Legacy of Slavery and Indentured Labour

Linking the Past with the Future

Conference on Slavery, Indentured Labour, Migration, Diaspora and Identity Formation.

June 18th – 23th, 2018 , Paramaribo, Suriname

Org. IGSR& Faculty of Humanities and IMWO, in collaboration with Nat. Arch. Sur.

Conference PaperEconomic development among the Javanese Muslims in Suriname

Stanley L. Soeropawiro

AbstractThe legacy of Javanese Muslim indentured labourers in the economic field is an important aspect to know how they adapted to the new environment. From the Dutch government measures were taken to keep these hard working indentured labourers in Suriname. Economic motives have been and are still very important issues in the current Diaspora policy. By means of the Cultural Studies approach this globalisation influence on the economic situation of the different Javanese Islamic groups is described. The definition of globalisation of Guillén (2001) is a process leading to greater interdependence and mutual awareness (reflexivity) among economic, political, and social units in the world, and among actors in general. The Islam of Javanese indentured labourers was based on pre-Islamic beliefs, which originated from the Javanese cultural society (Hendrix & Waning 2009, p. 11; Geertz 1960, p. 124). They did not possess real knowledge concerning the five pillars of Islam, nor the necessary religious guidance. Ismael (1949, p. 117) mentions that most of the ‘Surinamese Indonesians’ gave little value to their religion. Parsudi Suparlan (1995, p. 154), writes that according to reformists muslims, the Javanese must save their money and use it for trade and business activities and sending the children to school. Until 1930 the Javanese worked almost exclusively on the plantations. Because of the global crisis many Javanese left the large plantations and they started to grow their own crops on plantations located on government allocated villages. This small farming grew rapidly and flourished in Suriname. In 1939, the supply of Javanese indentured labourers was stopped (Hendrix, 2009, p. 10). The Javanese overall had a weak position financially and they did not live economically (Ismael, 1949, p. 127). The global economic crisis in recent years has shifted the focus to Shari’ah compliant financing. Well known international non-islamic financial institutions are currently offering Islamic Finance products (Marifas 2014, p. 32). A clear example of how local religious developments are influenced by global trends, is the recent launch of a full fledge Islamic

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bank in Suriname, where descendants of Javanese muslims have intiated the conversion to an Islamic bank.

IntroductionDescription of economical localization and globalization processes of Javanese Muslims

By means of the Cultural Studies approach an attempt is made to answer the question on how the globalisation has an influence on the economic situation of the different Javanese Islamic groups.A way to approach the processes of globalisation is according to Arjun Appadurai (1996, pp. 27-47) with 5 scapes (five areas): 1. Ethnoscape 2. Financescape 3. Technoscape 4. Media scape5. IdeoscapeThe recent opening of Trustbank Amanah, the first Islamic Bank in Suriname, is an important milestone in the immigration of Javanese moslims and significant enough to have a in-depth exploration of the financescape.

Financescape Globalization occurs very clearly in the field of finances, particularly the complex, fast capital movements, depending on technology and the reduction of national obstacles. Religions are often supported by foreign sources. The progressive, reformists Javanese Muslims have cooperation bonds with Indonesian, European, Turkish and Arab Islamic organisations. They have collaboration links with Islamic foreign organisations, with the aim of propagating Islam. This is fed by the fact that under the younger generation there is nowadays a worldwide trend to return to a puritan Islam (Soeropawiro, 2016, p. 268). With puritan we mean in this case sticking to the five pillars of Islam, frequently visiting a mosque and refraining from everything what the Qur’an prohibits. And also dressing according to the Islamic dresscode. Looking from this perspective, it can be stated that a puritan form of Islam exists in Suriname (Commenee 2009, p. 103).

Economic development among the Javanese muslimsTo have an insight of the economical localization and globalization processes of Javanese Muslims in Suriname, the following main divisions can be made: 1. Economic situation of the Javanese in Java2. Economic situation of Javanese indentured labourers on arrival in Suriname

1. Economic situation of the Javanese in JavaWages of Javanese in JavaThe wages in Java were low and the Javanese would use any means to increase their earnings.An indication of the daily wages, at the time of recruiting indentured labourers in Java, can be achieved from Suparlan (1995, p. 78) mentioning the following: ‘The field recruiters were

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paid a commission of eight guilders for every person they recruited (Ismael 1954, p. 40 cited in Suparlan 1995, p. 78). In Java this amount could be earned by 266 days of work at a regular daily wage of thirty cents.’Waal Malefijt de (1963, p. 29) mentions that one of the ‘[r]easons for their decision to come to Surinam: …Then he asked me if I would not like to earn a lot of money. When I asked him how, he told me that he could arrange for me to work in another country for a couple of years where I would be well paid, so that I could return to my desa as a wealthy man.’Reasons for Indonesians to travel overseas was because of poverty and limited employment opportunities in the Dutch East Indies and in many cases it was these same factors that made Indonesians to settle overseas where they have a better standard of living (Maurer et al. 2006, cited in Ramsarran 2008, p. 177).

