South Africa in Crisis: The Ending of Apartheid

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Contents

Letter From The Crisis Director 2

Rules and Procedures 4

Letter From The Country Leaders 6

Background 7

Political Parties and Mobilization of Social Groups 15

FIFA and Corruption 16

Questionsto Consider 21

Characters 22

Sources 27

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Welcome!

Dear Delegates,

Welcome to MUNE VI and welcome to the committee dedicated to ending apartheid in South

Africa. My name is Mehvish Khan and I am a junior in the college studying economics and

international studies focusing on conflict and security in Africa and the Middle East. I have

been participating in Model UN since I was in high school and I can honestly say it has been one

of the most influential experiences in my life.

When most people hear the term apartheid, they understand its association with South Africa.

What most people do not understand is the long history surrounding apartheid. It was not only

a system of segregation but also a system based on the entrenchment of white supremacy in all

aspects of life. In this committee, we will explore the CODESA negotiations and how the players

in South African politics and culture came together to negotiate an end to apartheid. It was not

an easy feat to accomplish. During the years of negotiation, South Africa experienced one of the

most violent periods in its history. There was also debate over how to deal with armed wings of

organizations struggling against apartheid as well as issues surrounding “grand apartheid” and

“petty apartheid”.

In the Spring of 2017, I was privileged to take a class on South African history, and that class

absolutely changed my life. From my professor, I learned not only about South African history

but also about the human condition. We tackled big philosophical questions and arguments

surrounding topics such as the use of violence and the definition of what “the struggle” was for

anti-apartheid organizations. I also learned about myself in that class. South African history is

a rich story that everyone can find meaning in. It represents a rich diversity of culture, people,

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and history. I hope that you and your fellow delegates are able to explore these topics related to

apartheid and truly gain something from South African history, just as I have.

Should you have any questions prior to the conference, please feel free to reach out to me or

your co-chairs, Emanuel Castro, (emanuel.castro@emory.edu), and Brandon Wood

(brandon.wood@emory.edu).

I look forward to meeting all of you.

Best,

Mehvish Khan

mtkhan3@emory.edu

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Rules and Procedures

Committee

This committee will run as a typical crisis committee, with interactions between committee

members, dais staff, and behind-the-scenes crisis staff. The committee will be composed of

members who were present at the CODESA negotiations. Some characters listed were only

present at certain parts of CODESA, handling daily planning, or pulled out after the first

negotiations. For the purposes of this committee, we will disregard that timeline and include

everyone in the general CODESA beginnings. It will be the burden of committee members to

gain support from those organizations not necessarily represented in the room. For the purposes

of this committee, President F.W. De Klerk and Nelson Mandela will not be in the room

participating in the negotiations. The chairs will serve to represent President F.W. de Klerk and

Nelson Mandela, as to ensure an even playing field for all delegates.

Communication

Communication will be conducted through the app Slack. Each committee member will receive

a specific log in designated to their individual character. Delegates should have with them

laptops or appropriate electronics on which to compose public and joint private directives as

well as for private directives and notes to crisis. All directives will be electronic. Any plans for

action sent to crisis must clearly articulate what the action is, who is taking the action, the

purpose of the action, and how that action is taken.

Debate

There will be no formal speaker’s list in this committee as the dais expects delegates to propose

the appropriate caucuses for informal debate. Sufficient debate, such as moderated caucuses,

question and answer panels, or two-for and two-against, is expected before moving into voting

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procedure on public documents. Additionally, the suspension of the rules of debate for a round-

robin on discussions will be entertained by the chair when adequate.

Documents

Any documents (directives, communiqués, and press releases) to be put before the committee

requires at least 20% of attending delegate’s signatures to be submitted to the dais. Remember

there must be separate motions to introduce, debate, and move into voting procedure on all

documents. Public documents may be passed by a “yes” vote from 50% +1 of the body in

attendance. In the case of certain directives, a delegate may use veto powers associated with

their position.

