of the Chesapeake, where



he learned that he was too late, as had been the casefour years before, when he tried to relieveBurgoyne. A fortnight earlier, this force might

perhaps have seriously altered the result, for thefleet was strong enough to dispute with Grasse thecontrol over the coast. The French have alwaystaken to themselves the credit of the victory oYorktown. In the palace of Versailles there is a

room the walls of which are covered with huge paintings depicting the innumerable victories oFrance, from the days of Chlodwig to those o

Napoleon. Near the end of the long series, theAmerican visitor cannot fail to notice a scenewhich is labelled “Bataille de Yorcktown”(misspelled, as is the Frenchman’s wont in dealingwith the words of outer barbarians), in whicGeneral Rochambeau occupies the most

commanding position, while General Washington is perforce contented with a subordinate place. Thisis not correct history, for the glory of conceivingand conducting the movement undoubtedly belongs

to Washington. But it should never be forgotten, notonly that the 4,000 men of Rochambeau and the3,000 of Saint-Simon were necessary for thesuccessful execution of the plan, but also thatwithout the formidable fleet of Grasse the pla



could not even have been made. How much longer the war might have dragged out its tedious length,or what might have been its final issue, without thistimely assistance, can never be known; and our debtof gratitude to France for her aid on this supremeoccasion is something which should always be dulyacknowledged. [45]



PAROLE OF CORNWALLIS

Effect of the news in England Early on a dar



morning of the fourth week in October, an honestold German, slowly pacing the streets oPhiladelphia on his night watch, began shouting,“Basht dree o’glock, und Gornvallis ish dakendt!”and light sleepers sprang out of bed and threw uptheir windows. Washington’s courier laid thedispatches before Congress in the forenoon, andafter dinner a service of prayer and thanksgivin

was held in the Lutheran Church. At New Havenand Cambridge the students sang triumphal hymns,and every village green in the country was ablazewith bonfires. The Duke de Lauzun sailed for France in a swift ship, and on the 27th of November all the houses in Paris were illuminated, and theaisles of Notre Dame resounded with the Te Deum.At noon of November 25th, the news was broughtto Lord George Germain, at his house in Pall Mall.

Getting into a cab, he drove hastily to the LordChancellor’s house in Great Russell Street,Bloomsbury, and took him in; and then they droveto Lord North’s office in Downing Street. At the

staggering news, all the Prime Minister’s wontedgayety forsook him. He walked wildly up and dowthe room, throwing his arms about and crying, “OGod! it is all over! it is all over! it is all over!” Adispatch was sent to the king at Kew, and when



Difficult position of Great Britain The fall o



Lord North’s ministry, and with it the overthrow of the personal government of George III., was nowclose at hand. For a long time the government had

een losing favour. In the summer of 1780, theBritish victories in South Carolina had donesomething to strengthen it; yet when, in the autumof that year, Parliament was dissolved, although theking complained that his expenses for purposes o

corruption had been twice as great as ever before,the new Parliament was scarcely more favourableto the ministry than the old one. Misfortunes and

perplexities crowded in the path of Lord North andhis colleagues. The example of Americanresistance had told upon Ireland, and it was in thefull tide of that agitation which is associated witthe names of Flood and Grattan that the news oCornwallis’s surrender was received. For more

than a year there had been war in India, whereHyder Ali, for the moment, was carrying everything

efore him. France, eager to regain her lostfoothold upon Hindustan, sent a strong armament

thither, and insisted that England must give up allher Indian conquests except Bengal. For a momentEngland’s new Eastern empire tottered, and wassaved only by the superhuman exertions of WarrenHastings, aided by the wonderful military genius o



Sir Eyre Coote. In May, 1781, the Spaniards hadtaken Pensacola, thus driving the British from their last position in Florida. In February, 1782, theSpanish fleet captured Minorca, and the siege oGibraltar, which had been kept up for nearly threeears, was pressed with redoubled energy. During

the winter the French recaptured St. Eustatius, andhanded it over to Holland; and Grasse’s great fleet

swept away all the British possessions in the WestIndies, except Jamaica, Barbadoes, and Antigua.All this time the Northern League kept up itsealous watch upon British cruisers in the narrow

seas, and among all the powers of Europe thegovernment of George III. could not find a singlefriend.

Rodney’s victory over Grasse, April 12, 1782The maritime supremacy of England was, however,impaired but for a moment. Rodney was sent bacto the West Indies, and on the 12th of April, 1782,his fleet of thirty-six ships encountered the Frencnear the island of Sainte-Marie-Galante. The battle

of eleven hours which ensued, and in which 5,000men were killed or wounded, was one of the mosttremendous contests ever witnessed upon the ocea

efore the time of Nelson. The French were totally



defeated, and Grasse was taken prisoner,—the firstFrench commander-in-chief, by sea or land, whohad fallen into an enemy’s hands since MarshalTallard gave up his sword to Marlborough, on theterrible day of Blenheim. France could do nothinto repair this crushing disaster. Her naval power was eliminated from the situation at a single blow;and in the course of the summer the Englis

achieved another great success by overthrowing theSpaniards at Gibraltar, after a struggle which, for dogged tenacity, is scarcely paralleled in the annalsof modern warfare. By the autumn of 1782,England, defeated in the United States, remained

ictorious and defiant as regarded the other partiesto the war.