In Java there was a alternating process taking place, which resulted that in 1940 the smallholders were responsible for 90% and the large estates for 10% of agricultural production (Zanden van, 2018).

2. Economic situation of immigrants on arrival in SurinameWages for plantation labourers in Suriname 1890-1939Wages for Javanese indentured labourers were not attractive. According to Suparlan (1995, p. 76) ‘Javanese were imported to Suriname to provide cheap labour on the plantations.’ The daily wages in Suriname in this period were stipulated in the “1861 no.1 Publicatie van den 12den maart 1861 betreffende een tarief van werktaken en loonen voor vrije arbeiders (1861 no. 1 Publication of March 12th, 1861 on rates of worktasks and wages for free workers)”, published in the “Speciale wetgeving op de immigratie en kolonisatie van Suriname (Special legislation on the immigration and colonization of Suriname) 1910)”. On all plantations and agricultural plots (depending on the task) the daily wages varied between 8-100 cents. However, on sugar plantations the wages were between 1½ - 125 cents. For working in the factory from 6 o’clock in the morning untill 6 o’clock in the evening (with 1½ hour rest), men could earn 6 cents, women 4½ cents and children between 1½ - 3 cents. Cutting firewood from Parowa/Mangro trees: 125 cents.On the coffeeplantations the daily wages varied between 1⅓-80 cents, while on the cottonplantation between 1-90 cents. On the cacaoplantations the wages were a little less: between 1-80 cents and on the bananaplantations lesser: between ½-60 cents. The wages on the woodplots were higher: between 1½ - 500 cents.

Stipulations in the contractSuparlan (1995, p. 76) mentions that the Javanese indentured labourers came to Suriname under five year contracts with the following provisions:1. The contract labourers promised to work for five successive years, six days a week, seven hours per day in the field or ten hours per day in the refinery.2. Male workers over sixteen years old received sixty cents a day; women and children between the ages of ten and sixteen received forty cents a day.3. The workers would be provided with free shelter and free medical care by the employer.

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4. For the first three months after arrival, the workers would receive food and other provisions from the employer, which would be paid for later by the workers.5. The workers had the right to free passage to Indonesia after concluding their term.” He (Suparlan 1995, p. 77) further writes that ‘[i]f an indentured labourer postponed repatriation to Indonesia and renewed his contract as a plantation worker, he received a bonus of twenty guilders for every additional year completed, with a maximum amount of 100 guilders in five years.’If he chooses to become a free labourer-colonist, he would receive 100 guilders as a bonus and two or three hectares of land (one hectare is equal to 10,000 square meters) tax free for six years, the taxable annually at ten gilders per hectare. An indentured labourer who accepted this agreement lost the right to the free return passage to Indonesia (Ismael 1949, p. 52-57 cited in Suparlan 1995, p. 77).”

Period 1890-1930: The first individual Javanese immigrants According to Suparlan (1995, p. 77) ‘The first group of Javanese indentred labourers, who arrived in Paramaribo in 1890, were assigned to work on the sugar plantation of Marienburg. This group was considered an experiment to determine if the Javanese would be suitable for work on the plantations. When they proved to be good workers, it was decided that more Javanese would be shipped to Suriname. The second group arrived in Paramaribo four years later, followed by other groups until 1939.’ The majority were employed in the district of Commewijne (Suparlan 1995, p. 80).The indentured contract was as follows: Until 1930 Javanese indentured labourers were recruited as individuals and came to work in Suriname under the Law of Penal Sanction (Ismael 1954, p. 31 cited in Suparlan 1995, p. 77). According to this law, a maximum of six weeks’ imprisonment and a maximum fine of twenty-five guilders would be imposed on an indentured labourer who refused to work. A labourer who deserted was imprisoned for two months and fined fifty guilders (Kloosterboer 1960, p. 34 cited in Suparlan 1995, p. 77).

Period 1930-1939: Families as free immigrants From 1930 until 1939, Javanese indentured labourers were recruited as families and came as free immigrants. They still had to work under the modified Penal Sanction (Ismael 1954, p. 31 cited in Suparlan 1995, p. 77).”

Number of Javanese immigrantsSuparlan (1995, p. 80) calculated that ‘[f]rom 1890 to 1939, 32,986 Javanese indentured labourers were imported to the country. Of them, 7,684 were repatriated to Indonesia between 1897 and 1938, followed by 700 in 1947. Through their own efforts a group of almost 1,000 Javanese returned to Indonesia n 1953.Waal Malefijt de (1963, p. 26) says that the total number of Javanese immigrants in the period 1890-1939 was 32,956 (a small difference of 30 with Suparlan).

House hold expenses of Javanese indentured labourersFrom the household expenses an estimate can be acquired of the economic situation of the Javanese indentured labourers. According to the ‘Gouvernementsblad der Kolonie Suriname

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1894 no. 19, besluit van 28 mei 1894 Aanvulling en wijziging der bestaande verordeningen betreffende immigratie’ (Government magazine of the Colony Suriname, 1894 no. 19, Decision of May 28th, 1894, Addition and Modification of existing regulations on immigration) the daily supplies for adults of both sexes (age 15 year and above) were as follow:

rice 0.75 kg salted or fresh meat (no pigmeat) 0.25 kg, or dried fish 0.12 kg, or salted fish

(bakkeljauw (codfish)) 0.25 kg, or fresh fish 0.15 kg coffee 0.03 kg brown sugar 0.15 kg klapperolie (Coconut oil) 0.0175 litre salt (dependend on the need) firewood (dependend on the need) green or local pepper (dependend on the need).

