spirit possession in a rural area of...

MORRIS E. OPLER

perts, their neighbor's fears were some-times well grounded. Murder by magic orpoison was one of the most heinous crimesunder Inca law, and conviction meantdeath for the sorcerer and all his family.Sorcerers were called kawchu in Inca; inmodern times, the Aymara word layqa ismore generally used.

Sorcerers used the principles of sympa-thetic and contagious magic, and workedwith human exuviae (teeth, hair, nails,etc.), shells, animal figurines and amulets,toads, animal heads, small dried animals,large hairy spiders kept in closed jars,roots, herbs, and ointments. A sorcerer whowished to bring sickness or death to an en-emy might make an image of him, dress itin his clothes, hang it up, and spit on it,or he might burn a figurine of clay or waxrepresenting the enemy, or otherwise mis-treat it. Another method was to take atoad, sew up its eyes and mouth withthorns, tie its feet, and bury it in a placewhere the enemy would be likely to sit

down. Suffering of the toad was supposedto pass into the enemy.

Another method was to spin a thread ofblack and white wool, twisting it to theleft (the reverse of the customary direc-tion) , and then place a noose of it on apath where the enemy might pass so thatit would catch his foot. A sorcerer couldspoil a man's harvest by burning a bundleof maize ears, fat, thorns, and some of theenemy's hair in his field with the properceremonies. The power of the "devil" wasso real to the Spanish writers of the six-teenth and seventeenth centuries, andthis sort of black magic was so similar tothat practiced in their own country towns,that they were as reluctant to write aboutit as the Incas were to explain it.

Some sorcerers furnished love charms fora price. The charms, of many differentkinds, were made of feathers, thorns,stones, or herbs, and had to be secreted inthe garments or bed of the person whoseaffections were desired.

SPIRIT POSSESSION IN A RURAL AREA

OF NORTHERN INDIA *

Morris E. Opler

Hinduism is often described mainly in terms of the philosophical concepts thathave grown out of the interpretation of the Vedas and other important sacredtexts. It then presents an impression of a very abstract and intellectualized religioussystem. On the level of action and participation it is usually denned in terms ofadherence to the cults of such important deities as Vishnu and Siva, and worshipat temples and shrines dedicated to diem. There may also be references to im-portant calendrical rites, such as Diwali and Holi, and to major life-cycle cere-monies such as the sacred thread ritual, marriage, and the death ceremonies.

Yet, without denying the place and significance of all this, it should be pointedout that a great deal, perhaps most, of the religious activity of the ordinaryHindu, and especially of the Indian village, is concerned with the propitiationand control of protective godlings, of deities that control disease, and of malignantghosts that haunt the localities where they have died or the individuals and

* This article was written especially tor this volume and has never before been pub-

lished.

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families that have made difficulties for them in life. This article attempts tointroduce and describe this less well-known but very prevalent aspect of popularHinduism, and to relate it to the typical anxieties of certain groups and to themost common stresses and psychological needs of society.

The material on which this article is based was gathered from 1947 to 1957 in arural area of eastern Uttar Pradesh by a Cornell University research team directedby the author.

Tt is widely believed in India, especiallyamong the rural folk and the less edu-

cated, that misfortune and_egidemic__prpersistent sickness are in--actuality_punish-m_ent_and persecution, \risitei-upoiuthe,.ktcaluyj,__the,...family,. or the individual bya displeased god or goddess or a malevolentghost. Consequently, in order to right mat-ters, it is necessary to determine whatdeity or ghost is involved, why the super-natural attack has been launched, andwhat is required to pacify the deity orbanish the ghost. Often the identity ofthe troublesome supernatural power canbe established rather readily. A specificgoddess is identified with smallpox, and ifan epidemic of smallpox rages it is quitecertain that the smallpox goddess is dis-pleased and has grievances or unfulfilleddemands. It is, however, less easy to learnthe cause of the goddess' ire and whatmust be done to hasten her departure. Of-ten, too, it is rather easy to guess that a cer-tain malevolent ghost is at the root of apersonal misfortune, for the difficulty mayhave arisen soon after a weird or unpleas-ant experience at a place where some per-son met a violent and untimely death andwhere his restless spirit is reputed to hover.But why the shade should pick the particu-lar victim and what must be done to forceit to release its baneful hold is, again,much harder to settle.

Obviously the surest guide to all thesequestions, and especially to the more subtleones, will be the words of the deity or ghostitself. And pronouncements from thesesources are precisely what are sought. In or-der to obtain the explanations and direc-tions of the supernaturals involved, a stateof trance and possession develops or is in-duced in which the deities enter and speak

through their devotees or those they havepossessed, or during which the malevolentspirit speaks through the victim it has"caught" and from whose body it must beousted. In instances where a malevolentghost has entered the body of the suffererand speaks through him, the shaman or re-ligious practitioner acts to hasten thetrance state, questions the possessing spiritand argues with it, pits his tutelary godsagainst the invading spirit, and either per-suades it to leave or sets a trap for it whichwill force departure, capture, or transfer.

It is not the intention here to describethe phenomenon of possession in detailand at length. For the purposes of this arti-cle it is not necessary to dwell upon the re-cruitment of devotees and shamans or todiscuss their procedures. The emphasis willbe, rather, on the areas of anxiety that aresuggested by the nature of the illnesses andmisfortunes and by the identity of the spir-its or individuals who are held responsiblefor the onslaught. For it must be remem-bered that in these cases of possession it isthe victim through whom the invading ortroublesome spirit speaks. Consequentlythe victim has an unusual opportunity toidentify anyone whom he believes has sentthe ghost to persecute him, and to air anyopinion he has concerning why this wasdone. Such cases, considered in their gen-eral social and psychological setting, maypoint to the conditions that stimulate pos-session and to the functions that spirit pos-session serve, at least in the region fromwhich the data come.