But these great successes came too late to savethe doomed ministry of Lord North. After thesurrender of Cornwallis, no one but the king thoughtof pursuing the war in America any further. Eventhe king gave up all hope of subduing the UnitedStates; but he insisted upon retaining the state oGeorgia, with the cities of Charleston and NewYork; and he vowed that, rather than acknowledge



the independence of the United States, he wouldabdicate the throne and retire to Hanover. LordGeorge Germain was dismissed from office, Sir Henry Clinton was superseded by Sir GuyCarleton, and the king began to dream of a newcampaign. But his obstinacy was of no avail.During the winter and spring, General Wayne,acting under Greene’s orders, drove the British

from Georgia, while at home the country squiresegan to go over to the opposition; and Lord North,

utterly discouraged and disgusted, refused anylonger to pursue a policy of which he disapproved.The baffled and beaten king, like the fox in thefable, declared that the Americans were a wretchedset of knaves, and he was glad to be rid of them.The House of Commons began to talk of a vote ocensure on the administration. A motion of

Conway’s, petitioning the king to stop the war, waslost by only a single vote; and at last, on the 20th oMarch, 1782, Lord North bowed to the storm, andresigned. The two sections of the Whig party united

their forces. Lord Rockingham became PrimeMinister, and with him came into office Shelburne,Camden, and Grafton, as well as Fox and Conway,the Duke of Richmond, and Lord John Cavendish,staunch friends of America, all of them, whose



GEORGE III

appointment involved the recognition of theindependence of the United States.

Lord Nort

observed that hehad often beeaccused oissuing lyin

bulletins, but hehad never told so

big a lie as thatwith which thenew ministry

announced itsentrance into

power; for iintroducing thename of each othese gentlemen,the official

bulletin used thewords, “His

Majesty has bee pleased toappoint!” It wasindeed a day o



itter humiliation for George III. and the men whohad been his tools. But it was a day of happy omefor the Englishrace, in the OldWorld as wellas in the New.For the adventof Lord

Rockingham’s ministry meant not merely theindependence of the United States; it meant thedownfall of the only serious danger with whicEnglish liberty has been threatened since theexpulsion of the Stuarts. The personal governmentwhich George III. had sought to establish, with itswholesale corruption, its shameless violations o

public law, and its attacks upon freedom of speechand of the press, became irredeemably discredited,

and tottered to its fall; while the great England oWilliam III., of Walpole, of Chatham, of theounger Pitt, of Peel, and of Gladstone was set free

to pursue its noble career. Such was the priceless

oon which the younger nation, by its sturdyinsistence upon the principles of political justice,conferred upon the elder. The decisive battle ofreedom in England, as well as in America, and inthat vast colonial world for which Chatha



prophesied the dominion of the future, had noween fought and won. And foremost in

accomplishing this glorious work had been the loftygenius of Washington, and the steadfast valour of the men who suffered with him at Valley Forge, andwhom he led to victory at Yorktown.

In the light of the foregoing narrative itdistinctly appears that, while the AmericanRevolution involved a military struggle between the

governments of Great Britain and the United States,it did not imply any essential antagonism ointerests or purposes between the British andAmerican peoples. It was not a contest betwee

Englishmen and Americans, but between twoantagonistic principles of government, each owhich had its advocates and opponents in botcountries. It was a contest between Whig and Tory

principles, and it was the temporary prevalence oToryism in the British government that caused the

political severance between the two countries. Ithe ideas of Walpole, or the ideas of Chatham, hadcontinued to prevail at Westminster until the end of



the eighteenth century, it is not likely that any such political severance would have occurred. The self-government of the American colonies would nothave been interfered with, and such slightgrievances as here and there existed might easilyhave been remedied by the ordinary methods o

peace. The American Revolution, unlike most political revolutions, was essentially conservative

in character. It was not caused by actually existingoppression, but by the determination to avoid

possible oppression in future. Its object was not theacquisition of new liberties, but the preservation oold ones. The principles asserted in the Stamp ActCongress of 1765 differed in no essential respectfrom those that had been proclaimed five centuriesearlier, in Earl Simon’s Parliament of 1265.Political liberty was not an invention of the wester

hemisphere; it was brought to these shores froGreat Britain by our forefathers of the seventeentcentury, and their children of the eighteenthnaturally refused to surrender the treasure whic

from time immemorial they had enjoyed.The decisive incident which in the retrospect

appears to have made the Revolution inevitable, asit actually brought it upon the scene, was the



Regulating Act of April, 1774, which annulled thecharter of Massachusetts, and left thatcommonwealth to be ruled by a military governor.This atrocious measure, which was emphaticallycondemned by the most enlightened publicsentiment in England, was the measure of a half-crazy young king, carried through a parliament iwhich more than a hundred members sat for rotte

oroughs. It was the first violent manifestation odespotic tendency at the seat of government since1688; and in this connection it is interesting toremember that in 1684 Charles II. had undertaken todeal with Massachusetts precisely as wasattempted ninety years later by George III. In botcases the charter was annulled, and a militarygovernor appointed; and in both cases the libertiesof all the colonies were openly threatened by the

tyrannical scheme. But in the earlier case theconduct of James II. at once brought on acuteirritation in England, so that the evil was promptlyremoved. In the later case the evil was realized so

much sooner and so much more acutely in thecolonies than in England as to result in politicalseparation. Instead of a general revolution,overthrowing or promptly curbing the king, therewas a partial revolution, which severed the



colonies from their old allegiance; but at the sametime the success of this partial revolution sooended in restraining the king. The personalgovernment of George III. was practically ended bythe election of 1784.