Language and Attire

Please wear western business attire. The official language in this committee is English. Delegates

may use “South African phrases” in debate as long as they are appropriate in nature. Colloquial

phrases degrading other delegates will not be tolerated by the chair.

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Background

Delegates,

The task before us is no easy task to accomplish. The country of South Africa faces an

uncertain future, caught between violence and hate. It is of the utmost importance that

we find a way to reunite our country through peace and understanding.

Apartheid. Simply saying the word elicits strong reactions from each and every one of

you. We understand that this is not an easy process. All of us have had our lives

affected by apartheid in one way or another. There remains a great deal of history that

must be dealt with in order for us to move forward.

Our country is in crisis. We call upon you to lead South Africa into the future and save

her from self-destruction.

Respectfully,

President F.W. De Klerk and Nelson Mandela

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https://www.slideshare.net/mrudangpharma/history-of-south-africa

Pre-Colonial South Africa

What is today South Africa was originally inhabited by groups of hunter-gatherers,

known as the San, and pastoralists, known as the Khoikhoi. The Khoikhoi and the San both

lived in the region of South Africa known as the Western Cape. Other agro-pastoralist

communities inhabited the Eastern Cape. These groups included the Xhosa, Tswana, and Zulu

peoples.

Pre-colonial communities in South Africa were very diverse. Individuals spoke various

languages and shared their cultures with other groups. Chiefship was an important concept for

these groups as well.

The Beginning of Colonial Contact

Between 1488 and 1652, native South Africans in the Western Cape came mainly in

contact with the Portuguese. This contact was rather limited and the Portuguese were

unsuccessful in their attempts to overpower and subjugate the local populations.

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In 1652, the Dutch East India Company created a refueling station for tired sailors in modern-

day Cape Town, South Africa. The Dutch did not intend to make anything of their new found

refueling station, as the Western Cape had little to offer except for cattle.

As the Dutch demand for cattle increased, the local Khoikhoi found it difficult to produce

the necessary supply. Tensions rose and through a series of wars the Khoikhoi became largely

subjugated by the Dutch.

The Dutch found an increasing need for more supplies for their refueling station,

something that could not be satisfied by Khoikhoi cattle only. In 1657, the Dutch turned to

agriculture with the arrival of the first free burghers. But where would they find the labor to

support this growing agricultural system? It was prohibited to enslave the local population.

Subsequently, in 1658, the Dutch East India Company began importing slaves to South Africa.

The free burghers began to expand further into the interior of the Western Cape, seeking

more land and resources. This caused great tension between them and the local indigenous

populations.

In the 1750s, the importation of slaves began to grow in South Africa. These slaves came

from Indonesia, India, Madagascar, and other parts of Africa. They were an unusually diverse

group and often spoke multiple languages. Seeking work, the local Khoikhoi began to offer their

services on free burgher farms and in towns. Indentured servitude became the law of the

land. The indentured Khoikhoi were referred to as “slaaf hottentotten”, indicating that in the

free burghers’ eyes the indentured Khoikhoi were basically slaves. Despite the difference in

name, there was little difference in practice and indentured servitude and slavery were both

intensely horrific and brutal in the Cape Colony.

Around this time, the terms “coloured” or “brown Afrikaaners” began to develop. These

people shared Afrikaans, free burgher, culture and had many similarities to the

Dutch. However, they were of mixed race. As terms such as these came into use, skin color and

race began to increasingly define society in the Dutch colony.

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Rise of the British and British Rule

Towards the end of the 1700s, Dutch influence and power began to

decline. Additionally, larger African states began to emerge, such as the Zulu, Basotho, and

Ndebele. The British filled this power vacuum left by the Dutch, taking over the Cape

Colony. Coincidentally, the British took over the Cape Colony, a society heavily rooted in and

based on unfree labor, at exactly the same time the British anti-slavery movement was gaining

momentum.

