shining the light: revealing our choice in the st. cloud...

Shining the Light:Revealing Our Choice in

the St. Cloud Region

Isaiah

and

The Kirwan Institute for the Study of Race and Ethnicity

September 2010

Report Contributors:

Jillian Olinger, Research Associate, The Kirwan InstituteChristy Rogers, Senior Research Associate, The Kirwan Institute

Eunice Antony, OSB, St. Benedict’s Monastery, ISAIAH Ben Caduff, Newman Center Christ Church, ISAIAHRev. Steve Cook, Bethlehem Lutheran Church, ISAIAHOliver Delk, African-Americans for Minority Leaders CounselJudy Foster, Unitarian Universalist Fellowship, ISAIAHMark Jaede, First United Methodist Church, ISAIAHRev. Randy Johnson, First United Methodist Church, ISAIAH Kevin LaNave, St. Paul Catholic Church, ISAIAHDebra Leigh, Community Anti-Racism Education Initiative, SCSU Dave Mann, Grassroots Policy Project Mohamoud Mohamed, St. Cloud Area Somali Salvation OrganizationDoran Schrantz, ISAIAH Executive Director Charlotte Stephens, Unitarian Universalist Fellowship, ISAIAHFatumo Ukash, Somali Elders Council of Central Minnesota, ISAIAHAmy Weston, Diversity thru Colors Rev. Larry Weston, African-Americans for Minority Leaders Counsel Lydia White, ISAIAH Racial Equity in Education TaskforceRuth Wiechman, ISAIAH Organizer Jeanie Wilkens, Resurrection Lutheran Church, ISAIAH

Photo Credits:

City photo: Courtesy of Flickr user bikinisleepshirt (http://www.flickr.com/photos/bikinisleepshirt/3429026436/)

Congregation photo: Courtesy of Evangelical Lutheran Church of Southern Africa (http://www.elcsant.org.za)

ISAIAH and the Kirwan Institute September 2010

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September 2010

Brothers and sisters in faith and hope, greetings! My name is Randy Johnson and I am Pastor of

Spiritual Growth and Congregational Care at the First United Methodist Church of the St. Cloud

Region and Past President of ISAIAH‘s Great River Interfaith Partnership.

Yesterday a newcomer to our community and our congregation, who happens to be a person of

color, asked me if I believed that she and her grandson would be better off moving from the St.

Cloud area. Her greatest concern is to provide her grandson with the best opportunity to thrive

during his upcoming teenage and young adult years. Her doubts about the St. Cloud region arose

out of her recent personal experiences of discrimination related to housing and employment.

How would you answer her question? She reported that several people have already suggested

that moving is the best alternative. In response to her question, I asked her if she believed that

God might be calling her to help transform this community into a place of greater justice where

the hopes and dreams we share for all our children and grandchildren might be realized.

Both her question and mine are the kind of challenging questions that leaders in ISAIAH have

been addressing now for several years. Some of our faith principles that ―shine the light‖ on

these questions include the dignity of all persons, the duty to seek together the common good and

especially the well-being of the poor and vulnerable, the solidarity of the human family, the

responsibility to participate in creating a healthy society, the call to welcome the stranger, and the

duty to protect the rights of all people to those things required for human life and dignity. While

our public and faith community debates often are divided between those who focus on personal

responsibility and those who focus on social responsibilities, our faith traditions teach us that both

are necessary to achieve God‘s vision.

The following document ―shines the light‖ on both the challenges and opportunities we face in

our region. In light of the above faith principles, it becomes clear that this document is not

simply about education, economics, and public policies. As you read the following pages,

connect what you read to our faith principles and you will understand that this is a moral

document that truly is about ―Shining the Light: Revealing the Choice in the St. Cloud Region.‖

The newcomer who asked ―would we be better off moving from St. Cloud?‖ is not the only

person living here who has a choice to make. Each of us has a choice that will impact the future

of our community. Our shared faith principles lead us to help co-create a community where all

God‘s children can become the people God created them to be. I believe that God is calling me

and calls each of us who are members of the faith community to make that choice – to work

together to create that kind of future.

In faith and hope,

The Rev. Randy Johnson

First United Methodist Church of the St. Cloud Region


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Background: Minnesota at a Moment of Decision

For many, Minnesota is a state where the American ―good life‖ has survived; some might even

say that it has thrived. Minnesota has long been touted as one of the healthiest places in the

country to live. A seminal 1973 Time magazine article painted a picture of a Minnesota that was

largely white, solidly middle class, and had a highly-educated population. A commitment to

education, environmental quality, living conditions and economic opportunity played a key role

in the state‘s high health rankings.

Unfortunately, the good life in Minnesota, while an alluring narrative, was and is reality only for

some Minnesotans. Many residents have been and continue to be excluded and, for them, the

opportunity to share in the good life remains elusive. For the rest of Minnesotans, the good life

may be fading.