BUST OF WASHINGTON, CHRIST CHURCH, BOSTON

Throughout the war the Whigs of the mother



country loyally sustained the principles for whicthe Americans were fighting, and the results of thewar amply justified them. On the other hand, theTories in America were far from agreed inapproving the policy of George III. Some of therivalled Thurlow and Germain in the heartinesswith which they supported the king; but others, andin all probability a far greater number, disapproved

of the king’s measures, and perceived their dangerous tendency, but could not persuadethemselves to take part in breaking up the greatempire which represented all that to their minds

was best in civilization. History is not called upoto blame these members of the defeated party. Thespirit by which they were animated is not easilydistinguishable from that which inspired the

ictorious party in our Civil War. The expansion of English sway in the world was something to whicthe American colonies had in no small sharecontributed, and the rejoicings over Wolfe’s

ictory had scarcely ceased when the spectre o

fratricidal strife came looming up in the horizon.An American who heartily disapproved oGrenville’s well-meaning blunder andTownshend’s malicious challenge might still



elieve that the situation could be rectified withoutthe disruption of the Empire. Such was the attitudeof Thomas Hutchinson, who was surely a patriot, ashonest and disinterested as his adversary, SamuelAdams. The attitude of Hutchinson can be perfectlyunderstood if we compare it with that of Falklandin the days of the Long Parliament. In the one caseas in the other sound reason was on the side of the

Moderates; but their fatal weakness was that theyhad no practical remedy to offer. Between GeorgeIII. and Samuel Adams any real compromise was asimpossible as between Charles I. and Pym.

It was seriously feared by many patrioticTories, like Hutchinson, that if the politicalconnection between the colonies and the mother country were to be severed, the new Americanrepublics would either tear themselves to pieces i

petty and ignominious warfare, like the states oancient Greece, or else would sink into the positioof tools for France or Spain. The history of thethirty years after Yorktown showed that these were

not imaginary dangers. The drift toward anarchy,from which we began to be rescued in 1787, wasunmistakable; and after 1793 the determination oFrance to make a tool of the United States became



for some years a disturbing and demoralizinelement in the political situation. But as we look atthese events retrospectively, the conclusion towhich we are driven is just opposite to that whicwas entertained by the Tories. Dread of impendinganarchy brought into existence our FederalConstitution in 1787, and nothing short of thatwould have done it. But for the acute distress

entailed by the lack of any stronger government thathe Continental Congress, the American peoplewould have been no more willing to enter into astrict Federal Union in 1787 than they had been i1754. Instead of bringing anarchy, the separationfrom Great Britain, by threatening anarchy, broughtmore perfect union. In order that American

problems should be worked out successfully,independence was necessary.

It is to be regretted that the attainment of thatindependence must needs have been surroundedwith the bitter memories inseparable from warfare.In such a political atmosphere as that of the ancient

Greek world it need not have been so. The Greecolony, save in two or three exceptional cases,enjoyed complete autonomy. Corinth did notundertake to legislate for Syracuse; but the



Syracusan did not therefore cease to regardCorinthians as his fellow-countrymen. Theconceptions of allegiance and territorialsovereignty, which grew to maturity under thefeudal system, made such relations between colonyand mother state impossible in the eighteentcentury. Autonomy could not be taken for granted,

ut must be won with the sword.

But while, under the circumstances, a war wasinevitable, it is only gross ignorance of history thatwould find in such a war any justification for lacof cordiality between the people of the United

Kingdom and the people of the United States. Asalready observed, it was not a war between the two

peoples, but between two principles. The principleof statecraft against which Washington fought nolonger exists among either British or Americans; itis as extinct as the dinosaurs. In all good work thatnations can do in the world, the British people areour best allies; and one of the most encouraginsymptoms of the advancement of civilization i

recent years is the fact that a grave question, whicin earlier times and between other nations woulddoubtless have led to bloodshed, has been amicablyadjusted by arbitration. The memory of what was



accomplished in 1872 at Geneva is a prouder memory than Saratoga or Yorktown. From such anauspicious beginning, it is not unlikely that a systemay soon be developed whereby all internationalquestions that can arise among English-speakin

people shall admit of settlement by peaceablediscussion. It would be one of the most notablethings ever done for the welfare of mankind, and it

is hoped that the closing years of our century maye made forever illustrious by such an achievement.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] See my Critical Period of American History , chap. i.

[2] In his account of the AmericanRevolution, Mr. Lecky inclines to the Tory

side, but he is eminently fair and candid.[3] On the pedestal of this statue, which

stands in front of the North Bridge atConcord, is engraved the following quotationfrom Emerson’s “Concord Hymn:"—

By the rude bridge that arched the flood,Their flag to April’s breeze unfurled,

Here once the embattled farmers stood,And fired the shot heard round the



world.

The poet’s grandfather, Rev. WilliamEmerson, watched the fight from a windowof the Old Manse.