Through the British anti-slavery movement, the slave trade ended in 1806. This still left

numerous questions surrounding indentured servants. Around 1812, the British implemented a

system known as the “Black Circuit”. These were traveling courts which allowed debt peons, aka

indentured servants, to press charges of abuse or exploitation against their masters. The

Afrikaners were outraged by such a system.

In the 1820s, British settlers began to move into the Cape, bringing with them more

liberal ideas as well as their anti-slavery beliefs. It should come as no surprise then that slavery

in the Cape ended in the 1830s.

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http://www.warmuseum.ca/cwm/exhibitions/boer/boerwarmaps_e.shtml

Dissatisfied with British liberal rule, the Afrikaner people began what became known as

The Great Trek (1834-1840), earning those who partook the title of “trekboers”. Seeking to live

on their own terms, they migrated further inland and created their own “Boer republics” (the

major ones being indicated in orange on the map). They described themselves as “God’s chosen

people” and justified their expansion as taking “vacant land”.

The importation of British liberal ideas increasingly manifested itself in Cape society.

Liberalism in government was clearly demonstrated by the 1853 Act of Representative

Government, which gave people in the cape greater political independence. This Act gave all

land-owning males the right to vote, regardless of race. This was known as “the non-racial Cape

franchise”.

Expansion came not only from Afrikaners and British settlers in the Western Cape, but

also from British settlers in the Eastern Cape. With the expansion of British settlers further into

the interior of the Eastern Cape, repeated wars broke out between the Xhosa and the British.

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The Mineral Revolution

What became known as “The Mineral Revolution” changed South Africa’s fate

forever. Up until this point, most of the land was “unconquered” and still ruled by the native

populations, with various settlers living in proximity to these populations. Between 1867 and

1902, the status of the land would change drastically with the discovery of diamonds.

The Mineral Revolution was financed with British capital and carried out with African

labor. Mining was an intensive process and was very capital driven. Early diamond diggers

came from all backgrounds and migrant labor played a huge role in supporting the labor-

intensive mining operations.

Race was a major point of contention in the mines. White miners were increasingly

agitated with black miners. By the 1870s, new laws were passed to give the mines more control

over the black workers. This led to the “open compound” system, giving mining companies

almost complete control of workers.

Diamonds were not the only precious resources discovered in South Africa. Gold was

discovered in the South African Republic, a Boer republic. People like Cecil Rhodes, who were

already big in the diamond industry, moved into the area and begin mining these resources.

Seeking to gain more control over the mining industry, the British eventually easily

annexed Grequaland West, the territory where diamonds were originally discovered. They did,

however, have many difficulties taking control of the Boer Republics led by Paul Kruger. These

tensions culminated in the South African War (1899-1902).

The South African War 1889-1902

Feeling that their way of life was under threat and having faced increasing encroachment

from the British, including the ill-fated Jameson Raid, the Afrikaners came face to face with the

British during the South African War.

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Brutal in many ways, the war pitted the British, the Afrikaners, and the native

populations against one another. Atrocities seen during the war included concentration camps.

In 1902, the Treaty of Vereeniging ended the South African War. Though the British won the

war, Afrikaner Nationalism, which will be discussed more, was forever consolidated. For

example, the British assured the Afrikaners that political rights would not be extended to

Africans.

After the war, the Act of Union in 1910 united all the polities of South Africa into one

South African state. The non-racial Cape franchise did not extend to the rest of the Union and

remained only in the Western Cape, though it too eventually eroded away.

The World Wars and the Rise of Apartheid

The South African economy was still largely based on agriculture and mining, but rapid

urbanization and industrialization soon boomed. Along with this urbanization came an

increasing segregation of urban space based on race. Labor was segregated and territories were

segregated between “white” and “black”. This was exemplified by the 1913 Natives Lands’ Act.

