space, place, emergence

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Space, Place, EmergenceL I S A G A B B E R T A N D P A U L J O R D A N - S M I T H

Th e idea for this special issue em erged du ring a conversation at a meet-ing of the Western States Folklore Society. Space and place had takensuch a central position in general social theory, we wondered, wasthere anything left to say about it? Could folklorists contribute to thatconversation? Were folklorists even interested in place anym ore, or hadthey moved on to other place-less topics? To judge from over thirty-fiveresponses to our call for papers on the broad subject of "unboundingplace," including a number from outside the US, the topic is alive andwell. We sincerely regre t having to decline many interesting proposals inthe interest of space (no pun intended), but are impressed that the sub-ject remains of active interest to our colleagues in folklore and relatedfields. In the end, we accepted these six papers. Our goal is modest: topresent an array of papers on the subject, each of which contributessom ething to the overall idea of space and place as being m ore than sim-ply location. From this range, we extracted a few tropes or themes thatfocus on space and place in an unbounded world. We hope that othersmight find them a useful starting point for conversation.

Anyone interested in space and place soon discovers a vast body ofscholarship so broad in scope it easily becomes unmoored. If we havelearned anything, it is that spaces and places essentially are conflicted:they are sites of struggle, not the least among academics over propertheoretical and methodological models for studying such subjects. Forexample, so many websites, and websites of websites are devoted to thestudy of space and place tha t one could spend days merely looking a t on-line materials before cracking a single book. Th e subject interests muchof the humanities and social sciencesfolklore as well as such disci-


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as well as useful ways, making them seem applicable to everything andtempting us to mistake metaphor for reality. Literature reviews areimpossible, therefore; the following provides only a sketch of some basicissues as they pertain to the history of folklore studies.

In folklore, our academic home, studies of space and place aregrounded in regional studies that were the focus of the early- and mid-twentieth century. These regional studies typically focused on definingparticular geographic regions, on collecting within already-loosely-dened-or-subjectively-felt regions, or on relationships between cultureand landscape, perspectives that were critiqued at the same time theywere developed (e.g., Halpert 1947), a fact n ot always acknowledged (seealso Green 1978; Nicolaisen 1976). Well-known earlyfigures nclude suchnotables as Benjamin Botkin, Vance Randolph, and Richard Dorson.Many were influenced by, or trained in, classical scholarship in human-ist and cultural geography, as revealed particularly in the early work ofHenry Glassie ([1968] 1971),Joan Miller (1968) and others. Useful over-views of this scholarship can be found in Allen 1990 and Ryden 1993;see also Hufford 2002 for new takes on regionalism. Later app roachesemphasized regional consciousness as collective identity (Jones 1976;Dorson 1964; Clements 1979; Stewart, Siporin, Sullivan and Jones2000, Lightfoot 1983, Hufford 1986) as well as experien tial and locally-constructed meanings of place drawn from the early work of Yi-Fu Tuan(1974, 1977), loosely organized under labels such as place-attachmentstudies, topophilia, phenomenological approaches, and "sense of place"studies^ (Glassie 1982; Allen and Sch lereth 1990; Ryden 1993; Feld andBasso 1996; Altman and Low 1992, Sanders 1993, Lopez 2000, Hiss 1990,Wilson 2000). Although it is difficult to characterize any array of scholar-ship, one common denominator underlying many of these approachesis an attempt to articulate what characteristics make regions unique,efforts based on paradigmatic assumptions that what defines a regionlies in internal homogeneity and "difference from" oth er regions. In heroverview of regional scholarship, for example, Allen (1990) mentions"distinctiveness" as an enduring, essential quality.

