socio economic study of the gulf of mannar region

A Socioeconomic Study Gulf of Mannar

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1. INTRODUCTION

1.1. Global Context

More than half the worlds population lives within 60 Km of the shoreline and this is expected to rise to three quarters by the year 2020 (Deere 2000 in Haastrecht & Schaap 2003). The high pressure that already exists on the marine environment and its resources will only tend to increase, leading to a complete unbalance of the ecosystems, endangering essential cycles of regeneration of natural resources, with serious consequences to the subsistence of the coastal communities (Gaur, 1993 in Swaminathan & Ramesh, 1993). This according to FAO includes about 200 million people who are involved in fisheries around the world (Deere 2000 in Haastrecht & Schaap 2003).

1.2. India Context

Rural India has always been a country with abundant natural and human resources and relied mainly on agriculture and dependant economies such as fisheries and livestock. Over the centuries, the population has grown and flourished mainly because of the prudent and efficient use of natural resources such as land, water and sea. Today entering the 21st century, the same resources that have been supporting India are found neglected and in an urgent need of a holistic development approach (UNDP, 1999).

The latest estimates of the Government of India show that 36 per cent of Indias population lives below the poverty line. Life for this group of people is characterized by poor survival chances, landlessness, malnutrition, environmental pollution and social exclusion arising out of caste and gender discrimination (UNDP, 1999). Many of the people living in coastal communities can be included in this category. They exploit a diverse range of resources from both land and sea. Some of these resources, such as fisheries, mangrove areas, coral reef resources, rivers and estuaries, are open-access (Whittingham et al, 2003). Since there are usually no restriction on the exploitation of these resources, the increasing pressure as led to habitat destruction and over-exploitation, putting the coastal communities in a situation of low incomes, and often facing situations of food insecurity.

1.3. Fisheries Context

The present world marine fisheries scenario is that most fisheries are overexploited. Resource management has not yet been considered seriously or where it is so considered, has


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failed to control the use of wild stocks beyond sustainable levels. This situation has lead to a conflict increase between different economic or ethnic groups harvesting common wild stocks (Devaraj, 1997).

In the early 60s and 70s, development efforts in countries boarding the Bay of Bengal focused on the establishment of large-scale fisheries, where high production and productivity was the aim (BOBP, 1990). Fisheries modernization programs in developing countries generally resulted in the creation of a capital-intensive fishing sector next to the artisanal economy. In many developing countries, such as India, the modern fisheries sector grew therefore rapidly. This approach was based on the western resource management perspective which is based in a utilitarian and dominion-over-nature view of industrial developers (Berkes, 1998).

The results, however, have not been quite as expected. High population growth, marginalization of farmers, and other factors, have pushed increasing numbers of people into the small-scale fisheries sector (BOBP, 1990), and to coastal areas, in general, in search of livelihood opportunities easily accessible (Whittingham et al, 2003).

1.4. Management of Marine Parks and Reserves

In the 1970s, the legalistic approach to environmental management in recognized high biodiversity areas in general, and the reef areas management in particular, was the establishment of marine parks and reserves. The implementation of these management instruments is widely regarded as ineffective in most places. Laws are typically not enforced; conflicts among resource users are exacerbated, and traditional rights became eroded (White et al. 1994).

Because of the inability of government to respond to local needs, management initiatives are often considered irrelevant by communities that are supposed to benefit from them. Although the ancient forms of communal management cannot be adapted to most modern situations, it is clear that the conventional governmental response legalistic, regulatory, and sectorial is not the solution. Nowadays there is an increasing recognition that an alternative approach to management is needed, one that involves the natural resource users and other stakeholders (White et al. 1994). This approach is not only important for resource management, but also, to insure that local needs are addressed and that relevant local knowledge, practices, and values are part of management and of the decision making process (Berkes, 2003).

1.5. Participation and Participatory Approaches

The use of participation is considered by many development practitioners to have provided a new paradigm in research and development, one that is completely different from the


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more conventional top-down approaches. This so-called paradigm shift does not only change the way in which the issue of development is viewed, but also the way it is addressed (Campbell & Salagrama, 2000). In recent years there has been a surge of interest in research methodologies that place people rather than technology at the centre of development. These participatory methodologies have been applied in development programmes throughout the world, but discussion so far has mostly been based on experiences in agriculture and forestry (Townsley, 1993). Just now field workers from government, non government, community-based and even research organizations are increasingly applying participatory and community-based approaches to work in the coastal zone (IIRR, 1998).

The motives for increasing participation stem from three broad roots: (i) functional motives are those concerned with the efficiency and effectiveness of research and development, and are the main driving force behind the efforts of many governments to improve participation; (ii) empowering motives are concerned with participation as an end in itself and are closely linked to democratic processes, they are associated much more with the approaches of community-based organisations and the NGO movement; and, (iii) philosophical motives which have explored the understanding of knowledge and knowledge systems between formal science and indigenous culture, and tried to encourage a greater interaction between them (Campbell & Salagrama, 2000).

Formal scientific research in fisheries also has a long history. There are a growing number of studies on conventional approaches to fisheries research which question their effectiveness in informing policy in ways which benefit the development process either in terms of achieving national development objectives or assisting the development of artisanal fishing communities. There is a growing realisation that the focus approaches and methods of fisheries research need to change, but these conventional ways continue to form the main framework on which research is based in most countries.

As the effectiveness and efficiency of working purely sectorially is questioned and the past production focus of development moves more into a people focus, the need to develop approaches that combine the methods used by both natural sciences and social sciences in research becomes a priority (Campbell & Salagrama, 2000).


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1.6. Study area context

1.6.1. Geophysical and Ecological settings

Localization The Gulf of Mannar is situated between India and Sri Lanka. On the Indian side, the gulf

is located on the south east border of Tamil Nadu, Indias southern most maritime state (Rengasamy et al., 2003). Technically the gulf extends from Rameshwram in the north, to Kanyakumari at the south, fringing nearly 30% of Tamil Nadus total coastline (Haastrecht & Schaap 2003) (Appendix I Figure 2). However in this study as in Rengasamy et al., 2003; Dorairaj, 1998; UNDP 1999, among others, the gulf of Mannar region is considered as the area situated between Rameshwram and Tuticorin, and corresponds to the Gulf of Mannar Marine Biosphere Reserve (GOMMBR). It comprehends an area of approximately 10500 km2 along 835 925 north latitude and 7808 7930 east longitude (Rengasamy et al., 2003). The Reserve is bordered by 98 villages that are divided in two coastal districts, Ramanathapuram and Tuticorin, with 91 and 7 villages, respectively (Appendix I Figure 3).

Gulf of Mannar Marine Biosphere Reserve (GOMMBR) The Reserve has been selected as an international priority site based on criteria such as

bio-physical and ecological uniqueness, economic, social, cultural, scientific importance, with national and global significance (Kelleher, G., et al, in UNDP, 1999). Gulf of Mannar is the first Marine Biosphere Reserve not only in India, but also in south and Southeast Asia. It was jointly set up in 1989 by the Government of India and the state of Tamil Nadu (Government of Tamil Nadu, 1998). The GOMMBR also comprises the Gulf of Mannar Marine National Park. It has a 560 km2 core area of coral islands and shallow marine habitat, surrounded by a 10 km wide, 160 km long buffer zone. The buffer zone is made of Gulf waters to the south and an inhabited coastline to the north (UNDP, 1999). The Gulf of Mannar Marine National Park comprises a core area made of 21 uninhabited islands ranging in size from 0.25 ha to 130 ha and the surrounding shallow waters between 6.4 m depth on the bay-side to 9.1 m depth on the seaward side (Government of Tamil Nadu, 1998).

Biodiversity The Gulf of Mannar provides a habitat for a highly diverse group of flora and fauna.

Around 3600 species have been identified from this region (Ramadhas et al. 1999 in Haastrecht & Schaap 2003). Of the 2200 fish species in Indian waters, 450 are found in the gulf, making it the single richest coastal area in the Indian subcontinent in terms of fish diversity (UNDP 1999). The Gulf is home to three major ecosystem types, which are found on and surrounding the 21


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islands, namely coral reefs, seagrasses and mangroves. The extent and composition of these ecosystems has been the subject of much research in recent years and the area is recognised for its biodiversity, including 128 species of coral, 12 species of seagrass, 9 species of mangroves and thousands of species of associated flora and fauna (DOD, 2001 in Rengasamy et al., 2003). However much of the research surrounding the marine ecosystems of the Gulf of Mannar has also indicated serious degradation of the natural resources (Rengasamy et al., 2003).