The widow of a man who had recentlybeen beaten to death as a result of a politi-cal and intercaste feud suddenly began tocurse and snap at those around her, shout-ing that she would bite and eat them. Her

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diatribes were directed particularly at awoman of her own caste with whom shehad quarreled and at members of another,higher caste who had been involved in theassault on her husband. Normally shewould have been expected to show respectand deference to members of the lattercaste. The woman, who was now recog-nized as being possessed, started to runaway, but was caught and held down. Ashaman who was working in a nearby fieldwas summoned and began to carry out hisritual for her. When he demanded to knowwho the spirit possessing the woman was,the spirit, using the voice of the woman,identified itself as a churain or malevolentfemale ghost. It was the usual voice of thewoman that was heard, except that thewords were uttered somewhat more slowlyand deliberately. After further ministra-tions of the shaman the ghost announced:"I am going; I am going." The shamanacidly expressed his disbelief that the ghostwas really departing and demanded thatthe ghost lick its own spittle as an earnestof its intention. At this the woman spatin her hand and licked up the saliva. Theghost then announced: "I am leaving."The woman now seemed to recover andspoke in a normal and calm manner tothose around her. She professed to haveno recollection of what happened duringthe period of active possession. Thiswoman, who is short-tempered and moodyat best, had more than enough cause forsmoldering anger. It is possible to interpretthis attack as a case of hysteria associated^with attempts to master an overwhelmingVurge toward overt aggression, something/unseemly in a woman and socially unac-tceptable when directed toward those ofhigher status, but understandable and for-'';givable as the activity of a malevolent and ;

reckless ghost.A villager met a violent death and there-

fore it was expected that he would becomea vengeful ghost. Another villager who hadquarreled with the dead man about theownership of a piece of land was visitedone night by the ghost of the deceased,which demanded that he surrender the

land. This he refused to do. Soon after,he became ill and it was only a few weeksbefore he, too, was dead. It was acceptedthat the ghost had entered his body andlaid him low. That this man had a guiltyconscience in regard to the land transac-tion is very clear, and it is also certain thatthe circumstances of his rival's death aggra-vated this feeling. To what extent the fearand despondency arising from this contrib-uted to his sickness and death is notknown, for he had no adequate medicalexamination and treatment. But whateverthe origin of his sickness, the despair andthe terror induced by the attentions of hisrival's ghost did him no good.

A young man of untouchable caste, aHindu, left the village and found employ-ment in a mill in a city. He was told that apath he took from his place of residence tothe mill was infested with ghosts of Mus-lims, but he laughed at such tales and con-tinued to take this route. Then he had a se-vere and persistent case of boils and had toleave his job and return to the village. Inthe village he became violent and abusiveand was constantly in trouble. He wouldspeak out against the high-caste landlordsand tell them he was a Muslim spirit andcouldn't be harmed by them. He narrowlyescaped a beating at the hands of these in-dignant prominent villagers. It was appar-ent to his kinfolk that he was in theclutches of a ghost, and a shaman wasbrought to treat him. At first the spirit orspirits which had entered him would notreply to the shaman's questions, thoughthey caused his body to move convulsivelyand with great violence. It turned out thatthere were four Muslim spirits within him,who identified themselves and made theirwishes known after three days of ceremony.When the ceremony had been concludedand the offerings for which the spirits askedhad been given, the patient began to re-cover.

Villagers who go to urban industrial es-tablishments to work ordinarily live incramped, unhygienic quarters and have avery inadequate diet. Often, as in this case,they fall sick and .have to return to their

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homes. But often, too, the greater socialfreedom and anonymity enjoyed in the citymake it more difficult for them upon theirreturn to accept the more rigid caste andstatus restrictions of the rural environment.In this case the young man apparentlyscoffed at the tales of evil spirits of Mus-lims (in the city to which he went therewas a large Muslim population and con-siderable tension between Hindus and Mus-lims) until he himself became sick. Thenhe became thoroughly frightened and wasconvinced that evil influences were work-ing against him. Possession allowed himto objectify these causes of fear and makethem available for treatment. Possessionand the attribution of what he said and didto the invading Muslim spirits also allowedhim to vent his feelings with a minimum ofdanger on the proud high-caste group forwhom his own caste have been traditionalservants.

A woman who was sure she was beingpersecuted by a ghost was told by a shamanwhom she consulted that her tormentor wasthe spirit of her husband's first wife. Thefirst wife had been attacked by ghosts whilein Calcutta and had come back to the vil-lage to die. Having been killed by ghosts,she herself became one and now made dif-ficulties for her successor. There are two in-teresting facets to this situation. It will benoted that the first wife was attacked byghosts and sickened when she joined herhusband who was working in a city farfrom their home. Villagers, and especiallyvillage women, are often lonely and un-happy in such circumstances and live un-der conditions that invite sickness. Such anillness, contracted in a strange place andin frightening circumstances, is then fre-quently attributed to ghosts unless anotherorigin is very obvious or the malady yieldsreadily to ordinary treatment. The othermatter which deserves attention is that thedead woman caused difficulty for the sec-ond wife of the man to whom she had beenmarried. A woman who marries a widoweris expected to honor and worship the de-ceased wife. Any laxity or reluctance inthis, or anything that gives cause for belief

that the dead woman has become a ghost,is likely to result in psychological uneasi-ness.

A young man attributed violent attacksfrom which he suffered and during whichhe spoke abusively to those around himand sought to strike them, to the activitiesof a number of ghosts of Muslims who had"caught" him when he was working in anindustrial center some distance away fromthe village. It took several people to holdhim down when he had such seizures andnot even close relatives, such as his motherand sister, were immune from his invective.The attacks had continued for about a yearwhen he gave his account, and he had suf-fered an attack about twenty days before hewas interviewed. Shamans had identifiedthree of the ghosts while he was possessed;but a fourth one had not yet spokenthrough him, and this elusive and resistantspirit presumably was the cause of his con-tinued trouble. This case presents somefamiliar features. The affliction begins whenthe youth is employed in the city. Muslimghosts cause him to be rancorous towardhis Hindu relatives and neighbors. He isabusive toward persons to whom he nor-,mally shows respect. It might be mentioned ;that these events occurred during a period -;when there was quite a bit of tensiontween India and Pakistan and betweenHindus and Muslims in India. The young;*man was undoubtedly impressed by theference in the attitudes toward such matters^in the village, which is almost entirely;:Hindu and in which the Muslims are sub^jmissive and unimportant, and the city;;!where the Muslims were a sizable group|and where strained relations existed fortime. Some unconscious scapegoating oralthe part of this young man, in which Muslllim ghosts conveniently serve to mask hisjjown aggressions and adequacies, can be inl|ferred.