As racial tensions grew, the relationship between the British and the Afrikaners

continued to become even more strained. The ideology of Afrikaner nationalism began to take

hold along with notions of white supremacy that were more in line with fascism. Many

Afrikaners united around Afrikaner Nationalism, which was based on their shared history as a

people, including the events of the Great Trek.

Independence of South Africa and the Beginning of Apartheid

In 1948 at the end of WWII, the National Party gained control of the South African

government and declared independence from Britain. The National Party quickly began to

introduce policies that would lead to what became known as apartheid or “apartness”. “Petty

Apartheid” was what one might think of as segregation, i.e. different drinking fountains for

“black South Africans”, “white South Africans”, and “coloured South Africans”.

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https://www.thoughtco.com/apartheid-signs-image-gallery-4122664

The larger policies, known as “Grand Apartheid”, included the Group Areas Act, which

forcefully removed black or coloured South Africans from areas that were redefined as

“white”. Black South Africans were reassigned to homelands based on their presumed ethnic

heritage. If they were seeking work in White South Africa, they were considered “temporary

sojourners” and were even eventually required to carry a pass identifying who they were, what

their ethnicity was, and what homeland they came from. This was known as the pass system.

Life in the homelands was very difficult. Poverty was rampant. Nonetheless, the South

African government pursued its policy of Grand Apartheid, this separation of land based on

race. These black homelands, also known as Bantustans, were to become independent states

within white South Africa, even having their own seats at the United Nations one day. A map of

the Bantustan territories can be seen below.

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https://www.britannica.com/topic/Bantustan

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The Development of Political Parties and the Political

Mobilization of Social Groups

The National Party: In 1914, Afrikaner Nationalism was consolidated in the formation

of the National Party. Firmly based on the idea of white supremacy and the Afrikaner’s right to

South African land, the National Party quickly became a strong force in South African politics.

Responsible for implementing the policies of apartheid, the National Party cemented its

power in the 1948 elections. Their main rivals in white South African politics were the United

Party and the Progressive Party.

The African National Congress (ANC): Founded in 1912, the ANC’s initial goal was

to win voting rights for native South Africans. The group pursued nonviolent protest to end the

apartheid system, however this was met with resistance from the South African government. In

1952, they led the Defiance Campaign, a political campaign with the goal to “defy unjust laws”

such as apartheid. The Campaign was a major turning point for the ANC, leading to a boom in

membership.

In 1955, the ANC and other political parties came together at the Congress of the People

to discuss issues facing South African society like discrimination and apartheid. This

culminated in the drafting of the Freedom Charter, one of the most important documents in

South African history. In response to this, the South African government increased security

legislation. One of the most important of these acts was the Illegal Gatherings Act, which made

such gatherings like the Congress of the People illegal. Additionally, the government pursued

policies that eroded basic civil rights such as habeas corpus. This allowed them to hold violators

of security legislation indefinitely, effectively as political prisoners.

In 1956, many prominent black South Africans including ANC members were put on trial

by the national government for treason in the infamous “Treason Trials”. In keeping with

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increasing security legislation, the national government banned the ANC in the 1960s and many

members either went into hiding or fled into exile.

At a 1960 Pan-Africanist Congress pass burning event in Sharpeville to protest the pass

system, South African police opened fire on nonviolent protestors. This became known as the

Sharpeville Massacre. With increased security legislation and an increase in violence by the

South African apartheid regime, finding themselves at a cross roads in the struggle the ANC

formed an armed wing in 1961 called Umkhonto we Sizwe (“Spear of the Nation”). The South

African government cracked down and led many operations to capture leaders and fight the

organizations. In 1963, major leaders in the ANC, such as Nelson Mandela, were arrested, tried

in the Rivonia Trials, and sentenced to life in prison on Robben Island. Following these

sentences, the rest of the ANC fled into exile, based largely in Lusaka.

The South African Communist Party (SACP): Founded in 1921, the SACP focused

on the worker’s struggle against capitalism, the issue of nationalism, and issues of race and

class. In 1924, they were directed by the USSR to focus on black workers and the idea that South

Africa belonged to the “natives”.

