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    Specialisation in Broca's region for semantic, phonological, and

    syntactic fluency?

    Stefan Heim,a,b, Simon B. Eickhoff,a, c and Katrin Amuntsa,b,d

    aResearch Centre Jlich, Institute of Neurosciences and Biophysics (INB-3), Jlich, GermanybBrain Imaging Center West (BICW), Jlich, GermanycC. & O. Vogt Institut fr Hirnforschung, Heinrich-Heine Universitt, Dsseldorf, GermanydDepartment of Psychiatry and Psychotherapy, RWTH Aachen University, Aachen, Germany

    Received 21 August 2007; revised 28 December 2007; accepted 8 January 2008

    Available online 19 January 2008

    The literature suggests that that semantic and phonological fluency tasks

    selectively activate left Brodmann's area (BA) 45 and 44, respectively, in

    Broca's speech region. We used functional MRI to test this hypothesis.

    Subjects performed a semantic and a phonological fluency task. In

    addition, a syntactic fluency task (e.g. Generate nouns with masculine

    gender) was included. Resting blocks were included as a low-level

    control condition. The exact localisation of the effects was tested with

    cytoarchitectonic probability maps of BA 44 and BA 45. Participants

    generated fewer words in the syntactic than in both the semantic and the

    phonological condition, which did not differ from each other. Compared

    to rest, all language tasks activated the well-known language network in

    the left hemisphere including both left BA 44 and BA 45. In the direct

    contrasts between the different verbal fluency tasks, phonological

    fluency activated BA 44 more strongly than semantic or syntactic

    fluency. However, semantic fluency did not elicit higher activation thanthe phonological fluency tasks in any part of Broca's region. No

    differences were observed between syntactic and semantic fluency. Thus,

    the activation in BA 45 observed during verbal fluency tasks seems to be

    not restricted to semantic processing as suggested by the literature. In

    contrast, phonological verbal fluency additionally involved the left BA

    44. In conclusion, different parts of Broca's region support task-specific

    and more general processes in verbal fluency.

    2008 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.

    Introduction

    In verbal fluency tasks participants are required to produce

    words according to a given criterion. Typical examples for verbal

    fluency tasks are the generation of words of a particular semantic

    category (e.g. animals;semantic fluency) or with a given letter or

    sound (e.g. words starting with F; phonological fluency). The

    word generation may either be overt or covert. It can follow the

    subject's own speed (i.e. self-paced) or be externally paced by the

    experimenter (cf.Basho et al., 2007).

    Verbal fluency tasks have since long (e.g. Burt, 1917; Lotsof,

    1953; Rogers, 1953) been standard paradigms in psychology,

    psychiatry, and neurology (e.g. Frith et al., 1995; Gaillard et al.,

    2000; Monsch et al., 1992) for testing the cognitive abilities of

    patients or for identifying language-related brain regions before

    neurosurgery. The advent of neuroimaging techniques such as

    functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) revealed that

    verbal fluency recruits the left inferior frontal gyrus (IFG)

    including Broca's speech region. A recent meta-analysis (Costa-

    freda et al., 2006) demonstrated that different types of verbal

    fluency recruit different aspects of the left IFG: Whereas semanticfluency tasks tended to activate a more ventral-anterior portion of

    the IFG (roughly corresponding to Brodmann's area [BA] 45),

    phonological fluency appeared to involve a more dorsal-posterior

    aspect (approximately BA 44). This finding was seen in

    accordance with recent neurocognitive models of language

    processing describing a functional parcellation for semantic,

    syntactic, and phonological processing in the IFG (e.g. Book-

    heimer, 2002; Friederici, 2002; Hagoort, 2005) and with patient

    data (Szatkowska et al., 2000).