With the rise of interest in theories of post/modernity and global-


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Kitchin and Valentine 2004, Soja 1989), while Low and Lawrence-Ziga propose an anthropology of space and place (2003). Drawingheavily on Lefebvre's early notion that space is produced (1976, 1991),on Foucault's discussions of space, particularly as used for disciplin-ary purposes ([1977] 1995, 1980, 1986), and on de Certeau's ideaof spatial tactics (1984), folklorists and scholars in other disciplineshave critiqued space and place as heretofore theoretically transpar-ent, taken-for-granted categories that demand investigation. Space wasreconceptualized from a commonsense modelnatural, neutral, astatic container for meaning, the "stage" upon which history actstoan essential element in the construction of social life and intricatelyimplicated in the (re) production of power and ideology (see Gabbert2007 for a more extensive review). Some argue that space is primarily ahidden tool in the restructuring of capital (Harvey 1990, 2006); otherssuggest that additional factors such as race and gender are implicatedin constructions of spatiality (McDowell 1999, Massey 1994); in folklore,Barbara Kirshenblatt-Gimblett in particular has focused on struggles forpower in contested spaces, particularly as manifested in imagery andrepresentation (2003), and on diaspora, problemetizing normative pre-sumptions of singular attachments and pointing out disturbing ideolo-gies underlying the uses of terms such as homelessness, placelessness,and roodessness (1994). The ways in which tourism and consumptionpractices transform places into commodities (Urry 1994), for exampleby placing the lifeworld on display as heritage (Kirshenblatt-Gimblett1998), and negotiations between tourists and locals over construc-tions of place, authenticity, and local identity also have proven fruitful(Bendix 1989, Fife 2004). These and other critical approaches to placehave led scholars to rethink as severely problematic the traditionalethnographic project of mapping various cultures onto discrete territo-ries, each of which contains a particular, inscribed culture that can beinvestigated by an ethnographer "from outside," and which descriptionof "difference from" is the primary goal. The result of dislodging cul-ture from territory has been the dismantling of an extensive discursiveand metaphysical framework in which placesand the people who livethereare essentialized and romanticized, bound to static botanical


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A primary result of this intellectual work has been a recognition ofthe relationality of both space and place and a focus on the productionof difference constructed through institutions, language, and practices;an emphasis on interstitial places, borderlands, deterritorializations,hybrids, diasporas, and global flows; and a recognition of the politicsof culture (Shum an and Briggs 1993; Kirshenblatt-Gimblett 1998)."Cultural identity," Radway summarizes, "can no longer be conceptu-alized as a naturalized essence or property that thoroughly saturatesan individual because of his or her socialization within a particularloc ale . . . . This . . . does not, therefore, diminish the importance of placeor geography in the effort to understand societies and cultures. Rather,it demands a reconceptualization of both as socially produced throughrelations of dependence and mutual implication, through relationshipsestablished socially and hierarchically between the near and far, thelocal and the distant" (1999:14). Difference is not something merely"found" by the ethnog rapher and hen ce, "natural" but ra ther is itselfproduced by broader cultural processes, the result of global intercon-nections and differential power geometries to produce particular con-figurations of different places.

O ur own perspective is that space and place studies have finallycaught up with the notion of folklore in general. If one disciplinarynarrative is that the 60s and 70s reconceptualized folklore from "meretext"a thing-like objectto situated social interaction (Georges 1969,Abrahams 1968, Bauman 1975, Ben-Amos 1971, Hymes 1968; but seeBen-Amos 1993), we have now entered that phase in the study of spaceand place that has been reconceptualized from text to process, fromstatic entity to perform ance and event (see, for ex ample, Gab bert 2005)although those terms are only now coming to be commonly applied.Space and place have become productively considered as active processand practices with social consequences. We still hold that space andplace, like other folklore forms, have properties that can be entextual-ized and re-entextualized in the production of meaning, but as entex-tualization itself is a social process involving situated sets of roles andrelationships (cf. Duranti and Goodwin [1992] 1994), space and place


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Studies have endured severe criticism as being regressive, reactionary,and nostalgic. As the imagined premodern site of authenticity, "place"is perceived as a refuge from the pace and problems of modern life,threatened by mobility and change. In the wake of perceived socialchange, Halttunen (2006) sees a reactionary "rising chorus of modern-day Jerem iahs" lamenting the loss of place, proclaiming its death .

Recent criticisms are undoubtedly valid and have gained intellectualpurchase on new ideas. But it also is true that such critiques have beensomewhat overzealous and contributed to the reification of place atseveral levels. One problem is slippage. At the material level are physicalplaces as realized by those who create and use them. At one remove, wehave scholarly approaches to and analysis of places, as well as official, folk,and popular conceptions. In turn, critiques of these various perspectivesdem onstrate linkages between methodology, epistemology, and a politicsof culture, whether progressive, regressive, or somewhere between. Oneproblem is that at this third level, the critique of some approaches to orconceptions of place has been superimposed onto place itself, such thatreal places are sometimes thoug ht to have been "actually" boun d (rathe rthan constructed that way by scholars, politicians, and others), whichthen are contrasted with an allegedly more modern mobile world.* Thisis an instance of "discourses upon discourses," which contributes yetagain to the premodern/modern problem.

