subsistence-based economy and the regional interaction ......ii subsistence-based economy and the...
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Subsistence-Based Economy and the Regional Interaction Processes of the Indus Civilization Borderland
in Kachchh, Gujarat: A Bio-Molecular Perspective
By
Kalyan Sekhar Chakraborty
A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy
Graduate Department of Anthropology
University of Toronto
© Copyright by Kalyan Sekhar Chakraborty 2019
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Subsistence-Based Economy and the Regional Interaction Processes of the Indus Civilization Borderland in Kachchh,
Gujarat: A Bio-Molecular Perspective
Kalyan Sekhar Chakraborty
Degree of Doctor of Philosophy
Department of Anthropology
University of Toronto
2019
Abstract
This dissertation investigates the role of food producers in the Indus Civilization
borderland in Kachchh, Gujarat, particularly during the Urban/Mature phase (2600-1900 BCE).
During the Urban phase, this region was occupied by two distinct categories of settlements. The
settlements from the first category were strategically situated, contained Classical Harappan type
materials, and were specialized in craft production, craft-related trade and administration; these
are popularly known as Classical Harappan-type settlements. The settlements from the second
category, popularly known as Sorath-type settlements, were located inland, contained regional
pottery and practiced agro-pastoralism. The analysis of the subsistence economy of Kotada Bhadli,
a Sorath-type settlement, provides an evaluation of the nature of economic production at this
settlement and the possible day-to-day interactions between this settlement and neighboring non-
food craft-producing settlements. To date, our understanding of rural food production and regional
everyday interaction between different specialized groups in the Indus borderland is limited, and
therefore, through providing a detailed account of the subsistence-related economy at a rural
settlement, this thesis aims to evaluate the nature of specialized staple production, and provide
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more data for the understanding the nature of staple exchange between these settlements
specialized in diverse economic activities.
To incorporate this everyday regional interaction in our current understanding of regional
interactions during the Indus age, I summarized and arranged different arguments from various
scholars into distinct models. The analysis of molecular, isotopic and micro-botanical remains
suggest the involvement of Kotada Bhadli with specialized sedentary to semi-sedentary
pastoralism and some form of household-level cultivation of plants, along with some importing of
agricultural grains and Harappan-style craft goods from neighboring settlements. Based on these
results, I propose a likely cooperative regional interaction between diverse groups and specialists
such as craft producers, traders, raw material distributers and staple producers, in the presence or
absence of a centralized or regional authority during the Urban phase. Such reciprocal relationship
between diverse specialized groups not only supported the production of wealth but also helped to
maintain status and identity, as well as dealing with critical environmental, economic and probably
political conditions that may have ultimately helped sustain this civilization over many centuries.
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Dedicated
To my Grandparents
Late Sri Nanilal Chakraborty and Late Srimati Chaya Rani Chakraborty
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Acknowledgments
I am overwhelmed to write this particular section of my thesis. Utilizing this opportunity
to look back into those years, I find so many people, organizations, and institutions, without their
enormous support and help, I would not have been here where I am today. Now when I have the
opportunity to formally acknowledge them, I feel anxious of missing names. I am greatly thankful
to all who have directly and indirectly helped me throughout my life, I am grateful to you and will
always be indebted.
First and foremost, I would like to thank my Ph.D. supervisor Prof. Heather M.-L Miller.
From the first day of my Ph.D. and even before I formally became her student, she was a great
support and a true inspiration. She is not just my Ph.D. advisor but a Guru who guided me for all
my endeavors whether it is related to my Ph.D. or not. Her academic integrity, quest for scientific
solutions to problems have always inspired me. She is a person of logic and perfection and these
qualities of her have always pushed me beyond my comfort zone and made me what I am today.
Along with her I would also like to thank my other committee members, Prof. Dave Smith, Prof.
Genevieve Dewar and Prof. Liye Xie, for their constant encouragement, analytical support, and
insightful and useful comments on my thesis.
The next person I would like to show my gratitude is Dr. Prabodh Shirvalkar from Deccan
College, and I often call him ‘Prabodh Bhaia’. Without his help and support, nothing would have
been possible. He has taken me to the site, gave access to all the materials that I used for my Ph.D.
and spent hours to explain me about the Sorath settlements. When I decided to do a Ph.D. on
Kotada Bhadli, he told me “take whatever you want”. Such trust on me made me responsible
towards the archaeological remains from Kotada Bhadli, and I made sure that as my analysis are
destructive, I use the samples with a great responsibility. He is the person who personally taught
me the nuances of field archaeology. Along with him Prof. Vijay Sathe from Deccan College was
my mentor and provided me continuous academic and personal supports. He is the person who
encouraged me to apply scientific methods in archaeology. He helped me to develop collaborations
and taught me the applications of chemistry in archaeological research. Without his continuous
support and teachings, I would have never imagined to carry-out scientific analysis on
archaeological materials.
Apart from the faculty members from University of Toronto, and Deccan College, there
are few people who are the pillars of this thesis. They have not only collaborated with me at
different stages of my Ph.D. but also taught me analytical procedures. I would personally like to
thank Prof. Supriyo Chakraborty, Prof. Syamalava Mazumdar, Prof. Greg Slater, Dr. Sheahan
Bestel and Prof. Petrus Le Roux. These eminent professors and scientist have not only allowed me
to use the facilities of their labs, but also spent their time, energy and resources to teach me the
analytical part of each methods that I used in this dissertation. They have also provided me with
constructive and insightful comments during every stages of writing, and they made it sure that I
get the science right.
Here I would also like to take the opportunity to thank all the funding agencies who has
provided generous funds to carry-out analysis as well as to present my results in different parts of
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the world that helped me to evolve into a better researcher. I would like to thank the University of
Toronto to provide me with graduate fellowship and many other grants to carryout pilot study,
analysis, as well as to present my research at various professional meetings. Junior research
fellowship from Indian Council of Historical Researches and the Small Study Grant from Nehru
Trust for the Indian Collection at Victoria and Albert Museum have supported me during the initial
stage of my research, and without their generous supports this thesis would not have been possible.
Prof. Heather Miller has also funded a part of my research from her personal funds.
I would like to extend my gratitude towards Natalia Krencil and Angelia Sidoriak. They
made sure that things run as smooth as possible for me while at the University of Toronto.
Dr. Michael W Gregg not only inspired me to carry out residue analysis, but he personally
helped me extensively to develop my synopsis and to start my Ph.D. at the University of Toronto,
and it’s because of him I ended up doing my Ph.D. under Prof. Heather Miller. He helped me
enormously to construct my thoughts in every single stages of my Ph.D. To me, he is the go-to
person whenever I encounter any problem or confusion. After him its Dr. Mathew Mosher (Matt)
and Dr. Greg Brown, they have helped me to construct my thoughts, read my works numerous
times. Matt not only helped me academically, he has also provided my brain with all the energies
possible through inviting me to his house numerous times. Here I would also like to thank Prof.
Julia Giblin for her constructed comments and for proof reading my drafts.
I am very much thankful to all the Lab Technicians I have worked with. Particularly Dr.
Carley Crann, Kansara Ji and Jennie have immensely helped me during my analysis and made my
transition to these highly specialized instruments extremely smooth. With them I discussed and
developed methods that I used for my Ph.D. research. They also equally helped me to interpret my
data. My lab mates, Nitesh Jadav, Amay Datye, Greg Brown, Swang Wo, Ramiz Saikh, Dipa
Jaishwal, Sharika Dubey, Manish Shandilya and Prof. Shibdas Bannerjee were tremendously
helpful during my lab visits. Every time I visited the labs, they made me feel home and were very
accommodating.
I would specifically like to thank Deccan College Administration, and the Archaeological
Survey of India, particularly Prof. Vasant Shinde (Chancellor, Deccan College), Sri Yadubirsing
Rawat and Sri Jitendra Nath, for letting me analyze the materials from Kotada Bhadli and for
allowing me to bring materials out of the country for the purpose of analysis. Particularly Shri
Jitendra Nath who has given me the permission on behalf of the Archaeological Survey of India.
This thesis would never have been possible without their timely help and support.
Deccan College in Pune is where it all started from the first day, I was admitted to the
Masters’ Program in 2008. Since then Deccan College has been my power house of archaeology.
There I met many people who I still admire. Prof. K. Padayya, Prof. Vasant Shinde, Prof. P.
Shirvalkar Prof. M.D. Kajale, Prof. Vijay Sathe, Prof. P. Joglekkar, Prof. R.K. Mohanty, Prof.