    Although the results by Costafreda et al. (2006) are appealing,

    some issues remain to be addressed. First, as the authors

    acknowledged, none of the included studies directly compared

    semantic and phonological fluency in the same subjects. This is

    critical because only such direct comparison of two tasks allows a

    precise assessment of activation differences. Second, the meta-

    analysis was performed on the locations of the peak activations,

    which do not reflect the extent of the activation clusters. This

    implies that the actual activations in the single studies may have

    been more blurred than suggested by the location of the local

    maxima. Third, the assignment of the peak coordinates to BA 44 or

    BA 45 was only based on macroanatomical criteria, i.e. the sulcal

    pattern in the IFG. However, asAmunts et al. (1999)demonstrated,

    borders of cytoarchitectonically defined brain areas such as BA 44

    or BA 45 do not necessarily coincide with the sulcal landmarks.

    www.elsevier.com/locate/ynimgNeuroImage 40 (2008) 1362 1368

    Corresponding author. Research Centre Jlich, Institute of Neuros-

    ciences and Biophysics, 52425 Jlich, Germany. Fax: +49 2461 61 2820.

    E-mail address:[email protected](S. Heim).

    Available online on ScienceDirect (www.sciencedirect.com).

    1053-8119/$ - see front matter 2008 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.

    doi:10.1016/j.neuroimage.2008.01.009

    mailto:[email protected]://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.neuroimage.2008.01.009http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.neuroimage.2008.01.009mailto:[email protected]
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    Thus, the assignment of the coordinates to BA 44 and BA 45

    in the study by Costafreda et al. (2006) remains imprecise with

    respect to the underlying cortical areas.

    Therefore, we tested the hypothesis that semantic and

    phonological fluency recruit left BA 45 or BA 44, respectively,

    in a new functional imaging study that compared different types of

    verbal fluency in the same subjects. The localisation of the effectswas assessed with cytoarchitectonic probability maps of Broca's

    region (Amunts et al., 1999, 2004).

    Materials and methods

    Participants

    28 healthy right-handed participants (mean age 29.4 years; 14

    females) participated in the experiment. They were native German

    speakers and had normal or corrected-to-normal vision. Participants

    had no history of neurological or psychiatric disorders. Informed

    consent was obtained from all participants. The experimental

    standards were approved by the local ethics committee of the

    University of Aachen.

    Tasks

    A total of four overt word generation tasks were applied in

    German: semantic, syntactic, phonological, and free (no explicit

    criterion). Each generation task was performed in six blocks (see

    below). In the semantic fluency task subjects had to overtly

    generate examples for the following six categories: birds,

    mammals, food, weapons, tools, and toys. In the phonological

    fluency task the participants were required to generate nouns

    starting with the following phonemes: /b/, /f/, /k/, /m/, /sh/, and /t/.

    In the syntactic fluency task, nouns with masculine, feminine, or

    neuter gender had to be produced. The syntactic fluency task was

    included since, according to the model of language production by

    Levelt et al. (1999; seeFig. 1), it taps a level in the mental lexicon

    (the lemma level) which is not targeted by the other two fluency

    tasks. According to recent neurocognitive models of language

    (Friederici, 2002; Hagoort, 2005) syntactic fluency should also

    activate BA 44 and/or BA 45. A free generation task in which the

    participants produced any nouns without a predefined criterion was

    administered as a high-level baseline task controlling for the

    retrieval and articulation of words. In addition, resting blocks were

    included as a low-level baseline.

    In the present paper the term verbal fluency task(s) will be

    used when referring to the semantic, syntactic, or phonological

    fluency task as opposed to the free word generation baseline. In

    contrast, word generation (tasks)

    includes the verbal fluencytasks and the free word generation baseline, and is used to contrast

    these tasks requiring overt speech to the resting baseline.

    Stimulus Presentation

    Visual stimuli were presented as written strings in Helvetica

    font at 48 pts via goggles (VisuaStim, Resonance Technology,

    CA, USA). Stimulus presentation was controlled by a computer

    placed in the control room using Presentation software (Neurobe-

    havioral Systems, Albany, CA, USA).

    The study employed a block design. There were six blocks for

    each condition and 24 resting blocks separating the task blocks.

    Before each task block a written instruction was presented for

    6 seconds. The blocks started immediately after that instruction and

    lasted for 20 seconds. The condition blocks were presented in a

    pseudo-randomised order, with different randomisations for eachparticipant. The total duration of the experiment was 19 minutes.