Climate The climate in the Gulf of Mannar is marked by the monsoon seasons, with moderate to

heavy rainfall during the north east monsoon from October to December. The average annual rainfall varies from 762 mm to 1270 mm and average monthly temperatures range from a maximum of 31C in May to a minimum of 25C in January (Deshmukh, 1995). The south west monsoon season, from June to September, contributes little towards the annual rainfall. Tidal amplitude is only 0.5 m, increasing to a maximum of 0.81 m during spring tides and falling to 0.2 m during neap tides (Rengasamy et al., 2003). The sea is rough between April and August and calm during September, while stormy from June to August (Government of Tamil Nadu, 1998). During monsoons, the coast is very vulnerable to cyclones which occur with regular frequency, bringing in winds speeds up to 200 Km/ph (Natarajan, n.d.).

Soil The soil in the coastal zone is almost entirely aranatious: coarse and fine sand. It is

mostly sterile with little or no organic matter, supporting little vegetation with exception of the mangrove areas (Natarajan, n.d.). The coastal area surrounding the Gulf of Mannar is characterised by an almost desert like landscape, dotted with Palmyra trees and occasional paddy fields in lowers patches of land where the groundwater has not completely dried up. Due to severe droughts, agricultural practices are totally dependent on the monsoon season (UNDP, 1999).

1.6.2. Socio-economics settings

Population and Literacy

According to the 2001 census, Tamil Nadu ranks as the sixth largest state in India, with a population of over 62 million and a population density 48% greater than the national average, 4.4% of the states population live in the coastal districts of Ramanathapuram and Toothukkudi. The 98 villages bordering the Gulf of Mannar have an estimated population of 72 766 individuals (Government of Tamil Nadu, 2000).


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The literacy rate for Tamil Nadu and the two coastal districts is generally high and above the national average. As a whole the states literacy rate has increased by 11% since the last census in 1991. Life expectancy at birth for Tamil Nadu is slightly greater than the national average, while the infant mortality rate for the state remains the same as in the 1991 census, with a higher rate of 59 in rural areas compared with 40 in urban areas (Rengasamy et al., 2003).

The socio-economic development of the region is considered to be poor (UNDP, 1999). In a 1998 household survey the average household income among coastal villages in the Gulf of Mannar was at or below the nationally recognized poverty line of Rs. 24 000 per year (SSFRD 1998, in Ragendra 2003). The region is predominantly dependent upon sea based activities, where fisheries take a major position. Other non sea based livelihoods opportunities are related with Palmyra tapping, agriculture labour, charcoal production, goat rearing, among others (Ragendra, 2003). However, agriculturally the area is characterized by severe drought with crop yields generally low and risk-prone due to complete absence of irrigation facilities (UNDP 1999).

Indebtedness A variety of local lending practices are in use and the interest rates range from 5-10% per

month. In case of small consumption and emergency loans, the rates are as high as 10-20%. Even if formal credit is available, banks provide credit only for selected economic activities, while the poor need credit for both income generation and social security. In order to sustain the economic activity and to insulate the liquidation of assets in times of emergency, the poor require continuous line of credit support for small consumption and emergency needs (UNDP, 1999). Natarajan (1985), refers that the majority of the fishermens in Tamil Nadu state are indebted to the middlemen, who advance financial help at times of need in return of their fish catch assessed at low prices. The middlemen are also those who are in control of fish sales and marketing in most areas along the coast line (BOBP, 1990).

Administrative Systems Administrative systems operate at varying levels within the state. The first level of

decentralisation is the district, followed by taluks, blocks, and town and village panchayats. Beside panchayat administrative systems associated with these villages, smaller community organisations are invariably present and include caste-based organisation, fishermens sanghams and womens self-help groups. Village level fishermen sanghams are groups of small-scale fishermen that are represented at a district level through a Fisheries Union. Various local and


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national NGOs are also active in the Gulf of Mannar, all of whom are associated in one way or another with the local small-scale fishermen communities, some with a focus towards welfare and empowerment, while others focus on the marine environment, public awareness and the development of alternative livelihood strategies (Rengasamy et al., 2003).

Religion and Caste The coastal districts of the Gulf of Mannar population is made up predominantly of

Hindus, who comprise 79% of the population, followed by small proportions of Christians (12%) and Muslims (9%) (Rengasamy et al., 2003). However these numbers change completely when we consider the fishermen villages spread along the Gulf region, where the predominant religion is Christianity (72-86%), more specifically Roman Catholicism (Hon et al, n.d.; Haastrecht & Schaap, 2003). In many fishing villages spread along the Gulf, we can still easily find the fishermens using Portuguese names that were left by missionaries nearly 500 years ago (Hon et al, n.d.).

The largest part of the fishing population in the region belongs to a traditional fishing caste called the Paravar, also known as Fernandos, and a smaller part to a caste called the Nadar, traditionally a Palmyra tappers caste. (Haastrecht & Schaap, 2003).

As Bavink (1998) observed while studying the fishermen communities living in the Coromandel Coast, the region situated just north of Gulf of Mannar, despite minor social and cultural divisions, the fishermen population as a whole is relatively uniform. The settlements are also characterized by its social homogeneity. Fishing hamlets tend to be inhabited only by people of the same fishing caste, which encourages a higher social cohesion in relation to most Indian villages.

Fisheries in the Gulf of Mannar Historically the Gulf of Mannar coastline has been a significant region in maritime trade,

including the trading of pearls with the Greek and Roman empires from the days prior to Augustus Caesar (63 BC14 AD) (Deshmukh, 1995).

The Gulf is not only famous for the pearl fisheries but also for the sacred chank (Xanchous pyrum) collection, both of which have been until recently a government monopoly. The pearl fishery has not been open since 1961 due to the absence of sufficient oyster populations (Rengasamy et al., 2003). However, nowadays, the Gulf of Mannar is still renowned for its fishery resources. The Gulf shows typical characteristics of tropical fisheries, where the fish stocks tend to concentrate along the continental shelf, and biodiversity is substantially higher


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than in temperate waters, leading to a multi species fishery (Ramachandran, 1998 in Haastrecht & Schaap, 2003).

Of the two coastal districts bordering the gulf, Ramanathapuram contributed 23% to the overall marine fish state production during 19981999, the largest production of any district in Tamil Nadu, while Toothukkudi contributed 13%. Traditional crafts were responsible for 39 and 38% of the overall production for Ramanathapuram, and Toothukkudi districts, respectively (Rengasamy et al., 2003). However, the proportion of crafts used by the traditional fishermen is 87%, while only 13% of the 1573 crafts operating in the Gulf of Mannar are mechanised trawlers (UNDP, 1999), showing the socioeconomic importance of traditional fishing activity in the region.

Traditional or small-scale fishing is carried out predominantly in the trapped sea between the islands and the mainland coast, mainly in shallow waters and reef areas surrounding the islands. Fishing takes place throughout the year, but changes in nature according to the availability of different species (Rengasamy et al., 2003). It uses mainly non motorised or motorised crafts, locally designated as Kattumarans and Vallams (Appendix I Figure 3 and Figure 3), with low horse power outboard engines and passive gears. The mechanised boats introduced by the Fisheries Department in the late fifties, with subsidies and soft loan amenities (Deshmukh, 1995), mostly owned by higher social classes, have a broader capture range that extends beyond the trapped sea (Appendix I Figure 33). These crafts employ active fishing methods, such as bottom trawling, targeting mainly high value shrimp species (Devaraj, 1998).

There are many records of conflict between both sectors in the region, sometimes escalating into violent clashes in open sea, cutting of nets, or even the setting of boats on fire. However, in recent years the violence between the two sectors as significantly reduced (Bavink, 1998).

In Tamil Nadu fisheries management is often intertwined between formal and informal systems. Rather than originating in government directives, in common practice, fisheries law appears to be highly determined by the rules of informal management systems based on local agreements, which, typically, do not coincide with the regulations provided by government official structures (Haastrecht & Schaap, 2003).