Eight of ten children born to a village!woman died in infancy. Finally a shamanfwas called. He traced the cause of the|deaths to a ghost and named a family which!he said had sent the unfriendly spirit. Since!the sufferer was of the same caste as thosef

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who had sent the ghost, a caste assemblywas called. The evidence concerning theghost and its provenience was reviewed, andthe accused family was ordered to take backits ghost. This they agreed to do. In thisinstance the early death of so many chil-dren gave rise to the suspicion that ghostsand some kind of sustained attack were in-volved. One of the most common fearsamong women is that ghosts will impairtheir childbearing capacities or destroytheir infants, and a good many precautionsare taken to prevent such occurrences. Also,it is generally believed that ghosts are sel-dom destroyed or reformed; they are mostoften merely transferred. Usually a shamancan persuade a ghost to leave its host onlyif he provides or promises to provide an-other "vehicle." Often the transferral isaccomplished without malice. The ghost issecured by the shaman in some ritual ob-jects which are then buried at a crossroad.The first vulnerable person who passes thisplace becomes the new host for the spirit.Or the ghost may be imprisoned by the sha-man in a clove or a flower which he touchesto the garment of almost any person atsome large gathering. In such a case hemay not even know the person to whomthe ghost is being transferred. But whetherthe ghost is specifically intended for themor not, the family to which it becomestransferred will be indignant and will beaggressive in their demands that the ghostbe recalled by its former owners.

An epidemic of smallpox was raging ina hamlet of the village. Two outsiderswere invited to the hamlet to use ritualmeans to arrest the sickness. During theirstay they were being provided for and paidby contributions from the inhabitants ofthe hamlet. One of these visitors was a dev-otee of the smallpox goddess, a person whohad directed so much ritual attention andpropitiation to the goddess that he had aspecial relation to her, received messagesfrom her, and was believed to have influ-ence over her. The second person was agardener and flower seller, a member of acaste which traditionally is involved in thecuring of smallpox. One family head re-

fused to contribute to the cause, on thegrounds that the sickness was continuingunabated and the visitors were accomplish-ing no good. Then thirteen members ofthis man's extended family caught the dis-ease. The villager still refused to contrib-ute, for he suspected that it was the dev-otee, angered by his attitude, who hadsent the smallpox goddess (the disease) tohis house. Instead he himself made ritualofferings to the goddess, who is the per-sonification of the disease. Early onemorning, when he was carrying out a fireritual or sacrifice to the goddess, hisyoungest son, who was one of those ill withsmallpox, spoke to him disrespectfully,an evidence that the boy was possessedand that in reality it was the small-pox goddess who was speaking. The god-dess continued to speak to him throughhis son. She praised him for his ceremonialofferings, advised him about future offer-ings to her, and informed him that shewould respond if he would carry out suchceremonies whenever smallpox or choleraspread. Following this all of his familymembers recovered and this man himselfbecame a devotee of the smallpox goddess.It is interesting that the onset of possessionand the appearance of the goddess was sig-naled in this case by the breakdown of in-hibition and social convention, by the dis-respect shown by the son for his father. Thedeities so often display attitudes forbiddenby convention to man!

In May, 1953, during a cholera epidemic,this new devotee played a prominent partin attempting to pacify the sickness goddess.He and others arranged and purified anoutdoor site for a ceremony and kindled afire of mango leaves there. While a drumwas beaten and the names of various godsand goddesses were uttered, he and an-other man ladled clarified butter into thefire. One o£ the group of men present lit astick of incense in the fire and stared at itfixedly as prayer and the mention of thenames of the deities continued. Finally heleaped up, jumped forward and backward,extended his arms and then fell to theground. When he arose his forearms and

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hands were shaking violently. It was evi-dent that he was possessed by a spirit. In arestrained and respectful voice the devoteeasked him who he was. He answered thathe was Sitala, one of the personified aspectsof the disease goddess, in fact the aspectusually associated with smallpox. The dev-otee drew out the information that the god-dess was visiting the village in the terribleguise of disease because she was dissatisfiedwith the offerings made to her. She wantedcertain songs to be sung in her honor anda band provided for the music. Hastilywomen were summoned to sing the re-quired songs. At that the possessed manrecovered, stopped shaking, and sat downand looked into the fire. During the singingof the songs still another man became pos-sessed, leaped into the air, and fell writhingto the ground. Soon he rose to his knees,shook his hands back and forth, and invitedthe devotee to ask him who he was. It waslearned that he was possessed by a differentaspect of the disease goddess who demandedstill more singing and a brighter ceremonialfire. At this the women sang with increasedvigor. The fire was fed again and the pos-sessed person stopped shaking and resumedhis place. No sooner was he relaxed thanthe man who had first been possessedshowed evidence of agitation. The devoteerequested that he identify himself and thedisease goddess spoke through him, issuingsome general and vague warnings. She saidthat the people were overproud of theirhamlet and of its increase in size and hadbecome too self-satisfied. When asked whatspecific things they should do to regainher favor, she would say no more than thatthey should be careful and should remem-ber that she lives everywhere and goes any-where she likes. She admitted that she waspleased with the ceremony but warned themagain to be careful unless they wished to beobliged to spend a great deal of money incorrective ceremonies. Now drumming andsinging were resumed and a processionwhich circled the hamlet counterclockwisewas begun. During the march ritual ob-jects were left at the four cardinal direc-tions, beginning with the north. The dev-

otee was one of the leaders of the proces-sion and a director of the ritual acts whichpunctuate it. Two days later a very similarrite of possession and divination was heldin another hamlet of the village.

