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Syntax-semantics mismatches and complex predicate formation in

Formosan languages

Henry Y. Chang Academia Sinica

henryylc@gate.sinica.edu.tw

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Introduction: SVCs in Kavalan

(1)a.m-atiw=iku m-ara tu sunis

AF-go=1S.NOM AF-take OBL child

‘I go and bring a child back.’

b.qatiw-an-ku m-ara ya sunis

go-PF-1S.GEN AF-take NOM child

‘I go and bring the child back.’

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Observations and generalizations

1. Clitic pronouns on the first verb > first verb as the matrix verb

2. The first verb can be inflected for either AF or NAF, while the second verb can only be inflected for AF >

(i) The second verb as dependent (ii) Syntax-semantic mismatch: semantic

argument of the embedded verb as matrix subject

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The mismatches are also found in adverbials

(2)a.paqanas-an-ku t<em>ayta ya sulal

slow-PF-1S.GEN see<AF> NOM book

‘I read the book slowly.’

b.pataz-an-ku-ti s<em>upas ya qRitun

often-PF-1S.G-ASP buff<AF> NOM car

‘I buffed my car often.’ (Chang 2006)

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The mismatches are not restricted to SVCs: Also found in Paiwan

(3)a. ku-’<in>acuvung a ma-sengseng a kava

1S.GEN-finish<PF> LNKAF-make NOM clothes

‘I have finished making my clothes.’

b. ku-g<in>alu a k<em>im a hung

2S.GEN-slow<PF> LNK search<AF> NOM book

‘I searched the book slowly.’ (Wu 2005)

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Also in Mayrinax

(4)a. wah-an ’i’ m-itaal ni’ yumin ’i’ yaya

go-LF LNK AF-see GEN Yumin NOM mother

‘Yumin went to see his mother.’

b. naqaru-un-mi’ ’i’ma-bahuq ku’ situing la

finish-PF-1S.GEN AF-wash NOM clothes PART

‘I have finished washing the clothes.’ (Huang 1995: 193)

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Also in

• Amis

• Saisiyat

• Thao

• Puyuma

(as reported in Huang (1997))

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Research question

Why the mismatches?

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Raising analogue?

(5) a. It seems that John is happy.

b. John seems to be happy.

(1) b. qatiw-an-ku m-ara ya sunis go-PF-1S.GEN AF-take NOM chil

d

‘I go and bring a child back.’

b’. qatiw-an-ku [VP m-ara ti] ya sunisi

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Problems with raising analysis:

1. Unmotivated (NP-movement is case- driven)

(1) b’. qatiw-an-ku [VP m-ara ti] ya sunisi

OBL NOM

2. The matrix verbs are not of raising verbs

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The mismatches are reminiscent of complex predicate constructions (I)

(6)a.John ran his shoes threadbare. b.John hammered the metal flat. (7)a.Zhangsan ku-de shoupa dou shi le ZS cry-DE handkerchief all wet ASP ‘Zhangsan cried and he made his \ handkerchief wet.’ b. Zhangsan ba shoupa dou ku shi le ZS BA handkerchief all cry wet ASP c. Zhangsan ku-shi le shoupa ZS cry-wet ASP handkerchief (J. Huang 1992)

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The mismatches are reminiscent of complex predicate constructions (II)

(8)a.Jean les=a fait reciter a Pierre (French)

‘Jean made Pierre recite them.’

b.Maria la=fa riparare a Giovanni (Italian)

‘Maria makes Giovanni repair it.’

c.Maria lo=hizo arreglar a Juan (Spanish)

‘Maria made Juan fix it.’ (Rosen 1990:17)

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My proposal• Verb sequences in question as complex

predicates – two verbs act as a single predicate • Complex predicates as argument structure

merger (Rosen 1990)• Argument sharing provides the basis for the

merger• As head of the clause, the first verb attract the

major grammatical markers such as TAM and bound pronouns.

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Complex predicate formation in Kavalan

(1) b. qatiw-an-ku m-ara ya sunis

go-PF-1S.GEN AF-take NOM child ‘I go and bring the child back.’

go (Actori) + take (Actori, patient) argument structure merger in the syntax

Complex argument structure: go-take (Actor, patient)

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Event-sharing in Kavalan

(2)a. paqanas-an-ku t<em>ata ya sulal

slow-PF-1S.G see<AF> NOM book ‘I read the book slowly.’ slow (eventi) +read (Actor, theme, eventi)(Kratzer 1995)

argument structure merger

Complex AS: slow-read (Actor, theme, event)

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CPs in Tsou (1/2):Evidence from focus harmony

(09)a. mi-’o ahoi bon-U AF-1S start(AF) eat-AF ta tacUmUOBL banana

‘I start eating bananas.’ b. os-’o ahoz-a an-a

NAF-1S start-PF eat-PF ’o tacUmU

NOM banana ‘I start eating the bananas.’ (Chang 2005)