[4] It was in this church on March 23,1775, that Patrick Henry made the famousspeech in which he said, “It is too late toretire from the contest. There is no retreat

but in submission and slavery. The war isinevitable, and let it come! The next gale thatsweeps from the north will bring to our earsthe clash of resounding arms! I know notwhat course others may take, but as for me,give me liberty or give me death.”

[5] In the letter, of which a facsimile ishere given, Allen gives the date of the captureof Ticonderoga as the 11th, but a minutesurvey of the contemporary newspaper and

other sources of information makes it clear that this must be a slip of the pen. In his personal “Narrative,” Allen gives the datecorrectly as the 10th.

[6] This sketch was made on the spot for Lord Rawdon, who was then on Gage’sstaff. The spire in the foreground is that of the Old West Church, where JonathanMayhew preached; it stood on the site sinceoccupied by Dr. Bartol’s church on



Cambridge Street, now a branch of theBoston Public Library. Its position in the

picture shows that the sketcher stood onBeacon Hill, 138 feet above the water. The

first hill to the right of the spire, on thefurther side of the river, is Bunker Hill, 110feet high. The summit of Breed’s Hill, 62feet high, where Prescott’s redoubt stood, isnearly hidden by the flames of burning

Charlestown. At a sale of the effects of theMarquis of Hastings, descendant of LordRawdon, this sketch was bought by myfriend Dr. Thomas Addis Emmet.

[7] [Of a family always prominent in

Rhode Island, he had early come to be themost admired and respected citizen of thecolony. His father, a narrow-minded Quaker,though rich in lands, mills, and iron forges,was adverse to education, and kept his son at

work in the forges. But the son had anintense thirst for knowledge, and, withoutneglecting his duties, he bought books and

became well versed in history, philosophy,and general literature.]

[8] The first stage was the change fromthe solid red of the British ensign to thealternate red and white stripes, as seen in theflag on the right, which typified the thirteen



confederated colonies. After allegiance to theBritish crown had been thrown off, the unionof red St. George and white St. Andrewcrosses upon the blue corner became

inappropriate, and in June, 1777, Congresssubstituted the circle of thirteen white starson a blue ground, to signify the rise of a newconstellation of states.

[9] Jonathan Trumbull, Governor of Connecticut, was a graduate of Harvard in1737, in the same class with Hutchinson.Washington used to call him “Brother Jonathan.” He was father of John Trumbull,the famous painter.

[10] This view is taken from the Hudsonriver, and shows Fort George at the extremeright. The street facing upon the river wasGreenwich Street, from which the descent tothe water was abrupt. The cliff-like look of the banks has since been destroyed by theaddition of new land sloping gently down tothe water level at West Street. The churchmost conspicuous in the picture is the oldTrinity, which was burned in 1776.

[11] This is a contemporary view of theroad by which Howe advanced uponSullivan’s rear.

[12] I leave this as I wrote it in June,



1883. Since then another version of the factshas been suggested by W. L. Stone inApple ton’s Cyclopædia of American

Biography . In this version, Mr. Jones sends a

party of Indians under the half-breed Duluthto escort Miss McCrea to the camp, wherethey are to be married by Mr. Brudenell, thechaplain. It is to be quite a fine little wedding,and the Baroness Riedesel and Lady Harriet

Ackland are to be among the spectators.Before Duluth reaches Mrs. McNeil’s house,the Wyandot Panther (here known by thename of a different beast, Le Loup) with his

party attacks the house and carries off the

two ladies. The Panther’s party meetsDuluth’s near the spring. Duluth insists upontaking Jenny with him, and high words ensue

between him and the Panther, until the latter,in a towering rage, draws his pistol and

shoots the girl. This version, if correct, goessome way toward reconciling the legend withthe observed facts.

[13] This contemporary British caricaturerepresents the new allies, “Noble Pair of

Brothers,” George III. and an Indian chief,seated together at their cannibal banquet. Itexpresses the lively disgust with which theemployment of Indians was regarded inEngland.



[14] In the spring of 1776 Lee hadwritten to Edward Rutledge: “By the eternalGod! If you do not declare yourselvesindependent, you deserve to be slaves!” In

several such letters Lee had fairly bellowedfor independence.

[15] Things seemed to be getting intosomewhat the condition contemplated in thesatirical print of “The Man in the Moon,”which appeared as frontispiece to a tract

published in London in 1776, entitled “A Pleaof the Colonies on the Charges broughtagainst them by Lord Mansfield and others.”The Man in the Moon is George III. looking

through a telescope held by his Tory chief justice, whose sleeve shows the Scotch plaidof Clan Murray. He looks upon a reversedand topsy-turvy world, in which New York (whose true latitude is nearly the same as that

of Naples) appears farther north thanLondon, and America is east of Europe. TheAmerican coast is covered with vast armies,and the whole British fleet is on its waythither, leaving England exposed to the attack

of a French host gathered at Dunkirk.Meanwhile the Gallic cock crows lustily, andthe sketchy outline of Great Britain indicatesthat the artist supposes the island “may be sofar wasted before the year 1800, that people



will hardly know where the nation residedthat was once so formidable.” See Tracts985, Harvard University Library.

[16] “This episode appears to me themost criminal in the whole reign of GeorgeIII., and in my own judgment it is as criminalas any of those acts which led Charles I. tothe scaffold.” Lecky, History of England inthe Eighteenth Century , vol. iv. p. 83.