    Each block included ten repetitions of experimental trials

    (generation of a single word). Each trial lasted 2 seconds. The

    fMRI data wereacquiredin the first 1.04 seconds of eachtrial usinga

    bunched-early sequence (see below). After this time, a fixation cross

    appeared for the remaining 0.96 seconds of silence, indicating the

    subject that he or she could now utter the next word during a silent

    period (see Fig. 2and the section Data Acquisition and Analysis;

    cf.Heim et al., 2002; de Zubicaray et al., 2001, 2002).

    This procedure combines a number of advantages. First, it

    prevents motion-induced susceptibility artefacts, since subjects

    only speak when no fMRI data are recorded. Second, the scanner

    noise is not superimposed on the verbal response. Consequently,

    the subject's utterances can be better evaluated during or after the

    experiment to assess the number of produced items. Finally, cueing

    the overt speaking implies paced word generation, which has been

    shown to reduce head motion during speaking as compared to

    unpaced generation (Basho et al., 2007).

    Speech recordings

    The participants' speech production was recorded using the

    microphone of the goggle system. The cable from the microphone

    to the patient intercom in the MR control room was plugged there

    into a splitter, from which one cable led to the intercom and one to

    the line-in port of an external sound card attached to a Toshiba

    Fig. 1. The serial model of language production by Levelt et al. (1999).

    Semantics (concept), syntax (lemma), and phonology of a word are retrieved

    during different stages of the production process. The fluency tasks tapping

    the different stages are indicated.

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    notebook used for digital recording. These recordings were used

    for qualitative and quantitative analyses of the participants' overt

    responses in each condition, yielding information about what they

    said and how many items were generated.

    Data acquisition and analysis

    Functional and anatomical data

    The fMRI experiment was carried out on a 3T Siemens Trio

    scanner. A standard birdcage head coil was used with foam paddings

    reducing head motion. The functional data were recorded from 17

    sagittal slices in the left hemisphere using a gradient-echo EPI

    sequence with echo time (TE)=30 ms, flip angle=90 degrees, and

    repetition time (TR)=2 s. The sagittal orientation of the slices was

    chosen in order to correct head motion in-plane, which is highest in the

    yzplane. Acquisition of the slices within the TR was arranged so that

    all slices were acquired in the first 1040 ms, followed by a 960-ms

    period of no acquisition to complete the TR during which the subjects

    spoke. The field of view (FOV) was 200 mm, with an in-plane

    resolution of 3.1 mm 3.1 mm. The slice thickness was 3 mm with an

    inter-slice gap of 1 mm. In addition, anatomical T1-weighted MP-

    RAGE images (resolution 1 mm1 mm1 mm, FOV=256 mm,

    TR= 2250 ms, TE= 3.03 ms, flip angle= 9 degrees) werealsoobtained.

    The data processing was performed using MATLAB 6.5 (The

    Mathworks Inc., Natick, USA), and SPM5 (Wellcome Department

    of Cognitive Neurology, UK). Two dummy scans before the

    beginning of the experiment were discarded to allow for magneticsaturation. Data pre-processing included the standard procedures of

    realignment, normalisation to the MNI single subject template, and

    spatial smoothing (FWHM=8 mm).

    Head motion parameters were as follows: The mean translations

    were0.08 mm (x), 0.2 mm (y), and 0.5 mm (z), with corresponding

    rotations of 0.04degrees, 0.03degrees, and 0.03degrees, respectively.

    For the statistical analysis at the single participant level, the block

    functions for each word generation condition were convolved with a

    canonical haemodynamic response function (HRF). For each

    participant, the contrasts of each task vs. rest were calculated. For

    the group analysis, the individual contrast images were entered into a

    repeated-measures ANOVA as a second level random effectsanalysis.

    From this ANOVA the following low-level baseline contrasts were

    calculated: SemanticNRest, SyntacticNRest, and PhonologicalNRest.

    Moreover, a conjunction analysis (Price and Friston 1997) was per-

    formed to assess brain regions significantly activated in all three

    fluency conditions. Finally, the relative differences between the three

    fluency tasks were tested in pair-wise comparisons.