Veena Mushrif and Prof. P. B. Sable, they were great teachers and extremely knowledgeable
guides. I learned so much whenever I talked to them. They were always kind to me, they were
accommodating, and great human beings. Deccan College have also showered me with many
mentors and friends who taught me what life is and how to be happy in every adverse condition. I
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am truly thankful to Dighe sir, Phule sir, Sachin sir, Amol bhaia, Saleem bhaia, Yogesh bhaia,
Tilok bhaia, Pankaj bhaia, Shantanu bhaia, Tosha bhaia, Anwita di, Kanchana di, and Sharda di,
they have always provided me with constructive comments and suggestions throughout my career.
I would like to thank all my friends from Deccan College, Jose, Uday, Debanjan, Sourav, Avra,
Prateek, Vrushab, Ajmal, Narender, Gautam, Kim, Sutapa, Saumi di, Antara, Esha, Tejal, Jagriti,
Amrita, Elora and Mokshada. You guys were amazing, and I have spent the best days of my life
with you.
I would like to personally thank Prof. Brad Chase. He has not only inspired me to carry out
stable isotope analysis but also guided me at various stages of my thesis. Despite being extremely
busy with his teaching and research, he was always available to reply my emails and questions.
His suggestions, including his final comments as an external have potentially benefitted my thesis.
I am also thankful to Prof. Shanti Pappu, Prof. Anil K Pokharia, Dr. Akhilesh Kumar, Dr. Rajesh
S.V., Dr. Sneh Patel, and Dr. Katie Lindstrom for their support, direct and indirect guidance as
well as constructive discussions that were very helpful for my thesis.
Finally, I would like to thank my family and friends beyond my academic world. First, I
would like to thank my newborn son Krishyav Sekhar. Towards the end of my thesis, when I was
over-exhausted by the amount of work, his fresh look and warmth hug gave me all the power,
stamina and encouragement. At the final stage of my thesis, without the help of my mother-in-law
it was impossible for me to finish this thesis in a timely manner. She left her family back in India,
and stayed with us for many months, so that she can take care of all the domestic needs, provide
parental care to our son and to my wife, while I focus on my thesis. My parents have taken the
pain to be away in good and bad days from their child for so long so that I can live my dream.
Their faith, trust and unconditional love have not only molded me to a human being that I am today
but have always provided me with the strength to achieve my goals. I can’t thank enough to my
wife Moumita, I can never ask for a better wife than her. On one hand she is the greatest critique
of my work and on the other hand she is the best support. She has been always with me in ups and
downs and her sacrifices are beyond any word. My brothers and sisters, Saikat, Arpita, Snehasis,
Avijit, Surojit, Bishwajit are true gems. Throughout my life they made it sure that I always stay
happy and when I go home, I enjoy all the funs that I missed during these years in Canada. I have
also made many great friends in Toronto, who have made this newly immigrated place feel like
home. I cannot take all the names as there are too many of them, but I will certainly mention a few
names very close to my heart, such as Somnath da, Smita di, Sandeepan da, Snigdha di, Prodipto
da, Ranja di, Arup da, Madhumita di, Krishnakali di and Nanda Bhaia, Souvik da and Piu di,
Uddalok da, Arpita di, Indranil da and Suravita, and the list goes on. Finally, I would like to thank
my best friends Biru, Tukai and Bhargav, they have always provided me with strong shoulders
that I can lean onto whenever I feel low, and they made it sure that in every situation I stay in my
comfort zone.
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Table of Contents
Dedicated ................................................................................................................................... iv
Acknowledgments ....................................................................................................................... v
Table of Contents .................................................................................................................... viii
List of Tables .......................................................................................................................... xiii
List of Figures .......................................................................................................................... xiv
List of Appendices .................................................................................................................. xvii
Chapter 1 Introduction and Background ...................................................................................... 1
1.1. Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 1
The Indus Civilization and Gujarat ....................................................................... 4
1.2. The Adoption of Periodization in Gujarat ........................................................................ 9
The Pre and Early Harappan Phase in Gujarat (circa 3200-2600 BCE) ............... 12
Urban/Mature Phase in Gujarat (circa 2600-1900 BCE) ..................................... 14
Urban-Late Transition or the Late Mature Phase in Gujarat (circa. 2200-1900
BCE) .................................................................................................................. 21
The Post-Urban Phase in Gujarat (circa. 1900-1400 BCE).................................. 25
1.3. Harappan Expansion and Interaction Sphere in Gujarat: Overview of the Three
Common Models ........................................................................................................... 29
The Traditional Migration Model ....................................................................... 30
Indigenous Development Model ......................................................................... 32
Inter-Regional Integration: A Bottom-up Model ................................................. 36
1.4. Staple Surplus Production and Cooperative Exchange: A Regional Approach ................ 40
1.5. The Settlement of Kotada Bhadli and Major Findings .................................................... 46
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1.6. Overview of Thesis Chapters ......................................................................................... 50
Chapter 2 Site Formation Processes, Active Human Choices in Waste Management and
Economic Specialization ........................................................................................................... 54
2.1. Abstract ......................................................................................................................... 54
2.2. Introduction ................................................................................................................... 55
The settlement of Kotada Bhadli and the Nature of the Ash Deposits ................. 57
The Geology, Vegetation and Climate at Kotada Bhadli ..................................... 59
Cultural Sequence at Kotada Bhadli ................................................................... 63
2.3. Situating Kotada Bhadli Within the Indus Era of Gujarat ............................................... 64
2.4. Microscopic Analysis of the Sediment ........................................................................... 68
Phytoliths ........................................................................................................... 71
Spherulites ......................................................................................................... 72
2.5. Results and Interpretation .............................................................................................. 72
Low and High Phytolith Counts ......................................................................... 72
Monocots vs Dicots plants at the settlement of Kotada Bhadli ............................ 80
Types of Grasses ................................................................................................ 81
Phytolith Data and Economic Specialization at Kotada Bhadli ........................... 85
What was Burning and the Waste Management at the Site of Kotada Bhadli ...... 89
2.6. Discussion and Conclusion ............................................................................................ 91
Chapter 3 Enamel Isotope Data from the Domesticated Animals at Kotada Bhadli, Gujarat,
Reveals Specialized Animal Husbandry During the Indus Age .................................................. 94
3.1. Abstract ......................................................................................................................... 94
3.2. Introduction ................................................................................................................... 95
The Economic activities at the Settlement Under Study ...................................... 98
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Pastoralism and Agriculture in Gujarat During the Mature Phase of the Indus
Civilization ...................................................................................................... 100
3.3. Materials and Methods ................................................................................................ 102
Morphological Separation of Sheep from Goats ............................................... 103
Sample Preparation and Cleaning ..................................................................... 104
Sample Preparation and Analysis for Carbon and Oxygen Isotopes .................. 105
Sample Preparation and Analysis for Strontium Isotopes .................................. 105
3.4. Results and Interpretation ............................................................................................ 106
Using Carbon Isotopes ratios to Determine Diet and Fodder Selection from
Tooth Enamel .................................................................................................. 107
Using Oxygen Isotopes to Determine the Hydrological Weather and the
Relation Between the Climate and Fodder Selection......................................... 109
Using Strontium Isotope rations to Determine Mobility.................................... 114
3.5. Discussion ................................................................................................................... 122
3.6. Conclusion .................................................................................................................. 125
Chapter 4 Selective Dairying and Culinary Practices at Kotada Bhadli During the Urban
Phase of the Indus Civilization ................................................................................................ 128
4.1. Abstract ....................................................................................................................... 128
4.2. Introduction ................................................................................................................. 129
Animal Consumption During the Indus Age and the Application of Lipid
Residue Analysis.............................................................................................. 131
Pottery Functionality and Lipid Residue ........................................................... 134