The SACP originally pursued the idea of a “native republic”. This republica would be a

peasant agrarian state, which lined up with the state of the South African economy at the time as

it had not fully industrialized. By 1948, they abandoned this idea and drew much closer to the

ANC.

The Pan-Africanist Congress (PAC): Founded in 1959, the PAC was a black

nationalist movement that broke off from the ANC and eventually became a separate political

party. Originally lead by Robert Sobukwe, the PAC objected to the ANC’s inclusion of the SACP

and the substitution of the 1949 Programme of Action for the 1955 Freedom Charter.

The PAC organized mass pass protests, such as the one in Sharpeville, which led to many

PAC leaders being arrested and imprisoned. Following the Sharpeville massacre, they, along

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with the ANC, were banned from South Africa, leading to the PAC to form its own paramilitary

group, the Azanian People’s Liberation Army.

The Soweto Uprisings

In 1976, a group of school children began what became known as the Soweto Uprisings,

protesting the introduction of the Afrikaans language into schools. These events led to massive

violence, death, and destruction. Amid a failing economy and violent state uprisings, the

National Party began to ponder making changes to apartheid.

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https://www.pinterest.com/pin/371265563016753177/

http://lucyosouthafrica.weebly.com/timeline-and-map.html

The 1980s

By the early 1980s, in efforts to begin reforming apartheid and hold onto power, the

National Party introduced a series of reforms. The Koornhof Bills created councils in urban

areas to give the black population more representation in government. The Bills also gave black

South Africans limited citizenship rights and the ability to vote for local leaders. Another set of

bills created the Tricameral Parliament, which basically split the South African parliament into a

“white house”, a “black house”, and an “Indian house”.

In response to this, the anti-apartheid organization the United Democratic Front formed.

It was comprised of many affiliate organizations and thus difficult for the South African police to

deal with. Eventually, the UDF came to be seen as the “internal wing” of the ANC.

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Black Consciousness played a major role in the formation of the UDF. Black

Consciousness was largely the product of young intellectuals such as Steve Biko. It has been

described as a renaissance in black political thought in South Africa and it played a major role in

the final push against apartheid. It came up in many situations, such as the Soweto Uprisings.

As increasing resistance to apartheid spread, South Africa transitioned to more of a police state.

Apartheid in Crisis and the Beginning of Negotiations

From the mid- 1980s through the mid- 1990s, South Africa experienced one of its most violent

periods in history. The South African government was facing a country divided and on the brink

of civil war. Additionally, the South African government was embroiled in dooming wars in

Namibia and Angola, and the South African economy began to face a severe crisis.

In 1984 violence erupted once again, this time with the Vaal Triangle uprising. This

uprising prompted the National Party government to deploy the army into the region and

declare a state of emergency. By 1986 the government declared a national state of emergency

that would not end until 1990.

In 1989 F.W. De Klerk became President of South Africa. In efforts to save South Africa,

he began unbanning previously banned political organizations and freed former political

prisoners, like Nelson Mandela. The pass system also ended and more and more pillars of

apartheid began to fall. Secret negotiations began between the ANC and the National Party.

It is important to understand the context in which these negotiations happened. The UN

and several international governments condemned apartheid. South Africa was seen as an “evil

state” and there were protests around the world against apartheid. This climate was certainly

not conducive to growing South African businesses or increasing international investment and

the South African rand collapsed.

The UDF and ANC pursued policies of making the townships “ungovernable” in order to

push the South African government to negotiate an end to apartheid. This led to an incredible

amount of gang-like violence, including “peoples’ courts”, aka kangaroo courts. If one failed to

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toe the line with many organizations, one faced severe consequences, including “tire

necklacing”.