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CPs in Tsou (2/2):Evidence from compounding

(10)a. mi-’o o-hoi ta tacUmU

AF-1S eat-start(AF)OBL banana

‘I start eating bananas.’(=9a)

b. os-’o o-hoz-a ’o tacUmU

NAF-1S eat-start-PF NOM banana

‘I start eating the bananas.’(=9b)

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Event-sharing and CP formation in Tsou

(11)a.mi-ta butas-o eobak-o ta oko

AF-3S violent-AF hit-AF OBL child

‘He hit a child violently.’

b.i-ta utasv-a eobak-a ’o oko

NAF-3S violent-PF hit-PF NOM child

‘He hit the child violently.’

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Evidence for event-as-argument: “Ambient serialization” in Paamese

(12)a.ko-muasi-e 0-vaa-hise 2S:REAL-hit-3S 3S:REAL-MULT-how many ‘How many times did you hit him?’ b.ni-muasi-e he-haa-relu 1S:FUT-do-3S 3S:FUT-MULT-three ‘I will do it three times.’ (Crowley 2002:81)

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Event-sharing in Paamese

(11)b. ni-muasi-e he-haa-relu

1S:FUT-do-3S 3S:FUT-MULT-three

‘I will do it three times.’ (Crowley 2002:81)

Three-times (eventi) +do (agent, patient, eventi)

argument structure merger

Complex AS: do-three-times (agent, patient, event)

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Typology of CPs

1. Resultative/biclausal (Mandarin)

2. Causative/Infinitival (French, Paiwan, M.

Atayal, Amis)

3. SVC (Kavalan, Tsou, Seediq, S. Atayal,

Saisiyat, Thao, Puyuma)

4. Verb-particle (English, German)

5. Light verb (English, Hindi-Urdu)

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Complex predicate spectrum

biclausal monoclausal word

DE-

construction

infinitive secondary predicate

SVC light verb particle construction

compound

Chinese Romance, Paiwan, (Amis,

M. Atayal)

English

Chinese

Kwa, Oceanic, Chinese, Tsou, Kavalan, Seediq,

(W. Atayal, Saisiyat,

Puyuma, Thao)

Hindi-Urdu

Eng,

Chin

Germanic,

Chinese

Chinese, Tsou

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Conclusions

• Complex predicate formation is very productive in Formosan languages. It cuts across various semantic categories (including adverbials) and syntactic structures (SVCs and non-SVCs).

• A possible basis for complex predicate formation is argument sharing (including event sharing).

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Residual questions

(13)a.supaR-an-ku=ti=isu tu babar-an-na know-PF-1S.G=ASP=2S.N OBL beat-PF-3S.G ‘I knew that he beat you.’ (Kavalan) b.kula-un-ku-su m-<un>ekan ido know-PF-1S.N-2S.G AF-<PERF>eat rice ‘You know that I ate rice.’ (Seediq, Chang 1997:74)

c.k<in>elang ni kui ti kai tu know<PF> G Kui NOM Kai na-v<en>eLi tua kun PERF-buy<AF> OBL skirt ‘Kui knew that Kai bought a skirt.’ (Paiwan, Tang 1999:536)

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Selected references Brill, Isabelle. 2004. Complex predicates in Oceanic languages. Mouton de Gruyter.Chang, Henry Y. 2005. Focus harmony and restructuring in Tsou. Paper presented at AF

LA12, UCLA, April 30-May 2.___. 2006. The guest playing host: Adverbial modifiers as matrix verbs in Kavalan. Claus

al structure and adjuncts in Austronesian languages. ed. by Hans-Martin Gartner, Paul Law, and Joachim Sabel, 43-82. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.

Crowley, Terry T. 2002. Serial Verbs in Oceanic: a descriptive typology. Oxford University Press.Huang, James C.-T. 1992. Complex predicates in control. Control and grammar, ed. by R.K. Larson, S. Iatridou, U. Lahiri and J. Higginbotham, pp. 109-147, Kluwer Academic Publishers. Huang, Lillian M. 1995. A study of Mayrinax syntax. Taipei: the Crane Publishing Co.____. 1997. Serial verb constructions. Paper presented at the Eighth International Conference on Austronesian Linguistics, Dec. 28-30. Kratzer, Angelika. 1995. Stage-level and individual-level predicates. The generic book, ed.

by Gregory N. Carlson and Francis Jeffry Pelletier, 125-175, Chicago: the Chicago Press.

Rosen, Sara Thomas. 1990. Argument structure and complex predicates. New York: Garland Publishing.

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Acknowledgements

• Acadmia Sinica and NSC for financial support

• Informants for providing linguistic data

• Isabelle Bril for sharing her ideas with me

• Students at my Formosan syntax seminar at Tsing Hua for discussions of various relevant issues with me