startup cities - a new approach to reform.pdf
TRANSCRIPT
8/11/2019 Startup Cities - A New Approach to Reform.pdf
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Startup
Cities
NEW PPRO CH
TO REFORM
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Table o f
ontents
The Challenge of Traditional Political Reform......................................................
The Startup Cities Approach: Low Risk Pilot Projects for Reform........................
Benefits of the Startup Cities Approach...............................................................
From Startup Cities to National Reform...............................................................
How Feasible are Startup Cities?........................................................................
Cases.................................................................................................................
Startup Cities on the Rise....................................................................................tartup Cities on the Rise....................................................................................
Profile of Startup Cities Institute..........................................................................
Further Reading..................................................................................................
Contact...............................................................................................................
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The hallenge of Traditional Political Reform
After a victory in a heated election reformers are full of new ideas from their campaign platform. Inspire
citizens are ready for change. The new administration has plenty of money and its staff have
committed to improvement.
Governments may have everything on their side yet many reforms still fail. In the early years of a new
government the failure of a reform demoralizes officials. Failure can cost a government the
support of citizens. Few administrations recover from defeat.
Reformerseformers themselves often misunderstand the failure of reform. Many think that a reform has ‘failed’ on
when Congress struggles to pass a new law or when courts strike down an idea. With a strong coalitio
in Congress and no concerns about legal challenge reformers assume they have everything they nee
to change the nation. When the benefits of a policy don’t arrive things take a turn for the worst. Peopl
blame ‘lack of political will’ ‘insufficient spending’ or ‘an inexperienced new president’ for the defeat.
Reformers and analysts alike underestimate the risk of failure. Like entrepreneurship reform is a high
riskisk project where failure is the norm rather than the exception. Sometimes special interests capture
reform twisting it into something the reformers never intended. Special interests may control the govern
ment agencies in charge of executing a reform. These agencies may even behave like interest groups
themselves standing in the way of change. This phenomenon known as regulatory capture can also
corrupt a reform.
Even with few special interests in the way it’s easy to misunderstand a political problem. Entrepreneurs
sometimes design a fancy new product that no one wants to buy.
Reformers sometimes design policies that just don’t solve the problem. Worse reformers may be so
mistaken about complex new policies that they end up ‘doing bad while trying to do good.’
Despite anyone’s best efforts political reform is complex. Complexity plagues attempts to remake
education to restructure the legal system or to fix security problems. National reform is a risky and
difficult process.
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Traditional approaches to political reform increase the risk and likelihood that
reforms will fail. Reformers often hire the best and brightest ministers and advisor
available. They design a reform from the safety of an office or ministry and impos
that reform onto the entire nation with the hope it will succeed.
“Complex problems do not lend themselves to easy solutions,” writes Yaneer Bar
Yam of the New England Complex Systems Institute, “any action may have hidde
effects that cause matters to become worse and the whole strategy we are
using may be moving things in the wrong direction.”
1
No matter how smart the hired experts may be, the complexity of politics is st
greater. Immense complexity means that it s unlikely that any particular reform w
solve a problem. When governments design reform from the safety of their offices
it becomes even harder to cope with complexity.
Reformseforms get no feedback from the real world until they’re already in place. Even th
best reformers are likely to miss important aspects of a new policy. Complex
problems of law and governance often need several pieces in place all at once fo
a reform to be effective. But it’s hard to know what those pieces will be until after th
reform begins.
Failureailure to consider the complexity of reform can lead to disastrous results. Durin
the privatization of large industries, the late Soviet Union broke firms up into share
and sold them on the market. But there was no strong legal structure in place fo
high-level financial transactions. Reformers quickly discovered that the reform
would fail.
Sureure enough, corrupt trading by political insiders dominated the sale of thes
industries.
2
Even as the government became aware of their failure, it was too late
After seizing control of these firms, insiders then blocked future reform efforts
These firms remain ‘politicized’ and controlled by a tiny elite in Russia today.
Entrepreneurs often say “a business plan rarely survives contact with th
customer.”
3
For the same reasons of uncertainty and complexity, a reform rarel
survives contact with the citizen.
p. 14.