[17] As usual in such cases, there is agreat diversity of testimony as to what wassaid. In my first edition I gave the familiar story of which there is a meagre version inBancroft and a much fuller one in Irving:“What is the meaning of all this?” etc.; but Isuspect that story is much too literary. It isnot likely that any such conversationoccurred at such a moment. A youngsergeant, Jacob Morton, was standing close

by when Washington met Lee. This Morton,who afterward became a major, was notedfor accuracy and precision of statement. In1840 he gave his account of the affair to Mr.Harrison Robertson, of Charlottesville,Virginia; and in 1895 Mr. Robertson kindlywrote out for me his recollection of thataccount. According to Morton, Washingtonsimply shouted, “My God! General Lee,



what are you about?” This has the earmark of truth. Another account, traceable toLafayette and likewise probable, says that asWashington swept furiously past and away,

he ejaculated with bitter emphasis, “Damned poltroon!”

[18] Such was Steuben’s own testimonyon the court-martial. Lee was so enraged byit as to make reflections upon Steuben which

presently called forth a challenge from thatgentleman. ( Lee Papers , iii. 96, 253.) It is to

be regretted that we have not the reply inwhich Lee declined the encounter. There is areference to it in a letter from Alexander

Hamilton to Baron von Steuben, a fortnightafter the challenge: “I have read your letter toLee with pleasure. It was conceived in termswhich the offence merited, and, if he had anyfeeling, must have been felt by him.

Considering the pointedness and severity of your expressions, his answer was certainly avery modest one, and proved that he had nota violent appetite for so close a tête-à-tête asyou seemed disposed to insist upon. His

evasions, if known to the world, would dohim very little honour.” Upon what groundsLee refused to fight with Steuben, it is hardto surmise; for within another week we findhim engaged in a duel with Colonel Laurens,



as will presently be mentioned in the text.

[19] Washington’s Writings , ed. Ford,vii. 90.

[20] “I never saw the General to so muchadvantage.... A general rout, dismay, anddisgrace would have attended the whole armyin any other hands but his. By his own goodsense and fortitude he turned the fate of theday.... He did not hug himself at a distance,and leave an Arnold to win laurels for him;

but by his own presence he brought order outof confusion, animated his troops, and ledthem to success."— Hamilton to Boudinot , 5July, 1778. Observe the well-timed sneer atGates. Boudinot answers, “The General Ialways revered and loved ever since I knewhim, but in this instance he rose superior tohimself. Every lip dwells on his praise, for even his pretended friends (for none dare toacknowledge themselves his enemies) areobliged to croak it forth."— Boudinot to

Hamilton , 8 July, 1778.

[21] He has been sometimes described

incorrectly as a half-breed, and even as a sonof Sir William Johnson. His father was aMohawk, of the Wolf clan, and son of one of the five chiefs who visited the court of QueenAnne in 1710. The name is sometimes



wrongly written “Brandt.” The Indian nameis pronounced as if written“Thayendanauga,” with accent on penult.Brant was not a sachem. His eminence was

personal, not official. See Morgan, League of the Iroquois , p. 103.

[22] It has been shown that on thisoccasion Thayendanegea did what he couldto restrain the ferocity of his savagefollowers. See Stone’s Life of Brant , i. 379-381. It has more lately been proved thatThayendanegea commanded only his ownMohawks at Cherry Valley, and the atrocitieswere committed chiefly by Senecas under the

command of Sayenqueraghta. See MollyBrant’s letter in Hayden’s The Massacre of Wyoming , Wilkes-Barré, 1895, p. xxiv.

[23] Cannon were wheeled on the solidice from Staten Island to the city. SeeStone’s Life of Brant , ii. 54.

[24] In a paper read before the MarylandHistorical Society. See, also, his Logan and Cresap , Albany, 1867. The story is well told

by Mr. Theodore Roosevelt, in his admirable book, The Winning of the West , New York,1889. Though I leave the present chapter mainly as it was written in 1883, I have, inrevising it for publication, derived one or two



valuable hints from Mr. Roosevelt’s work.

[25] This point has been well elucidated by Mr. Roosevelt in his Winning of the West ,vol. i. pp. 240, 306.

[26] See my Critical Period of American History , chap. i.

[27] “The conduct of the Americans uponthis occasion was highly meritorious: for they

would have been fully justified in putting thegarrison to the sword: not one man of whichwas put to death but in fair combat.”Stedman’s History of the American War ,London, 1794, vol. ii. p. 145. This remark

seems to bear unconscious testimony to thesomewhat higher degree of humanity whichAmerican civilization had reached ascompared with civilization in Europe.According to the usage inherited from the so-

called ages of chivalry, it was deemed proper to massacre a captured garrison as a“punishment” calculated to deter commanders from wasting lives in trying todefend indefensible places. In the thirteenth

article of the international agreement proposed in the Brussels Conference of 1874, such slaughter is called “murder,” andis strictly prohibited; it would not now betolerated by public opinion anywhere in



Europe outside of Turkey. In our Revolutionary War the garrison of FortWashington was threatened with slaughter byGeneral Howe, but the threat was not carried

out. (See above, vol. i. p. 230.) At thecapture of Fort Griswold, Sept. 6, 1781, themassacre of the surrendered garrison hasalways been rightly regarded as a foul blotupon the British record. Mr. Lecky more

than once recognizes the humanity of theAmericans, and pronounces them superior inthis respect to the British. ( History of

England in the Eighteenth Century , iv. 145,and elsewhere.) Care must be taken,

however, in the interests of historic truth, notto press this opinion too far. A great deal of fustian has been written about the“barbarities” of the British soldiers in theRevolutionary War. John Adams compared

those honourable and kindly gentlemen, the brothers Howe, with such wretches as Borgiaand Alva, and suggested that “medals in gold,silver, and copper ought to be struck incommemoration of the shocking cruelties, the

brutal barbarities, and the diabolical impietiesof this war; and these should be contrastedwith the kindness, tenderness, humanity, and

philanthropy which have marked the conductof Americans toward their prisoners.”