4.3. Archaeological Data from the Settlement Under Study ................................................ 137
4.4. Materials and Methods ................................................................................................ 141
Samples ........................................................................................................... 141
Lipid Extraction ............................................................................................... 144
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One-Step Acidified Methanolic Extraction ....................................................... 144
Conventional Chloroform-Methanol Extraction................................................ 145
First Stage of Pilot Analyses in India Using Gas Chromatography Mass
Spectrometry (GC-MS) .................................................................................... 145
Final Stage of Controlled Analyses in Canada Using Gas Chromatography
Mass Spectrometry (GC-MS) ........................................................................... 146
Gas Chromatography Isotope Ratio Mass Spectrometry (GC-IRMS) ............... 147
4.5. Results and Discussion ................................................................................................ 148
One-Step Acidified Methanolic Extraction vs. Conventional Chloroform-
Methanol Extraction ......................................................................................... 148
Modes of Animal Consumption at Kotada Bhadli Based on Fatty Acids and
Fatty Acid Ratios ............................................................................................. 150
Modes of Animal Consumption at Kotada Bhadli Based on Compound
Specific Isotope Analysis ................................................................................. 152
Association Between Ceramic Types and Lipid Residues ................................. 163
Pottery Type and Compound Specific Isotope Analysis.................................... 167
4.6. Archaeological Significance ........................................................................................ 172
4.7. Conclusion .................................................................................................................. 176
Chapter 5 Conclusions and Next Steps .................................................................................... 179
5.1. General Observations About the Settlement of Kotada Bhadli and the Settlement
Pattern of the Region of Gujarat .................................................................................. 179
5.2. Summary of the Microscopic Analysis of the Ash Deposits and AMS Dating .............. 181
5.3. Conclusions about the Biogenic Isotope Results of Domesticated Animals from
Kotada Bhadli .............................................................................................................. 184
5.4. Conclusions about the Absorbed Organic Residue Analysis of Pot-sherds from
Kotada Bhadli .............................................................................................................. 187
5.5. Final summary of the Thesis Focus .............................................................................. 190
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5.6. Summary: Models of interaction in Indus Age Gujarat, and the contribution of Kotada
Bhadli .......................................................................................................................... 192
References .............................................................................................................................. 201
Appendices ............................................................................................................................. 221
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List of Tables
Table 1.1: Simplified chronology of the Indus Era Gujarat. ....................................................... 11
Table 2.1: Radiocarbon results. Calibration was performed using OxCal v4.2.4 (Bronk Ramsey,
2009) and the IntCal13 calibration curve (Reimer et al., 2013). Material codes are described in
Crann et al. (2016). ................................................................................................................... 66
Table 2.2: Details of sediment samples and the brief description of layers from which they were
collected, along with their phytolith and spherulite content. The layer description has been
modified after Shirvalkar and Rawat, (in press.). ....................................................................... 70
Table 2.3: Final counts for samples with high phytolith abundance ........................................... 73
Table 2.4: Final counts for samples with low phytolith abundance ............................................ 78
Table 4.1: GC-IRMS results of pottery samples from Kotada Bhadli, sorted based on the
probable source of lipids. ........................................................................................................ 155
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List of Figures
Figure 1.1: Highlighted map of the Indus Civilization showing the location of major settlements
and settlements that are mentioned in this thesis. The black dashed lines indicate the region under
study and the red dot indicates the site under study. .....................................................................5
Figure 1.2: Map of Gujarat showing major sites with both Harappan and non-Harappan
affiliations. ..................................................................................................................................7
Figure 1.3: Geological map of Kachchh (developed after www.gsi.gov.in). .................................8
Figure 1.4: Excavated area of Kotada Bhadli, showing the southern settlement wall and the
central residential complex with ten interconnected rooms. ....................................................... 49
Figure 2.1: Satellite image showing the location of the site of Kotada Bhadli (source
https://www.bing.com/maps). The red highlighted area is the settlement wall, the yellow
highlighted areas indicate the extension of the three seasons of excavation. ............................... 61
Figure 2.2: (A) Schematic diagram of the residential area with interconnected rooms, and the
location of samples collected from the residential area. (B) Trench map of the settlement of
Kotada Bhadli, the maroon boxes indicate excavation blocks, the yellow boxes indicate the
sampling location for AMS dating and the blue boxes indicate the location of sediment samples
for phytoliths. (C) Photograph of the excavation block: -XL2 showing the layers along the inner
face of the southern wall. (D) Schematic diagram of the layers along the inner face of the
southern wall. (E) Schematic diagram of the layers from the residential area. ............................ 62
Figure 2.3: Calibration curve of charcoal samples from Kotada Bhadli. ..................................... 67
Figure 2.4: A comparative chronology of Kotada Bhadli and other Classical Harappan-type
(orange bar) and Sorath-type (blue bar) settlements from Gujarat, plotted against the general
chronology of Gujarat proposed by Possehl (1992) and later modified by Dhavalikar (1994).
Chronometric and relative dates of other settlements were collected from Bisht (2015, 1999);
Chase (2014); Deshpande and Shinde (2005); Dhavalikar (1995); Joshi (1990); Kharakwal et al.
(2012); Lindstrom (2013); Patel (2017); Pokharia et al. (2017); Possehl (2004); Uesugi. et al.
(2015) ....................................................................................................................................... 69
Figure 2.5: Distribution of monocot vs dicot phytoliths in samples of high phytolith counts (top)
and low phytolith counts (bottom). ............................................................................................ 84
Figure 2.6: Distribution of grass phytoliths in the sediment samples from Kotada Bhadli. ......... 85
Figure 2.7: Number of spherulites in the samples from Kotada Bhadli. Each slide was counted
for a maximum 20 spherulites. .................................................................................................. 90
Figure 3.1: (A) KTB-29 showing the sequential sampling along the enamel; (B) Age profile of
cattle/buffalo and goat/sheep from the site of Kotada Bhadli. .................................................. 103
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Figure 3.2: Comparison of δ13C values of tooth enamel from domesticated animals consumed at
both Kotada Bhadli and Bagasra; the data from Bagasra was acquired from Chase et al. (2014b).
............................................................................................................................................... 111
Figure 3.3: Carbon isotope values from Kotada Bhadli, indicating the nature of fodder selection.
Lines connect the sample from individual teeth as shown in fig 3.1A. ..................................... 111
Figure 3.4: Comparison of the δ18O isotope values of the domesticated animals consumed at both
Kotada Bhadli and Bagasra; the data from Bagasra was acquired from Chase et al. (2014b). ... 113
Figure 3.5: Oxygen isotope values from Kotada Bhadli. Lines connect the samples from
individual teeth as shown in fig 3.1A....................................................................................... 115
Figure 3.6: Intra-tooth variation of carbon (δ13C, triangles) and oxygen (δ18O, squares) isotope
ratios of the tooth enamel bioapatite of cattle/buffalo from the site of Kotada Bhadli. .............. 116
Figure 3.7: Intra-tooth variation of carbon (δ13C, triangles) and oxygen (δ18O, squares) isotope
ratios of the tooth enamel bioapatite of Sheep and Goats from the site of Kotada Bhadli. ........ 117
Figure 3.8: The geology of Kachchh and part of Saurashtra indicating the location of Kotada
Bhadli and other major settlements discussed in the chapter, modified after (Sen et al., 2009). 118
Figure 3.9: Average 87Sr/Sr86 isotope data of individual teeth from the cattle/buffalo and
goat/sheep from Kotada Bhadli, compared against the average 87Sr/Sr86 values of each individual
tooth of the faunal remains from Bagasra published in Chase et al. (2014b). The upper blue line
indicates the average value of 87Sr/Sr86 from the archaeological samples at the site of Kotada
Bhadli and the lower, red line indicate the average value of 87Sr/Sr86 from the archaeological
samples at the site of Bagasra mentioned in Chase et al. (2014b). ............................................ 121
Figure 4.1: Reconstructed vessels from the settlement of Kotada Bhadli used for organic residue
analysis. .................................................................................................................................. 143
Figure 4.2: The differences in the extraction yield between acid-based extraction and
conventional method. The left one is KB-106 extracted using the acid-based method (2nd
temperature program; the right one is KB-106 extracted using the conventional method (1st
temperature program). ............................................................................................................. 149
Figure 4.3: Partial gas chromatograms of TLEs from three Sorath Harappan potsherds from the