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Traditional
approaches
to politica l reformo politica l reform
increase the risk
and like lihood
that reform s w ill
fail S tartup C ities
help reform ers
cope w ith
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Traditional Approaches to Reform
are Expensive and Gamble the
Nation’s Future
Governments gamble the fate of the entire
nation with a reform designed in this
traditional way. If the reform is not well
designed, the entire nation suffers.
Citizens have no choice but to comply,
whether reform helps or harms them.
Ineffectiveneffective and unpopular reforms may be
met with protests or even violence. This is
risky for the nation as well as for a reformer
government. A single high-profile failure
can destroy the political support enjoyed
by reformers. Political realities often give
reformers only one chance to get it right.
Reformeform designed at the national level also
leads to expensive mistakes. The launch of
the medical exchange website for the
Affordableffordable Care Act in the United States,
Healthcare.gov, was a high-profile failure.
At launch, security holes and broken code
riddled the website. The price tag: between
677 million and 1 billion.
Thehe failed launch of Healthcare.gov spread
through the internet. The government
faced a public relations nightmare. Even
with good intentions, a big budget, and
popular support, complexity overwhelmed
the reformers. In large nations with high
populations, any new program or change
introduced everywhere at onc
comes at a high cost – particularly if
fails.
Startup Cities: A New Tool for
Reformers
A growing movement called Startup
Cities offers governments a new too
to reform with less risk and a highe
chance of success.
Startup Cities take their name from
the organizational methods of
technologyechnology companies. ‘Startups
work on the risky, complex frontiers
of innovation. Both reformers and
innovative entrepreneurs share siminnovative entrepreneurs share simi
lar problems: too much complexity
too little feedback, and huge risks fo
making small errors. Business has
adapted well to these harsh realities
Reformers, who you might call
‘political entrepreneurs’, have only
begun to realize the power of the
Startup Cities approach.
The Startup Cities Approach:
Low Risk Pilot Projects for
Reform
Startup Cities are small, highly
autonomous municipalities create
by host nations that want to reform.
Governments designate new or
existing municipalities as special
jurisdictionsurisdictions with significant autonom
over tax and regulatory policy,
security, education, and other area
of public policy.
Startup Cities are politically neutra
Within the constraints of the nation’s
constitution,onstitution, a city can test any ne
bundle of public policies, technolo
gies, or other reforms. Startup Citie
may be broad and enjoy a great dea
of autonomy in administration, wit
independent courts, and a separat
municipal police force. Or Startu
Citiesities may focus on a specific are
like education or attracting inves
ment for a port.
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Startup Cities bring the dynamic of agile, competitive entrepreneurship that works well in technology bu
is absent from politics. The autonomy of Startup Cities’ jurisdictions create competition between zone
Citizens are able to ‘vote with their feet’. People can move between cities much more easily and safel
than they can cross into another nation.
Competitionompetition between zones creates tighter feedback for governments to know if their reform is working
This competition between zones also creates strong incentives for innovation. Competing cities all nee
to attract capital, citizens, and ideas to their municipality. So cities must be responsible and work to satis
citizens’ needs if they are to compete. Startup Cities create incentives for constant improvement in publi
policy.
Competitiveompetitive zones in the same nation have strong precedents. Douglas Zeng, an economist at the Wor
Bank, writes about China’s Special Economic Zones, “the hundreds of SEZs are highly competitiv
among themselves. Each SEZ strives to distinguish itself in service, quality of infrastructure, and appea
ance to attract new enterprises and reach the targeted development goals. Such competition helps mak
them more efficient and competitive.”
4
Competition also seeds innovation. Innovations pioneered by one zone can be easily copied by rival citie
In the case of China’s many special economic zones, competing jurisdiction quickly adopted successfu
innovations like a new stock market.
5
Think of Startup Cities as prototypes for reform. They re a way for a government to immediately start t
change the nation without the risks and expense of traditional, national reform.
Althoughlthough they share some elements, Startup Cities are not traditional Special Economic Zones. SEZ
have a mixed history. Some generate many jobs and growth and others fail entirely. SEZs focus on ta
and regulatory policies. Some subsidize favored industries.
Startup Cities are not just tools of fiscal and regulatory policy. Yes, governments can use municipal au
tonomy to offer streamlined regulations and attractive tax rates. These are important parts of a health
business environment. Broader autonomy gives Startup Cities better options to attract business and als
empower citizens. Nations already compete to offer low tax rates. Startup Cities give nations even mor
options to compete: comprehensive legal reforms, anticorruption measures, security reform, educatio
and social services, and new projects in infrastructure and urban design.
by D.Z. Zeng 2010),
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Startup C ities
bring
to politics
the agile
competit ive
dynamic
that drives
progress inrogress in
technology.