( Familiar Letters of John Adams and hisWife, p. 266.) The spirit of this quotation

pervades the late George Bancroft’s narrativeof the Revolution, and fills it with a carping

animosity that is simply silly. In point of factthere was no strongly marked difference between British and Americans in respect of humanity. Much has been said about thehorrors of the British prison-ships in New

York harbour and elsewhere (see Greene’s Historical View , p. 351); but the horrors of the old Newgate prison near Granby, in mynative state of Connecticut, were even worse( s e e Phelps’s History of the Newgate

Prison ), and the prisons of Massachusettswere not much better. Honest men unable to pay their debts were thrown into thesefrightful dungeons and treated as brutally asever the British treated their prisoners of war.

Blame has been deservedly bestowedupon the British for their employment of Indian auxiliaries; but Americans must tosome extent share the blame, for early in1775, before the bloodshed at Lexington, the

Provincial Congress of Massachusettsenlisted Stockbridge Indians as minute-men,and tried to prevail upon the Six Nations “totake an active part in this glorious cause.”Indians served on the American side at the



battles of Long Island and White Plains ( NewYork Colonial Documents , viii. 740; Jones’s

Annals of Oneida County , p. 854; Winsor, Narr. and Crit. Hist. vi. 612-618). In a well-

known passage of the Declaration of Independence the king is arraigned because“he has endeavoured to bring on theinhabitants of our frontiers the mercilessIndian savages, whose known rule of warfare

is an undistinguished destruction of all ages,sexes, and conditions.” The taint of hypocrisy here is revealed by the fact thatCongress had on June 3 authorizedWashington to employ 2,000 Indians in

Canada; and on July 8 it further empoweredhim to enlist the tribes in eastern Maine and Nova Scotia. These orders were in pursuanceof a resolve of May 25, that “it is highlyexpedient to engage the Indians in the service

of the United Colonies.” ( Secret Journals of Congress , p. 44; cf. Washington’s Writings ,ed. Ford, iv. 140, 154, 168.) Washingtonapproved of this hiring of Indians. On thewhole, as so often happens, we held up our

hands in holy horror at other people for doingwhat we did not scruple to do ourselves.

Among the articles adopted at theBrussels Conference of 1874 was one to theeffect that “the population of an occupied



territory cannot be compelled to take part inmilitary operations against their own country,nor to swear allegiance to the enemy’s

power.” (Farrer, Military Manners and

Customs , p. 12.) No such rule wasrecognized a century ago. In South Carolinathe British commanders shot as deserters

persons captured in fight after having onceaccepted British protection. The execution of

Col. Isaac Hayne, an eminent citizen, under peculiarly aggravating circumstances, byorder of Lord Rawdon, called forth intenseindignation. But it should not be forgottenthat Greene also, on several occasions, shot

as deserters persons found in the enemy’sranks after serving in his own. Such was themilitary usage at that time.

A good many of the charges of cruelty,alleged on either side, must be taken with

allowances for gross exaggeration. For example, at Concord, April 19, 1775, afarmer’s boy, in combat with a woundedsoldier, struck him on the head with a hatchetand killed him. This incident, as magnified by

the British, gave rise to the statement that theAmericans mutilated and scalped thewounded soldiers lying on the road; astatement which is still sometimes repeated,although it was long ago proved to be false.



On the whole, while I agree with Mr.Lecky that the Americans behaved with morehumanity than their antagonists, it does notappear that the difference was a wide one.

To the credit of both sides it may be said thatthere was less barbarity than was usual inEuropean wars before the nineteenth century.

[28] The first commander-in-chief of theUnited States navy was Ezekiel Hopkins, of Rhode Island, appointed by Congress inDecember, 1775. His rank was intended tocorrespond in the navy with that held byWashington in the army. In the papers of thetime he is often styled “admiral,” but among

seamen he was commonly known as“commodore.” The officers next below himwere captains. In February, 1776, Hopkinsgot out to sea with a small fleet; in April, withtwo sloops-of-war and three small brigs, he

attacked the British sloop Glasgow 20, andfailed to take her. His failure was visited withsevere and perhaps excessive condemnation;in the following October, Congress passed avote of censure on him, and in January,

1777, dismissed him from the service. For the rest of the war no commander-in-chief of the navy was appointed.