About ten days after these appearancesof the disease goddess in public rituals, shepossessed and spoke through the body of awoman of the grain-parcher caste. Thehands of the woman began moving backand forth, her face became expressionless,she fell to the ground and rolled back andforth rhythmically as her hair fell aroundher in disorder. Frequently she wouldscream in a high-pitched voice and an-nounce that she was the disease goddess.Her husband and a caste-fellow sought toinduce the goddess to leave her body byoffering a sacrificial fire and repeating pray-ers. The unhappy husband, who was not atall pleased with the visit of the goddess tohis home, kept repeating, "You are not thedisease goddess, you are my wife." A brah-man priest had been sent for, and his firstact upon arrival was to offer still anotherfire sacrifice to the goddess. The possessedwoman tried several times to brush glowingcoals from the fire into the folds of hergarment, and her husband was kept busybrushing them away and restraining her.The ability to handle fire and hot objectsis often considered a sign of the presence ofa deity or of a grant of supernatural power.A group of men and women had gatheredby this time, and some of them began toask the "goddess" questions. One high-castewoman repeatedly inquired about the na- -•ture of the sickness of her daughter-in-law.This apparently annoyed the goddess, for,"the possessed low-caste woman slapped thequestioner, something that a woman of her 'caste could never do with impunity in nor-mal circumstances. Yet in this setting therebuff was taken calmly. Another womanasked whether her son, who was reportedto be sick in Bombay, would recover. Theanswer was in the affirmative. Wheneverthe goddess spoke through the possessed 'woman, those who were present would bowf 'sreverently and touch the earth. Finally the?brahman's prayers and sacred fire ceremony4.,

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achieved their purpose, for the possessedwoman collapsed on the ground and slowlyreturned to her normal state. It was men-tioned by someone present that the pos-sessed woman's father had been a well-known devotee of the disease goddess andthat she herself had had a similar experi-ence of possession only a year before.

When a. certain woman of the villagemarried, she and her husband took up resi-dence in her parents' home. The usual cus-tom is for the woman to accompany herhusband to his father's village and home atmarriage. Since the young man was moreor less cut off from his patrilineal kin bythis move, he made no efforts to worshipthe family gods of his paternal line regu-larly. Matters continued like this until theoldest son of this couple was about fifteenyears old. This boy then began to actstrangely. He would disobey his parents,curse them, and remain away from homefor long periods. A diviner was hired whotold the parents that the boy was possessedby a displeased goddess who expected hom-age from members of the father's' line. Ashaman of a nearby village was next con-sulted and, during the ritual which he con-ducted, the goddess spoke through the sonand complained of neglect. When themother pointed out that the father's familyworshiped not one but three family deitiesand that the two others would be angry ifthis goddess alone were honored, the god-dess spoke through the son to say that shewould prevent the other godlings from caus-ing difficulty to the family. This greatly re-lieved the mother, for ceremonies of thiskind are expensive, involving as they dothe sacrifice of animals and much else. Andso the goddess was formally installed as afamily deity of this branch of the line. Onceevery three years the family arranges animpressive ceremony in her honor, duringwhich the son becomes possessed, makesknown the will and prophecies of the god-dess, and, while still possessed, puts the sac-rificial fire out with his bare hands withoutsuffering any burns.

A village boy of about thirteen years ofage was staying in Bombay with his father

and father's brothers who were working inthe city as grain parchers and venders. Thefather went back to the village to visit, leav-ing the boy in the custody of the uncles.Soon after the departure of the father theboy's "brain became hot." He talked wildlyand incessantly, saying that all peoplearound him were evil and crazy. He re-peatedly ran away. The unhappy unclestook the boy to shamans in Bombay, whotold them the boy was possessed by threetypes of ghosts of deceased Muslims. Theywere not successful in inducing all three toleave the boy at once and so the boy did notfully recover. He was therefore broughtback to the village and to his parents, whereother ceremonies conducted by a religiouspractitioner of another village proved ef-fective.

When the news of the ceremonies to beconducted for this boy spread, a young manwith broadly similar but even more acutecomplaints was brought for treatment atthe hands of the same imported religiouspractitioner. This young man, who wasalso of the grain-parcher caste, had beenliving in Bombay too. His father was deadand his mother asked the boy's married sis-ter who lived in the city to make room forhim in her household. The young manfound employment in a Bombay mill. Butthe boy and his brother-in-law disliked oneanother, and the situation was soon veryunpleasant. One day the boy began to actstrangely. He made obeisance to donkeyson the street. He began to sprinkle theurine of cattle and his own urine on hishead and body. He showed symptoms ofgreat fear and declared that a ghost in anearby tree was trying to devour him. Hisdelusions had a political note, for, thoughhe is a Hindu, he shouted that Pakistan isgoing to beat India, that Muslims are finepeople, and declared that he would shootGandhi and Nehru. Gandhi, incidentally,had been assassinated six years before. Itdid not take his brother-in-law long to de-cide to send him back to his mother. At theceremony arranged by his mother the sha-man cuffed the boy around rather harshly.This was intended as punishment of the

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possessing spirits and a means of makingthem uncomfortable and willing to leave.Such forthright methods are not uncom-mon in shamanistic practice when posses-sion is certain. The shaman determinedthat the boy was possessed by two malig-nant spirits, both of Muslim origin. One,a result of black magic which his brother-in-law had had worked on him, had at-tacked him while he was at the latrine andthis accounted for his unsavory behaviorwith urine. The other was able to enter hisbody because he stole and ate sweetmeatswhich a woman was carrying to a temple.It was because of this spirit that he extolledPakistan and voiced threats against India'sleaders. Once these troublesome spirits wereousted, the youth became quiet and respect-ful and was able to leave for his home vil-lage with his mother and younger brother.

It is to be noted that in both these casesthe young men were far from home and un-happy when the evil spirits entered theirbodies. Partition of India between Pakistanand India and resulting difficulties and riotsbetween Hindus and Muslims were part ofthe childhood memories of the youths. Con-tinued tension between the two countriesand between Hindus and Muslims in Indiawas a theme of which they heard a greatdeal in the new urban surroundings. It islittle wonder that die ghosts which both-ered these Hindus, by a process of projec-tion and scapegoating, took on a Muslimcoloring.