    Anatomical localisation of the fMRI dataFor the anatomical localisation we used cytoarchitectonic

    probability maps of BA 44 and BA 45 in Broca's region (Amunts

    et al., 1999, 2004). These maps are based on an observer-independent

    analysis of the cytoarchitecture in a sample of ten post-mortem brains

    (Schleicher et al., 1999; Zilles et al., 2002). They provide information

    about the location and variability of cortical regions in standard MNI

    space. For the assignment of coordinates to cytoarchitectonically

    defined regions, we used the SPM Anatomy Toolbox (Eickhoff et al.,

    2005; available with all published cytoarchitectonic maps from www.

    fz-juelich.de/ime/spm_anatomy_toolbox ).

    Since the present study was designed to test a hypothesis about

    the differential involvement of the left BA 44 and BA 45 in different

    verbal fluency tasks, the analysis wasconfined to these two areas in a

    region of interest (ROI) analysis. The combined maximumprobability maps of BA 44 and BA 45 were used as the search

    volume for small volume corrections (SVC) when differential task

    effects in Broca's region were examined (Eickhoff et al., 2006).

    Results

    Behavioural data

    The subjects produced on average (standard error of mean)

    46.8 (1.2) words in the semantic fluency task, 40.9 (1.7) words

    Fig. 2. Speaking during scanning: A bunched-early EPI sequence was used for

    the acquisition of the fMRI data. All slices were recorded in the first 1.04

    seconds of theTR, resulting in a silent period of 0.96 seconds in thesecond half

    of the TR. During this silent period, the participants generated the words. The

    speechsignal is clearly discernable, since it is not obscuredby thescanner noise.

    Fig. 3. Top:Activation in the left cytoarchitectonic BA 44 andBA 45 in semantic

    fluency (red), syntacticfluency (yellow), andphonologicalfluency(cyan).Bottom:

    Conjunction analysis of the three fluency conditions and activation strength (beta

    values) at the local maxima in BA 44 and BA 45. Abbreviations: L, left; R, right;

    SEM, semantic fluency; SYN, syntactic fluency; PHO, phonological fluency.

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    in the syntactic fluency task, 45.3 ( 1.3) words in the phonological

    fluency task, and 56.5 (0.7) words in the free generation task.

    The one-factorial repeated-measures ANOVA of the number of

    generated items yielded a main effect for task (F1,29=97.3;pb .001).

    The post-hoc contrasts revealed that the subjects produced signifi-

    cantly (allpb .001) more words in the free generation task than in any

    of the fluency tasks (semantic vs. free: t29=

    10.8; syntactic vs. free:t29=12.2; phonological vs. free: t29=9.2). Among the fluency

    tasks, less words were produced in the syntactic condition than in the

    semantic (t29=5.5; pb .001) or the phonological (t29=3.9; p =.001)

    condition. No difference was present between the semantic and the

    phonological condition (t29=1.4;p =.174).

    In the phonological task subjects produced on average 8.1

    words with /b/, 8.0 words with /t/, 7.6 words with /k/, 7.2 words

    with /m/ and with /sh/, and 7.1 words with /f/. This ranking seems

    to differ from the ranking according to the frequency of occurrence

    of the corresponding letters in German, which is 1.89% for B,

    6.15% for T, 1.21% for K, 2.53% for M, 7.27% for S/SH, and

    1.66% for F (URL: http://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Buchstabenh%

    C3%A4ufigkeit#_note-1).

    The qualitative analysis of the participants' verbal responsesrevealed that only few errors were made, with highest error rates in

    syntactic fluency (semantic: 1.1%; syntactic: 3.2%; phonological:

    0.2%). However, it appeared that in the free generation condition the

    participants engaged various strategies that were either phonological

    (a series of words with the same initial phoneme), semantic (items

    from related categories), or scenic/imagery (participants imagined e.g.

    a room and named theobjectsin this room).Suchstrategies resulted in

    a supposedly inconsistent free generation baseline which could

    obscure task-related activation in the other three generation conditions

    if these were compared to it. We therefore refrained from using the

    free generation condition as a high-level baseline condition. Instead,

    as planned, we compared the task-related activations against the

    resting baseline and pair-wise with each other.