site of Kotada Bhadli. Peaks were identified by GC-MS. Numbers (X:Y) refer to chain lengths
(X) and number of saturation (Y) in the methanolic H2SO4 extracts of the fatty acids; br indicates
the presence of branched chain fatty acids and IS is the internal standard. The upper one is the
gas chromatogram of degraded ruminant adipose fat from bowl sherd KB-171, and the lower one
is the gas chromatogram of degraded vegetable oil from coarse red ware cooking vessel sherd
KB-6. ...................................................................................................................................... 153
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Figure 4.4: The upper one is a gas chromatogram of aquatic fat residue from bowl sherd KB-106
indicating the presence of isoprenoid fatty acids (phytanic acid and 4,8,12 TMTD), as well as
long chain unsaturated fatty acids such as C20:1 and C22:1. The lower ones are the mass
chromatograms of selected ions (m/z 105, 290, 318, 346) of the same vessel. These ions are
indicative of ꞷ-(o-alkylphenyl)alkanoic acids 18, 20 and 22 carbons in length. ....................... 154
Figure 4.5: Plots of the δ13C values of C16:0 and C18:0 from Kotada Bhadli pottery vessels from
the settlement of Kotada Bhadli against the 95% confidence ellipse of reference fats obtained
from Craig et al., (2011). ......................................................................................................... 160
Figure 4.6: Plots of Δ13C values from Kotada Bhadli pot sherds placed against the δ13C16:0 values of the same potsherds. The ranges shown here represent the mean ±1 s.d. of the Δ13C values for a global database comprising modern reference animal fats from Africa, UK,
Kazakhstan, Switzerland, and the Near East, published in Dunne et al. (2017). ....................... 161
Figure 4.7: Channel-handled hemispherical bowls/ladles from the region of Kachchh, Gujarat,
during the Indus Age. Channel-handled hemispherical bowls/ladles (A) from Surkotada (Joshi,
1990), (B) from Dholavira (Bisht, 2015), (C) from Kanmer (Kharakwal et al., 2012), (D) from
Kotada Bhadli, and (E) samples analyzed from Kotada Bhadli. ............................................... 170
Figure 4.8: Present-day ladles from West Bengal, India. (A) and (B) ladles used to measure
mustard oil, (C) and (D) ladles used to measure milk, (D) and (E) ladles are being handled by the
local traders to exchange mustard oil. Picture credit to Arpita Biswas and Snehasis Biswas. ... 171
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List of Appendices
Appendix 1: Details of the enamel samples from Kotada Bhadli analyzed for stable isotopes. R/L
indicates Right or Left and M1-3 indicates tooth position of the Molar tooth. * indicates the
samples that were grouped together to obtain the average strontium isotope values from each
tooth. ....................................................................................................................................... 221
Appendix 2: Details of the pottery samples from Kotada Bhadli analyzed for organic residue. 227
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Chapter 1
Introduction and Background
1.1. Introduction
My thesis aims to understand the regional food producing economy within the Indus
Civilization and how this food producing economy was an integral part of the regional exchange
between a diverse group of economic specialists. A detailed analysis of food production,
consumption, and distribution within and beyond the settlement of Kotada Bhadli, a settlement
occupied during the Late period of the Mature phase (2200-1900 BCE) of the Indus Civilization
in Gujarat, was carried out to determine the role of this settlement in the regional economy. I have
assessed a number of arguments regarding the regional and interregional exchange in the region
of Gujarat and how this region functioned during the Indus era, and I argue for the existence of
cooperative relations between economic specialists. My research has provided evidence of how a
food-producing rural settlement was sustained in the region of Kachchh, Gujarat, and how it may
have participated in the regional economy and acquired some objects of Harappan material culture,
although this settlement did not engage in non-food craft production or raw material trade related
to Harappan-style craft objects.
Distinctive features of the Indus Valley Civilization are its vast expansion over 100,000
km2; large urban cities and towns; some degree of cultural uniformity; production by craft
specialists of ornaments and utilitarian objects using a diverse array of raw materials; and regional,
inter-regional and international trade. The Indus Valley Civilization flourished and was functional
for around 1000 years from circa. 2600 BCE to 1700 BCE. Although archaeologists have studied
its cities and towns, its international trade, and the level of sophistication it achieved during the
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Urban/Mature phase between 2600 and 1900 BCE, our knowledge of its rural segment is limited.
The rural settlements of the Indus Civilization were certainly producing food, as most of the rural
settlements do even today. Emerging research, however, suggests that these settlements were not
only producing food but were also participating in raw material acquisition and non-agricultural
production, and were involved in regional exchange (eg. Dhavalikar et al., 1994; Law, 2013;
Possehl and Raval, 1989). There is also evidence that the rural settlements in Gujarat maintained
identities different from those observable in the urban settlements in Gujarat (S. P. Patel, 2017).
Understating the rural counterpart of the Indus Civilization is therefore important to uncover the
lesser-known aspect of this civilization, and to understand in detail the regional human-
environment interaction and internal functionality of this civilization. My increased emphasis on
the food producing segment of this civilization will also help us to understand the regional
variation that existed within its boundaries and the symbiotic interactions between the food-
producing and non-food craft-producing segments, which may have been essential to sustain this
civilization for so long.
My thesis is focused on a particular rural settlement in a specific region of the Indus
Civilization. My focus is on understanding how this particular settlement functioned, rather than
in comparing it to other settlements to determine the similarities and the differences between
settlements. The evaluation of similarities and differences is essential, but it is also crucial to focus
on these individual small rural settlements as a unit in order to determine their functionality, how
they were sustained, and how they interacted with their surroundings and perceived world. This
individualistic approach is necessary for the Indus Civilization. These individual settlements were
units of the sub-regions of the Indus Civilization acting within the Indus interaction sphere. These
units, and the interaction sphere itself, created and maintained ideological, material, economic and
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technological diversity, which was essential to maintain this civilization that occupied varied
geological and ecological zones. My approach in this thesis is regional, I am interested in
understanding the interaction between the non-food craft producers and food producers
particularly in the region of Kachchh, Gujarat. This thesis cannot be seen as assessing the general
overall interaction between the rural and urban throughout the Indus Civilization. Considering the
diversity that existed within this civilization, the nature of such regional interaction might vary
extensively within the vast area of this civilization. Therefore, my conclusions and arguments are
strictly limited to the region of Kachchh, Gujarat, the southern borderland of the Indus Civilization,
and one of the least discussed area of this civilization.
The settlement of Kotada Bhadli emerged in the Kachchh region of Gujarat, a landscape
that was dominated by settlements specialized in craft production, trade, and administration during
the most prosperous period of the Indus Civilization in Gujarat, the Late period of the
Urban/Mature phase (ca. 2200 BCE to 1900 BCE). This settlement, although surrounded by a very
large wall, lacks evidence suggesting its involvement with non-perishable Harappan-style craft
production and related trade. I aim to study how this settlement performed in a landscape full of
settlements specializing in some form of non-perishable Harappan-style craft production. What
were the primary economic activities carried out at this settlement? How did it interact with its
neighboring settlement? What was the interaction between the residents of this settlement and its
surrounding environment in a rural setting? Given the lack of evidence to suggest any form of non-
food craft production at this settlement, I primarily focused on the analysis of the food production
strategy of this settlement. Therefore, the major questions that this thesis deals with are focused
on the food economy, specifically related to domesticated animals and their maintenance and
exploitation for primary (meat) and secondary (milk) product production.
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The Indus Civilization and Gujarat
Since the 1920s, the last hundred years of archeological endeavor have identified over a
thousand sites spreading over an area of 100,000 km2, exhibiting a more or less uniform material
culture, known as the Harappan or Indus Civilization (Possehl, 1998) (fig 1.1). This is one of the
most geographically extensive state-level societies of the third millennium BCE, extending up to
the Himalayas in the North, the Arabian Sea in the south, Baluchistan in the west, and the Ganga
Valley in the east, covering the north-western and part of the western frontier of India and at least
half of the present-day political boundary of Pakistan. The extensive studies conducted in the Indus
Valley region demonstrate a gradual development of the Indus Civilization in the Indus Valley
region from preceding local cultures during the Early Harappan phase or the Regionalization Era,
around the late fourth to early third millennium BCE (eg. Kenoyer, 1991; Possehl, 2002; Wright,
2010). This civilization then gradually spread into the resource-rich borderlands, such as Gujarat
to the south-east and Baluchistan to the west, either through a population movement from the core,
or through the adoption of cultural traits, or both.
The so-called Harappans in the southeastern borderland of the Indus Civilization in Gujarat
have exhibited arguably different characteristics than the Harappans in the region of the Indus
Valley itself. During the Integration Era or the Urban/Mature Harappan phase, two distinctive
types of settlements can be observed in the region of Gujarat and are popularly called the
Classical/Sindhi Harappan and the Sorath Harappan (Possehl, 1992; Possehl and Herman, 1990).
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Figure 1.1: Highlighted map of the Indus Civilization showing the location of major settlements
and settlements that are mentioned in this thesis. The black dashed lines indicate the region under
study and the red dot indicates the site under study.