It was clear that the national violence, state of emergency, and political crisis could not

continue in South Africa. The military virtually occupied black townships and

homelands. There was also increasing “black on black” violence between supporters of the ANC

and Inkatha Freedom Party, a political party based in Kwa-Zulu Natal. This violence was

portrayed by the South African media as “tribalism” at its worst.

The release of Mandela gave South Africa the opportunity for a negotiated end to

apartheid, rather than a violent one. But not every party envisioned a peaceful end to apartheid.

A reminder, these CODESA Negotiations to end apartheid took place during some of the worst

violence in South African history.

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Questions to Consider

What is the role of violence in the struggle to end apartheid and how will armed factions be

treated?

How has the international community and international context of the Cold War influenced

apartheid and South African history?

How does one reconcile the South African past with the present?

Should there be “retributions” paid to black South Africans? Should land be redistributed?

What will the new Constitution look like and how will it ensure the rights of all South African

citizens?

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Characters

Chief Mangosuthu Gatsha Buthelezi

Leader and founder of the Inkatha Freedom Party, Chief Mangosuthu Gathsha Buthelezi

leads the state of Kwa-Zulu Natal. A homeland leader and traditional leader, Chief Buthelezi

does not necessarily oppose certain policies related to “grand apartheid”.

Thabo Mbeki

Member of the African National Congress, Thabo Mbeki plays an instrumental role in the

party. His father, Govan Mbeki, was a major leader of the African National Congress and was

imprisoned for twenty-three years on Robben Island following the Rivonia Trial. Mbeki

recognizes the rich and diverse culture of South Africa, promoting nationalism and

nonracialism. Having participated in negotiations in the past as well as being a leader of ANC

outreach to white South Africans, he promotes unity throughout the country.

Brigadier Ramushwana

Brigadier Ramushwana was a part of the Venda Defense Force, a military branch under

the South African Defense Force charged with keeping the peace in the Venda homeland. In

keeping with the policy of “grand apartheid”, Venda had technically been given independence

from South Africa in 1979, though it was not internationally recognized as an independent state.

Brigadier Ramushwana took control of the Venda government through a military coup that

overthrew President Frank Ravele.

President L.M. Mangope

President Mangope leads the homeland government of Boputhatswana. Mangope’s

government is known for corruption. Similar to Venda, Boputhatswana is an independent state

within South Africa, though not internationally recognized as such.

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Cyril Ramaphosa

Cyril Ramaphosa was the head of the National Union of Mineworkers in the 1980s. He

helped to organize the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU). He aided in

negotiating the release of Nelson Mandela from prison.

Stoffel van der Merwe

Minister of Education in the National Party Government of F.W. De Klerk, van der

Merwe is known for being a more moderate voice in the National Party. He has served as Joint

Minister of Information as well as Personal Assistant to former President P.W. Botha in the

process of developing and reforming the Constitution. Additionally, he has served as Minister of

Information and Broadcasting.

Jacob Zuma

A member of the ANC, Jacob Zuma has been a loyal supporter of the cause since he first

joined in 1959. Jacob Zuma has been a member and major leader of the armed wing of the ANC,

Umkhonto we Sizwe (aka MK), and has actively participated in sabotage against the apartheid

government. He recruited members to join MK in the 1970s while the ANC was in exile.

Needless to say, there is a lot of controversy surrounding the role of the armed struggle in the

ending of apartheid.

RF “Pik” Botha

Botha is the foreign minister for the apartheid government. Though more liberal, he

defends the system of apartheid internationally. He does support minority rights, having even

stated in the past that it would be possible for South Africa to have a black president. He has

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previously served as Minister of Mineral and Energy Affairs as well as Ambassador to the United

States.

HJ Coetsee

Known as a reformer in the South African government, Deputy Minister of Defense and

National Security Coetsee has facilitated several reforms related to the South African military as

well as the South African prison system. He is very concerned with the ability of all South

Africans to partake in politics as well as South Africa’s role on the international stage.