One of Hopkins’s vessels, the brig



Lexington 14, was commanded by JohnBarry, a native of Wexford county, Ireland,who had long dwelt in Philadelphia. In April,1776, a few days after Hopkins’s failure, the

Lexington met the British tender Edward off the capes of Virginia, and captured her after an hour’s fight. This was the first capture of a British warship by an American. Barryserved with distinction through the war and

died at the head of the navy in 1803.[29] In March, 1780, the navy of the

United States consisted of the followingvessels:—

America 74, Capt. John Barry,on the stocks at Portsmouth, N.H.Confederacy 36, Capt. SethHarding, refitting at Martinico.Bourbon 36, Capt. ThomasRead, on the stocks inConnecticut.Alliance 32, Capt. Paul Jones,

in France.Trumbull 28, Capt. James

Nicholson, ready for sea inConnecticut.



Deane 28, Capt. Samuel Nicholson, on a cruise.Providence 28,Capt. AbrahamWhipple,Boston 28, Capt.Samuel Tucker,Queen of France

20, Capt. I.Rathbourne,Ranger 18, Capt.S. Sampson,

}

defendingthe harbour of Charleston,S.C.

Saratoga 18, Capt. J. Young, onthe stocks at Philadelphia.

See Sparks MSS. xlix. vol. iii. in HarvardUniversity Library.

[30] Richard Paton’s picture of this sea-fight, of which a photogravure is here given,departs somewhat from the strict truth of history, as is apt to be the case with historical

pictures. The Alliance is represented in theact of delivering her impartial volley into thestern of the Serapis and the bow of the BonHomme Richard, which occurred soon after ten o’clock. At the same time the mainmastof the Serapis is represented as overboard,whereas it did not fall until the ships were



separated after the surrender, as late as half past eleven. Apart from this inaccuracy, thegeneral conception of the picture isadmirable. The engraving, published in 1780,

was dedicated to Sir Richard Pearson, thecaptain of the Serapis, who was deservedlyknighted for his heroic resistance, whichsaved the Baltic fleet, although he wasworsted in the fight. There is a tradition that

Paul Jones, on hearing of the honour conferred upon Pearson, good-naturedlyobserved, “If I ever meet him again I’ll makea lord of him.”

[31] Agricultural communities lack the

right kind of experience for understanding thereal nature of money, and farmers are

peculiarly subject to financial delusions. Thishas been illustrated again and again inAmerican history, with lamentable

consequences, from the Massachusetts issueof “paper money” in 1690 down to thedrivelling schemes of the silver lunatics at the

present time.

[32] The story of his attempt to enter theservice of Luzerne, the French minister whosucceeded Gerard, rests upon insufficientauthority.

[33] The charge against Mrs. Arnold, in



Parton’s Life of Burr , i. 126, is conclusivelyrefuted by Sabine, in his Loyalists of the

American Revolution , i. 172-178. I think there can be no doubt that Burr lied.

[34] The version of the reprimand given by Marbois, however, is somewhatapocryphal.

[35] To a gentleman, like Clinton, such a proposal was a gross insult, to which the onlyfitting answer would have been, “What doyou take me for?” The scheme was highlydiscreditable to all concerned, and if Washington was one of these, it must be

pronounced a blot upon his record. The onlyexplanation would be that the “vague senseof injustice” mentioned below must have

been felt by him so keenly as to warp for themoment his moral judgment.

[36] In 1782, the British governmentgranted him a pension of £1,000 a year for his lifetime and that of his wife. Arnold diedin 1801, Mrs. Arnold in 1804.

[37] As Lecky well says, “there issomething inexpressibly touching in thetender affection and the undeviatingadmiration for her husband, which sheretained through all the vicissitudes of hisdark and troubled life.” Hist. of England in



the Eighteenth Century , iv. 136. Her affection seems to have been repaid with

perfect loyalty on Arnold’s part. His domesticlife seems to have been above reproach, in

which respect he presents a strong contrast tosuch utterly depraved wretches as CharlesLee and Aaron Burr.

[38]THE

SARATOGAMONUMENT

This isthe mostsuitable

place for makingmention of the Saratogamonument,which waserected in1883, but isnot yetcompleted.The obelisk,155 feet inheight,stands upona bluff about 300 feet above the Hudson



river, and just south of the road fromSchuylerville to Saratoga Springs. The viewhere given is taken from the southeast. Thegreat pointed-arch niches in the base, just

over the doorways, are occupied by bronzestatues of heroic size. Of these it wasnecessary that one should be the unworthyGates, who commanded the army andreceived Burgoyne’s surrender. The second

and third are obviously Schuyler andMorgan. The fourth niche is vacant. The place belongs to Arnold, who was especiallythe hero of Saratoga. But for Arnold, therelieving army of St. Leger might have come

down the Mohawk valley. But for Arnold,the 19th of September would have seenGates’s position turned at Bemis Heights. Butfor Arnold the victory of October 7th would

probably have been indecisive, so that time

would have been allowed for Clinton to comeup the Hudson. In commemorating Saratoga,to leave Arnold unnoticed would beimpossible. He has therefore his niche, but itis vacant. When the monument is completed,

the names of the four generals are to beinscribed below their niches, and then theempty niche will speak as eloquently as the

black veil that in the long series of portraits of Venetian doges covers the place of Marino



Faliero.

In the view here given, the empty niche isseen on the left. The niche on the right, or east, contains (on almost too small a scale to

be here visible) the statue of Schuyler, withfolded arms, gazing upon the field of surrender where he ought to have presided.On the north side stands Gates with a spy-glass, as in the final battle; while Arnold waswinning victory for him, he stood on BemisHeights to watch what he supposed would bethe retreat of the Americans! On the westside Morgan is in the attitude of ordering hissharpshooter Tim Murphy to fire upon

General Fraser. These poses were suggested by Colonel William Leete Stone, secretary of the Saratoga Monument Association, towhom, indeed, the monument owes itsexistence.