In early April, 1954, during a nine-dayperiod especially devoted to the worshipand propitiation of the goddess of disease,the house of a shaman, as was usual dur-ing this period, was rilled with women seek-ing aid from troublesome spirits who had"caught" or possessed them. The shamansang a type of song associated with the god-dess and beat a monotonous rhythm on hisdrum until a woman who was seated in theback showed signs of the activity of theghost within her. He had her come forwardto the sacrificial fire and squatted beforeher. Her hands, palms pressed together,were before her, and her head was shakingback and forth.

The shaman addressed the ghost and de-manded to know where it had seized thewoman. The ghost, speaking through thevoice of the afflicted woman, replied that ithad "caught" her when she was returningto her husband's house and village from herfather's home. The shaman then asked whohad sent the ghost to the woman. The ghostrefused to reveal this. Next the shamanwanted to know the caste of the person re-sponsible for the assault. This, too, theghost refused to reveal. To the question,"How many other ghosts are with you?"the ghost who was conversing with the sha-man answered, "Four or five." The sha-man then asked the ghost, "Has any othershaman looked at you?" and the ghost re-plied, "Several, but they didn't make herspeak." The shaman next asked bluntly,"Will you leave her?" The response was,"Only if I get another vehicle like her."The shaman then sought to persuade theghost to leave. He told it that the womanwas very poor and hardly a fit vehicle for it-He promised the ghost that at a certainreligious fair garlands of flowers, orna-ments, coconut, and other offerings would,be made to it. He also promised the ghost^that at the same time he would provide itwith another vehicle; that is, that he wouldmake it possible for the ghost to enter some;'other victim. During the dialogue, whenc*the ghost was refusing to answer somejiofffthe questions, other women sitting aroundf?urged that the ghost be induced tomore "active" so that the woman eoul&fjimore violently possessed and tellthing. The shaman agreed to ask the ;to become more active. The ghost explthat it could possess her more violentlthat, if it did, the patient would die. Iend the shaman took a flower, placed pdie ground, and asked the ghost tofrom the woman's body and enter the Jsom. He said that the ghost wouldlive with his tutelary godling, thespirit of a brahman, until he could Ihim to another person. It should bentioned that the woman who waslike most of the other womenfor help, was comparatively

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dressed the ghost and de. 'where it had seized the

it, speaking through the:d woman, replied that itwhen she was returningJuse and village from hershaman then asked who

to the woman. The ghostthis. Next the shaman

;e caste of the person re-assault. This, too, the

sveal. To the question,ghosts are with you?"

conversing with the sha-our or five." The sha-; ghost, "Has any otheryou?" and the ghost re-t they didn't make herm next asked bluntly,:r?" The response was,''ther vehicle like her."sought to persuade thetold it that the womanardly a fit vehicle for it.host that at a certainnds of flowers, orna-other offerings would

Iso promised the ghostie he would provide it; that is, that he would ~the ghost to enter some'g the dialogue, whenj"ng to answer some of/'women sitting around kbe induced to become^t the woman couldessed and tellgreed to ask the ghce. The ghost explaineicr more violently buient would die. In ta flower, placed it .i the ghost to descerdy and enter the hlc: ghost would have i' godling, the deifitmtil he could transfen. It should be mean who was treat:r women whoatively young.

The factor to which particular attentionshould be called in this case is that theghost, speaking through the victim, estab-lished the onset of the trouble during thejourney from the parents' home to the hus-band's home. In this connection it shouldbe kept in mind that village exogamy ispracticed in this part of India and that resi-dence after marriage is patrilocal. Marriagealso entails for the woman many restric-tions on movement and behavior in herhusband's village and many special formsof avoidance and polite usage to her hus-band's kinsmen, and, by extension, to hisfellow villagers, particularly the males.This contrasts markedly with the compar-ative freedom a girl enjoys in her father'shome and as a "daughter" of her father'svillage. Since marriage is ordinarily hyper-gamous, with the husband's family be-longing to a superior section of the samecaste, at marriage a woman enters a familywhich considers itself higher in status thanthe one from which she has come. As anew bride she comes as the most juniorand subordinate member of the familyand only with time, with the arrival ofnew brides, and with the birth to her ofsons, is her comparative position likely toimprove to any extent. In story, proverb,and song, the society has from her earliestyears reminded her of the sharpness ofthe transition at marriage, and of the pos-sible hostility of the mother-in-law andsisters-in-law.

If it is a joint or extended family with anumber of sons to which she goes, she willfind there other wives from different vil-lages and family backgrounds with whomshe must live at close quarters and withwhom she may or may not get along well.She comes as a stranger, for it would bemost unseemly for her to have known herhusband or his family beforehand. If shehas grievances, it would do her little goodto complain to her husband, for he is ex-pected dutifully to support his parents intheir decisions, and would be most likelyto command his wife sternly to obey hiselders. Actually her main recourse is to getword to her own parents and brothers of

any great unhappiness or mistreatment andhave them intervene on her behalf.

Because of the sharp break in the life ofthe newly wed woman, and because she isoften so young at marriage, the society hasprovided for frequent and prolonged visitsof the married woman to her parents'home, especially during the early period ofmatrimony. If the girl is fearful, uncertainof her ability to cope with the situation, orunhappy about her husband or his family,the return trip to the husband's house afterthe relaxed atmosphere during a visit tothe parental home and village may be ananxious period. It is not unusual, there-fore, for a girl, as in the case just de-scribed, to be "caught" by a ghost on thejourney from her parents' home to that ofher husband and to become ill after herarrival.

It may be well to mention here otheracute anxieties which not infrequently areassociated with the early years of the mar-ried state. A woman who does not conceive,who suffers miscarriage, or who does notbear a son after some years of wedded lifemay have reason to fear for her status andhappiness in the family circle. It is almostcertain that she, and her husband's familytoo, will wonder if a ghost or malignantspirit is not at the root of her trouble.

One other potential cause of anxiety anddistress in the early phase of marital lifemight be added to the list. A girl who hasbeen a "pet" of her father's household (andoften the knowledge that a girl will be un-der strict surveillance and will have to workhard in her husband's household is the ra-tionalization for leniency and permissive-ness in the parental home) may find therestrictions and obscurity of her new roledifficult to accept. Possession by ghosts andspirits calls attention to the young woman,fosters a more solicitious attitude towardher, and makes her the center of dramaticritual activity.