Palmyra Tapping Activity Evidence of the use of Palmyra tree (Borassus flabellifer) (Appendix I Figure 45 and

Figure 4) sugar in India has been reported by the Greek historian Megasthenes in the 4th century BC, indicating that Hindus knew how to extract it about 4,000 years ago (Ferguson, 1888 in Dalibard, 1999). For centuries many Palmyra tree species have been tapped throughout the


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tropical world in order to produce fresh juice, fermented drinks, brown sugar, also called jaggery, or refined sugar (Appendix I Figure 4). Most tapped Palmyra trees do not only produce sap but are multipurpose: edible fruits, building materials, fibres, wax, among others. Its socio-economic importance is considered critical for rural poor populations not only in India but through out the globe. Ghandi used to call Borassus flabellifer, a remedy against poverty (Dalibard, 1999).

Generally speaking, it is the poor and the landless that benefit most from the Borassus Palmyra. In India, it is tapped by members of the lowest castes and it plays an important role in the economy of rural poor populations, especially in drought-prone areas (Dalibard, 1999). In Tamil Nadu state, it provides farmers with a cash income throughout the dry season when there is no available crops and when demand for on-farm labour is low (Dalibard, 1999).

Despite the substantially decreasing number of people engaged in Palmyra tapping, the activity is nowadays still one of the most important livelihood options in the Gulf of Mannar region (Deshmukh & Venkataramani, 1995; Government of Tamil Nadu; Regandra, 2003). During the hot months of summer it can be easily seen, all around the Gulf of Mannar region, men climbing the Palmyra to tap its sap. These men belong to the Nadars caste. Their association with the production of an alcoholic drink, derived from the saps fermentation, was one of the primary reasons for the low status that was imprinted out to the Nadars by other castes in the region. Nowadays, this fact also contributed to make tapping activity undesirable to governments (Dalibard, 1999), specially in a state like Tamil Nadu where all commercialised alcoholic drinks are an exclusive monopoly controlled by the state government establishments.

Although the majority of the Nadars belong to the Hindu religion, a significant part of the Nadar communities, settled in the coastal villages of the Gulf of Mannar searching for an improved social status, embraced Christianity. (www.nadarsagam.com)

Palm tapping is considered as an occupation that is slowly dying (Regandra, 2003). Because of the widespread usage of sugar cane due to its lower prices, in relation to Palmyra sugar, the Palmyra tapping activity became less and less remunerative, drastically changing the local economy, and consequently leading to a loss of interest in the activity. Another main reason for this loss of interest is the fact that its a labour intensive activity. It must be done daily otherwise the sap flow rapidly diminishes as tissue healing occurs, and restarting the sap flow requires long and hard work. Whenever easier and better paid jobs are available, tapping is given up (Dalibard, 1999).

In India, as in many other countries, in comparison to other crops or commodities, there is a general lack of interest shown by the decision makers about the socio-economic potential of


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Palmyra tapping. None or little research, selection of higher yielding varieties or training and extension services are funded and the tappers are seldom exposed to technological innovations if they do not generate them themselves (Dalibard, 1999).

Study Motivations In countries such as India where poor population groups are often identified by their

relationship to a major livelihood resource, as coastal fisheries, rice farmers or forest dwellers, solutions to poverty must focus on the strategies that people use to make a living. This strategy points towards the need to understand peoples capacities and vulnerabilities, and their relationships to institutions, power, and livelihood resources (White, et al. 1994).

With the objective of better understanding the coastal communities living in the Gulf of Mannar, an area considered as underdeveloped and a priority in the implementation of anti-poverty development programs (UNDP, 1999), a socioeconomic study was conducted in two villages. Since the majority of people in this coastal area depend mainly upon two livelihood options, fisheries and Palmyra tapping, each of the two villages selected for this study represent one of these livelihood options. With this the study pretends to aboard the two most important livelihood strategies in the Gulf of Mannar region.

A socioeconomic characterization of both villages was carried out, assessing their relation and dependence from coastal resources and their perception on the introduction of alternative livelihood options in the communities. A comparison study between both villages was also developed in order to evaluate this dependence of natural resources and how each of their main livelihood option affects their socioeconomic condition.

This study pretends not only to contribute to fill the enormous lacuna related with the studies approaching the socioeconomic situation of coastal communities living in the Gulf of Mannar, as well as to give some basis for the implementation of projects aimed to enhance the existing sustainable livelihoods and develop alternative livelihood options to relief the pressure on the local marine resources. In the end it aims to compile a set of useful information to help support a Community-based Coastal Resource Management plan of the communities living in the surroundings of the Gulf of Mannar Marine Biosphere Reserve.


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2. METHODOLOGY

The field work of this research took place from the 10th of May to the 22nd of October 2004. It was conducted in two coastal villages of the Ramanathapuram district with the support of a local NGO Peoples Action for Development (PAD) that offered not only all the logistic support but also their knowledge about the coastal villages in the Gulf of Mannar. The field research team was composed by a marine biologist student of the University of Algarve Portugal, and two other members of PAD, a social worker that facilitated discussions with the local communities and all the participatory tools used, and a field worker who was responsible to make the necessary arrangements with the community and to document all discussions during the research process.

2.1. Selection of the study villages

In order to select the study villages, subject of this research, a village livelihood matrix was elaborated including all villages of the PAD working area; a total of 32 villages spread along the two coastal districts of the Gulf of Mannar, and the livelihood options undertaken by the villagers. This was conducted with the help of 16 members of PAD field workers that, based on their field experience and knowledge about each village, classified and ranked the villages according to the number of sea-based and land-based livelihoods undertaken in each village. Using this classification a group of four villages was selected, two of then develop mainly land-based livelihoods and the other two focus mainly on sea-based livelihoods. After conducting preliminary observation visits to these four villages, two were finally selected as the object of this study; the Rojmanagar village, a traditional fishermens community, and the Kudurimoli village, where land-based activities, mainly Palmyra tapping, are the main livelihood options undertaken in the community.

2.2. Data Collection

The field data collection was done through two methods: the participatory methods (Bunce et al., 2000; IIRR, 1998; Pido et al., 1996; Townsley, 1993; Campbell & Salagrama, 2000) and through a household questionnaire survey in each of the selected villages (Appendix II). The data collection tools where selected in order to allow, in a first stage, the characterization of the communities as a whole Community Level Analysis and in a second stage the research focus on particular stakeholder group responsible for the main livelihood option undertaken in each of the communities Focus Group Level Analysis. (Appendix II Table II)


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Before boarding the studied villages, a first contact was established with the local village leaders, where the objectives of the study were presented and their collaboration was requested to arrange the community to participate in the research process. During these meetings the participatory research activities were also scheduled, in a way that was most suitable, in order to minimize the disturbance of the normal village activities, and to enable the participation of a larger number of the community members in the research process. The number of community participants during the group discussions in the participatory tools used was never less than 10 members, with the exception of the wealth ranking exercise that was intentionally done with a smaller number of participants.

During the use of the participatory methods the team approach of both communities was similar in most of the survey exercises. A meeting was arranged with the community, normally through the previously contacted village leader. After the introduction of the research team members and an explanation of the research purpose, a group discussion was conducted to create some rapport and confidence between the research team and participants, where the subjects that were aimed to explore more deeply with the specific participatory tools selected for the meeting were brought up. After conducting the participatory exercises the results were usually laid out in a chart and showed back to the community participants to gather their final comments and approval.

2.3. Community Level Analysis

This stage of the survey was carried out mainly through the use of a set of participatory tools, briefly described next.

Social Mapping The social maps were developed to allow an overall view of the villages composition.

They combine an analysis of the social and economic composition of the community households with their representation in a spatial distribution.

The participants were requested to represent the location of all the community households using cards (cartolina card s 20x10 cm), where each card corresponded to a specific household (Appendix I Figure 4).

Dividing the group participants in smaller groups according to the area of the village they were living, they were requested to insert a set of predetermined information about each household in the corresponding card. Information regarding the type of habitation structure, the distribution of family members per age and literacy rate classes, primary livelihood option (occupation that more contributes to the total household income), assets (motorized vehicles,


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television and telephone) presence of electricity and the livestock reared by the household was included. This procedure was done for every household of both villages. However, in the case of the social mapping of Rojmanagar village it was also inserted the type of fishing craft owned.