For this daily package the immigrants payed 20 cents. Workers between 10-15 jr payed 10 cents. Persons under 10 year payed 7 cents.Waal Malefijt de (1963, p. 27) mentions that ‘[m]ale workers over 16 years of age received 60 cents daily (at present (1963 - note of researcher) an equivalent of about 15 dollar-cents, but of course the moneyvalues were very different in 1870 when the conditions of the labour contract were established. Yet no one could become wealthy on such earnings.’Waal Malefijt de (1963, p. 62) mentions furthermore that ‘[t]he minimum amount of money needed by the Javanese household appears to be in the neighbourhood of Sf 200 – 400, but in many cases it is two or three times this amount.’Regularly the following commodities were bought: sugar, flour, tea, salt, seasonings, cooking oil. Less frequently were bought foodstuff like dried fish, canned sardines. And the least frequent: fresh meat.One informant (born on 18th Januari 1946) remembers that in his basic school period he got from his mother daily 5 cents for school. These five cents he spended as follow: 3 cents for a loaf of bread with butter and 2 cents for some Javanese snacks.For the general household kerosene for lamps most be bought also. Cooking was done on charcoal or on locally collected firewood. Further more laundry soap and insect sprays were bought from the local store.Waal Malefijt de (1963, p. 64) mentions that payment of rates on land is a once a year expenditure, as is the payment of pitrah, known in other Moslem countries as zakat a-fitra, an obligatory contribution to the ka’um (muslim pastor). This is paid at the end of the month of fasting, the minimum amount is set at 27 ½ cents per person, adults and children alike.Wengen (1975, p. 5) noticed a pattern of increased interest in entertainment with the consequence of less spending for religious purposes or culture. ‘[T]he organization of a complete slametan is often a very expensive affair’ (p. 49) and ‘to participate properly in the traditional life of the community also requires money’ (p. 50).Wengen (1975, p. 49) mentions cinema attendance as an increasing entertainment, even among the rural Javanese. Hindustani Businessmen had built small moving-picture theatres in many places in the districts, and the Javanese gladly parted with a share of their slender wages to see the seductively advertised films. In a typical Javanese village community like Taman

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Redjo there were about a thousand families and three Hindustani movie houses with a constant supply of new films, usually in Hindi.According to Wengen (1975, p. 50) the tajub system was the heaviest financial burden. ‘The frequent invitations received from relatives, neighbours, and friends to participate in a tajub mean a heavy financial load for many families.’However the young people have developed a different attitude in spending. ‘They are convinced, not unjustifiably, that they must make a place for themselves in contemporary Suriname society, and feel that they would be hampered in doing so if they became too isolated within their own Javanese group. This attitude often leads to a different pattern of spending than the one customarily seen in the traditional Javanese community’ (Wengen 1975, p. 50).

Living conditionsSuparlan (1995, p.81) describes the situation of the Javanese immigrants as follows: ‘Treatment of the Javanese by plantation authorities, and in Suriname in general, was far from satisfactory.’ ‘....wages were below those specified in the labour contract, and psychological and physical abuse was common.’ ‘Assault, battery, and sexual abuse of women were frequently committed by the opseter (foremen-mostly Creoles or Europeans). Most Javanese responded with a submissive attitude as part of their ethos of deference (ngalah)’. Or by not following orders (isGeschiedenis 2018, mentions that one of the possible origin of the proverb ‘Oostindisch doof’ (EastIndian deaf) refers to the Javanese workers pretending not to hear or to understand the orders). Some however fought back or ran away (Ismael 1954, pp. 61-62 cited in Suparlan 1995, p.81). Those who fought back were sent to jail. After their release, some fought with their foremen again because they considered the living conditions in jail much better than those on the plantations.” (Ismael 1954 cited in Suparlan 1995, p.81).‘Their mistreatment was expressed in the living conditions of the Surinamese Javanese. They were kept poor and illiterate, and were excluded from the social, economic, and political activities of the larger society.’ (Ismael 1954 cited in Suparlan 1995, p.81).‘The authorities in Suriname did not force Javanese parents to send their children to school even though, as immigrants, they were subject to the law that required education for children between the ages of seven and twelve. This lack of enforcement probably was due, at least in part, to the fact that many Javanese children were employed on the plantations’ (Ismael 1954 cited in Suparlan 1995, p.81).It was reported by Ismael (1954, cited in Suparlan 1995, p. 93), and also by my informants, ‘that the Javanese did complain to their superiors on the plantations about their living conditions. These complaints were made through their interpreters (tolk), and were presented individually as the occasion arose. Most of the complaints went unheeded. Some Javanese assaulted the foremen (opseter) for this reason, and hatred was directed toward the interpreter. These two categories of plantation officials were blamed for the bad living conditions”.One informant mentioned that the interpreter Sarai gave his parents less than was promised to them when they choosed to stay in Suriname. They weren’t even appointed a piece of land. This was confirmed by another informant. He as child felt very sad when his father decided to move from Livorno, where they were living on a piece of land his father bought. The reason