It must be remembered, too, that theclaim of possession by ghosts may be a pun-ishment unconsciously meted out by ayoung woman to those about her for realor fancied grievances. A ghost or malignant

561


spirit has a habit of persecuting a wholefamily, once it enters the circle of a homethrough an individual, and consequentlyits presence is most unwelcome to the wholegroup. Also, its eradication or pacifica-tion is an expensive undertaking and oftena lengthy one. It may cause still other mar-riage difficulties, because few familieswant to enter into marriage negotiationsthat will result in receiving a ghost in addi-tion to a new member. A number of sha-mans have pointed out that a large per-centage of their clients are young womenwho were "caught" soon after joining theirhusband's families. A knowledge of the so-cial and marital practices and the points oftension they involve goes far to explain theconcentration of hysteria, possession, andtrance states in this group.

The importance of marital and child-bearing functions in situations of sha-manism and possession can be gatheredfrom the following observations. Six ailingwomen were present on an occasion whenone of our observers visited a shaman. Allof them were sure that they were possessedby ghosts, and this was verified in each caseby the shaman. One woman was subject tofits and was probably an epileptic. Anothersuffered from acute menstrual pains and ir-regularity. Still another had not conceived,although she had been married for a num-ber of years. The shaman told her that afamily godling, who was not being wor-shiped by certain households since the sep-aration of the large family, was angry, hadpossessed her, and was denying progeny tothe women of her line. A fourth womanhad twice been the victim of miscarriagein the fourth month of pregnancy. The par-ticular difficulties of the fifth woman werenot ascertained, but the sixth, too, hadbeen unable to conceive. She was a womanin her thirties, who had been hopefullycoming to the shaman for years. Thus fourof the five cases about which we have infor-mation appear to show complaints whichare associated with the physiological func-tions of the female.

The part played by domestic tragedy innotions of persecution by evil spirits and

ghosts can be gathered from a few ex-amples, also. A girl of the potter caste hadbeen married to a man who deserted herfor another woman. Against the advice ofher mother she went to the place where herformer husband and the other woman werestaying. A very unpleasant scene resulted,but she made no progress in regaining hermate. Soon she had acute feelings of per-secution and sought relief in a shamanisticceremony. During the ceremony she becameactively possessed, beating her hands andeven her head on the ground in front ofher. So violent were her exertions that shecollapsed twice and had to be placed insitting position again. In an effort to iden-tify the ghost which was bothering her,the shaman recited caste names, one afterthe other. The ghost responded through thewoman when the correct caste was named.Before the end of the session both the un-sympathetic mother and the woman whohad stolen the husband were accused ofsending evil spirits to distress the patient.

In another case, where neglect seems tohave depressed the patient, the ghost, whenit was asked why it had entered the woman,replied, "Before, I was given every com-fort—nice meals, sweets. I was respected,admired, massaged with oil. But now I'mdenied all this." .

An association between the clash of willsand possession by ghosts is reflected inmany other accounts. A woman brought anailing daughter of about fourteen years o£age to a shaman. When the shaman in-formed her that the girl's illness could betraced to possession by a ghost of an abortedfetus, the old woman cried out: "Oh^ it'strue. She went against my wishes one dayVith a Chamain [a woman of the untouch-able caste from whom midwives are ~xi£cruited] to help her carry mud from a tanfc;to the house. She fell ill and told us manysecrets of the family. We couldn't under*:,stand how she knew these things so suidp*;denlv. She broke out in boils and sincC

t • •• -^_f

then has not been well." Here the defiancetof this high-caste girl in associating with tfl*untouchable and her raking up of unsavo^family secrets, suggest a situation of tensioi|

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MORRIS E. OPLER

icred from a few ex-of the potter caste hadman who deserted her. Against the advice oft to the place where herI the other woman werepleasant scene resulted,ogress in regaining her1 acute feelings of per-: relief in a shamanisticic ceremony she becameaeating her hands andthe ground in front of; her exertions that she1 had to be placed inin. In an effort to iden-ch was bothering her,caste names, one after

: responded through the^rrect caste was named.he session both the un-r and the woman whosband were accused ofto distress the patient.

where neglect seems topatient, the ghost, whenhad entered the woman,

was given every com-weets. I was respected,with oil. But now I'm

."VfSs'

itween the clash of willsghosts is reflected -in,,

ts. A woman brought an .about fourteen years ofWhen the shaman &*• „e girl's illness could beby a ghost of an aborted'lan cried out: "Oh,2|fj»inst my wishes onewoman of the untot;'horn midwives: carry mud from a iell ill and told usly. We couldn't une;w these things soout in boils andwell." Here the defirl in associating with I:r raking up of unsa?sst a situation of i

and conflict. The mother may be fairlyclose to the truth, after all, in connectingthese matters with the girl's physical symp-toms.

Not infrequently ghosts and possessionserve as a convenient explanation for ex-treme or violent behavior. A woman who iswell-known for her moody nature and un-certain temper was found by anotherwoman trying to hang herself. She was ledto an adjoining house and there she showedsigns of being possessed. She announcedthat she was a godling which was worshipedby her family. Shamans were called to learnthe will of the godling and discovered thata ceremony and animal sacrifice were de-manded. As soon as the ceremony waspromised the woman became calm andseemed normal. Later, when she was askedwhy she had attempted suicide, she deniedmemory of such an act. She asked rhetori-cally why she would do a thing like that,when she has four children to look after.She took the position that whatever hap-pened was due to the intrusion into herbody of an irritated godling who had notbeen given sufficient ritual attention.

When a supernatural attack is assumedand the person responsible is being sought,the thinking often moves along traditionalchannels. It is proverbial that the daugh-ters of the household and their sisters-in-law, who enter the household throughmarriage, do not always get along well to-gether. The feelings of suspicion and resent-ment may persist even after the daughtersthemselves leave the home in marriage.Charges that were raised in the summer of1956 will illustrate what can happen. Thesister of a villager was married and went tolive in her husband's village. No sooner hadshe arrived than she became sick. A sha-manistic rite revealed that the ghost of adead brahman had been sent to possess her.It also was alleged that her brother's wifewas responsible for this. The basis for thefear was the knowledge on the part of theafflicted woman that the household fromwhich she had come did have a ghost of adeceased brahman attached to it. However,this household asserted that it had kept the

brahm pacified and harmless by constantofferings, and stoutly denied that anywoman of the household had directed thespirit toward the married kinswoman.