Wealth ranking The Wealth Ranking exercise was done to understand local perceptions of the economic

situation of the households present in the communities, and consequently of the community as a whole. The households were categorised accordingly to a local predefined criteria decided during the preliminary group discussion where it was also explained the objectives of the exercise. The households were classified as poor, medium or rich. Since the issue could be more sensible for some members of the community, the exercise was done using a small group of informants in each of the communities studied. The informants used the households carts previous done in the social mapping exercise to classify the wealth of the households in the communities.

Seasonal Calendar The Seasonal Calendars were applied as a visual tool for documenting regular changes in

conditions or activities throughout the year in the communities. They provide a general picture of important environmental, cultural and socioeconomic periods throughout the year, and it allows expansion of the research teams understanding of local conditions beyond the time spent in the area.

In both villages a Seasonal Calendar exercise was applied to collect information relative to seasonal diversity and fluctuations in terms of weather conditions (rain and wind), types of seasonal occupation undertaken during the year, income and expenditure patterns, patterns of migration, periods susceptible to disease, village festivals and marriage periods.

Venn diagrams The Venn diagram exercise was applied to explore and understand how the services and

functions of the local institutions, organisations and policies are relevant to the community, based on the perception given by villagers during the exercise.

The participants were requested to list out, based on a previous discussion, the institutions or groups most significant for the community, and to write their names in round cartolina cards of suitable size, depending on their relative importance to the community. To help the process the round cards were previously prepared and scaled in 5 different levels of relative importance, represented by 5 different sized cards. Next a rectangle was depicted on the floor, and on its center a circle was placed representing the village. Around it, the other round cards were placed, where the distance from the center reflects the institution/groups relation


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with the community. The results were copied into a chart and all the information obtained during the discussions generated, in the process of circle size selection and their respective placing, were registered for further analyses.

Problem Ranking (Paired-wise Matrix)

This tool was used to identify and rank the problems that the communities face by order of priority. This process was done by assessing their relative importance comparing one problem with another in a matrix where all the main problems, revealed during the previous discussion, where displaced. The Problem Ranking tool was used only when some relative confidence within the community was already established, since some issues and problems may be sensible making the community not so willing to openly speak about them.

In the Rojmanagar village, a Problem Ranking exercise was also conducted with a group of women. The decision to approach the communitys women in an individual group, separate from the men, had the objective of allowing them to express more freely, since the research team observed that women were somehow reluctant to participate in the Problem Ranking exercise in the presence of men. With this, a space was created where they could more freely express them selves and at the same time assess if the problems perceived by both sexes differ. This was not done in the Kudurimoli village since both genders participated actively in the exercise.

2.4. Focus Group Level Analysis

During this stage of the survey a set of participatory exercises and semi-structured interviews was developed and applied only to a specific group of stakeholders in the communities. In Rojmanagar village the survey was conducted with the local fisherman and in Kudurimoli with Palmyra tappers group. Since both groups of stakeholders where the majority of the population in each respective village, the gathering of participants was a simple process and it was done in a similar way than in the Community Level Analysis.

Semi-structured interviews Semi-structured interviews were carried out during all the research period in order to

cross check and validate information gathered from community and focus group levels analysis, and to develop an understanding of some particular key issues. A significant part of the studys data was obtained through semi-structured interviews with both village locals. This type of interview differs from the structured interview in a way that instead of having a set of questions in a specific sequence, it involves a set of guided questions or discussion points. In this way the information generated is not limited to a set of predetermined questions but allows flexibility in


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the conversation that often contributes to generate a set of useful information not previously expected.

In the Rojmanagar village an individual interview was conducted with the president of the Fishermens Cooperative Society and with the local village leader. Since most of the individual interviews were conducted in the villages public areas, sometimes an individual interview would attract 10 to 20 individuals and easily would transform itself into a group discussion. In the Kudurimoli village interviews were also conducted with the local village leader, several groups of Palmyra tappers and also with groups of Palmyra tappers wives. In both villages a group discussion interview was conducted with the elder community members to assess changes in the activities and their impacts in the communities (Appendix I Figure 4).

Resource Mapping The Resource Mapping exercise was conducted only in the Rojmanagar village, since its

a fishermens village, and it was assumed that they would have a better understanding of the marine environment. The purpose of this exercise was to collect and plot information about the occurrence, distribution, access and use of marine resources explored by the Rojmanagar fishermen. A group of fishermen was requested to draw a map on the floor of the area normally used in their fishing activities, where a set of information was inserted according to a checklist previously established by the research team (Appendix II). This exercise allowed not only to collect the information in the form of a map, but also to discuss several sensible and polemic issues mostly related with conflicts between the traditional and the commercial fishing sectors, illegal fishing practices and the areas where these situations usually occur.

Problem Tree The Problem Tree exercise was conducted in both villages with the respective group of

selected stakeholders. The exercise allowed a deeper exploration of the main problems faced by both studied stakeholders. The participants elaborated a diagram based on the root causes and the consequent effects of the main problems, identified earlier during the group discussion. A group discussion was also undertaken in order to explore possible solutions to the main problems perceived by each stakeholder group.

Preference Ranking (Alternative Livelihood) The livelihood preference ranking was experimented in both villages; the exercise helps

the participants to prioritize a number of available options according to a set of established criteria. The exercise was resumed to a group discussion about what alternative livelihoods could be introduced in the community.


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2.5. Household Questionnaire survey

The questionnaire was developed in the last stage of the study with the objective of validating some of the collected data through the participatory methods, along the research process, and also to survey some more particular and sensible details, like income and indebtedness, that were difficult to access through the group discussions often used during the participatory methods.

The questionnaire survey of both studied villages occurred between the 4th of September and the 22nd of October, and during this period, depending on the availability of PAD field workers, the household survey was done in pair groups, where one member of the research team was responsible for making the questions and the other of documenting the respective answers in the questionnaire sheet. The questionnaire survey used a sample of 54 households in the Rojmanagar village, corresponding to 32% of total 175 households population. In the Kudurimoli village the questionnaire was applied to a sample of 27 households, which corresponds to 48.2% of the total village population of 56 households. The household sample was selected randomly in both villages using a random selection of social mapping household cards. Both questionnaires had a set of specific questions for the selected stakeholders groups (Appendix II)

Statistical Analysis In order to observe if significant differences are found between data collected through the

Social Mapping tool and the household questionnaire survey, chi-square tests to common independent samples were used. The same test was also used to verify the agreements of results obtained with the Social Mapping and the household questionnaire survey in both studied villages. A T-test was also used to compare proportions. For both tests a = 0.05 level of significance was used.


17

3. RESULTS

3.1. Rojmanagar village

The settlement that gave birth to the actual village of Rojmanagar started about 120 years ago, when some families from a near by village, engaged in the seasonal migration to this area for fishing purpose, settled in the area permanently. Today the people living in Rojmanagar village are the descendents of the same families that started the settlement. All the village inhabitants belong to the caste Paravans and all are Christian (Roman Catholic). The community is settled in a common seashore land with an area of 5 acres, 1 km away from the east coast Kanyakumari Chennai state road (Appendix I Figure 4)

3.1.1. Community Level Analysis

The villages population during the research period was of 950 inhabitants who comprised 378 male adults, 323 female adults and 249 children. The average number of people per household was estimated to be 5.5, spread along the 175 village households (Appendix VI Figure 49). The collected population data using social mapping and questionnaire revealed no significant differences (p-value=0,0558)(Figure 0).

The villages literacy rate reveals that only 32% of the villages population with an age above 5 years is literate. However, the results obtained through the questionnaire showed a 57,8% literacy rate. Significant differences were found between the results obtained through both survey methods (p-value = 0,01005). Yet in

Figure 2. Literacy rate categories distribution of the Rojmanagar population using Questionnaire survey and Social Mapping.

Figure 1. Rojmanagar population distribution in age groups categories using Questionnaire survey and Social Mapping.