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of moving was ‘we are the only Javanese here’. So they moved to Waneweg in Para were Javanese were living and there was a mosques there, with praying dierection to the North-East.The rise of the crime rate was ascribed by Suparlan (1995, p.88) to these circumstances: ‘Feelings of deprivation and extravagant and uncontrolled spending on gambling, tajub feasts, and slametan resulted in a high frequency of crime’ (Ismael 1954 cited in Suparlan 1995, p.88). Most of the crime the Javanese committed were theft and burglary. The victims were other Javanese.

Issue of returning to IndonesiaAccording to Suparlan (1995, p. 89) the topic of returning to Indonesia was therefore still important among the Javanese. Anton de Kom promised them that if they supported him they all will be returning home. The biggest rally was held in 1933, with thousands of Javanese coming from the rural areas to participate. The dead and wounding of several Javanese was the end of the rally.’But the idea of returning to the homeland have not cease to exist and was reactivated by Javanese political leaders recruiting party members from 1949 to the early 1950s.

Economic situation of the Javanese immigrantsWaal Malefijt de (1963, p. 38) pointed out that houses and housetypes could be used to determine the economic situation. According to informants the house of Javanese had a roof of pinapalm leafs. They slept on beds, with, instead of a matrass, a klosoh (a waved mat of leaves of the pandan plant). Waal Malefijt de (1963, 50) mentions the custom in the household: ‘The head of the household, however, will hand over the cash money which he earned to his wife. This money is not considered to become her property; rather she is the custodian of it. Women have the reputation of being able to save and deal with money much better than men. The arrangement may be that the husband receives a specified amount of pocket money – this is usually the case if he has a regular cash income – or he asks his wife for money whenever he needs it, either for such expenses as land rent or for personal needs.’

Only one of my informants mentions this custom. Two informants said that the father kept the money and he provided for the household costs.

Economic activitiesIn order to survive the Javanese had other income as well. Waal Malefijt de (1963, p. 58) gives an indication of the income from agriculture: ‘The income derived from the sale of rice lies between Sf.200 – Sf.500, unless the household has more than one plot of land’ (one plot was approximately 4 hectare). Other most important crops for home consumption or for sale within the settlement or on the markets were cassave (manioc), plantains, bananas, sweet potatoes, okra, tomatoes, string beans, squash, bolangers (egg plant), a type of spinach, onions, and all kind of peppers. Waal Malefijt de (1963, 59) also explains that ‘[a] small amount of money is gained by the sale of cassava.’ ‘The quantities sold are usually small, rarely exceeding a few guilders. Most women or elderly men go perhaps one a week with a basket full of produce, whatever is ripe

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and tradeable, and sell it on the market. The money received is mostly spent right away to buy the most nessecairy.’ ‘A further source of income is derived from the sale of home-made eatables such as cassava wafers, sticky-rice ‘cookies’, pisang goring (banana fried in dough), petjel (stewed vegetables with sharp-tasting sauce) and many similar items. These are sold by peddling them from house to house, to a local store, or along the road near a river-crossing or a school.’Animal husbandry was also known by the Javanese as Waal Malefijt de (1963, 60) mentions that the Javanese kept cattles. ‘The profit from raising a calf that way is usually Sf.40-50; but there is also a certain amount of risk involved which many people do not want to take, as the calf may die and the investment would be lost.’ Other means of income were poultry and eggs (Waal Malefijt de 1963, p.60).Waal Malefijt de (1963, p. 61) says that the Javanese could do any kind of work: ‘The Javanese are very dexterous and can do most any manual work after they have seen it done once.’ So they proved having additional skills like bicycle or scooter repairing, dressmaking, carpentry, giving of home permanents, etc. (Waal Malefijt de 1963, pp. 60-61).

Fig. 1 The Javanese Family Abas the establishers of the Lincoln N.V. (source: Harold Abas)

From informants, first hand information could be gained of the well known dressmaking Javanese company Lincoln N.V., which was initiated by the second generation of the

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immigrants. As children of immigrants they were able, with the guidance of their parents, to establish a successful company, with different specialisations.

Ownership of land as capitalIsmael (1949, p. 129) mentions that it was not until 1904, when Indonesians started signing up to be eligible for a piece of land. In that year 36 immigrants were users of land on settlement locations, one immigrant was owner of government land, while 3 Indonesians were tenants of private land. In 1935 there were of the 6,748 small farmers only 191 owners of land, which was obtained in allodiaal property or hereditary property.The others had land in rent or in free use (Ismael 1949, p.131).With the next generation this changed, as all of my informants (born after 1935) pointed out that they bought their own piece of land from their savings, and that they did not received land from the government.