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Benefits of the Startup Cities Approach
Many benefits for a host nation arise from the Startup Cities approach.
Startup Cities:
1 Lower the risks of reform and allow governments to cope with the complexity of their projects
2 Significantly lower the cost of pursuing reform
3 ncrease the chance of discovering effective reforms for the national level
4 Help overcome special interest opposition to reform
Lower Risk Localized Failure
With Startup Cities any failures or oversights by reformers are confined to the city. While still unfortunate
failures do not affect the entire nation. Startup Cities localize risk and error.
Working first at the municipal level allows the government to see their reforms in action with real citizens
before they commit to new policies on the national level. Citizens and reformers can get real-world
feedbackeedback in a safe, controlled environment. Cities are smaller and more agile. A safe environment is even
more important with sweeping or radical reforms. It’s easier to switch directions in a small startup than in
a large corporation. For reformers, it’s easier to switch directions in a city than in a nation.
In Startup Cities governments can refine policies until they’re ready to deploy on the national level.
Lower Cost of Reform
Reforms are cheaper to execute at the city level than the national level. New agencies and staff gain
experience at the city level before managing a massive national project. The size of the zone contain
costly errors and budget overruns. Costs don’t spread across the entire nation. Startup Cities allow reform
ers to test and check the effectiveness of reforms before the government commits millions or billions o
dollars at the national level.
Nations often subsidize reform projects. Instead, Startup Cities can raise money for the central
government. Startup Cities may pledge a part of their revenue to the central government in exchange fo
autonomy and as payment for national services like defense. This revenue can go straight into a genera
fund. Or, governments can commit revenue to a sovereign wealth fund or national trust. These trusts ca
pay for education, security, women’s empowerment, or any other important cause.
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From Startup ities to National Reform
Startup Cities are ideal incubators for national reform. Although reforms start at the
level of the municipality they don’t need to stay there.
Existing zones with less autonomy than Startup Cities have already proven to be
pioneers:
Shenzhen a special economic zone in China was the first to introduce a free
labour market and opened China’s first stock exchange; Zhuhai implemented
the first system of local legislation; Shantou was the first to legalize individual
self-funded enterprises; and Hainan radically streamlined the process ofelf-funded enterprises; and Hainan radically streamlined the process of
registering companies. All of these reforms were pioneered by one of the
zones then seen to be successful and adopted by the other zones and finally
gained sufficient confidence from the national government to be implemented
nationwide.
6
Startuptartup Cities create safe environments to test and develop reforms. Governments
can then bring these reforms to the national level. One scholar calls the highly au
tonomous Special Economic Zones on the coast of China an “assembly line” fo
national reform.
Laboratories for Capitalism:
p. 50. Published by SCI.
Overcoming Special Interests
Large coalitions of special interests often block reform. National reform commits
the entire populace to new policies. Any change at the national level encourages
special interests to join together against reform.
Startup Cities do not commit the entire nation to reform – at least not at first.
Pilotingiloting reforms in a small area does not threaten the entire national network o
special interests. If new policies are first tried at the local level it’s harder for specia
interests to form large coalitions to oppose them. Some special interests may actu
ally stand to gain from better governance in a small area. This pits one group o
special interests against the other in favor of reform. While still a challenge reform
ers may find it easier to organize coalitions in favor of reform at the city level. Size
changes the structure of reform.
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Startup C ities
are safe
politically
neutral
environments
to test and
develop
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The visible, real-world experience of
citizensitizens in Startup Cities generates its own
spontaneous support. It’s hard to argue
with results. Some skeptics or those previ-
ously uninterested in reform will join coali-
tions to support it. These are the seeds of a
national reform movement. What begins in
a small area can grow into a national pro
gram.
As Startup Cities succeed under new
reforms, opposition becomes more difficult
for groups who stand in the way. Political
conversations are often caught in the
abstract. Neither side is able to test their
views. Startup Cities help cut through the
rhetoric. It’s hard to argue with more jobs,
safer streets, or successful new schools.