The interior of the monument is finelydecorated with bas-reliefs of scenes in theBurgoyne campaign.

[39] It was the sons of these invincible

men who vanquished Wellington’s veteransin the brief but acute agony at New Orleans;it was their grandsons and great-grandsonswho came so near vanquishing Grant atShiloh and Rosecrans at Stone River.



[40] “History, perhaps, does not furnishan instance [he means another instance] of a

battle gained under all the disadvantageswhich the British troops ... had to contend

against at Guilford. Nor is there, perhaps, onthe records of history, an instance of a battlefought with more determined perseverancethan was shown by the British troops on thatmemorable day.” Stedman, History of the

American War , London, 1794, ii. 347.[41] It is interesting to contrast with the

movements of Cornwallis those of aneminent general in more recent times. Earlyin 1865 General Sherman was at Columbia,

on the Congaree river, about thirty milessouthwest from Camden, and the difficulttask before him was, without any secure baseof operations nearer than Savannah, to pushthe Confederate forces northward to a

decisive defeat in North Carolina. With thisend in view, Sherman feigned to be aiming atCharlotte, while in reality he moved the bulk of his army northeasterly across the Pedeeand Cape Fear rivers to Goldsborough, near

the coast, where he established a new andsecure base of operations. The battle of Bentonville, fought just before Shermanreached this base, was the unsuccessfulattempt of his skilful antagonist, Joseph



Johnston, to prevent his reaching it.Sherman’s march northwestward from hisnew base was well secured, and Johnston’ssurrender near Hillsborough was a natural

sequel. But—as my friend, Mr. JohnCodman Ropes, in a letter to me once pointed out—"had Sherman pursued hismarch from Columbia to Charlotte, andthence until he had met and fought Johnston,

the result of the inevitable losses of the battle,leaving the question of victory aside, mighthave been such as to compel a retreat toSavannah.”

[42]



FRANCISCO’S SKIRMISH WITHTARLETON’S DRAGOONS

Just after the fight at Green SpringTarleton made a raid through Amelia countyand as far as Bedford, a hundred miles west

of Petersburg. One of the incidents of thisraid was made the subject of an engravingthat was published in 1814 and soon becamea familiar sight on the walls of public coffee-rooms and private parlours. Peter Francisco



was a Portuguese waif, an indentured servantof Anthony Winston. As he grew to manhoodhis strength was such that he could lift uponhis shoulder a cannon weighing half a ton,

and his agility was equally remarkable. Heentered the Continental service in 1777, in hisseventeenth year, and fought at Brandywine,Germantown, Fort Mifflin, Monmouth,Stony Point, Camden, Cowpens, and

Guilford, where he was wounded and left for dead. Plenty of life remained in him,however. On a July day, somewhere inAmelia county, alone and unarmed, he fell inwith nine of Tarleton’s dragoons, one of

whom demanded his shoe-buckles. “Takethem off yourself,” said the quick-wittedfellow-countryman of Magellan. As the manstooped to do the unbuckling, the young giantsnatched away his sword and crushed in his

skull with a single blow. Then quickly turninghe slew two others, one of whom sat onhorseback snapping a musket at him. At thismoment Tarleton’s troop of 400 menappeared in the distance, whereupon the

astute Francisco shouted in tremendous voicesome words of command as if to anapproaching party of his own. The six unhurtdragoons, who happened to be dismounted,were dazed with the sudden fury of



Francisco’s attack, and at his deafening yellthey fled in a panic, leaving their horses.These things all happened in the twinkling of an eye. Then Francisco vaulted into the

saddle of one of the horses, seized the others by their bridles, and made off through thewoods to Prince Edward Court House, wherehe sold all the horses save one noble charger which he named Tarleton and kept as his pet

for many years. See Winston’s Peter Francisco, Soldier of the Revolution ,Richmond, 1893.

The above incidents are epitomized in the picture without much regard to accuracy.

[43] This slaughter, though sanctioned byEuropean rules of warfare at that time, wasnot in accordance with usage in EnglishAmerica, either on the part of British or of Continentals. It was an instance of exceptional cruelty, and must be pronounceda serious blot upon the British record. Seeabove, p. 116.

[44] He died in London, June 14, 1801,

and his burial in Brompton cemetery ismentioned in the Gentleman’s Magazine ,lxxi. 580.

[45] In using such a word as “gratitude”in this connection, one should not forget that



the purposes of France, in helping us, were purely selfish. The feeling of the Frenchgovernment toward us was not reallyfriendly, and its help was doled out with as

niggardly a hand as possible. An instance of this was furnished immediately after thesurrender of Yorktown, when Lafayette

proposed to Grasse a combined movementupon Charleston in concert with Greene, but

Grasse obstinately refused. See HarvardUniversity Library, Sparks MSS. Such amovement promised success, though it mighthave entailed a battle with the British fleet.But Grasse was faithful to the policy of

Vergennes, to help the Americans justenough, but not too much. This policy isdiscussed in my Critical Period of American

History , chap, i., “Results of Yorktown,” inwhich the story is continued from the present

chapter.



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