However vague and ill-defined, senses of place persist, and in thewake of global change, thinking about place and locality have becomemore prominent. As scholars of culture we believe that most of us areinterested in place at some level; why else travel? Appadurai (1996) haseven suggested that much of the anthropological recordthat is, therecording of house building, path organization, garden making, as wellas rites of passagehave really been studies of the production of local-ity and/or of local subjects, which he says are "inherently fragile" andneed to be maintained. Thoughtful scholars ask how we can think abou tplace in an open, relational and non-regressive way (Lippard 1997,Massey 1994, Halttunen 2006). Some, such as Philip Deloria (2006),even embrace their inn er Jerem iah (albeit fiippantly), pointing ou tthat laments for place often are grounded in real experiences of loss


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Scholars are cautioned not to take space and place for granted butinstead investigate their means of construction. The inhabitants of thesites examined hereurban North Central Philadelphia, a "mud-on-the-boots" logging town recendy turned elite resort, German East Africa,women's spaces, the Internet and its globe-trotting realizationdo nottake place for granted, but rather are engaged in actively and intensivelyproducing them for specific purposes. Our authors are not concernedwith simply identifying the uniquely local, nor do they engage in phil-osophically-grounded discussions of epistemology. They are concernedwith how particular places come to be constructed, who gets to do theconstructing, and in what kinds of contexts. Most of our authors exam-ine sites in which strangers meet and things are exchang ed, w hether tan-gibly as in colonial exploration (Pesek), tourist encounters (Gabbert),grassroots urban revitalization (Miller), or in more fleeting abstractionssuch as virtual interaction and imaginative consumption (McNeill,Kenny). Nearly all embrace tropes of travel, real or imagined, voluntaryor induced, and movement between actual locations (Donlon).

If issues of space and place arise in such areas, perhaps it is moreproductive to consider these locations (and by implication, the moregeneral category of place) as sites of active engagement and transforma-tion, rather than as characterized by marginal or incipient modernity.W hether the au thors state it explicidy or n ot, these are all zones of con-tact and change: that is, of emergence. Weand our authorsdo notregard space and place as determined exclusively by responses to globalforces and pressures, but as primarily and significantly constituted bysocial relations on several scales and multiple levels. We take the natureof these social networks, their human nodes and relational linkages,to be instrum ental in unders tand ing how undifferendated space maybe transformed into idendfiable and encoded place. This is so eventhough, like all living social networks, they are shifting, transitory, everchanging. The papers in this volume direct our attention to the muld-farious processes of transformation and emergence.

The sites examined here are ones in which social relations arerepeatedly challenged, for example by the twin forces of capitalism


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that rather than being a container for those struggles, place is a larger-than-local salient category that is itself fought over. Place and change,then, are not contradictory either as terms or realities; rather, place isgro und ed in chang e. This is why place is often im portant to people whomove around and is exactly why people are all over the map, as it were,in terms of their response to place and in their framing of it.

In this sense, our authors continue a vein of scholarship that con-tributes to an ethnographic understanding of culture as a site of powerstruggles (Gupta and Ferguson 1997) and is why several authors frameplace as a site of resistance to heg em onic forces. Lest we lapse into revo-lutionary romanticism, we should assert that place can also be a site ofdom ination (Wilson 2000). Place is impo rtant w hen it becomes a site ofstruggle; another way of differentiating it from space, therefore, is thatit has become overdy politicized.^ In all ideological struggle, wboevercontrols the rhetoric controls the discourse. By extension, whoevercontrols the production of meaning within a place controls the placeitself, whether such meaning is realized verbally, iconographically, sym-bolically, onomastically, or through combined semiotic resources suchas those embodied in ceremony and ritual. The history of the Germanboma in East Africa, as Michael Pesek documents in his paper, is exem-plary of symbolic and ceremonial efforts to control and their ultimatefailure. The continued struggle for the production of meaning underliesthe "covering" issue of Turkish women described byjocelyn Donlon.