How Feasible are Startup Cities
Every year, nations incorporate new
municipalities to accommodate
populationopulation growth. These new cities are
usually just administrative units, without
much control over their future. The first
step to Startup Cities reform is simple.
Governments only need to grant new and
existing municipalities wider autonomy.
Manyany precedents already exist for highly
autonomous, small, competitive political
units. Small nations have alread
proven their ability to compete on th
international stage. Liechtenstein an
Switzerland have used powerful and
effectiveffective local governance to becom
some of the wealthiest and safes
places on earth.
7
Singapore an
Hong Kong grew from poor backwa
ters to economic powerhouses. Na
tions like Estonia and Georgia hav
proven that smaller political units ca
be more agile and reform faster tha
large nations.
Nations with a tradition of federalism
through states or provinces, like th
United States and Canada, also appl
these principles. The “laboratory o
the states” enjoys a long tradition in
American politics. Cities bring eve
more vigorous competition than larg
states or provinces create.
Occasionally, developing nations
experiment with ‘free trade zones,’ o
‘import-exportimport-export processing zones
These may seem superficially lik
Startup Cities. But they do not enjo
the autonomy necessary to be
completeomplete tools for reform. Their lac
of autonomy has given them a mixe
history, where some succeed an
many others fail completely.
Startup Cities bring all these tools
together.ogether. While free trade zones
focus just on business or tax policy
the greater autonomy of Startu
Cities allows reformers to address a
public policy problems
comprehensively.omprehensively. Startup Cities don
need radical changes. No one need
to refound a nation on the model of
Switzerland. Startup Cities just need
competition between highly
autonomous municipalities.
Countriesountries have already begun to tak
steps towards Startup Cities.
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In 2002, Dubai designated a small 110-acre patch of desert as the Dubai Interna
tional Financial Center.
Two years later, the DIFC opened its doors. Besides offering traditional
incentivesncentives like lower taxes, the DIFC also enjoyed an independent legal system
Built on English Common Law, this legal system attracted over 750 firms by 2008
The DIFC began to competitively market its services to firms around the world
They even issued press releases that advertise the credibility and transparency o
their institutions. None of this would have been possible in a traditional Specia
Economic Zone focused only on taxes.
Greaterreater autonomy gave the DIFC the agility it needed to behave like a startup com
pany. The results were clear. By 2008 the zone attracted more than 18 billion in
infrastructure investment from the private sector – more than all Sub-Saharan
Africa, excluding South Africa, combined.
8
See “The Legal Autonomy of
Cases
With the Startup Cities approach now outlined, we can look at some possible use
for Startup Cities reform. These examples reflect real problems and proposals
though not all are real-world projects.
Case : Education
A nation with low-performing schools wants to reform their school system.
Reformers are at a dead end. They study successful nations but find the same
problems everywhere. Even wealthy countries like the United States constantly
tinker with their national education systems. Yet they rarely achieve their goals.
Nationalational education reform seems impossible. Teachers’ groups can be powerfu
special interests that meet every new change or reform with hostility. Bureaucracy
and financial commitments seem to stop all change. Education workers are
unwilling or unable to retrain or change their habits.
The new government designates multiple jurisdictions as Startup Cities focused on
education. Within the cities, neighborhood boards administer schools. This allows
the government to run many experiments in education at once.
Reformers within the cities tailor the existing network of schools to the localeformers within the cities tailor the existing network of schools to the local
conditions. Some give students practical skills to join the workforce.
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Nations
com m itted to
reform have
already begun to
take steps tow ard
Startup C ities
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Others build high-achieving training centers for innovation and technology.
It was easy to allow for new models of schooling operated by private entities too.
Independent courts and a common law legal system attracted investment in education
Labor law reform at the municipal level loosened the hold of special interests.
Autonomy and the smaller scale of the reform gave the government a cheaper and les
complex job when they worked to retrain restaff and reform. After 5 years of
experience in these zones one approach outshined all the others. The nationalxperience in these zones one approach outshined all the others. The national
government decided to adopt that approach throughout the country.
Case : Security
Violence and crime haunt the streets of a large developing city. A new governmen
takes power on a platform to restore law and order. Without enough resources the
government is unable to control large portions of the countryside. In the fight agains
organized crime the government looks to municipalities for security reform.