Population

0

10

20

30

40

50

5 6 -12 13 -17 18 -35 36Age Groups (years)

Perc

enta

ge (%

)

Sample

Social Mapping

Literacy Rate

0102030405060

1-5 Std 6-10 Std 11-12 Std CollegeLiteracy Groups

Perc

enta

ge (%

)

Sample

Social Mapping


18

the results obtained through both methods it can be seen that the majority of the literates are found only in the two first literacy rate categories (Figure 1) (Appendix V Table XXII)

The types of houses present in the village are predominantly Tilled and Pucca houses, 60% and 27.4% respectively, with a small number of Huts (Appendix I Figure 4 and Figure 4) representing 12.6% of the total number of habitations in the village. Near half of the community dwellings (48%) were obtained in the last 6 years through the government fishermen housing scheme.

The Rojmanagar village can be classified as a typical fishermen community, with 96.5% of the 175 households in the community engaging actively in the fishing activity or in fishing related activities (Figure 1 and Appendix V Table XXIII) The households with the fishing activity as the primary livelihood option were divided in three categories: Fishing own, as the households that possess or share motorized country boats; Commercial fishing, as the households that possess trawlers; and Fishing Labour (locally called fishing coolies), as the households that engage in fishing labour for both country boat and commercial trawler owners. Households that engage in dry fish processing, net mending, fish vending and others activities indirectly related with the fishing activity were considered fishery related activities, however, in the secondary livelihood options results, dry fish processing and net mending are shown in separate categories due to their relative importance. No significant differences were found between both survey methods (p-value =0,9134). The secondary livelihood options that contributed the most for the household income were fishing labour (61.1%) and dry fish processing (16.7%) (Figure 1). This information was collected only through the household questionnaire.

Figure 3. Primary livelihood options of the Rojmanagar population collected with the Social Mapping.

Primary Livelihood Options

Fishing own30%

Fishing Labour54%

Comercial Fishing

9%

Dry Fish4%

Business2%

Government employed

1%

S ecundary Livelihood Options

Mending nets11%

Others fishing related

activit ies6%

Non fishing activit ies

6%

Dry Fish 17%

Fishing Labour60%

Figure 4. Secondary livelihood options of the Rojmanagar population collected with the household questionnaire survey.


19

The analysis of the questionnaire results showed that 41.3% of the sample population where active workers, and among the total working population 90.5% were active fishermen. In relation to the household structure of the income contributing family members, it was observed that in general only the community males were engaged in income generating activities; the women were normally restricted to household work. This information was confirmed with questionnaire results (Appendix V Tables XXIV e XXV), where 88,9% and 59,3% was the percentage of households whose family total income had the contribution of the husband and the male children respectively, while the wife was pointed out as an income contributor in only 7,4% of the surveyed households (Figure 23). All the households where the wife contributed to the total income were also engaged in dry fish processing as a primary or secondary occupation.

3.1.2. Focus Group Level Analysis Fishermen Stakeholders

The Fishermen The Rojmanagar fishermen demonstrated to be proud of their activity and occasionally

demonstrated social superiority towards people from different castes who engaged recently in the fishing activity, frequently referring to them as not real fishermen. The questionnaire results showed that 76% of the surveyed fisherman households answered that the reason for becoming a fisherman was because it was a family tradition and 50% of inquired households answered that the reason for remaining in the activity was the lifestyle. (Appendix V Table XXVII).

Fishing Activity The fishermen community owns 35 motorized country boats, locally designated as

Vallams, (Appendix I Figure 3), that are shared between 29.7% of the total number of households, and 20 mechanized trawlers (Launches) (Appendix I Figure 4) owned by 8.6% of the total number of households. The country boats size range from a minimum length of 14 feet for the smallest boats to a maximum of 19.5 feet for the biggest, all fitted with 1-2 cylinder inboard engines. The trawlers size length ranges from 22 to 40 feet (Appendix III Table XI), and use 2-4 inboard cylinders engines. The country boat may be considered as the communitys basic fishing craft, since the mechanized trawlers are owned by only a few of the community households and dont remain anchored in the villages seashore. Fishermen pointed out that the trawler owners prefer to leave the boats in another fishing village, Ervadi where they consider the boats to be safer, because there is no protection against the rough sea in Rojmanagar. The shared ownership of the village boats is a common situation; the 35 vallams existing in the village are shared between 52 village households (Appendix V Table XXIII). These partnerships usually occur between family relatives, being that the family structure is very important in the


20

fishing dynamics, since the majority of fishermen go fishing in crews mainly made up by their household members and family relatives.

There is a high diversity of fishing gears (14 types of nets and 4 types of hooks) used by the village fishermen (Appendix III Table XIII), being the gillnets the most often used, followed by different types of hooks used in different periods of the year according to the target species (Appendix VI Table XXX). The average number of nets owned by each fishermans household was approximately 4 nets.

There is also a high diversity of species caught. The ones that were considered the most important for the income of the majority of the community households were the sardines (l.n. chala and Suda), the penaeid and non penaeid species of shrimps (l.n. Irral, being caught 6 different species) and some pelagic fish species like the Scomberomorous spp. (l.n. Seela), the Caranx spp. (l.n. Parai) and the Lethrinus spp. (l.n. vellai) (Appendix III Table XII).

The fishing cycle It was observed that the fishing activities in Rojmanagar village have daily and seasonal

patterns that change along the year, mainly according to the predominant presence of particular target species and to weather conditions (Appendix VI Table XXX). The rough season usually starts in May and lasts until the end of August. During this period the majority of the fishermen are engaged in a 3 to 4 months migration to the north-eastern region of the Gulf of Mannar (Appendix III Table III, Appendix VI Table XXX).

The main reasons for this seasonal fishing migration (Figure 1) are the seas rough condition, not allowing them to fish, and the decrease in fish abundances in the Rojmanagar fishing grounds; the lack of work in the village, also referred as a reason for the migration, is simply a consequence of the departure of the majority of the fishing boats from the village to the migration areas. The fishermen referred that in the areas where they usually migrate (mainly Pamban, Rameshwaram and Ervati) often problems and conflicts arise with local fishermen, as well as with other migrating fishermen from different

Reasons for Migration

Bad weather47%

No work15%

Low fish abundance

20%

Better income5%

Low income6%

Boats safety7%

Figure 5. Reasons for the migration of Rojmagar fishermen to other areas of the Gulf of Mannar. Questionnaire survey data.


21

places of the Gulf of Mannar region and even from more distant places such as Kanyakumari or the neighbouring state of Kerala.

The monsoon rains that occur with most intensity from December to February were related by the fishermens with the appearance of particular species of fishes and especially with the shrimp fishing season.

The fishermen daily routine The fishermen in Rojmanagar leave for fishing between 0 and 2 a.m., and travel in the country boats to the village fishing grounds (located in the surrounding areas between Vaipar and Kelamundal villages, in a range of approximately 20 Km) with a crew of 4 to 5 members. They normally take 1 to 2 hours to reach the fishing grounds most often used the area surrounding the Vembar group of islands. However, the duration of the journey changes according to the environmental conditions and even seasonal fish distribution (Appendix VI Figure 31)

They actively fish during 3 hours and, in the case of the most often used gears - the gillnets - this represents the time of laying it, waiting for the catch and pulling it back to the boat (Appendix I Figure 4). However these periods often change accordingly to the particular type of net or other fishing gear used. In the case of the Iraalvalai - a gillnet used to capture shrimps - the same net is laid several times during the fishing activity, only remaining in the water for short periods of time.

During the journey back, they take the fish from the nets. This procedure, depending on the catch quantity, will be finished with the help of the family back on the village seashore (Appendix I Figure 4). The fishermen arrive to the villages landing area between 7 and 9 a.m. The common practice is to bring the fish and hand it over to the auctioneers, locally called commissioner agents, (Appendix I Figure 4), who, in turn, sell the catch to the local fish vendors, fish traders, and occasionally to some consumers on an auction basis. Part of the catch is left to support their families and close relatives daily diet. A significant part of the Rojmanagar fishermen sell their catch in the nearby village of Vembar, located about 5 km way from Rojmanagar, where the quantity of fish landings is significantly higher than in Rojmanagar and consequently attracts more fish traders. The Rojmanagar fishermen also sell their catch there through the auctioneers. The rest of the day is occupied repairing nets, making the arrangements for the next nights fishing and resting. The average working hours per day is 14 of which 7 to 8 are spent on board of the fishing boat (average of working and fishing hours per day in a sample of 54 households). The diesel spent in an average fishing trip is usually 6L (1L = 25 Rs.) however changes in these results occur according to the time of the year.