In addition to tropes of strangers, movement, struggle, and trans-formation, an underlying theme of the imaginary runs through manyof the papers. Some places are real, some are imagined, and some realplaces are overlaid by tbe imaginary a phenom enon so ubiquitous thatit may be universal. In some cases, the imagined are more elaboratedin a sense, "realer"than the experienced "real," even when ideation-ally located within or imposed upon the real, as in German East Africa.Several of the papers that follow illustrate how the imaginative construc-tion of place can and sometimes does replace the actual.^ This suggestslinkages between the exercise of power and the exercise of the imagi-nation, and suggests that the movement toward power begins witb the


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the physical world, the human body can itself be a site both of struggleand ofthe movement along the cline of solidarity and power, asjocelynDonlon's and Erin Kenny's papers attest (see also Sonesson 1992, Young1993, Jordan-Smith 2000, 2001, Horton 2001, Ho rton and Jordan-Smith2004). Th e reverse process occurs as well; real and imagined places fadeinto cultural memory, evoking a sense of loss and "nostalgia for para-dise," to use Eliade's po ignan t term (Eliade 1961, 1977),THE PAPERS

Michael Pesek's article "The Boma and the Peripatetic Ruler" speaksdirectly to issues of power, exploring relationships between transforma-tions of space and colonialism in East Africa. Taking a performativeapproach to the history of German expansion, Pesek focuses on situatedmoments of interaction in the colonialist encounter illustrating that,at least for German East Africa, the colonial territory was not a coher-ent entity but rather one imagined first by an individual (the explorerCarl Peters), then by the state, and only sporadically and incompletelyaccomplished in practice. Pesek opens with an account of how Petersinvented African leaders and territories in order to enact treaties inwhich these things could be signed over for protection from a colonialgovernment that did no t yet exist. Peters' endeavors were, Pesek writesdrolly, "exchange[s] of very vague things." Pesek's overall argumentis that the German colonial project lacked sustained spatial presence,so the military spectacle took on the heightened meaning of ritualperformance. Since such performances were symbolic and so could beinterpreted and manipulated in different ways, the project was doomedto remain ineffectual.

Lisa Gabbert also examines relations between real and symbolicreconfigurations of space in "Situating the Local by Inventing theGlobal," Asking why the residents of McCall, Idaho continue to producea winter carnival that is fraught with confiict and about which residentsare highly ambivalent, she argues that the key context for this festival isthe contemporary and conflicted mom ent of accelerated mo dernizationthat has occurred due to economic restructuring and the globalization


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to rekey it as an essential figure within a global ecumene. In doing soshe illustrates not only how and why the local becomes more significantin moments of accelerated modernization, but also that what is con-strued as global is as much an invention at the local level as the otherway aro und .

In classic folklore form, Lynne McNeill identifies and classifies aheretofore unacknowledged custom in her article, "Portable Places:Serial Collaboration and the Creation of a New Sense of Place." SerialCollaborative entails a number of people interacting with a particularobject serially and often is facilitated through the Internet. Objectsare either passed from person to person, such as BookCrossing, orthey are stationary and people travel to them, such as Geocaching.Highlighting the premises of movement and travel that underlie thiscustom, McNeill argues that collaboradvely created objects (SeriallyCollaborative Creations, or SCCs) are the loci of interactions amongstrangers, and so become a kind of "place" that retains traces of a his-tory of social relationships and locations. In a society characterized bymobility, virtual social in teraction is simply no t enough , M cNeill writes,so "concepts such as 'place' and 'home' must simply become things wecan take with us when we travel." As such, they allow for an exp erien ceof place that is mobile, not tied to a particular location. At the sametime, place is here objectified and made concrete, and hence McNeillbreathes new life into traditional ideas of place drawn from founda-tional scholars like Yi-Fu Tuan.

Erin Kenny's article, "Bellydancing in the Town Square: LeakingPeace through Tribal Style Identity," focuses on consumption practicesof female participants in an American Tribal Style (ATS) dance troupeas a means of alternative identity construction. Kenny illustrates howparticipants in Missouri break out of the gendered confines of theirMidwestern location by drawing on global stereotypes, intentionallyadopting an exotic and stylistically idealized "middle eastern" style ofclothing and dance in performance. In doing so, participants transformconventional notions of beauty and the body, as well as engage in socialactivism to create temporary spaces in which alternative identities are


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Jocelyn Donlon's article "Islamic Head Covering among TurkishWomen in the US: Creating International Spaces of Difference" high-lights interrelationships between gender, religion, and national citizen-ship by explo ring the issues faced in Turkey and the US by five Muslimwomen who have chosen to scarve for religious purposes. Donlonargues that as visible signs of religious identity, headcoverings are seenas a threat to the modern nation-state in Turkey while they are takenas a sign of undifferentiated "foreignness" in the US. A dem ocra tic,secular nation, Turkey has banned the wearing of headscarves in pub-lic places and denies women who chose to cover access to education.In doing so, Turkey constructs itself as both democratic and modernthrough exclusionary practices based on the appearance of the bodiesof women. In the US, only particular religious identities are cons trued asnational ones and so while the Turkish women Donlon interviews havefound greater freedom of religious dress they remain excluded from thenation because to be American is to be uncovered. In both cases, thenational body excludes those unwilling or unable to uke an invisiblesubject position in the public sphere, a role that historically has beenheld by ethnic m inorides and women.