Zach de Beer

Chairman of the newly formed Democratic Party, a combination of the Progressive

Federal Party and the Independent and National Democratic Movement, Dr. Zach de Beer was

the youngest member to be elected to parliament in 1953. He worked for the Anglo-American

Corporation from 1968 through the 1980s. A liberal Afrikaner, he formed the Progressive Party

in 1959 after the National Party government refused to return land to the black population.

Chris Hani

Chris Hani is a major player in the South African Communist Party. Additionally, he is

the Chief of Staff for the armed wing of the ANC, Umkhonto we Sizwe. Having been a Marxist

since college, he believes in non-racialism. He has also been persecuted by the South African

government for his communist views, even spending time in jail.

Frank Mdlalose

Frank Mdlalose is a founding member of the Inkatha Freedom Party, a largely ethnic

Zulu organization. He was originally a member of the ANC Youth League in the 1950s. He is

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the Minister of Health and Welfare for KwaZulu Natal, having previously served as the Minister

of the Interior. He is also about to be named national chairman of Inkatha.

Dr. T.K. Mopel

Dr. Mopel is a founding member of the Dikwankwetla Party. He is also the Chief

Minister of the QwaQwa bantustan. He often goes head to head with the South African

government, demanding more land for QwaQwa.

Gerrit Viljoen

Viljoen is a representative of the National Party and the South African government. He

has previously served as administrator of South West Africa and was appointed Minister of

Education in 1980. He is currently Minister of Constitutional Development. He believes in

“group rights” rather than “individual rights”, concerned for the well-being of minority white

South Africans.

G Sewpershad

Sewpershad is a leader of the Natal and Transvaal Indian Congress. Though a large part

of the South African population, Indian South Africans are often not immediately thought of

when it comes to issues related to the end of apartheid.

Minister MC Zitha

A leader of in the Inyandza National Movement, Minister Zitha aided in fighting the

South African government to avoid having the Kangwane homeland incorporated into

Swaziland. The Inyandza National Movement has aligned itself in the past with the Inkatha

Freedom Party, but a falling out between the movement and Chief Mangosuthu Buthelezi has

led to tensions between the two.

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Helen Suzman

A founding member of the Progressive Party along with Zach de Beer, Suzman is an

outspoken woman. She is known for opposing capital punishment, arguing against the banning

of various political organizations, and has stood up for womens’ rights, including discrimination

against black women. She has criticized the apartheid government since the 1950s.

Brigadier O.J. Gqozo

Having recently staged a military coup in Ciskei, Brigadier Gqozo, a member of the

Ciskei Defense Force, is now the new leader of the Ciskei homeland. Ciskei is a very difficult

homeland to control and there have been varying levels of violence in this region. Gqozo has

served in the South African Defense Force.

The Honorable Michael Corbett

Michael Corbett was appointed Chief Justice of South Africa in 1989. Corbett has

undoubtedly made huge contributions to the legal system of South Africa in a variety of

ways. He co-authored the standard textbook on the law of succession for South Africa.

The Honorable Ismail Mahomed

The Group Areas Act and apartheid certainly affected the ease with which he could enter

the field of law, but Mahomed nonetheless pursued. Ismail Mahomed was the first non-white

South African to receive a position of senior counsel in the court system. In 1984, he was named

an English Barrister. He is the first non-white South African to serve on the country's Supreme

Court. Mahomed has contributed to law and has practiced law in Swaziland, Botswana,

Lesotho, and Zimbabwe. He is also helping to co-author the Namibian Constitution.

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Sources and Additional Sources

http://www.sahistory.org.za/article/convention-democratic-south-africa-codesa

http://www.sahistory.org.za/dated-event/congress-traditional-leaders-south-africa-contralesa-

launched

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=2f2k6iDFCL4

http://www.sahistory.org.za/dated-event/congress-traditional-leaders-south-africa-contralesa-

launched

“The Making of South Africa”. Class Notes. Dr. Clifton Crais, Emory University. Spring 2017.