22

Resource Mapping In the resource map elaborated by the Rojmanagar Fishermen its possible to observe not

only the fishing area traditionally used by the Rojmanagar fishermen as well as the main ecosystems identified present in the area (Figure 1). The fishing areas used by trawler boats where often conflicts occur with the Rojmanagar fishermen were also demarked. These conflict happen mainly due to the damaging of the Rojmanagar fishermens nets, which takes place specially between December and February, when the trawlers come closer to shore to capture

shrimp (Appendix VI Table XXXI). The areas most often used by outsider boats that come to fish in Rojmanagar fishing grounds, between October and May, were also registered in the map (Appendix VI Table XXXI).

The villages fishing economics The fishing activity is highly

important for the villages economy, since most of the households total income depend from fishing or fishing related activities (Figure 1). From the 54 households surveyed, 87% of them stated that their household income was 100% depended on fishing (Figure 1; Appendix III Table IV).

The surveyed monthly household income (Appendix V Table XXIV) indicates that 50% of the households have an income that ranges from 1000 to 2000 rupees per month; the majority of the families that have an average monthly income superior to the 1000 to 2000 Rs. class, are the owners of country boats

Level of Dependence

50-74%75-99%

100%

Figure 7. Level of Dependence of Rojmanagar fishermen in the fishing activity (questionnaire survey data).

Figure 6. Fishermens representation of Rojmanagar fishing area; the main ecossistems and the more often conflit areas.


23

or mechanized trawlers, or were found having a larger number of household working members. The Seasonal Calendar shows that the period of high income generation begins in December and goes until April, which corresponds to the period of large abundance of sardine, a variety of pelagic fishes and high value shrimp schools which that tend to come inshore (Appendix VI Table XXX). The period of usually high expenditures occurs between November and February, associated with the beginning of the most favorable fishing season, where fishermen invest in new nets and others materials for the fishing activity. This period is also associated with other expenditures like marriages and religious festivals (Appendix VI Table XXX). Both these events influence the economic situation of the community, since all households in the village are responsible for sharing the expenditures of the marriages and the villages festivals. The contribution given by each household depends on their financial situation; however this contribution is taken very seriously by all the community.

As stated above, the role of the majority of the community women is limited to the household work, and few have a significant part in the income generating activities (Appendix V Table XXIV e XXV). However, their role in the household economy is quite significant, since the expenditures in the majority of the houses are managed by the women. Usually the fisherman gives the money to his wife and she is responsible for managing it, not only for the daily household expenditures, but also for making the necessary savings for the purchase of fishing material or other types of expenditures, like the daughters dowry, perceived as a big burden to the family.

Based on locally defined criteria (types of habitation, craft ownership and gears, level of indebtedness: rarely indebt, commonly indebt and always under a dept situation), the overall distribution of the communitys households amongst the three categories - poor medium and rich, indicated that the majority (65%) are considered medium, while rich and poor are a minority, representing respectively 15% and 20% of the households (Figure 1). However a much reduced presence of assets in the households can be observed (Appendix V Table XXVI). Approximately 30% of the households dont have electricity and the number of motorized vehicles (not including the boats) is very limited. The households rearing livestock animals (other than chickens) for subsistence purpose are also much reduced.


24

Indebtedness Acquiring loans is a common practice among the fishermen households. The period in

that they most often resort to credit occurs between May and August (Appendix VI Table XXX), which corresponds to the rough season (where fishing activity is not all the time possible) and also to a decrease in the abundance of fish in the Rojmanagar fishing grounds (lean season). As stated above in this period most of the fishermen of Rojmanagar engage in the fishing migration to other parts of the Gulf of Mannar trying to ensure some income to their households. The results of the household questionnaire show that 94.4% of the 54 household surveyed usually had to resort to credit to support the household expenditure. The loan values annually required by the household surveyed show that the majority of the households require very high loans when compared with their income (Appendix V Table XXIV). The usual sources of credit referred in the survey were the private moneylender agencies, the better off households in the village and the family relatives. However, the majority of the fishermen households affirmed that the commissioner agents are the most often used line of credit. More than one source of credit at a time was registered in many households.

The locally called commissioner agents are the same people that conduct the auction sales of the caught fish. The common practice is that each fisherman has one commissioner agent and they can only sell their catch through them. Besides the high interest rate of 30%, on the amount acquired, the commissioner agents charge a 10% rate to the fishermen on the fish that is sold through him and also another 10% charge to the buyer of the fish (e.g. if a agent sells 100 Rs. of fish from the fisherman indebted to him e will deduct 90 Rs. to the fishermans debt and collects an extra 10 Rs. charge to the buyer). In this process the fisherman becomes a totally passive agent, only observing if the agent writes the correct amount sold in the account book. During an interview a group of fishermen affirmed that the commissioner agents dont even bother whether they can or cannot repay the loan in the agreed period, since they know that the fishermen will have to keep selling their catch through them. They also showed that they are aware of the exploitation that they are being put through, but at the present moment they consider the commissioner agents their only viable solution to face the difficult periods.

The fishermen often referred that nowadays their economic situation was getting harder and harder. The main reasons for that was not only the decrease in the fish caught but also the fishing expenditures increase. The results obtained in the household survey, revealed that 52 of the total 54 households considered that their fishing activity profits had decreased in the last 10 years. When it was ranked in the questionnaire the main reasons for the decrease in profits the results showed that from the three possibilities given to rank: decrease in quantity of fish catch; increase in fishing expenditures and other reasons; 47.2% of the fishermens surveyed ranked


25

first the decrease in quantity of fish catch and 50.9% ranked in first the increase in fishing expenditures (Appendix III Table VII). No significant differences where found in the answers proportion between the two most ranked answers (p-value=0,509).

The actual fish catch compared to 10 years ago was also questioned, and 53 of the 54 total households believed that a decrease in the fish caught had occurred (Appendix III Table VIII). The 3 main reasons perceived by the local fishermen for the registered decrease (Figure 1), were: 1) the activity of the trawlers fishermen regarded the use of trawling nets has a main influence on the areas fish abundance one particular fisherman stated they come with the lanches and take everything without leaving even the eggs of the fishes; 2) the lack of rain due to monsoon failure - most of the seasonal rivers in the surroundings are permanently dry or dont have enough water to open a channel connecting to the sea, fishermen refer that several fish species, and specially high value shrimps, do not come closer to shore so often; 3) the outsiders boats, considered as the fishing activities of the immigrated fishermens that come mainly from Kanyakumari and from the Kerala state these fishermens stay fishing in the same area as the Rojmanagar fishermens from the end of October until the beginning of May (Appendix VI Table XXX). Their fishing practices are largely seen by the local fishermen as illegal and affecting their catches.

During an interview with a group of elders in the community (Appendix I Figure 4) it was referred that just 15 to 20 years ago not only the quantities and the sizes but also the variety of fish species caught were much higher than these days. They also pointed out that despite their earnings from fish selling at that time being lower than nowadays, they could more easily face their expenditures then.

The results of the household questionnaire in relation to the average catch per month were not considered. It was quite difficult for the majority of surveyed fishermen to answer that question since they sell their fish not by weight but by parcel of similar value species in the beach auction, being also often referred that the quantities caught change too much from month to month.

Causes of a Decrease in Fish Catch

Traw lers28%

Outsiders11%

Pollution8%

Illegal f ishing8%

Others10%

Techological development

3%Increase of f ishermen

8%

Lack of rain/moonson

failure24%

Figure 8. Causes of a decrease in fish catch perceived by the Rojmanagar fishermen in the questionnaire survey.


26

Problems in Rojmanagar village The results of the Problem Ranking exercise applied to both sex groups in the community

(Appendix VI Table XXXIV and XXXV), resumed in indicates the importance that the community gives to the fishing activity, since the perceived main problems ranked by both genders are connected with the activity (Table I).