When a woman is both childless andquarrelsome, if her barren state is attrib-uted to unfriendly ghosts, she is likely to begreatly feared. The possibility that a pos-sessed person may persuade a ghost to enteranother "vehicle" is always present, andit is believed that a self-centered andstrong-minded woman will not hesitate totake this step. One such woman came tothe village some years ago as a bride. Fora long time she bore no children and it waswhispered about that this was because shewas possessed by a vengeful ghost of a de-ceased brahman. Actually it was this wom-an's mother who had first drawn the ire ofthe ghost. The mother had neglected topay a debt to a brahman and after hisdeath was persecuted by his shade. Whenthe daughter came to the village, the brahmwas transferred to her and came along. Thedaughter was accused more than once oftrying to pass the ghost along to others. Sobad did her reputation become that evenafter she bore a son it was said that she hadmanaged to transfer the family ghost to ayoung girl who was leaving the village tomarry. As a result all kinds of misfortunesplagued the husband and his family as soonas the bride arrived. For one thing, thehusband went blind—seemingly a case ofhysterical blindness. The bride was re-turned to her father's home without delay.

More than one ghostly attack has beentraced to compunctions of conscience overunpaid debts. A Muslim cotton carder ofthe village died without leaving issue. Oneof the villagers had never repaid fifty rupeeswhich he owed this man. When the debtordeveloped stomach pains and diarrhea, hewondered whether he were not being per-secuted by the ghost of the Muslim. He con-sulted a shaman who verified this, and thematter was resolved by going to the spotwhere the Muslim was buried, placing acoin in the ground as a symbolic payment,and making other offerings there.

It is obvious that possession and the state

563


of being a channel for the voice of the godscan be an attention-getting device for menas well as women. A villager who was un-married, asthmatic, and not particularlyhighly regarded became a devotee of thehigh god, Shiva. When he was not in areligious setting, he gave the impressionof a person who lacked assertiveness andconfidence, and yet who desired attention.In December, 1955, he arranged to have abrahman carry on a ceremony for him inhonor of Shiva. As the rite progressed hebecame increasingly excitable and very im-patient with the brahman. It was not longbefore he was moving his head to and fro.Then Shiva spoke through the possessedman chiding him for not serving him betterbut prophesying that he would do so in thefuture. Shiva also called upon him to pro-tect the Hindu religion and to protect cows.During the ritual this man was possessed inaddition by Hanuman, Vishnu, and Par-vati, the divine wife of Shiva—all very im-portant deities of the Hindu pantheon.When the possessed man became thespokesman of Hanuman, he called to hisreligious teacher in an argumentativetone, "Oh, you think I'm not as great asShiva, don't you? I'll show you my power!"By the time the ritual was over a rathergood-sized group had gathered, and mostof the onlookers were ultimately quite im-pressed.

At a time of epidemic sickness, possessionis encouraged by fear that the disease willspread and strike and by desire to knowwhat acts of worship will mollify the dis-ease goddess. During a smallpox epidemicin February, 1955, a gardener, belonging toa caste whose members act as ritualists atsuch a time, heard that a woman of thepotter caste was sick and went to visit her.She told him that she had been possessedby the disease goddess and that the goddesshad voiced her displeasure at having beengiven an offering of unclean curd and hadthreatened to take five lives in the village.The gardener began to sing and make of-ferings, and the woman became possessedagain. Then the gardener conversed withthe goddess through the person of the pos-

sessed woman. The goddess asked for songsand offerings of a certain type and advisedthat a full-scale ceremony should be carriedout on behalf of the woman at a giventime. When she was asked whether she were"going to manifest herself on the body ofthe woman" (that is, whether the womanwere going to contract the disease), sheanswered in the affirmative, but added thatit would be a mild case and that "every-thing will be all right." It is probable thatat this time the possessed woman thoughtthat she had caught or was getting thedisease. Actually her fears were ground-less; she was not stricken with it duringthis epidemic.

Evidences of fear and wishful thinkingalso characterize a case of possession of aneight-year-old girl during this same period.The mother of the girl had asked her toperform some task. The girl stretched outher hands saying, "Don't you see myhands. You are asking me to work?" Therewere pox marks on her hands. Soon thegirl was possessed and the intruding spiritidentified itself as the godling of a shrinein another village of the area. Through thelittle girl it scolded the audience, saying,"Because I'm at a distance you people ofthis village have forgotten me. You don'toffer ceremonies to me. Unless you worshipme, you'll all be in great trouble." She alsoassured her hearers, "There won't be anytrouble in this house. There won't be anysmallpox." Just then a woman of a castemuch higher than that of the child ap-peared, and the godling, speaking throughthe little girl, upbraided the woman in thesewords, "Go away from here. You promisedthat you would offer me a ceremony andfried bread if a boy would be born to yournephew. But when a girl was born, youdidn't do it. You completely forgot me atthat time." ' •"-'

Despite the youth of the girl manywomen accepted the authenticity of thepossession, were much concerned at the dis-pleasure voiced by the godling, and forth-with planned a trip to his shrine. Yet, con-trary to the promises of the godling, twdcases of smallpox did develop in the fam-

564

MORRIS E. OPLER

The goddess asked for>f a certain type and —TMCn

: ceremony should be carriedof the woman at a given

: was asked whether she wereifest herself on the body of:hat is, whether the womancontract the disease), rf^

: affirmative, but added'thatmild case and that "every-11 right." It is probable that; possessed woman thought:aught or was getting thely her fears were ground-ot stricken with it during

fear and wishful thinking; a case of possession of anT! during this same period.the girl had asked her to

ask. The girl stretched outing, "Don't you see myasking me to work?" Theres on her hands. Soon the:d and the intruding spiritas the godling of a shrine;e of the area. Through theIded the audience, saying,

a distance you people of: forgotten me. You don'tto me. Unless you worshipin great trouble." She also•ers, "There won't be an/louse. There won't be athen a woman of aan that of the childgodling, speaking>raided the woman in I

from here. You procoffer me a ceremony'>oy would be born to jicn a girl was born,*]i completely forgot m

ily of the possessed girl, something thatcaused much puzzlement and commentamong the villagers.