Small agricultureSince 1904 a steady increase in the number of Indonesian small-farmers could be observed, as the following table shows:

Year Number Year Number31-12-1904 71 31-12-1925 287731-12-1907 127 31-12-1930 400631-12-1914 609 31-12-1935 674831-12-1920 1547 31-12-1940 7703

Table 1: Number of Javanese small farmers. (Source: Ismael 1949, p. 129)

SavingsWaal Malefijt de (1963, p. 65) states that ‘Savings, as we have shown, are practically nil’. But there were still immigrants who managed to buy their own land from their savings as informants explained.The reason for not saving, is according to Waal Malefijt de (1963, p.65) that ‘many others admit quite frankly that they do not like to work hard and prefer to live as they do, on a day-to-day basis, selling a little whenever they need something, but unwilling to do this in an organized manner and never planning for the future.’ My informants have denied this, as their parents were hard workers and were able to save money, holding in mind the future of their children.Waal Malefijt de (1963, p. 51) continues saying: ‘Not one of the informants questioned on this topic ever considered depositing money in a bank for saving, although they know that this can be done’. The reason was ‘suspicious about the institution of banking, more so because the banks are operated by non-javanese whom they do not trust in the first place.Instead all surplus money is converted into golden ornaments which are worn by women or girls, never by men. These ornaments are most frequently in the form of gold coins.’Social relationsSuparlan (1995, p. 94) describes the Javanese as ‘They were aware that others considered them illiterate, backward, and poor”. Among themselves the Javanese had a good cooperation.

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Waal Malefijt de (1963, p. 56) mentions that

“[t]he households, moreover, never work alone on their rice fields, but always form small co-operative groups of six to eight households. This type of cooperation is found in all instances

As described by Waal Malefijt de (1963, pp. 60-61) the Javanese community had their own social structure. There are specializations like ka’um (muslim religious leader), dukun (male or female curer), dalang (leader of the wayang performances) and the lèdèk (dancing girl).As in every community, there were tensions. Also among the Javanese. Suparlan (1995, p. 140) mentions that ‘due to the fact that the so called reformists did not participate in, for example the slametans or tajub feasts, gambling and drinking, the traditional Javanese–Surinamese Muslims mocked at them.’

The Javanese had a weak position financially as they did not live economically (Ismael, 1949, p. 127). But there was mutual solidarity, which was strongly present. This was in the districts stronger than in the city. In the city the working conditions were different than in the districts. In the working field the Javanese were always in the minority. They had to adapt themselves to the circumstances on office where Hindustanis and Creoles formed the majority and had the executive functions.Ismael (1949, p. 127) has found that the ‘Javanese has never been sparingly. Only a few came to save and to travel on their return to Indonesia with their savings.’ From historical documentations of the ‘Agent Generaal’ (immigration department) of 1853 untill 1946 it was clear that many Javanese didn’t save at the immigration department.

As Ismael (1949, p. 128) stated, ‘[a]s a result, more money from the Indonesians stayed in the country, rendering it a significant contribution to the promotion of domestic trade.’This is clearly seen in the following table:

Year Javanese Year IndianReturned with Returned with

Money amount (f)

Value of jewelry (f)

Money amount (f)

Value of jewelry (f)

1897-1904 8,636 - 1878-1889 339,531 170,9361905-1908 4,331 97 1890-1900 443,375 70,4291909-1914 5,892 - 1903-1909 228,154 33,5531920-1928 24,830 38,275 1911-1921 517,307 65,4251929-1931 25,665 17,863 1924-1929 56,555 9,443

Table 2 Comparison of wealth exported with the indentured labourers (Source: Ismael 1949, p. 128)

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Waal Malefijt de (1963, p. 56) mentions that

“[t]he households, moreover, never work alone on their rice fields, but always form small co-operative groups of six to eight households. This type of cooperation is found in all instances

The ‘Register van inlagen en terugbetalingen; Register of 1927-1928’ (Register of

deposits and withdrawels; Register of 1927-1928) shows that of several savings

numbers, only two bore a Javanese name:

Ramin 508/x half flora f130,-

And in savings 1922-1924

Soedjono no. 459 Koeliedepot : 1e inlage (first deposit f100,-)

In the regulation of the small agriculture ‘Bevordering klein landbouw door Grondjesverordening van 1914 (G.B. 1916 no. 24) (Promotion of agriculture through the 1914 Plots Regulation (G.B. 1916 no. 24)) it is mentioned that ‘[i]n addition, it was no longer mandatory that one must first bring his land in culture for some time, in order to claim the premium. Anyone who wanted to settle on a plot, and waived the right to free return, he would immediately be granted a premium of f100,-. If the immigrant was married and his wife likewise waived any right of free return, he received a f200,- premium (Ismael 1949, p. 129). This resulted in a strong increase in the number of the immigrants, who waived the right of free return.