    fMRI data

    The brain activation effects in Broca's region for contrasting each

    single verbal fluency task against the resting baseline are displayed in

    Fig. 3(top row) and listed in Table 1(allpcorr

    b.05 are FWE-corrected

    for the search volume of BA 44 and BA 45, kN10 voxels). Semantic

    fluency elicited activation in the left cytoarchitectonic BA 44

    (maximum cytoarchitectonic probability: 60%) and BA 45 (maximum

    cytoarchitectonic probability: 40%). Syntactic fluency also activated

    both BA 44 (maximum cytoarchitectonic probability: 40%) and BA

    45 (maximum cytoarchitectonic probability: 40%). Finally, phonolo-

    gical fluency also activated BA 44 (maximum cytoarchitectonic

    probability: 50%) and BA 45 (maximum cytoarchitectonic prob-

    ability: 40%). A conjunction analysis of all three fluencies (Fig. 3,

    bottom row) revealed common significant activation in the left BA 44(maximum cytoarchitectonic probability: 60%) and BA 45 (maximum

    cytoarchitectonic probability: 40%).

    Table 1

    MNI coordinates and Tvalue (Tmax) at the local activation maxima in the

    contrasts of each fluency task against the resting baseline (pcorr

    b.05 are

    family-wise error corrected for the search volume of BA 44 and BA 45)

    Coordinates

    Contrast BAcyto x y z T max

    SemanticNRest 44 52 2 23 8.30

    45 44 26 25 5.55

    SyntacticNRest 44 52 2 23 8.00

    45 44 26 25 6.39

    Phonological NRest 44 52 6 23 8.76

    45 44 28 23 5.61

    Conjunction analysis 44 52 2 23 8.00

    45 44 28 23 5.49

    The cytoarchitectonic Brodmann's area (BAcyto) at the local maximum (see

    Amunts et al., 2004) is given.

    Table 2

    Localisation of the peak activations in the differential contrasts of the verbal

    fluency tasks (atpcorrb.05 SVC for Broca's region, kN10 voxels)

    Coordinates

    Contrast BAcyto x y z T max

    SemanticNSyntactic n.s.

    SyntacticNSemantic n.s.SemanticNPhonological n.s.

    Phonological NSemantic 44 50 10 21 6.93

    SyntacticNPhonological n.s.

    Phonological NSyntactic 44 50 8 23 5.16

    For details see the legend ofTable 1. Further abbreviation: n.s., not significant.

    Fig. 4. Top: Surface renderings of brain activation (atPb.05 whole-brain

    FWE-corrected) of semantic (SEM) and phonological (PHO) fluency

    compared to the resting baseline (REST) reveal comparable patterns.

    Bottom: Differential fMRI effects (atPb.05 whole-brain FWE-corrected) of

    semanticNphonological fluency and phonologicalNsemantic fluency.

    1365S. Heim et al. / NeuroImage 40 (2008) 13621368

    http://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Buchstabenh%C3%A4ufigkeit#_note-1http://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Buchstabenh%C3%A4ufigkeit#_note-1http://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Buchstabenh%C3%A4ufigkeit#_note-1http://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Buchstabenh%C3%A4ufigkeit#_note-1
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    The differential contrasts between the three verbal fluency tasks

    are reported in Table 2 (all pcorr

    b.05 are FWE-corrected for the

    search volume of BA 44 and BA 45, kN10 voxels). The activation

    in the phonological vs. syntactic fluency and in the semantic vs.

    syntactic fluency did not differ significantly. Phonological fluency

    yielded higher activation than semantic fluency in BA 44 (maximum

    cytoarchitectonic probability: 50%). The reverse contrast was notsignificant in Broca's region. Phonological fluency also yielded

    higher activation than syntactic fluency in BA 44 (maximum

    cytoarchitectonic probability: 50%). Again, the reverse contrast did

    not reach significance within Broca's region.

    Outside Broca's region semantic fluency showed higher activation

    than phonological fluency in the left middle frontal gyrus (60,10,

    23;t=7.29) and the left fusiform gyrus (28, 38, 19;t=5.71).

    The reversed contrast yielded higher activation for phonological than

    for semantic fluency in the left inferior parietal lobule (40,40, 47;

    t=6.55) which was due to deactivation in the semantic rather than

    activation in the phonological condition. These effects (all Pcorr

    b.05

    whole-brain are FWE-corrected) are displayed in Fig. 4 (bottom).