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The southeastern periphery of the Indus Civilization, the current political state of Gujarat,
was certainly not a single territory during the Indus period. The current political state of Gujarat
consists of three regions: Kachchh, Saurashtra, and mainland Gujarat (fig. 1.2). Based on the
archaeological data and distribution of Urban/Mature Harappan settlements, Kachchh and a
portion of coastal Saurashtra were included in the core region of the Indus Civilization, whereas
most of Saurashtra and the northern part Gujarat were categorized as the “agro-pastoral periphery”
(Herman, 1996).
These three regions, Kachchh, Saurashtra and mainland Gujarat are not only geologically
different but also fall under different climatic zones. Kachchh is a vast desert-like expanse of mixed
soils and low hills. Inland, Kachchh is bordered by desolate salt flats known as the Great Rann and
the Little Rann. The mainland of Kachchh is isolated by the Great Rann on the north and east, the
Little Rann on the south-east, the Gulf of Kachchh in the south and the rest by the Arabian Sea.
Kachchh is formed by a group of east-west trending uplifts, the highlands and the islands. This is
surrounded by a residual depression, the plains of the Great Rann and the Little Rann (fig 1.3)
(Merh, 1995). The rainfall is very erratic, varying from a few inches to approximately 35 inches;
exceptionally it rains as much as 45 inches (115cm.). The Rann of Kutch is a large marshy salt
plain rising slightly above sea level. It extends about 300 km east-west and in some places about
150 km north-south. During the monsoon season, most of the Rann remains under water, but from
November to May it remains dry (Gaur et al., 2013).
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Figure 1.2: Map of Gujarat showing major sites with both Harappan and non-Harappan
affiliations.
The peninsula of Saurashtra forms a rocky tableland fringed by coastal plains; a major
portion of it was formed by the Deccan lava flows. Central Saurashtra is made up of an undulating
plain broken by hills and considerably dissected by various rivers flowing in all directions (Merh,
1995). Saurashtra has vast tracts of rich black cotton soil derived from weathered basalt, known
for its moisture retaining capacities. This black cotton soil is extremely good for agricultural
production, and therefore, Saurashtra would have been a prosperous region for agricultural
production during the Indus Age.
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Figure 1.3: Geological map of Kachchh (developed after www.gsi.gov.in).
Mainland Gujarat can be further divided into North Gujarat, Central Gujarat and South
Gujarat (fig 1.2). North Gujarat is a semiarid, sandy plain dotted with fossil sand dunes and
attendant blowouts. The region expands in the north up to southern Rajputana and gradually
merges into the alluvial plains of Saurashtra towards the west and central Gujarat in the south. The
major rivers in North Gujarat include Banas, Saraswati, Rupen, Sabarmati and their tributaries; it
is divided from Central Gujarat by the Mahi river. The Narmada river divides Central and South
Gujarat; the latter is bordered by Maharashtra to the south and the Gulf of Cambay and the Arabian
Sea to the west. South and Central Gujarat contain a good proportion of fertile black cotton soils
developed by major rivers, such as the Tapi, Narmada and Mahi rivers (Sonawane, 2000).
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The state of Gujarat as a whole falls in the sub-tropical climate zone, and the temperature
in this region varies between 45ºC and 8 ºC; in some regions within Gujarat, the temperature falls
as low as 4 ºC. Central Gujarat is moderately humid, while the coastal region of Saurashtra falls
within a humid to sultry climate zone, and the interior portion of Saurashtra falls within the range
for a dry climate. North Gujarat and Kachchh fall into a semi-arid to arid zone and receive annual
rainfall well under 400 mm (Merh, 1995). These three regions of Gujarat, Kachchh, Saurashtra
and mainland Gujarat, are not only geologically and environmentally different but also
demonstrate different level of affiliation with the Harappan and non-Harappan regional cultures.
1.2. The Adoption of Periodization in Gujarat
Considering the extensive expansion of the Indus Civilization and its occupation over many
centuries, as well as the similarities and differences observed within this civilization throughout
its occupation, different chronological approaches have been adopted. For example, Shaffer
(1992:442) conceptualized this civilization as a Tradition, following the notion that “this concept
facilitates a stylistic grouping of diverse archaeological assemblages into a single analytic unit,
while limiting the need for establishing precise cultural and chronological relationships that link
assemblages but imply that such relationships exists”. He divided his conceptualized Indus Valley
Tradition into three eras: The Regionalization Era (4000-2500 BCE), the Integration Era (2500-
2000 BCE) and the Localization Era (2100-1300 BCE). These Eras were further subdivided into
Phases, and only one Phase, the Harappan Phase, was included in the Integration Era. This
classification system was then adopted and slightly modified by Kenoyer (Kenoyer, 1998, 1995)
and many others working in the Indus Valley region. In contrast, Possehl adopted a slightly
different approach based on earlier excavators’ trifold division of Early, Mature and Late
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Harappan. Possehl (1992) organized the archaeological record from the Indus Civilization into a
three-phase classification system: The Pre-Urban phase (3200-2600 BCE), followed by the Urban
or the Mature Harappan phase (2600-1900 BCE), then the Post-Urban phase (1900-1300 BCE).
This threefold division of the Indus Civilization was further modified (Possehl, 2002), and the
chronology of South Asia as a whole was divided into seven stages and each stage was then further
divided into phases, out of which four stages were assigned to the Indus Civilization: the Early
Harappan (3200-2600 BCE), the Early and Mature Harappan transition (2600-2500 BCE), the
Mature Harappan (2500-1900 BCE), and the Post-Urban Harappan (1900-1000 BCE). Dhavalikar
et al. (1994) further subdivided the Mature/Urban Harappan, particularly for the region of Gujarat,
into the Early Mature phase (2500-2200 BCE) and the Late Mature phase (2200-1900 BCE).
Dhavalikar et al. (1994) considered the Late Mature phase to be the most prosperous phase of
Gujarat prehistory, based on the evidence from the settlement of Kuntasi that he proposed
developed into an industrial center and a port during the Late Mature Phase.
This threefold division of the Indus Civilization has been widely accepted among the
scholars working in the region of Gujarat (Ajithprasad and Bhan, 2009; Dhavalikar et al., 1994;
Kharakwal et al., 2012; Shirvalkar and Rawat., (in press).; Sonawane, 2004; Sonawane et al.,
2003). To situate this thesis well in the regional research for Gujarat, I also adopted this division
of the Indus Civilization in Gujarat into Pre- and Early Harappan, Mature/Urban Harappan, and
Post-Urban Harappan (Table 1.1). A few researchers working in the region of Gujarat have adopted
the chronology by Shaffer (Chase et al., 2014a; Lindstrom, 2013); however, they were aiming to
situate their work within the Greater Indus Valley Region. In contrast, my research is a regional
approach and deals with a very specific location and a restricted time period between 2300-1900
BCE, which is the Late Mature phase of Gujarat and does not cover the entire Integration Era
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(2600-1900 BCE). At the same time, my research also deals with activities that were very specific
to the region of Gujarat and may or may not have been similar to any other regions within the
Indus Civilization. Also, for my results to be most useful for other researchers from the region of
Gujarat, it was necessary for me to adopt the chronology that has been widely used among the
scholars working in this region. In the section below, I will discuss the major traits and
characteristics of these stages with reference to the region of Gujarat.
Table 1.1: Simplified chronology of the Indus Era Gujarat.
Date Range Occupation Phases in Gujarat
7000-3200 BCE Early Village farming communities
3200-2600 BCE Pre and Early Harappan phase
2600-1900 BCE
Mature/Urban Harappan phase
2600-2200 BCE
(Early Mature phase)
2200-1900 BCE
(Late Mature phase)
1900-1300 BCE Post-Urban phase
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The Pre and Early Harappan Phase in Gujarat (circa 3200-
2600 BCE)
Gujarat has been continuously occupied since the Lower Paleolithic; a large number of
Mesolithic settlements, over 400, were identified from this region, primarily based on the presence
of microlithic tools (Rajesh and Krishnan, 2014; Sonawane, 2004). The Indian Mesolithic is used
to describe a technology, rather a time period, unlike the European Mesolithic, and it is better
referred to as the microlithic industry of India (Possehl and Rissman, 1992a). Although the earliest
dates of the microlithic industry in India can go back to as early as 25,000 to 20,000 BCE,
microliths continued to be used even during the Medieval period of India (Possehl and Rissman,
1992b). The earliest date of the “Mesolithic culture” from Gujarat can be dated to around 7500
BCE, based on microliths, but the production of microliths in Gujarat continued not only during
the Indus era, but are present in the early Historic period as well (Rajesh and Krishnan, 2014).