Problems only identified by the men The problem ranked first in the Problem Matrix exercise was the seasonal presence of

outsiders boats, locally called fibber boats, fishing in the same areas used by the communitys fishermen. As stated above, these boats are said to lead to a decrease in fish catch. The second problem most ranked was the illegal fishing practices: they mentioned that the outsiders boats use underwater lights to attract fish, that this practice is illegal and it affects their own catches. The difficulties faced to overcome all the bureaucracy to legally engage in the fishing activity were considered to be the third most important problem. To complete all the process they have to get approvals from 5 different governmental institutions; besides the complaint of having to stop working several times, resulting in a loss of income, they also complained that often the officials request bribes to facilitate the process or even to give their approval, making the process harder, longer and discouraging for the fishermen. This process was introduced in 1982 in order to try to prevent the activities of the Sri Lanka terrorists along the Gulf of Mannar coastal belt. According to them, this problem is more relevant when they are in the seasonal migrated areas, where control by the local authorities is more intense, mainly because of the proximity to the Sri Lanka border.

Problems only identified by the women The problem considered the most important was the inexistence of a structure that could

give protection for the boats in Rojmanagar. However, it is remarkable that in the problem ranking exercise elaborated by men, this problem was also referred but it wasnt given the same importance to it as by women (Table I). The reason for the attribution of more importance to this factor by women is not only connected to the danger of losing the craft (since there is no insurance or any other type of support for the loss of a boat it makes a huge impact in the household economic structure), but also to the difficulties that they have to face every year in the absence of their partners and other male relatives while they emigrate to the other fishing areas. It was mentioned that the existence of a breakwater or any other structure that would give some security for the boats against the rough sea would make possible for their men to stay at home, not engaging so often in migration.


27

Table I. Gender perception of the major problems faced in the Rojmanagar community.

Men Women Level of

Importance Problems Level of

Importance Problems

1 Outsiders Boats 1 Boats Security 2 Illegal Fishing 2 Low Rates of Fish 3 Fishing License 3 Health Care Facilities 4 Boats Security 4 Water 5 Health Care Facilities 5 Education of Children 6 Road/Transportation Facilities 6 Road/Transportation Facilities

The low rate at which the fish is sold was the second most important problem considered by them. They referred that the actual income they get from the fish catch is not balanced with the costs of the activity. The cause for this problem is mainly the rise of the diesel rate often verified in the last years. While the price of the fish remains the same, all the associated expenditures have increased substantially. They considered that the activity is becoming less and less remunerated.

The water quality was also another of the problems listed by the women. They complained about the low water quality they can get in the village, and remarked that nowadays the quantity of water in the wells has not only been reduced as it is no more adequate for drinking since it became salty. Now, they usually have to walk long distances to get suitable water.

The lack of teachers in the local school was also referred, since the school that exists on the village has only two teachers for all 5 classes.

Problems Expressed by Both Genders The lack of suitable Health Care Facilities was a problem expressed in both the problem

ranking exercises done. It was remarked that the primary health center present in Kannigapuram is not able to satisfy the villages basic medical needs.

The villages access road was also considered as a problem by both genders. Both referring that because of the poor condition at which the village road is found, the public and private bus companies operating in the area avoid the village.


28

The Problem Tree

The problem tree results (Figure 1) were obtained through an active and much participated discussion where the fishermen considered that the problems they face today in the fishing activity are all connected to the low fish catch. So it was decided to centre the discussion on the causes and consequences of the low fish catch. The reasons considered for the causes of the low fish catch, were the illegal fishing activities and gears; the technological development of fishing crafts and gears; the monsoon failure and the construction of irrigation dams (Appendix III Table 8). The result of the debate on the consequences of the low fish catch in the community showed that the group of fishermen related it directly to a decrease of the income obtained in the activity and consequently this situation leads to 2 major consequences; the increase of the indebtedness level and the increase of the seasonal migration periods.

The questionnaire results on the problems faced in the fishing activity

Figure 1 illustrates the fishing problems perceived by the surveyed fishermen households, where it can be seen that the conflicts with trawlers, the Sri Lanka border

Social Insecurity Boned Labours

Migration

Construction of DamsMonsoon FailuresIllegal FishingTechnological Development

Low Fish Catch

Low Income

Indebtedness

Figure 15 Problem Tree Diagram

Figure 9. Rojmanagar Problem Tree diagram elaborate by the Rojmanagar fishermens.

Conflits/traw lers22%

Srilanka border14%

Bad w eather/safety

17%Nets tearing9%

Outsiders boats8%

Diesel rates6%

Low catch5%

Engine failure5%

Stolen nets4%

Others5%

Fishing autorities5%

Figure 10. Problems perceived by Rojmanagar fishermen gathered through the questionnaire survey.


29

conflict and the bad weather were the main problems cited. (Appendix III Table V)

Solutions for the problems given by the community After conducting the participatory tools (Problem Ranking and Problem Tree) and also

during several interviews the participants were asked about the possible solutions for the often mentioned problems: the outsiders fishing activity; the conflict with the trawlers; the lack of boat protection against the rough sea; and the difficulties in obtaining the fishing license. Most of the opinions shared were that none of the solutions for the problems were in their hands. The only thing they said that they could do is to write petitions to the fisheries department requesting the authorities to come and enforce the law, stopping the activity of trawlers close to the shore and the illegal fishing (use of night lights) of outsider fishers. However, many of them demonstrated that even if they would come nothing would change, since they would just be bribed by the boat owners. In relation to boat protection, they just affirmed that since the community cannot afford the construction of a fishing dock or a breakwater only the government could provide it for them, and that they should write a petition the state and central government requesting their support for the building of the infrastructure.

Measures suggested by Rojmanagar fishermen The questionnaire results in relation to the question of what measures should be

introduced to improve the quality of life of the fishermen of Rojmanagar village (Appendix III Table VI), show that the reduction on the diesel rate; the improvement in the fish market; the provide of fishing materials, the interdiction of outsiders boats and the interdiction of the use of trawling nets are the main measures that Rojmanagar fishermens suggested (Figure 1.).

Alternative Livelihoods Options The approach to develop an alternative livelihood preference ranking was given up, since

during the discussion with the fishermen they clearly showed their refusal to engage in other activities other than fishing. Citing we came from a fishermen community (caste) we

Measures to Improve the Actual Situation

Reducion on diesel cost

24%

Fishing material

14%

Ban outsiders boats13%

Ban trawlling nets8%

Fishing breakwaters

6%

Generation of jobs4%

Goverment schemes

4% Others3%

Credit schemes

8%

Improve fish market16%

Figure 11. Measures to be implemented in order to improve the actual situation of the Rojmanagar fishermen (questionnaire survey data).


30

belong to the sea the sea is our father and our mother we will not do another work besides fishing. When it was explained that many of these alternatives could be marine based occupations, such as, small-scale projects of lobster rearing, crab fattening or even extensive aquaculture projects, their opinion didnt change much, saying that they dont really have much knowledge of what these alternatives really consists of, and that they would never consider the possibility of leaving the fishing occupation. It was even said that even if some of the Rojmanagar fishermen engage in these alternative options they would never stop fishing. Some fishermen suggested that some jobs for the community women should be provided the women dont do anything, try to arrange some work for them. They reinforced the opinion that a real help to the community fishermen should be done through supplying fishing materials, like nets, fish boxes and support in the purchasing of more boats for the village. During the problem ranking exercise developed with the community women, their opinion about the implementation of alternative livelihoods was also enquired. They also considered that the community would not engage in other occupation other then fishing our community is a fishermen community since always it as been like this and it wont change. The elders and all the interviewed community fishermen shared basically the same opinion when questioned about the subject.

The results using the questionnaire survey show that 73.6% of the fishermen households would never considerer leaving the fishing occupation, while 17% considerer leaving the occupation, 5% answered that they may consider leaving the occupation. When it was enquired if they would consider engaging part time in another sea-based occupation, the results show that 58.5% of the fishermens households replied that they would not, 24.5% would consider to engage in sea-based occupation and 17% answers that the may consider to work part time in a sea-based occupation (Figure 1; Appendix III Table X). No significant differences were found between the results obtained through both questions, (p-value=0.249).