    Discussion

    In the present study we tested the hypothesis that the left BA 44

    supports phonological fluency whereas the left BA 45 is engaged

    in semantic fluency. To this end we compared semantic, phonolo-

    gical, and syntactic verbal fluency in an fMRI study and super-

    imposed the results on cytoarchitectonic maps of BA 44 and BA 45.

    The data are only partly in line with this hypothesis. Compared to a

    resting baseline, semantic fluency indeed activated BA 45. More-

    over, phonological fluency yielded activation in BA 44 which was

    higher than activation in BA 44 in any other task. So far, these data

    corroborate the meta-analysis byCostafreda et al. (2006) and our

    previous results that semantic fluency involves cytoarchitectonic

    BA 45 (Amunts et al., 2004).

    The observed pattern of activations, however, was more complex

    than previously assumed, since activation in BA 45 was also present

    during phonological and syntactic fluency. Likewise, the activation

    in BA 44 was also observed for semantic and syntactic fluency.

    These findings are not in line with the hypothesis that BA 44 and BA

    45 are specialised for phonological vs. semantic fluency, respectively.

    Therefore, alternative interpretations need to be considered.

    The comparable effects in BA 45 in all three conditions may

    reflect an unspecific aspect of verbal fluency shared by all three

    fluency tasks rather than condition-specific demands. This idea is in

    accordance with the findings byRogers (1953)who observed in a

    factor analysis of behavioural data from different fluency tasks one

    factor for general verbal ability and another for oral verbal

    ability. Interestingly, and supporting the observation of comparableengagement of inferior frontal areas in the present study, no evidence

    for separate factors for semantic, syntactic, or phonological fluency

    was obtained in the Rogers (1953) study. Therefore, it would be

    plausible to attribute the unspecific activation in BA 45 in all

    fluency tasks to a general selection mechanism possibly related to

    Rogers' (1953) oral verbal ability. Further support for our position

    comes from a study byGold and Buckner (2002)who also observed

    comparable inferior frontal activation during the controlled proces-

    sing of semantic and phonological information. Moreover, in

    addition to the shared inferior frontal activation in both tasks, the

    authors found a functional dissociation of semantic and phonolo-

    gical processing in inferior parietal and temporal regions. In

    particular, the left inferior parietal lobule was activated more

    strongly for phonological than for semantic processing. This finding

    could be replicated when directly contrasting phonological vs.

    semantic fluency in the present study.

    Given the data from the Gold and Buckner (2002) study the

    activation in the present study in BA 44 and BA 45 in all fluency

    tasks maybe related to the controlledretrievalof lexical information.

    This argument is also in line with other studies showing that the leftIFG supports lexical selection processes (e.g. Badre et al., 2005; Kan

    and Thompson-Schill, 2004; Snyder et al., 2007). When additionally

    considering the behavioural results in the present study one may

    even be more specific about thenature of the process reflected by the

    activation in BA 44 and BA 45. If this activation was related to

    lexical selection it should vary as a function of taskdifficulty, i.e., the

    number of words produced in each condition. This is exactly what

    we observed. There was no difference in the activation in semantic

    and phonological fluency, which proved equally difficult when

    considering the number of produced words in both conditions. In

    contrast, the activation was significantly higher in the syntactic

    fluency task which, according to the number of produced items and

    also to the error rates, was the most difficult one. To conclude, the

    activation data are compatible with the view that Broca's regionsupports a rather unspecific selection mechanism that is shared by

    semantic, phonological, and syntactic verbal fluency and that is

    sensitive only to the difficulty of the selection.

    Alternatively, one might suppose that the activation effects in

    Broca's region do not reflect some unspecific selection mechanism,

    but distinct processes which are specific for semantic fluency,

    syntactic fluency, or phonological fluency, respectively.

    The present study cannot provide ultimate evidence against this

    view. However, the scenario is not very convincing given that the local

    maxima in particular in BA 45 were at almost identical coordinates.