Throughout these periods, the “Mesolithic” population from Gujarat may have herded
domesticated animals such as sheep and/or goat and cattle, and probably collected wild seeds or
practiced some form of rudimentary agriculture (Sonawane, 2000).
Recent analysis and excavation of many settlements, such as Dholavira, Padri, Loteshwar,
Prabhas Patan, Lothal and Surkotada, suggest the presence of non-Harappan Chalcolithic cultures
in the region of Gujarat, which can be dated between the second half of the fourth millennium
BCE and the first half of the third millennium BCE (Sonawane, 2000, 2004). The non-Harappan
pottery traditions from this region includes Anarta ware, Padri ware, Pre-Prabhas ware, Micaceous
red ware, and Black & Red ware; however, our knowledge of these traditions is limited, apart from
their pottery assemblages and some other material remains (Sonawane, 2000, 2004; Sonawane and
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Ajithprasad, 1994). Some of these non-Harappan Chalcolithic pottery traditions such as Anarta
and Pardri wares, however, continued to be used into the Mature phase of the Harappan Period
(Kharakwal et al., 2012; Lindstrom, 2013; Sonawane, 2000, 2004). The settlements associated
with the Anarta tradition appear to be as small as 0.1ha to as large as 35ha. Recent excavations at
the settlement of Loteshwar suggest the presence of a large number of pits and structures probably
made of wattle and daub (Rajesh et al., 2013b; Sonawane and Ajithprasad, 1994). The evidence of
similar structures of wattle and daub are also present at the pre-Prabhas period from Datrana IV
(Rajesh et al., 2013a). Microliths, blade tools, as well as bone tools were recovered from both of
these settlements. The settlements of Loteshwar, Datrana IV, Prabas Pathan and Somnath
contained remains of domesticated animals, including goat/sheep and cattle, as well as bones of
wild animals including fish vertebrae; however, there is no indication of indigenous regional
domestication of sheep and goat in Gujarat. We know very little of the plant remains from this
period. The macro-botanical remains from Loteshwar, particularly from the Anarta period, suggest
the dominance of various types of small millets, such as foxtail millet (Setaria sp.), little millet
(Panicum sumatrenese) and brown-top millet (Brachiaria ramose) (García-Granero et al., 2016a);
the plant remains from the Anarta period also includes Triticum sp., sesame, poppy seed, and
horse-gram (García-Granero et al., 2016a). The presence of grinding stones during the Anarta
period at Loteshwar suggests further processing of plants, and the starch grains and phytolith data
from these grinding stone indicate processing of both large and small millets as well as plants from
Triticeae and other families for both food and other purposes (García-Granero et al., 2016a).
Similar grinding stone were also present at Datrana IV (Rajesh et al., 2013a).
The evidence of early Harappan pottery types similar to those of Kot Dijian type and Amri
type are present in the region of Gujarat, but they are sparsely distributed. Except at Moti-Pipli,
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they are primarily present in the burial contexts from Nagwada and Santhili, and at Nagwada,
stratigraphically underneath the Mature period (Sonawane, 2000). Early Harappan pottery types
are only present in a habitational context at the settlement of Moti-Pipli, but the type of gradual
development from Early Harappan to Mature Harappan forms that one can see in the region of
Sindh, western Punjab and Baluchistan are missing in Gujarat. These few instances may indicate
an early contact between the Chalcolithic cultures of Gujarat and the Early Harappan cultures of
the Indus Valley, as suggested by others (Rajesh and Krishnan, 2014; Sonawane, 2000).
Urban/Mature Phase in Gujarat (circa 2600-1900 BCE)
During the Urban/Mature phase, Gujarat presents a completely different picture than in the
preceding period, with numerous sites distributed throughout Gujarat. Over 500 settlements
belonging to the Urban phase (ca. 2600 to 1900 BCE), with or without Harappan affiliation, have
been identified from this region. Based on the material inventory, settlement pattern and
involvement with economic specializations, Possehl (1992) has identified two distinctive types of
settlements in this region. One type, identified as the ‘Sindhi/Classical Harappan’ settlements, is
similar to the settlements found in the region of Sindh, with material inventories similar to those
found in the lower Indus region; these sites included evidence for Harappan-style non-perishable
craft production and trade. The second type identified as the ‘Sorath Harappan’ settlements, shows
few similarities to the material inventory of the settlements from the Indus Valley region, having
primarily a different pottery assemblage along with a few pottery types similar to those found at
the site of Mohenjo Daro. These Sorath Harappan settlements lacked the architectural attributes of
a Sindhi Harappan settlement, and practiced an economy apparently based solely on agro-
pastoralism (Possehl, 1992).
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As noted above, the gradual development from Early to Mature Harappan material culture
is missing in the region of Gujarat (Possehl, 1992; Sonawane, 2000; Sonawane and Ajithprasad,
1994). Some of the Urban/Classical Harappan settlements from this region contain an earlier layer
of regional non-Harappan remains, as well as a few pottery types similar to those found in the
Early Harappan levels in the Indus Valley region. There is, however, no evidence that one can
observe in the region of Gujarat to support the evolution of those early cultures into the Urban
Sindhi/Classical Harappan culture. The origins are also unclear of the Sorath traits in the region of
Gujarat, which Possehl and his team call “a regional Urban Phase manifestation” (Possehl and
Herman, 1990:314). Possehl and Herman (1990) argue, based on the dates of the Sorath settlement
of Rojdi, that an early interaction prior to the Urban Phase between the protohistoric people of
Gujarat, Rajasthan, Sindh and Punjab may have been responsible for this Sorath tradition. They
have observed considerable differences as well as a few similarities between the Sorath tradition
and the Classical/Sindhi tradition in Gujarat. The emergence of the Sindhi tradition in Saurashtra
can be dated to somewhere around 2500 BCE, whereas a slightly earlier date from the settlement
of Rojdi made Possehl and Herman (1990) speculate that prior to the migration of Sindhi
Harappans in the landscape of Gujarat, some Harappans may have been already present in Gujarat.
In the same article, they also suggested a gradual development of the Sorath tradition from the Pre-
Prabhas Somnath tradition, beginning about 3000 BCE. They do mention that this is not an
either/or situation but that both early contacts and regional traditions may have been responsible
for the development of this Sorath tradition.
Sonawane and Ajithprasad (1994), on the other hand, argue that there are no antecedent
stages in Gujarat prior to the technologically developed Sorath tradition; they state that neither the
Pre-Prabhas culture nor the Padri ware culture, which were early Chalcolithic cultures of
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Saurashtra, have any resemblance to the Sorath tradition. Based on these observations, Sonawane
and Ajithprasad (1994) have also argued that prior to the emergence of the Harappan tradition in
Gujarat, it was occupied by a number of small, distinct village farming communities, which date
back to as early as the second half of the fourth millennium BCE. Based on these arguments,
Sonawane and Ajithprasad (1994:138) conclude that the “Harappan Chalcolithic society of Gujarat
must have been the outcome of the integration of all these non-Harappan and Harappan traditions”.
In contrast, Shirvalkar (2013) argues for an indigenous regional development of the Mature
Harappan phase in Gujarat in the form of the Sorath Tradition, which he views as a part of the
overall Mature Harappan zone. He also rejects the theory of Harappan migration from Sindh to
Gujarat as responsible for the development of the Sorath tradition. On the other hand, he argues
that similar to the way Early Harappan cultures from the Indus-Ghaggar-Hakra-Nara regions of
the Indus Civilization gave rise to the Mature Harappan traditions, regional Chalcolithic cultures
of Gujarat, such as the ‘Padri-Anarta Cultural Complex’ were responsible for the emergence of the
Sorath tradition in Gujarat (Shirvalkar, 2013:307). ‘Padri-Anarta Cultural Complex’ is a term
proposed by (Shirvalkar, 2013) to accommodate the regional pottery diversity of Gujarat into one
cultural complex because these pottery assemblages shares similar pottery types and properties.
He even argued that although these regional pottery traditions have some differences, there are
large amounts of similarities as well, and calling them separate traditions will in turn hamper the
classification of the regional Pre-Harappan cultures of Gujarat that likely gave rise to the Sorath
Tradition of Gujarat.