Furthermore the Javanese had a language problem. In case of tensions at work they temporarily or no longer showed up, mostly without mentioning this to the management, because they feared possible sanctions. Waal Malefijt de (1963, p. 183) states that Javanese Muslims are not hostile towards the few Javanese Christians which can be found in almost every settlement. They participate in normal social relationships such as in sambatans (cooperation).Javanese were not eager to convert to Christianity according to Towikromo (1997, p.28). Even though they were aware that conversion to Christianity for example, offered possibilities to reach higher on the social ladder. After all, the Moravian Church possessed, and still possesses, the material possibilities that could facilitate that access to this father’s ladder.

Islamic Economic aspects It is estimated that approximately eighty-five per cent of these indentured labourers that arrived in Suriname were Muslims (Schinagl 2009, p. 3). Their Islam, however, was based on pre-Islamic beliefs, which originated from the Javanese cultural society (Hendrix & Waning 2009, p. 11 & Geertz 1960, p. 124). They did not possess real knowledge concerning the five pillars of Islam, nor the necessary religious guidance.Ismael (1949, p. 117) states that most of the ‘Surinamese Indonesians’ gave little value to their religion. The ‘wayang’ (performance with leather dolls), the usual ‘slametans’ and gambling were still kept in high esteem.The Javanese Muslim culture used the mutual harmony – ‘rukun’ – as a central issue; conflicts are avoided when it is possible. Because of this there existed a positive appreciation for the Javanese Muslim employees, because they are willing, neat and punctual (Hendrix, 2009, pp. 11-12).From Islamic perspective it is understandable why the santri strongly rejected the time-consuming and money wasting rituals of the slametans. Suparlan (1995, p. 155) explains that ‘[t]his is not only due to pragmatical reasons, but also because it is strictly prohibited to worship spirits and other gods. In burning incense at rituals they see the offering of a meal to demons and devils’, (according to the beliefs of the traditionalists who ‘considered it as a sacrifice for spirits who do not consume earthly food, but live on the fragrance of flowers and incense’).The ka’um was not rewarded with only appreciation and high esteem. He was also rewarded once every year as Wengen (1975, p. 4) points out ‘There is, however a more official reward

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for the services the ka’um performs for the members of the community. This is the pitrah, the compulsory annual contribution paid to the ka’um.’Waal Malefijt de (1963, p. 175 cited in Wengen 1975, p. 4) states that the Javanese in Surinam have converted the voluntary gift according to Islamic tradition, the so-called zakat-al-fitrah, into this compulsory annual pitrah”.Waal Malefijt de (1963, p. 64) mentions that the payment of pitrah, known in other Muslim countries as zakat a-fitra, an obligatory contribution to the ka’um (muslim pastor). This is paid at the end of the month of fasting, the minimum amount is set at 27 ½ cents per person, adults and children alike1.”

Islamic economic aspects are mentioned bij Suparlan (1995, 143): ‘The Islamic teachings of the reformists emphasize the importance of working hard and saving money, and of not engaging in activities such as njumbang, tajub, gambling, drinking, extravagant consumption, offering sadjen, slametan, and burning incense. According to a leader of the reformists, Muslims must work hard and collect as much money as they can, as if they will live forever, but they must also pray to Allah as often as they can, as if they will die tomorrow.’Suparlan (1995, p. 154), mentions further that according to reformists, the Javanese must save their money and use it for trade and business activities and sending the children to school. Money is not only for consumption or pleasure. Reformists also blame Javanese parents and grandparents for not forcing the young to attend school. Instead, many encouraged the children to work, with the result that large numbers of adult Javanese are illiterate or uneducated. The result of gambling was, as experienced, crime and violence (Towikromo 1997, p. 23).The PBIS Pengerakan Bangsa Indonesia Suriname’ (People’s Party of Indonesians in Suriname- PBIS) seemed to focus more on a better development of the Javanese in Suriname. Their political agenda aimed at creating a better economic and social position for the Javanese, like better education. To reach this goal, however, it was necessary to leave all non-economical activities, such as the slametans, dance parties and gambling. They proposed that the Javanese had to invest in small companies and save their earnings, as the Hindustanis had done, eventually to make the journey back to Java (Schinagl 2009, p. 31).It is apparent that the ideology of reformists is an indication of emerging capitalism and individualism. This phenomenon was also observed among reformists in Java by Clifford Geertz (1963 cited in Suparlan 1995, p.175 )According to Towikromo (1997, p. 29) letters of Bok Sark potrayed the religious self image of the Javanese. She was a woman Javanese contract worker whose true identity has remained unknown until now. Hoefte (1987, p. 28 cited in Towikromo 1997, p. 29) called her ‘Javanese communist’. A passage from her letters was thefollowing 'We are now convinced that the

1 Zakat-ul-fitr is compulsory on every muslim at the end of the month Ramadan. It must be handed over to the poor and the ka’um can not keep it for himself

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Wengen (1975, 4) describes the receiving of the pitrah by the ka’um as follows:

The giver of the pitrah arrives with a sum of money; according to the rules, the pitrah should be paid in natura, but this can be arranged by a simple formality: during the ceremony the ka’um has a large bowl of rice before him which the giver buys from him symbolically by giving him the money and touching the rice with his hand.