    But even if one assumed some condition-specific function in BA 45 it

    is nonetheless striking that semantic and phonological fluency showed

    no differential effects, in particular given the large sample size in the

    present study. To conclude, the observed effects are best understood as

    reflecting lexical selection for verbal fluency in BA 45 which is not

    specific for the actual type of fluency.

    Another cognitive process that could be reflected by the activation

    of BA 45 common to all three fluency conditions is working memory.

    Verbal working memory has been reported to activate the dorsal

    aspect of the posterior IFG (dorsal aspect of pars opercularis:

    Zurowski et al., 2002; dorsal aspect of pars triangularis: see the meta-

    analysis by Vigneau et al.,2006). Thus,one couldassume that a verbal

    working memory component which is shared by the three fluency

    tasks is reflected in the activation in BA 45. In particular, it has to be

    considered that this study used a paced fluency paradigm in which the

    participants had to utter one word every 2 seconds. The participants

    might have internally generated words at a faster rate (e.g. a rate of 1word every 1.5 seconds was used by Ischebeck et al., in press) and

    rehearsed this item until the cue to speak aloud. However, the

    combination of the imaging datawith the behaviouraldata renders this

    argumentation rather unlikely, for the following reason. If the

    activation in BA 45 reflected verbal working memory the activation

    should increase with the increasing number of generated words, since

    a higher number of generated words implies a higher number of trials

    during which these words must be kept in working memory, resulting

    in a higher working memory load. However, no such pattern was

    observed. Activation in BA 45 was equally high in all conditions

    despite the fact that significantly different numbers of words were

    produced. Therefore, although we cannot entirely rule out a

    contribution of working memory processes, the idea that the

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    activation in BA 45 in all three fluency tasks was primarily related to

    verbal working memory is unlikely given the behavioural results.

    The activation effects in BA 44 were distinct from those in BA 45.

    Although all three fluency tasks significantly activated BA 44, they did

    not do so to the same extent. Rather, BA 44 yielded higher activation

    for phonological than for semantic (or syntactic) fluency. On the one

    hand, such pattern of effects provides an argument against the initialhypothesis of a selective involvement of BA 44 in phonological

    fluency, since semantic and syntactic fluency also recruited BA 44.

    However, whereas the balance of all three types of activation was

    similar to each other in BA 45, phonological fluency was emphasized

    in BA 44, thus indicating its relevance in this particular area. An

    explanation might incorporate the view that BA 44 supports two

    different types of processes: (i) specific for phonological fluency and

    (ii) relevant for all tested types of fluency. Two candidate processes are

    controlled vs. automatic phonological processing. The relevance of

    BA 44 for controlled phonological processing (e.g. during phonolo-

    gical decisions) has been demonstrated earlier (e.g. Burton et al., 2000;

    Dmonet et al. 1992; Heim et al. 2003; Zatorre et al. 1992). Such

    controlled processing is also required during phonological fluency

    where phonological cues need to be used as criteria for word retrieval.In addition to its role in controlled processing, it has also been shown

    that BA 44 is involved in object naming during the automatic retrieval

    of phonological information prior to articulation (for a review of object

    naming studies cf. e.g. Price et al. 2005). Since controlled and

    automatic phonological processing may occur independently from and

    on top of each other in BA 44 (Noesselt et al. 2003), the effects in BA

    44 observed in the present study could be explained as the summation

    of activation from controlled and automatic phonological processing.

    Such summation only occurs during phonologically cued word

    generation but not during syntactic and semantic word generation,

    where other thanphonological cues are relevant. For the purpose of the

    present study one may conclude that BA 44 is relevant for all tested

    types of verbal fluency and, in particular, for phonological fluency.

    The present study used cytoarchitectonically defined volumes of

    interest in order to test the hypothesis of functional specialisation

    within Broca's region for semantic and phonological verbal fluency.

    Beside the obvious advantages of this method with respect to

    (1) observer-independence and availability of quantitative data (e.g.

    Amunts et al., 2004) and (2) the use of anatomically-informed

    regions of interest rather than spheres or boxes (Eickhoff et al.,

    2006), thisapproachmight also have some drawbacks forthe present

    study. So far only maps of BA 44 and BA 45 are available. In

    contrast, BA 47 which is supposed to be located in the pars orbitalis

    of the IFG, i.e. its most rostro-ventral part, has not yet been mapped.