The basis of Shirvalkar's (2013) argument was subsequently criticized by Rajesh and
Krishnan (2017). Shirvalkar (2008) illustrated the sequential development of typical Sorath-type
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pots from Padri wares, such as the bowls and basins at the settlement of Padri. The reanalysis of
the pottery from the site of Padri by Rajesh and Krishnan (2017), demonstrated that there are no
similarities in term of surface treatment, painted motives or ceramic types between Padri ware and
Sorath ware, and therefore it is not possible to establish a gradual development of Sorath-type
pottery from Padri ware. Rather, Rajesh and Krishnan (2017) argued that at many settlements in
the region of Gujarat, including at Padri, both Padri wares and Sorath wares were present during
both the Urban and Post-Urban phases.
To conclude, archaeologists working in this region have argued that the Sorath tradition is
an indigenously-developed regional expression of the Mature Harappan tradition, or that it is a
regional manifestation of the Urban/Mature Phase that developed through the integration of
regional and non-regional Harappan and non-Harappan traditions either contemporaneous or
slightly earlier than the Urban Phase of Gujarat. Verma and Menon (1999), in contrast, argue for
a completely separate identity for the Sorath tradition. Their preference is not to link the Sindhi
Harappan tradition and the Sorath tradition, but to study them as two distinctive cultures who
occupied Gujarat during the same period. The approach of Verma and Menon (1999) is completely
opposite from the previous claims; they are more inclined to emphasize the differences between
the Urban Harappan traits and the regional traits that can be seen at settlements like Rojdi and
Rangpur.
All of these arguments have some flaws, so that no one particular argument fully explains
the development of the Sorath tradition in the region of Gujarat. One of the major flaws of all of
these arguments is that they are mostly dependent on ceramic typology, and none have tried to
understand the Sorath tradition beyond the ceramic types. Our overall knowledge of any other
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aspects of this tradition beyond their ceramic typology is limited, and until we have a more
complete picture of this regional tradition, it is problematic to compare this tradition with the
Classical Harappan tradition either for similarities or for differences. My thesis is one such
approach, looking beyond the ceramic tradition of this Sorath tradition to understand the nature of
the economy at these regional, rural food producing settlements, and how it shaped the regional
economy and perhaps socio-political interaction in the region of Gujarat. My intention is not to
understand the development of the Sorath tradition, but to understand how these people functioned.
How did they exploit the regional resources and cope with their environment? How did they
interact with their neighbors? During the Urban/Mature Phase, how did they flourish and expand
to a point where these Sorath settlements were not restricted to the region of their origin in
Saurashtra but even expanded to the region of Kachchh, which was mostly dominated by the
Sindhi/Classical Harappan settlements? I will not be able to answer all of these questions in this
thesis, but I present one of the first efforts to address them from the perspective of a rural food-
producing settlement from Kachchh that displays a considerable amount of Sorath type traits.
Leaving aside the issue of whether the Sorath and Classical Harappan traditions were
linked to one another or totally separated, they are clearly situated differently in Gujarat. The
Sindhi/Classical Harappan settlements in Gujarat are fewer than the Sorath settlements. To date,
around 25 of these Classical settlements have been found, out of which around 15 are located in
the region of Kachchh, and the remaining are sparingly distributed throughout the other regions of
Gujarat (Sonawane, 2004). Interestingly, these Classical Harappan settlements are only located
along the coast line, the margin of both the Great and Little Rann, and along trade routes and close
to the sources of raw materials, possibly in order to facilitate Harappan-style non-perishable craft
manufacturing and both regional and inter-regional trade. In contrast, settlements with
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predominantly Sorath-type materials are hinterland settlements primarily located in central
Saurashtra, apparently to take advantage of the large amount of fertile land. The exact number of
these settlements is not known, but Sonawane (2004) argues that these settlements easily
outnumber the Classical/Sindhi settlements.
In comparison to the Sorath-type settlements, Sindhi/Classical settlements are larger. The
largest Classical/Sindhi settlement from Gujarat, the settlement of Dholavira, can be measured at
over 70 ha. (Bisht, 2015), and is counted as one of the five Indus Civilization cities (albeit the
smallest). In contrast, the largest Sorath settlement of Rojdi is only around 7 ha. (Possehl, 1992).
City planning and civic architecture are prominent in these Classical/Sindhi settlements. The
majority of these settlements have at least one huge stone-built surrounding wall and are generally
divided into upper and lower towns; the site of Dholavira, the largest among all, is divided into
upper, middle and lower towns (Bisht, 2015). In these types of settlements, Harappan-style mud
bricks along with the locally available stones are the most popular building material. This
combination of building materials is one of the distinctive features of the Classical/Sindhi
Harappan settlements in Gujarat, as the extensive use of stone as building material is lacking in
other Mature Harappan settlements from the Indus Valley region. Some of these settlements
indicate the presence of a non-Harappan layer underneath the Urban layer, but the majority of the
settlements from this category were only occupied during the Urban Phase and were primarily
engaged with Harappan-style non-perishable craft production, trade and administration.
Settlements like Bagasra (Chase et al., 2014a; Sonawane et al., 2003), Shikarpur (Ajithprasad and
Bhan, 2009; Chase et al., 2014a) and Kanmer (Kharakwal et al., 2012) were engaged in the
production of shell and stone objects, whereas sites like Lothal (Rao, 1979), Dholavira (Bisht,
2015) and Surkotada (Joshi, 1990) were likely engaged in facilitating trade and administrative
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works. The material inventory in these Sindhi/Classical settlements includes diagnostic elements
of Urban Harappan settlements from the Indus Valley region, such as typical Classical Harappan-
type pottery, copper tools, cubical stone weights, seals and sealings with Indus script, long blades
from Rohri chert, and ornaments including steatite and etched carnelian beads.
Unlike the Sindhi/Classical settlements, the Sorath settlements primarily occupied the
central Saurashtra region of Gujarat during the Urban Harappan Phase. These settlements were
smaller when compared to the Classical settlements, and only a few of them were walled. Harappan
building materials such as mud-bricks are rare in these settlements; rather, roughly shaped stone
and rubble were used primarily as building materials (Sonawane, 2004). Harappan-style craft
manufacturing, which is predominant in the majority of the Sindhi/Classical settlements, is mostly
absent in these Sorath settlements. Rather, these Sorath settlements were primarily engaged with
agriculture and pastoralism. A few of them may have participated in the acquisition and
distribution of raw materials necessary for Harappan-style craft production (Law, 2013), and the
Sorath settlement of Kuntasi may have participated in Harappan-style craft production and been
involved in interregional trade (Dhavalikar et al., 1994). The pottery assemblages in these Sorath
settlements are also considerably different from the Classical Harappan settlements. The site of
Rojdi contains only 28 vessel types out of 98 Mohenjo Daro vessel types, based on their shapes;
other attributes, such as paste type, manufacturing techniques, surface treatments and surface
paintings are also considerably different between these two traditions (Possehl, 2004). Based on
the enamel isotope data from Bagasra, however, (Chase et al., 2014b) argue that although the
Sorath settlements were not primarily engaged with the production and trade of non-perishable
Harappan-style craft objects, they may have supplied animal and plant products to the settlements
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predominantly containing Classical/Sindhi Harappan type materials during the Urban/Mature
Phase. My thesis directly addresses this suggestion.
Urban-Late Transition or the Late Mature Phase in Gujarat
(circa. 2200-1900 BCE)
This transitional period between the Urban and the Post-Urban phase is rarely discussed in
detail; however, with recent excavations from the region of Gujarat, this period has become more
and more prominent. During this period, particularly in Kachchh, several changes can be observed,
which include changes in settlement layout as well as the emergence of new settlements. The
occupation at Dholavira shrank into the citadel area, mud-brick structures were abandoned, and
new stone structures were built; although traditional artefact types from the previous stages
continued to be used, typical Harappan-type steatite seals underwent a structural change from
square to rectangular (Bisht, 2015).