The fear of ghosts can lead to hystericalsymptoms at even more tender ages thanthis. A woman recalls that a place in thevillage of her birth was haunted by a fe-male ghost of a certain type, a type notedfor its unclean habits. The very branch ofthe tree in which the ghost was reputed tolive was pointed out to the child, and shewas told that she was in imminent dangerof being caught by this unwholesome spirit.She was three or four years old when shelearned about this. She began to be inconti-nent at night and was at first punished forit. She protested to her mother that shenever defecated at night. Her mother askedthe child's grandfather about it. This manwas a shaman and pronounced what washappening to be the work of a ghost. Heconducted a ceremony over the child andordered the ghost to leave. After that thechild had no trouble of this kind. Appar-ently, either because of a feeling of hope-lessness at being in the grip of a defilingforce, or because of projection of unpleas-ant responsibilities upon the ghost, thechild had regressed in its toilet-traininghabits.

Concern over the consequences of impi-ety or contact with forbidden or dangerousritual objects may also lead to seizures, pos-session, and the need for ceremonial aid.After a ceremony to rid the village of epi-demic disease, a shaman buried a coveredpot filled with flowers in the waters of atank at the edge of the village. A villagerwho was bathing in the tank and who hadforgotten the event, felt the pot with hisfoot and retrieved it. When he realized thatit was the symbol of the disease which hadbeen captured and banished from the vil-lage which he had disturbed and recovered,he was terror-stricken and began to vomit.He made his way to his home with difficultyand took to his bed. It took at least twospecialists and considerable ritual to restorehim to health.

There is one other activity of the ghostthat should be mentioned. Some ghosts

make a practice of appearing to persons ofthe opposite sex and possessing them by en-gaging in sexual intercourse with themwhen they are asleep or dreaming. Ghostsare said to appear to young widows at nightin the form of their deceased husbands andto have connection with them. More dis-turbing still, ghosts sometimes appear inthe guise of men other than the husbandto "tease" and frighten a woman by suchactivities. The ghost of a young man whofell into a well and drowned has a reputa-tion for this kind of knavery.

Female ghosts tantalize men in a compa-rable manner. One villager described howa ghost took the form of an attractive youngwoman, the wife of another man, who hadjust returned to the village from a visit.This apparition visited him at night andwas having intercourse with him. Just ashe was about to ejaculate, he woke upand rushed out to the side of the field. It isapparent from these and other accountsthat illicit and socially unacceptable desireswhich cannot be repressed are rationalizedas the work of shameless ghosts.

In summary we can say that cases of spiritpossession do not occur in a random fash-ion throughout the society. Except when ashaman or devotee calls upon the gods heworships to enter him and speak throughhim, spirit possession is almost inevitablyinterpreted as an unhappy incursion intothe human body in order to cause sicknessor misfortune. Consequently those who be-lieve that their sickness and misfortune aredue to evil forces of the outer world forwhich they are the targets are prone tospirit possession. And it is those who areparticularly vulnerable or in a precarioussocial position who tend to decide that anyreverse is a sign of spirit possession. Theyoung married woman, beset by homesick-ness, anxious for acceptance by her rela-tives-in-law, fearful that she may not beable to present sons to her husband and hisfamily, may label her woes a form ofghost possession. If she has been ignoredand subordinated, the spirit possession maytake even more dramatic and stridentform as a compensation for the obscurity

565


under which she has labored. Also thereseems to be a large number of cases of pos-session among young men who leave thevillage for urban areas and who either failto make an adequate adjustment to thatenvironment or who encounter difficul-ties upon their return. Possession seems tobe correlated also with repressed aggressionamong low-caste persons and younger peo-ple, for it allows the individual, throughthe haughty spirit within, verbally to casti-gate his superiors or seniors with impunity.

On the individual level possession oftencan be traced to unresolved interpersonalconflict. Unpaid debts and ungracious actstend to reappear after the death of one ofthe principals as intrusive ghosts. In thissense ghosts can be said to represent thestandards and conscience of the communityand, derivatively, of that of its individuals.

There is a rather prominent amount ofprojection and scapegoating in spirit pos-session. Not only is there a reflection ofthe animosities that the victim believes aredirected toward him, but he tends to revealhis suspicions and unfavorable attitudes to-ward other groups and individuals: ill-feel-ing toward minority groups and intercasterancor are sometimes mirrored in his con-ception of his troubles. The ghosts of de-ceased Muslims were exceedingly active inpersecuting Hindus in the troubled days

following partition. Persons of high castetend to be persecuted by large, dark, low-caste spirits. And in speaking about scape-goating and projection, the tendency toattribute unmanageable and socially rep-rehensible sexual desires to the activitiesof the ghosts of others should not be for-gotten.

Above all, a prevailing health anxiety issuggested by the data regarding ghost andspirit possession. I would venture to saythat the material on this topic stronglychallenges the notion that the Indian vil-lager meets sickness and death with fatal-ism, resignation, and composure. There is,on the contrary, a determined effortthrough possession to anticipate and fore-stall disease, to deal with it when it is pres-ent, and to learn why it claimed its victims.And this is reasonable, for health and sur-vival are the foundation upon which somuch else rests. The mother is in terror oflosing her child. It is often not only a lifebut her very status and future which are atstake. The family heads tremble lest thesons be stricken by epidemic disease andthe line become extinct. Ghosts do not wan-der aimlessly though Indian village cul-ture. They gather at points of stress andthey attack the soft spots of the social order.To follow their movements is to learn agood deal about that social order.

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/ READER IN COMPARATIVE RELIGION

An Anthropological Approach

WILLIAM A. LESSAM

University of California, Los Angeles

EVON Z. VOGT

Harvard University

ROW, PETERSON AND C O M P A N YEvanston, Illinois White Plains, New York

spirit possession in a rural area of...

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