Hindi and the Mohammedan religions are higher, than that of the Christ of the whites. I know, esteemed Mr. P. A. May, that you are a Protestant, who is trying to convert my husband and I to Christianity, but we from our side, would dearly wish, that you would convert to us, to the Muslims’ (De Banier, January, 14th, 1933 cited in Towikromo 1997, p. 29)

Economic situation SurinameThe economic situation of the Javanese was undoubtedly linked to the situation of Suriname. Waal Malefijt de (1963, p. 25) gives the following description: ‘The Dutch East Indies, as they were then called, were by far the most valuable and prosperous Dutch possession, and Surinam, which had become a liability rather than an asset, received very little attention except from a few people immediately involved.’The contribution of the Javanese to the Surinamese economy was according to Ismael (1949, p. 131) ‘not so much in the increase of the import, but much more in the reduction of the import of foodstuff.’He points out that between 1895 and 1916 the amount2 was approximately 4 ½ million kg. After that year, the import gradually became less and after 1928 Suriname even became a rice exporting country.Until 1930 the Javanese worked almost exclusively on the plantations. Because of the global crisis many Javanese left the large plantations and they started to grow their own crops on plantations located on government allocated villages. This small farming grew rapidly and flourished in Suriname. In 1939, the supply of Javanese indentured labourers was stopped (Hendrix 2009, p. 10).Hoefte (1990, pp.16-17) remarks that the global economic crisis of the 1930s also led in Suriname to social misery and unemployment.The agricultural enterprises and the gold company were in great difficulty, the Balata-Compagnie (rubber company) went to liquidation. Furthermore, unemployed Surinamers came back from Curacao, where they as workers in the oil industry were layed off.The Javanese were still working on the plantations, but the wages were low while employment decreased.These social and economic tensions led to political protest.In the 1930s many Suriname plantations forced to close their gates during the global economic crisis, with the consequence that many Javanese were forced to seek their livings elsewhere. A small number of them moved to Paramaribo, looking for work and a better life.With the outbreak of the second world war, this ' urbanisation process ' increased in motion. There were bauxite sites in Suriname, including Moengo and Paranam, were many jobs were available by the increasing demand for aluminium for the aircraft industry (Wengen van 1990, pp. 884-885 & Derveld 1981, pp.123-124 cited by Towikromo 1997, p. 21). Ismael (1949, p. 117) mentions that ‘at the outbreak of the World War in Eroupe in 1939, many Indonesians moved from the districts to the city. Especially in 1940 the rush from the small agriculture increased. In that year, 804 men, 1035 women and 277 children left for Paramaribo.Where they have remained since then is not known, nor is the occupation that they have chosen.The only indication of this is the communication in the wellknown article by Kaulesar Sukul, that many Indonesians have settled as teacher, shopkeeper, etc., while some have entered into the civil service.2 Of rice imports

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Striving for wealth the spiritual waySuccesful Javanese are easily accused by other Javanese of having something spiritual to become rich. Informants confirmed this from their own experiences with these accusements. People are unaware that only through hard work, making long hours everday and mutual cooperation the family business has become successful.The spiritual power is called pesugihan. ‘Pesugihan literally means ‘richness’, but the term has special connotations when someone talks about a certain person as ‘nduweni pesugihan’ (having wealth), which means that the person is abnormally rich’ (Drewes 1929 & Hooykaas 1929 cited in Suparlan 1995, p. 172). ‘When someone is thought to have pesugihan by other Javanese, he is considered to have sold part of his life, or his wife’s and children’s lives, to an invisible being in exchange for wealth. There are several kinds of pesugihan, and each has a different contract or agreement concerning the wealth the person wil receive and the nature of the payment the person should give to the invisible being’.One kind of this is ngipri. Suparlan (1995, p. 173) explains that ‘[i]n ngipri, someone agrees to mate with a snake and has to spend some time atfter his death living as a snake in exchange for a certain amount of money. He also agrees to have tujul (a kind of invisible being in the form of a child about six years old) who will steal money for him. He will die before his time and spend his time as the slave of the invisible being with whom he makes the agreement.

d. 1975 until now (new era: Trustbank Amanah)Data from Hoefte (1990, p. 21) points out that in 1990 there were 60.000 Javanese (15% of the total population). According to the Census 2012 of the total Surinamese population of 541.638, 13.7% (73.975) are Javanese. Of these Javanese 66.9% (49.533) are muslims.As indentured labourers and the last arrived group of immigrants, the Javanese initially stood on the lowest step of the social ladder. Through the small agriculture, cottage and (bauxite) industry, however, many of them slowly but surely climbed up. Still, many Javanese work in the agriculture, but more and more they are also active in other economic activities, such as in the service sector (Hoefte 1990, p.21). In 2014 the Intermed group (owner/director James Rasam, a descendent of Javanese immigrants) started propagating the Islamic Finance model ‘Sukuk’ (Islamic bonds). The Year Report 2016 of Trustbank Amanah (2016, p. 20) mentions that in 2015 the conversion traject started to become a full fledged Islamic bank. The majority of the members of the Board of Directors of Trustbank Amanah are descendants of Javanese Indentured Labourers. As internationally Islamic Banking is increasing in popularity, because it was barely influenced by the recent world financial Crisis it was interesting to adapt Islamic banking as new business model. With the support of the Islamic Cooperation of the Development of the Private Sector the conversion road map was completed and the first Islamic bank opened her doors on December 7th , 2017. This bank is seen as the gateway for Islamic Finance in the region. For the Javanese immigrants this can be considered an important milestone, after the hardships of indentured labour.