At the Sindhi/Classical Harappan site of Kanmer, particularly from Periods IIB and III,
there are indications of a slight reorientation of the settlement pattern. Although the
Classical/Sindhi Harappan materials continued from the earlier phase, new ceramic styles
including Sorath-type pottery appear during period IIB and by period III, this Sorath-type pottery
becomes predominant (Kharakwal et al., 2012). The other interesting feature of this period at
Kanmer is the presence of layers of ash mixed with Sorath-type pottery and other cultural debris,
particularly along the eastern slope of the mound, which appears to be thrown from the fort wall
as well as in situ burning (Kharakwal et al., 2012: 89-91). Similar ash layers are also present in
many settlements during this phase, which includes the settlement of Dholavira, Surkotada,
Pabumath, Shikarpur, and even at the settlement of Kotada Bhadli, which is the settlement of
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interest for this thesis. I will return to these ash layers in Chapter 2. It is evident from the remains
at Kanmer that stone beads and tools were manufactured at this settlement, and the residents of
Kanmer may have participated in regional exchange and administration; however, whether there
was any change in this economy particularly during period IIB is unclear. By period III, human
occupation extended beyond the surrounding settlement wall, which is interpreted by the
excavators as evidence that this wall was no longer important (Kharakwal et al., 2012). Similarly,
at Shikarpur during period II there is an increased use of Sorath-type materials, although it is not
clear whether the primary economy of this settlement changed during this period. While no new
architectural projects were undertaken at Shikarpur during this time, there are indications that
major restoration of the Shikarpur settlement wall was carried out during this transition period
(Ajithprasad and Bhan, 2009), in contrast to Kanmer.
Dhavalikar et al. (1994) suggested that this second half of the Urban/Mature phase in
Gujarat, which he calls the Late Mature phase with a suggested date of 2200-1900 BCE, was the
most prosperous period of Gujarat prehistory. He suggested that during this phase, international
trade received a boost and many new settlements emerged on the landscape, including Kuntasi,
Desalpur, Pabumath, Jaidak and Kotada Bhadli. The settlement of Kuntasi emerged on the south
side of the little Rann of Kachchh, near the Arabian Sea, around the end of the first half of the
Urban phase and was fully functional during the second half of the Urban phase, which is the Late
Mature phase (Dhavalikar et al. 1994). This settlement primarily contained Sorath-type ceramics,
similar to the ceramics from Shikarpur Period II, Kanmer Period IIB, Bagasra Phase III, Rojdi A
and Rangpur IIA and IIB (IAR 2007-08). This settlement is well surrounded by a large wall, and
the architectural constructions were primarily made of stone rubble and slabs. The extensive
excavations revealed that during the Early Mature phase, for a brief period of time, this settlement
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was collecting and distributing raw materials for non-perishable Harappan-style craft production.
By the Late Mature phase, Kuntasi participated in the production of Harappan-style non-perishable
crafts such as shell and stone objects as well as copper objects, and its location near the Arabian
Sea suggests that this settlement may have participated in long distance trade using the sea route
(Dhavalikar et al., 1994). The settlement of Desalpur, located near the Great Rann of Kachchh was
also occupied during this phase. The ceramic assemblages at Desalpur primarily consist of Sorath-
type pottery (Uesugi. et al., 2015). Unfortunately, due to limited excavation, we are uncertain of
the economic activities carried out in this settlement. Likewise, the site of Pabumath was primarily
occupied during this phase and located at the margin of the Great Rann. Regrettably, we do not
know much about the kinds of economic activities carried out at Pabumath. Sonawane (2004),
however, suggests that “this settlement along with Surkotada may have acted as garrison defense
outposts in order to control the resource areas further South and East” (Sonawane, 2004:67). The
Harappan occupation at Jaidak also emerged during this phase, and primarily contained Sorath-
type pottery comparable to Rjodi B and Kuntasi I, as well as some Classical Harappan-type shapes
along with other regional pottery (Ajithprasad, 2008; S. P. Patel, 2017). Although this is a
settlement with a large surrounding wall and with structures made of stone rubble and slabs, there
are no indications of any form of non-perishable craft specialization (S. P. Patel, 2017). Similarly,
the site of Kotada Bhadli, located inland, contains primarily Sorath-type pottery, is surrounded by
a well-built large wall, and contains residential structures made of stone blocks and slabs
(Shirvalkar and Rawat, 2012). Similar to Jaidak, at this settlement there are no indications of any
form of craft production beyond household level production of some shell objects and stone tools.
Three seasons of excavation did not recover any Harappan-style seals or sealings. Only one
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possible Harappan-style weight was found at this settlement; however, Ruikar et al. (2015) has
identified a few weights suggested to be following a regional style of measuring system.
In contrast, Lindstrom (2013) has observed considerable changes in the primary economy
of non-perishable craft production during Phase III (2200-1900 BCE) at the settlement of Bagasra,
a Sindhi/Classical Harappan settlement from the Saurashtra region of Gujarat. No active
workshops have been identified during this phase, and the refuse from craft activities are now more
dispersed; by the end of this phase, it appears that Bagasra was no longer a craft manufacturing
center for non-perishable Harappan-style goods (Lindstrom, 2013). At the same time, utilization
of Sorath-type pottery also increased considerably during this phase (Lindstrom, 2013; Sonawane
et al., 2003).
Overall, the major traits of this Late Mature phase in Kachchh are the increased utilization
of Sorath-type pottery by the Sindhi/Classical settlements, where the majority of the pottery in the
preceding phase was Classical Harappan types. An increased utilization of stone rubble and slabs
for construction in comparison to Harappan-style mud-bricks can also be observed during this
phase. No major new architectural projects were carried out during this time, but the structures
from the previous phase were usually maintained and restored. Harappan-style seals also continued
during this period, although some structural changes can be observed, and the Harappan script is
still found on seals, sealings and in the form of graffiti on pottery. Regarding the primary economic
activities, there are no indications of major shifts, but numerous new settlements emerged during
this period across the landscape of Gujarat, most likely performing specific functions in the greater
economy and interaction sphere of Gujarat. When considering the Sorath settlements from this
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phase, we have very little information available, but at the settlement of Rojdi, the occupation
reached to its peak, and new architectural projects were carried out (Possehl, 2004).
The Post-Urban Phase in Gujarat (circa. 1900-1400 BCE)
The cultural change observed in the Post-Urban phase is multi-directional and the degree
and nature of this change also varies between the regions of the Indus Civilization. The decline in
Harappan traits as well as the economic decline that can be observed in this phase varies
extensively between places, and not every region within the Indus Civilization has experienced
this change at the same time or at the same magnitude. Even within Gujarat, different regions
experienced it differently. To characterize the Post-Urban phase of Gujarat, Sonawane (2002:166)
suggested that the most distinctive feature of the Post-Urban Harappan settlements in Gujarat is
the general economic decline of the material cultures which caused a gradual process of
deurbanization. According to him, the prosperity of the Classical Harappan settlements in the
region of Gujarat was dependent on foreign and long-distance trade, and as soon as this inter-
regional interaction began to be disconnected during the beginning of the second millennium BCE,
many of these Classical Harappan settlements from Gujarat did not survive. It is quite evident that
the majority of the settlements that were earlier engaged in non-perishable craft production and
trade were no longer functional, and the settlements that continued to be occupied during this
period were reduced to a very restricted portion of the settlement and failed to maintain the civic
form of the earlier period (Ajithprasad and Bhan, 2009; Bisht, 2015; Dhavalikar et al., 1994;
Kharakwal et al., 2012; Lindstrom, 2013; Rao, 1979). These generalized statements of this phase
may be true for a particular group of settlements; however, it is not entirely true for the entire
region. There are certainly a few changes that are universal throughout the region of Gujarat; for
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example, the changes in the ceramic style, an overall decline in the number of settlements, and a
likely shift to increasing reliance on pastoral nomadism and the appearance of mobile pastoral
camp sites. Otherwise, this phase affected different regions of Gujarat somewhat differently.
The majority of the Sindhi/Classical Harappan settlements, primarily located in the region
of Kachchh and along the coast of Saurashtra, were abandoned during this period, except for
Dholavira. Deposits from the Post-Urban phase at the majority of these Sindhi/Classical Harappans
settlements are scattered in nature and indicate that the sites were only occupied for a brief period
of time; for example, at Kanmer, there is no well-defined Post-Urban phase (Kharakwal et al.,
2012). At Bagasra, a small area of settlement outside the surrounding wall can be dated to the Post-
Urban Phase (Bagasra Phase IV). Although there is no clear stratigraphic break between Bagasra
Phase III and Bagasra Phase IV, based on the presence of predominantly Sorath-type pottery
similar to that found in Rangpur-IIC and Rojdi-C, as well as based on the absence of Classical
Harappan-type pottery, phase IV at Bagasra was dated to around 1900-1700 BCE; that is, the early
period of the Post-Urban phase (Lindstrom, 2013). At the settlement of Shikarpur, the Post-Urban
Phase is marked by a thin and patchy layer and was identified as Shikarpur Phase III by the
excavators. There is no indication of any form of non-perishable craft activities during this period,
and circular structures appeared during this period, completely different from all previous
architecture. The ceramic assemblage appears to be similar to Rojdi C ty