After a popular referendum passes the government designates several
populated areas as Startup Cities. They also choose several sparsely inhabited
regionsegions near their coast as Startup Cities hoping to attract investment and build a
major port.
Reformed labor and contract law allows the municipality to restructure the police force
from the ground up. First they train a small elite new force. Rigorous
background checks ban any officers with a history of corruption or criminality from the
force. This elite security team deploys into the most dangerous parts of the cities. Al
officers wear cameras at all times. The city advertises this policy as part of their
commitmentommitment to transparency and anti-corruption. To outfit this small team of officers
was cheap and simple for the reformers.
As it turned out police cameras lowered both police abuse and violence against the
officers.
9
New methods of policing borrowed from private security agencies helped cu
violent crime even more. As this new municipal force proved its effectiveness the city
phased out their old force and replaced it with police known for integrity and effective
ness. The government eventually brought new techniques
“In California A
21 2013.
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tested by these cities to the national police.
The municipal government paired security reform with new software to make
finances more transparent. After its successful use by several zones the nationa
government adopted the same software.
Withith security improved people returned to the streets at night. New businesse
opened no longer fearing extortion. New business and investment meant greate
jobs which helped get young men prone to violence off the street. Tourists even
started coming to the city’s historic districts. Already the nation was on its way to
virtuous cycle of peace and economic development.
10
Case : Jobs
After decades of sluggish economic growth a reformer government took power wit
one goal: create jobs. Government officials consulted with several business leader
about their biggest obstacles to growth. Then they designated several jurisdiction
as Startup Cities focused on economic development.
These zones did not rely on the aging and corrupt bureaucracy inherited from
pastast administrations. Each zone offered a simple one-stop shop to incorporate
business or notarize contracts. Small business owners could complete all thes
processes in days rather than months or years. Borrowing a system from
Singapore citizens began to pay taxes online in minutes through a secure stream
lined website.
With low taxes independent courts and easy access to private arbitration
businesses from abroad were eager to set up shop in these cities. Autonomy gav
zones the flexibility to negotiate with international trading partners and attract
investment.
At first only large businesses flocked to the zones to incorporate. Soon small an
medium-sized enterprises from the host nation began moving as well. After 7 years
these zones became some of the fastest growing jurisdictions in the world with
Lawson Published by
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Startup C ities
allow
governments
to em ulate the
bottom-up trial
and error process
of startup
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annual GDP growth of 10 or more.
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Citizens flocked to the city, eager to open
small formal businesses rather than selling
their wares in the street. Unemployment
started to fall for the first time in decades.
of 14 for 2013
Case 4: Public Private Partnerships
Streets filled with potholes slowed the
arrival of government ambulances and fire
trucks on their way to accidents. Even on
better streets, these unreliable services
sometimes still did not show up at all.
Feded up with corruption and waste in public
services, a reformer government creates
several Startup Cities. The autonomy
enjoyed by these municipal governments
allowed them to create sweeping reform of
city services.
The administration put out clear,
competitiveompetitive contracts for everything from
road building to the issuance of building
permits. One year later, a foreign logistics
firm with an international reputation beat
out all other applicants on price and
quality.
Cityity services were completely restructured
from the inside. The firm handled nearly
everything. The municipality was able to
drastically cut back their workforce.
Citizens were thrilled as quality
improved. Reformers were happy t
see that these competitive contract
allowed them to pay only one third o
what they used to.
Withith roads and other services take
care of, municipalities were able t
focus themselves on security. Citie
were able to take their savings from
competitive contracting to better figh
crime in the streets.
Learnearn more about this model as it wa
used in Sandy Springs, Georgia i
our publication The Contract City
municipal reformer Oliver Porter.
Startup Cities on the Rise
The world is urbanizing quickly. Th
U.N. estimates that by 2050 the
overwhelmingverwhelming majority of the world
population will live in cities: 6.3 billio
people. Human beings will soo
become an urban species. Cities ca
become ungovernable hot beds fo
unrest and crime. Or they can b
powerful, effective tools to improve
governance in the 21st century.overnance in the 21st century.
Startup Cities signal to the populac
that a government is serious abou
change. Cities need municipal
autonomyutonomy to become tools for reform
Governments can show their commi
ment to the nation in a credible
public, and swift way with Startu
Cities.