Rosina Miller extends a long tradition of regional folklore studiesby drawing upon recent cridcal regionalist scholarship in her arti-cle "Sharing Prosperity: Cridcal Regionalism and Place-Based SocialChange." A critical regionalist stance is agent-oriented, seeking toactively counter hegemonic forces by drawing on them to define placefrom the inside through place-making strategies. In this sense, placeis an active practice and performance. Engaging in what she identi-fies as an ethnography of spatial pracdce (see Appadurai 1996), Millerfocuses on a community development process in urban North CentralPhiladelphia called "Shared Prosperity" to illustrate that communityorganizers not only recognize the label of "inner city" as a trope thatserves hegemonic purposes, but they also strategically draw on regional-izing pracdce/discourse to accomplish its aims and hence are alreadydoing in pracdce what scholars are sdll developing in theory. In thisway, she writes, "celebradng attachments to place and culture can be a


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imagination tha t have emerged in these papers concern ing the construc-tion of place? O ne framework appears to be the p ractice of ethn ograp hyitself and the ever-changing, emergent nature of relations between theethnographer and the people with whom she works. Most ethnogra-phers no longer maintain an attitude of distance and objectivityaproper "space," if you willbetween themselves and their objects ofresearch. The ethnographic process entails, through ever-changing andemergent sets of roles and social relationships, engagement with com-munities in some way, and hence a movem ent from unfamiliar space toan entanglement with place routed through and created by movement,strangers, embodied practice, and the imagination. The sense of com-munity (which might perhaps be better called a "sense of communal-ity") claimed by a place's inhabitants and increasingly experienced byethnographers, is perhaps the principal significant result of the transfor-mation of space into place. But this sense depen ds on m ore than simplythe relationships realized at a given (i.e., historical) moment. It dependsin large part also on imagined possibilities, topoi, remem bered, desired,and perhaps sometimes feared, but that are not immediately realizedand yet that become manifest over time, indicating the importance ofattending to diachronic dimensions. These possibilities

have not only a dialogical, "developmental," non-planned quality, butalso intentionality, in the sense of specifying a "space" that is open bothto further action and to yet further specification and interpretation, thatis, it is a space with a "horizon" to it. (Shotter 1993:70)This "horizon" (using a term introdu ced in this contex t by Heidegger)represents not only a bound ary separating a place from its neigh bor and

the local from the global, bu t also the limits of the known worldwhichfor some may hold terror, for others irresistible fascination, be for somea haven in a dangerous larger world, for others confinement within ahegemony or a self-styled prison. If community is a network of fiuid,ever-changing relationships, then place might be regarded as what istraced by the actual working out of different relationships whose trajec-tories define place within space. Perhaps it is unde rstanding these tracesthat ethnography is all about.


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his more recent work is interesting as well. See, for example, Tuan 1991which covers symbolic placemaking practices through the examination oflanguage; 1980 for thoughts on place and artifacts; 1996 for his thoughtson the dialectics of cosmopolitanism and homeworlds, which is very similarto concepts of the local and the global.

3. For good introductions to these issues as they developed in the mid '80s,see Appadurai 1986; Hannerz 1986; and the special issue of CulturalAnthropology 3/1 (1988), especially Appadurai, Fernandez, and Rosaldo.4. Archaeologists, for example, have been drawing on their own work to coun-ter reified notions of how places were used and lived in by people in thepast (Cobb 2005).5. Space is inherently political, existing as political capital at the very least.Th e identification of an area as "empty space" is a political act.6. Or emerges as "real" without a prior model, as in Baudrillard's notion ofthe simulacrum (1994). The "3D online digital world" known as SecondLife, developed by Linden Labs (http://secondlife.c om ) is an example of ahighly elaborated imaginary place whose boundaries overlap with the realworld. Its "inhabitants" (i.e., participating members) number over ten mil-lion as of this writing, with 40,000 logged on at any one time (at the time ofpublication). The library under development in Second Life contains cyber

copies of actual texts, as well as scanned images of title pages, illustrations,and covers, suggesting that the map under construction of this digitallyimagined world has become the territory.WORKS CITEDAbrahams, Roger D. 1968. Introductory Remarks to a Rhetorical Theory of

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