    Thus, when using the maps of BA 44 and BA 45 for the present

    analysis we might systematically have ignored more anterior

    activation in the IFG. This would be of importance in the case ofthe less strict anatomical hypothesis (e.g. Poldrack et al., 1999;

    Vigneau et al., 2006) that phonological fluency involves the more

    posterior part of the IFG (i.e. BA 44/45) whereas semantic fluency

    recruits the more anterior portion (i.e. BA 45/47). However, the

    whole-brain analyses of the semantic and the phonological fluency

    tasks reveal that the anterior aspect of the left IFG was neither

    activated in the tasks per se nor in the direct comparison of the two

    tasks (Fig. 4 and Tables 2 and 3). Consequently, one may exclude the

    possibility that the cytoarchitecture-based approach used in the

    present study biased or obscured relevant data.

    Finally, it should be noted that, even though the subjects produced

    overt speech, the average head motion parameters were very small

    and even below the values reported in earlier overt production

    experiments (e.g. Gracco et al., 2005; Heim et al., 2006a). This

    finding again demonstrates that overt language production is a valid

    and useful paradigm for fMRI studies.

    Conclusion

    The present study tested whether the left cytoarchitectonic BA

    44 and BA 45 specifically support phonological and semantic

    fluency, respectively. However, both regions were involved in all

    tested types of verbal fluency. Thus, the present study challenges

    the contemporary view of a clear-cut functional parcellation of

    Broca's region during verbal fluency. It seems that basically the

    general demands on the selection of entries from the mental

    lexicon rather than the particular linguistic domain (semantic or

    phonological) are reflected by the amplitude of the fMRI signal in

    verbal fluency tasks. Future studies may build upon the findings

    from the present and earlier studies (e.g. Thompson-Schill et al.,

    1997) and parametrically vary the selection demands in phonolo-

    gical and semantic fluency.

    Acknowledgments

    This Human Brain Project/Neuroinformatics research is funded

    by the National Institut e of Biomedical Imaging and Bioengine er-

    ing, the National Institute of Neurological Disorders and Stroke,

    and the National Institute of Mental Health (KA). Further support

    by Helmholtz-Gemeinschaft (VH-N6-012 to KA) and the Brain

    Imaging Center West (BMBF 01GO0204) is gratefully acknowl-

    edged. We thank N. Jon Shah for the support of the NMR group at

    the INB-3 during fMRI data acquisition, in particular Barbara

    Elghahwagi for her assistance with fMRI data recording. More-

    Table 3

    Activations in the semantic and phonological fluency tasks in the left

    hemisphere (Pcorrb.05 whole-brain are FWE-corrected)

    Region x y z T max

    SemanticNRest

    Postcentral gyrus 46 10 41 13.12

    Cerebellum

    14

    58

    17 11.43Precentral gyrus 52 4 25 10.14

    Caudate nuclues 16 10 21 8.62

    Insula 34 16 5 7.89

    Temporal pole 48 6 13 6.53

    Inferior frontal gyrus 46 8 7 6.40

    Fusiform gyrus 30 2 43 6.26

    Middle temporal gyrus 58 30 5 5.61

    Inferior frontal gyrus 42 26 25 5.57

    Superior temporal gyrus 60 24 5 5.40

    PhonologicalNRest

    Postcentral gyrus 48 10 41 12.20

    Cerebellum 16 58 19 10.27

    Precentral gyrus 50 0 45 9.46

    Caudate nuclues

    14 0 17 8.53Insula lobe 34 16 5 7.93

    Inferior frontal gyrus 48 8 7 7.34

    Temporal pole 48 6 13 5.89

    Inferior frontal gyrus 40 28 23 5.84

    Putamen 18 6 9 5.43

    Pallidum 50 6 5 5.34

    Fusiform gyrus 30 2 43 5.27

    1367S. Heim et al. / NeuroImage 40 (2008) 13621368

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    over, we appreciate the support of the Cognitive Neurology group

    at the INB-3 relating to the peripheral stimulation devices. Finally,

    we wish to thank Helen Schreiber for her assistance with the

    analysis of the behavioural data.

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