Outlooks on the economic development of the Javanese

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According to Ismael 1949, p. 136) the social and economic situation among the Javanese could be measured by the number of eligible voters among them on the basis of the capacity and census suffrage. Because in order to be entitled to vote, one must have: a. an ULO or equivalent diploma (junior high school level) or b. paid tax for an annual income of f800,- or more.In 1945 of the 34,272 Javanese, there were only 62 voters.Studies about the Javanese mentions either a negative or a positive outlook about the Javanese economic development and their contribution to the Surinamese economy. Javanese were rated as by mevrouw Verkade-Cartier van Dissel (cited in Ismael 1949, p. 151): ‘The Javanese is not a good settler’.’He lacks all the interest for economic progress. He finds working for the distant future useless. Living economically is unknown to him’.Ismael (1949, pp. 132-134) supports the point that ‘there would be no economic improvement with the Javanese, because of the following reasons: • the contribution by the Indonesians was only on savings in the rice import • the Indonesian small farming is aimed at self-sufficiency oriented mode of production • agricultural soils are not intensively exploited • the alluvial coastal strip is not as fertile as it was thought• finding a foreign market is difficult, since the production is low• the primitive method of production means that the quality of the products are less good compared with the mechanically driven companies abroad, making competition impossible.’

Furthermore Ismael (1949, p. 135) states that ‘… more than half a century of compulsory schooling was not enough to develop the Indonesian so that he could compare himself in the social life with his fellow citizens.’Ismael (1949, p. 137) concludes that one of the consequences of economic weakness among the Javanese was poor school visit. The children had to be involved in seeking support in the livelihood.So there were some important efforts to uplift the Javanese. The PBIS Pengerakan Bangsa Indonesia Suriname’ (People’s Party of Indonesians in Suriname- PBIS) seems to focus more on a better development of the Javanese in Suriname. Their political agenda aimed at creating a better economic and social position for the Javanese, like better education. To reach this goal, however, it was necessary to leave all non-economical activities, such as the slametans, dance parties and gambling. They proposed that the Javanese had to invest in small companies and save their earnings, as the Hindustanis had done, eventually to make the journey back to Java (Schinagl 2009, p. 31).Ismael (1949, p. 127) holds also the positive opinion that the Javanese were still economically significant for Suriname. ‘Without the supply of these immigrants the plantation company would, without doubt, already been collapsed. Especially in the crisis years, the significance of these Asian workers was clear. A catastrophic breakdown of the economic life of the colony was prevented by the practice of the small farming by the immigrants.’ That’s why he says ‘Their most important contribution of the Javanese to the economic live in Suriname, is the practice of the small agriculture’(Ismael 1949, p. 128).

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But Ismael (1949, p. 134) holds also the opinion that the immigration of Indonesians should only be continued if there would be any prospects that a part of the Indonesian population in Suriname could proceed to the middle class or even up to the highest class. As Hoefte, R. (2008) mentions, very positively, that ‘since the 1960s the Javanese have been catching up with other groups in the population, …, many Javanese found work in the bauxite industry and the agricultural sector. Only in the last decades of the last century did the presence of Javanese in businesses, the professions and the civil service increase”.The view of Waal Malefijt de (1963, p. 67), about the Javanese Indentured Labour is the following:

economic development does not exclusively depend upon available production and distribution possibilities, but that, in order for such development to be effective, the culture itself should possess techniques to handle such changes structurally.

the social structure seems to lack a technique to deal with differential prosperity the value system reinforces the dichotomy by equating the acquisition of material

goods with westernization, and westernization in turn with a forsaking of the Javanese culture.

Suparlan (1995, p. 177) points out that ‘this is not to say that religious subgroupings coincide precisely with social, economic, and political groupings, as asserted by Geertz (1960 cited in Suparlan 1995, p. 177). Furthermore, not all reformists are engaged in business activities, and there are many traditionalists who are small traders as well as big businessmen. The global economic crisis in recent years has shifted the focus to Shari’ah compliant financing. Because Islamic Bank were not effected by the crisis. Well known international non-islamic financial institutions are currently offering Islamic Finance products (Marifas 2014, p. 32). This global trend, played an important role in the recent launch of a full fledge Islamic bank in Suriname, where descendants of Javanese muslims have intiated the conversion to an Islamic bank. It is indeed a milestone taking into consideration, the weak economic position of the Javanese immigrants and the not very positive opninion of researchers about the development of the Javanese. It is a very amazing and dramatic expression of the attitude of the Javanese Gotong Royong: sharing the risk, being a trustworthy and contributing partner, showing the courage, willing to take the iniative and creating economic opportunities for every Surinamese through Islamic Finance and Banking

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