Startup Cities also allow government
to show their commitment to
prudence. Autonomous municipalitie
to pilot reform is a bold vision that ca
inspire citizens. By mitigating risk
Startup Cities allow governments t
avoid charges of being ‘reckless’ o
pursuing ‘utopian’ policies that ignor
the needs of citizens.
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Startup Cities give reformers the chance to cut through complexity, to learn whic
reforms will stick at the national level, and to avoid massive national failures
something goes wrong.
The rise of small reformer nations like Georgia and Estonia, the growth of specia
zones like the Dubai International Financial Center and Hong Kong, and the
growing economic importance of cities all point to a common future.
The tools and precedents for Startup Cities are available. They only need bold an
visionary reformers to bring them to life.isionary reformers to bring them to life.
Profile of Startup ities Institute
Startup Cities Institute SCI) is a nonprofit research organization that studies th
use of startup communities for legal and political reform. These special governanc
zones, called Startup Cities, are small and highly autonomous jurisdictions
established within pre-existing nations. Governments use Startup Cities to create
inclusive economic growth, combat corruption and insecurity, and to test publi
policy innovations in public services, transparency, and environmental stewardshi
SCICI has grown to be the world’s leading resource for this approach to reform. We’r
working to find answers to the hard questions that reformers face. Most of thes
tough questions arise as governments execute Startup Cities reform. For
infrastructure and design, how can you build a ‘minimum viable community’ that
attracts citizens but doesn’t waste investment? What kinds of laws are the most ef
fective to create adaptable city governments? How can you build an accountabl
police force from the ground up?
Startup Cities Institute was created in 2013. SCI began to promote the idea that law
and governance is a technology just like a cell phone or a computer. Startup Citie
are a tool to bring the experimental, entrepreneurial methods of startup culture t
political reform. The Startup Cities approach allows host nations to pilot new form
of governance in a low-risk environment of competing zones, similar to competin
technology startups. SCI is based in Guatemala City at Universidad Francisco Ma
roquín, one of Latin America’s leading universities.
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Startup C ities
Institute focuses
on the
nuts and bo ltsuts and bolts
challenges faced
by nations as
they pursue
Startup C ities .
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Startup Cities Institute is not a traditional think tank. It’s structure reflects its
commitment to startup thinking. SCI maintains a small team in Guatemala that
remotely manages projects from an international network of collaborators. This
‘distributed think tank’ allows people from all over the world to stay involved.
SCI draws on all the resources of Universidad Francisco Marroquín. It merges
project-basedroject-based learning at the university with research on Startup Cities. Student an
faculty teams research and generate business or design prototypes for concrete
solutions to public policy problems. Projects range from areas like healthcare to la
to public transit.
Speakerspeakers from SCI are sought after by media outlets and events around the worl
SCI has worked with mayors reformers ministers entrepreneurs activists an
technologists from the United States Africa Europe and throughout Central an
South America. SCI has been profiled by Virgin.com’s Entrepreneur magazine an
interviewed by numerous international media outlets including Foreign Policy.
Events by SCI all run a unique format of open collaboration – no weekends spent
listeningistening to lectures. Participants self-organize into teams. These teams build proto
types over the course of a few intense days to compete for a prize.
SCI also publishes work relevant to the entrepreneurial approach to communi
building. SCI´s books include a reprint of Spencer MacCallum´s
The Art of
Community
and a new work by American municipal reformer Oliver Porter
Th
Contract City
SCI’sCI’s other projects include Locality a library of laws and legislation that show ho
nations create local autonomy around the world; Ulex an open-source legal system
and Lean City Lab a partnership with Nobel Laureate Vernon Smith’s Center for
Experimental Economics to guide reforming nations with randomized controlle
trials and economic experiments.
We are growing and always searching for new ways to improve the Startup Citie
approach to reform.
1
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urther
eading
Alexander, Payton. Laboratories for Capitalism: Testing the Limits of the Special Economic Zone
of Mainland China. Thesis. Startup Cities Institute, 2014. Web.
Arthur, W. Brian. The Nature of Technology: What It Is and How It Evolves. New York: Free, 200
Bar-Yam, Yaneer, Chitra Ramalingam, Laurie Burlingame, and Cherry Ogata. Making Things Wo
Solving Complex Problems in a Complex World. Cambridge, MA: NECSI, Knowledge, 2004. Prin
Beinhocker, Eric D. The Origin of Wealth: Evolution, Complexity, and the Radical Remaking of E
nomics. Boston, MA: Harvard Business School, 2006. Print.