Comparison between two questions

0,020,040,060,080,0

Yes Maybe NoAnswers

Perc

enta

ge (%

) Leaving the Occupation

Part Time Activity


31

3.2. Kudurimoli village

This village has a relatively recent history, it was said during an interview with a group of elders that the village didnt have more than 30 years. The first settlers came from different parts of the Ramanathapuram district attracted by the high abundance of Palmyra trees in the village area. The majority of the households in the community belong to the Nadar caste, only one of the households in the village doesnt belong to this particular caste, however this household is situated with a relative distance of the rest of the households in the community and little contact exists between the two castes in the village. Approximately 2/3 of the community is Hindu and 1/3 is Christian. The village settlers occupy one hectare of common land, considered very hard to reach since the only road connecting it to other villages is a 5 km sandy road. The nearer place at which the villagers can get access to public or private transportation is located at the main road a 5 km walk on sand.

3.2.1. Community Level Analysis

The villages total population number was 275 inhabitants, from data obtained with the Social Mapping method, where the number of adult males and females was 102 and 94 respectively, and 79 children were recorded (Figure 1 and Appendix V Table XXI). The average number of individuals per household was 4.9, being the total number of households in the village 56 (Appendix VI Figure 49). No significant differences were found between both methods used to collect population data, the questionnaire household survey and the Social Mapping method (p-value = 0,237996).

About the literacy rate results using the social mapping and the questionnaire method revealed that the literate population above 5 years old in the village is 30.4% and 53.5% respectively to each method used (Figure 1). Significant differences were found between both methods results (p-value =0,625).

Population

0,05,0

10,015,020,025,030,035,040,0

5 6 -12 13 -17

18 -35

36

Age Groups (years)

Perc

enta

ge (%

)

Sample

Social Mapping

Figure 13. Age group distribution of the Kudurimoli population, data collected in the questionnaire surveyed sample and in the Social Mapping exercise.


32

The village is predominantly made of one type of house the hut, that comprises 73.2% of the total houses in the hamlet, the tilled houses include 23.2% and only 3.6% of the houses are pucca houses (Figure 1; Appendix V Table XXIX).

The Kudurimoli village is considered a home of a Palmyra tappers community, not only due to the caste they belong to, but also because most of the village households continue to engage their traditional caste community activity, the Palmyra tapping. The primary livelihood options developed by the villagers can be observed in Figure 1 where its evidenced the importance of the Palmyra tapping activity in the community; 76% of all the village households have this activity as the main source of income. Other livelihood options, like charcoal production, firewood collection, agriculture labour, business and others, comprise 24% of the villages dwellings. No significant differences were found between both methods used to collect the primary livelihood options in Kudurimoli (pvalue = 0,14195) (Appendix V Table 23). The secondary livelihood options that most contributed for the household income were found through the household questionnaire survey; the fishing labour (30%), the fire wood collection (26.7%) and the charcoal production (23.3%) were the secondary livelihoods mostly used by village households (Figure 1).

Primary Livelihood Options

Palm T apping76%

Business5%

Others2%

Wood Collection

7%

Charcoal5%

Agricultural labour

5%

Figure 15. Primary livelihood options of the Kudurimoli population collected with the Social Mapping.

Secondary Livelihood Options

Fishing Labour30%

Charcoal23%

Wood Collection

27%

Palm Tapping7%

Agriculture labour13%

Figure 16. Secondary livelihood options of the Kudurimoli population collected with the household questionnaire survey.

Literacy Rate

020406080

1-5 Std 6-10 Std 11-12Std

College

Literacy Groups

Perc

enta

ge (%

)

Sample

Social Mapping

Figure 14. Literacy rate distribution in literacy categories in Kudurimoli through the surveyed questionnaire samples and the Social Mapping.


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The analysis of the questionnaire results showed that 39.8% of the sample population where considered as active workers and among the working population 47% were engaged in Palmyra tapping. However this number may induce in error, since in many Palmyra tappers households the wife was not considered as an active worker. The household structure of the income contributing family members revealed that 70.4 % of the households have the husband as a income contributing member while the wife and children were responsible for generating income in 40,7% and 37% of the villages households. (Appendix V Table XXV).

3.2.2. Focus Group Level Analysis The Palmyra tappers

The Palmyra tappers The Kudurimoli Palmyra tappers engage in the activity mainly following the community

tradition. The surveyed Palmyra tappers households showed that 94.7% considered that the main reason that drove them to engage in the activity was the continuation of the familys traditional occupation. However, 42.1% of the enquiries reveal that the reason why they continue in the activity its due to a lack of alternative employment opportunities, while other 31.6% answered that family tradition was the reason for continuing in the activity (Appendix V Table XXVII). These results help to illustrate the lack of enthusiasm that most of the interviewed Palmyra tappers showed in relation to their main occupation. It was often said that the occupation is too hard and the income does not balance the effort.

The life of this community is also clearly marked by a seasonal pattern not only their main occupation is seasonal, the Palmyra tapping, but also their employment in other activities shows a demarked pattern, where, during certain periods of the year, they engage in different types of activities and even move to other places in search of other income opportunities. Certain social events that affect the life of the community, like festivals and marriage periods, also show a particular cyclic pattern (Appendix VI Table XXXII).

The Palmyra tapping activity The Palmyra tapping is a seasonal activity that occurs every year only during 7 months. It

usually starts in the beginning of February and it goes till the end of August (Appendix VI Figure XXXIII). The beginning of the tapping season is related with the end of the rainy season, and only after this period the tree begins to produce more sieve. When the trees inflorescences are tapped the yield is high, and they can start the activity.

The climbing of the Palmyra trees is a mens exclusive work. However the all family has a role in this livelihood option (Appendix I Figure 4 ) The number of palm trees that each men climbs usually depends on the age and the physical fitness of the individual. The household


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questionnaire results showed that the average number of palms harvest per household was approximately 37 palm trees per day. Usually only one of the household members is responsible for climbing all these trees, of the 19 surveyed Palmyra tappers households, only 4 households add more then one family member climbing trees, some tappers were known to climb up to 50 palms a day. During most part of the season each tree is climbed three times a day. Only when the yielding is lower, corresponding to the begging and end of the season the palms are climbed twice a day. Since some of these trees can be up to 15 meters high and they have to do it every day during the season (otherwise the palm will stop yielding and that year season income will be lost), the physical effort during the activity is considered by Palmyra Tappers very exhaustive. During the Palmyra tapping season many of the tapper households move with their families to the village surroundings, no more than 3 kilometers from the village, where the harvested palm trees normally are. This migration is intended to reduce the effort of carrying the collected juice every time back to the village to be steered by the household wife.

The sap harvested from the Palmyra tree can be used in different ways; it can be sold as juice; as an alcoholic drink (forbidden by the Tamil Nadus government but still possible to see it being sold in some places); as palm crystals and as palm jaggery. However, the palm tree juice is not the only part of the tree to be used, a selection of other materials are collected from the tree and used for a variety of purposes: the leaves are used by women to make baskets and mats, that contribute in a smaller part to the households income; to make the covering of the village houses (Appendix I Figure 4); the fruits and shoots are used for local consumption; the wood is used for construction purposes; the leaves stems are used to make fences and brushes; and a diversity of domestics utensils.

The commercialised palm jaggery is the product responsible for their household income a kind of brown sugar obtained through the steering of the palm sap (Appendix I Figure 4 - Palm "jaggery"). This product is sold to merchants that come regularly to collect it during the season.

The Palmyra Tappers daily routine During the Palmyra Tapping season the mens daily routine starts at sunrise. The

majority leave their houses to harvest sap between 4 and 5 a.m., only returning at the end of the day around 7 p.m.. During this period they successively gather the juice in tins and bring it to the women that steer the juice and put it into small coconut shells to give it shape and make the palm jaggery (Appendix I Figure 4 e Figure 4). The women have also the responsibility of collecting the fire wood and of taking care of other necessary arrangements for the production of the palm jaggery, these activities are often shared among the younger family members.


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The villages Palmyra tapping economy As demonstrated above, the Palmyra tapping activity has a relative high importance in

the villages economy, since 76% of all the village households depend mainly on the income generated by this activity. The surveyed monthly household income (Figure 1) mainly divides it self into two income categories, 37% of households has an income below 1000 rupees per month and 40.7% of the households has an income from 1000 to 2000 rupees per month. The questionnaire showed that households with a higher income or have another primary occupation rather than Palmyra tapping or a higher number of contributing members in the household.

The dependence upon several activities to ensure a minimum income for the household expenditures is shown not only in the Seasonal Calendar results (Appendix VI Table XXX

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