Blank, Steven G., and Bob Dorf. The Startup Owner s Manual. the Step-by-step Guide for Buildin
Great Company. Pescadero, CA: K&S Ranch, 2012. Print.
Burakova, Larisa, and Robert E. Lawson. Georgia s Rose Revolution: How One Country Beat the
Odds, Transformed Its Economy, and Provided a Model for Reformers Everywhere. Guatemala C
Antigua Forum, 2014. Web.
Chiu, Stephen WingKai, KongChong Ho, and Dale Lü. City-states in the Global Economy: Industr
Restructuring in Hong Kong and Singapore. Boulder, CO: Westview, 1997. Print.
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Colander, David C., and Roland Kupers. Complexity and the Art of Public Policy: Solving Soci-
ety s Problems from the Bottom up. Princeton, NJ: Princeton UP, 2014. Print.
Cooter, Robert, and HansBernd Schäfer. Solomon s Knot: How Law Can End the Poverty of Na-
tions. Princeton: Princeton UP, 2012. Print.
Easterly, William. Planners versus Searchers in Foreign Aid. Asian Development Review 23.2
(2006): 1-35. Print.
Fisman, Raymond, and Eric Werker. Innovations in Governance. Chicago: U of Chicago, 2011.
Web.
Florida, Richard L. Cities and the Creative Class. New York: Routledge, 2005. Print.
Glaeser, Edward L. Triumph of the City. London: Macmillan, 2011. Print.
Hans-Adam. The State in the Third Millennium. Triesen: Van Eck, 2009. Print.
Hirschman, Albert O. Exit, Voice, and Loyalty; Responses to Decline in Firms, Organizations, and
States. Cambridge, MA: Harvard UP, 1970. Print.
Moberg, Lotta. The Political Economy of Special Economic Zones.oberg, Lotta. The Political Economy of Special Economic Zones. Journal of Institutional
Economics (2014): 1-24. Web.
O'Connor, Erin O'Hara, and Larry E. Ribstein. The Law Market. Oxford: Oxford UP, 2009. Print.
Page, Scott E. Diversity and Complexity. Princeton, NJ: Princeton UP, 2011. Print.
Porter, Oliver. The Contract City. Guatemala City: Antigua Forum, 2014. Web.
Porter, Oliver W. Creating the New City of Sandy Springs: The 21st Century Paradigm: Private
Industry. Bloomington, IN: AuthorHouse, 2006. Print.
Pritchett, Lant, Michael Woolcock, and Matt Andrews. Capability Traps? The Mechanisms ofritchett, Lant, Michael Woolcock, and Matt Andrews. Capability Traps? The Mechanisms of
Persistent Implementation Failure. Center for Global Development (2010): n. pag. Web.
Ries, Eric. The Lean Startup: How Today s Entrepreneurs Use Continuous Innovation to Create
Radically Successful Businesses. New York: Crown Business, 2011. Print.
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Strong, Michael, and Robert Himber. The Legal Autonomy Of The Dubai International Financial
Centre: A Scalable Strategy For Global Free-Market Reforms. Economic Affairs 29.2 (2009):
36-41. Web.
van Wijnbergen, Sweder J. G., and Tim Willems. “Learning Dynamics and Support for Economic
Reforms: Why Good News Can Be Bad”. The World Bank Economic Review (2014)
Tullock, Gordon. The New Federalist. Vancouver: Fraser Institute, 1994. Print.
United Nations, World Urbanization Prospects: The 2011 Revision, March 2012. Web.
Yeung, YueMan, Joanna Lee, and Gordon Kee. China's Special Economic Zones at 30.eung, YueMan, Joanna Lee, and Gordon Kee. China's Special Economic Zones at 30. Eura-
sian Geography and Economics 50.2 (2009): 222-40. Web.
Zeng, Douglas Zhihua. How Do Special Economic Zones and Industrial Clusters Drive China s
Rapid Development? Washington, D.C.: World Bank, 2011. Print.
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ont ct
W e w ould love to hear
from you
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www.StartupCities.org
Startup Cities Institute
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