There is a fault line in our state‘s foundation. If we sit by, this fault will continue to grow and, in

the process, all Minnesotans will be at risk – now and in the future. When we allow inequities to

exist and grow, the entire population pays the price with declining opportunity, including

worsening health.

As Minnesotans, we need to fundamentally realign our public policies if we wish to create a

sustainable and prosperous future that provides opportunity for all. Minnesota‘s current public

policies are not working to assure the conditions necessary for a healthy future for our state.

We know this because we can measure glaring inequities along every major indicator used to

measure the health of a community. It is evident in the Minnesota public schools, where students

of color continue to lag white students on proficiency tests by a wide margin and drop out of high

school at rates two to five times higher than white students.1 It is evident in our housing and

finance markets, where communities of color were targets of predatory lending and subprime

loans resulting in a disastrous loss of home equity and community stability.2 It is evident in jobs,

where Minnesota had the second largest unemployment disparity rate in the nation in 2009, with

whites at 7.1%, Latinos at 15.5%, and African Americans at 22.5% unemployment. The failure

of our public policies is evident in the most critical areas of our collective lives.

We are all hurt by these inequities. Although the symptoms of a system at risk may first become

apparent in our most vulnerable and marginalized communities, including communities of color

and isolated rural and Native communities, the risk will not be confined to these groups. For

example, the subprime crisis initially harmed our urban, disinvested communities of color before

spreading to suburban and exurban markets and higher-income white communities, eventually

affecting the entire global housing and credit system.

Public health data shows that the very existence of inequities between groups hurts the health of

all groups.3 Even privileged groups fail to reach the levels of health that are possible when there

are inequities in opportunity.

It is critical to note that inequities are built, and they can be dismantled. Certain policies, practices

and assumptions can create uneven opportunities and burdens that are perpetuated by the status

quo. We need to recognize and change these policies, practices, and assumptions that create

inequality of opportunity. To do this, we must acknowledge that we are still living with the

consequences of historical and legal racial segregation, despite the anti-discrimination laws that

signaled an end to legalized segregation. Policies may be racially neutral on their face, but they


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are often not neural in effect. Once we acknowledge that the system is producing disparate and

unfair outcomes, we can begin to work for change.

The time is now – Minnesota is at a moment of decision. Some estimates project that the state

will face a $7 billion deficit in FY 2012-2013. Public decisions around these current economic

challenges provide a window of opportunity for real change, but the current political debate has

not captured the need for transformative policies. Instead, officials are looking at the structural

budget deficit and fighting over where to cut spending just to scrape by, without recognizing that

our marginalized communities of color, already disadvantaged, will bear the brunt of these

decisions. These piecemeal approaches do not acknowledge the true nature of the problem and

will not create healthy, thriving communities.

Instead of looking at individual programs, we need to re-focus the conversation on how we make

decisions, how we allocate resources, and the outcomes of our policies. So far, the outcomes of

many of our policies – whether by design or inattention – have increased inequities along every

major socioeconomic indicator, including housing, education, health, income, and employment.

The challenges Minnesota is facing go beyond a current budget deficit, highlighting a system and

a state at risk.

In order to change the direction of Minnesota and put Minnesota back on track for the good life,

we need a new way of thinking, talking, and acting. We need to redefine what the good life is

and for whom we want it.

The search for sustainability and renewal must be based on a more equitable vision of

community. As the federal government is sending trillions of dollars in stimulus funding to states,

local governments, and neighborhoods, we need to make sure that we are not throwing good

money into broken systems.

This is especially critical for Minnesota and its fiscal crisis. New policies must be designed and a

new path forged. Even more importantly for Minnesota, this path can be undertaken without

fiscal burden in the immediate term. Simply changing the criteria against which policies are

judged promises a path to renewal and a future where all Minnesotans – white, people of color,

and tribal communities – can share equally in the good life.

In the face of these challenges, ISAIAH leaders came together to develop new principles to guide

us on a path toward healthy, equitable, livable communities and against which policies should be

judged. These principles are:

1. Restorative investment in the most marginalized communities

2. Opening access to opportunity to cultivate all human potential

3. Growing together and developing integrated, connected communities


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Restorative investment describes investment directed to those communities most negatively

impacted by our current economic recession and those who have borne the brunt of historic

policies that favored new, suburban, white communities. Examples of these types of investment

include community development, resident capacity building, job training, small and minority

business lending, and neighborhood revitalization. The health of the region, and the state, rests

upon the health of each of its communities. Our fates are intertwined; we are only as strong as

the weakest among us.

Opening access to opportunity is defined as affirmatively connecting people to opportunity

through, for example, opening up housing choices through sustainable homeownership options,

re-thinking school policies, and providing quality, comprehensive public transit that connects

more people to opportunity. To cultivate the health of the state, we need to grow opportunity for

all our residents.

Growing together is defined as building healthy environments for all and providing newcomers

with access to opportunity. An example of this might be building strong coalitions between city-

suburban-tribal governments, developing regional master plans, or coordinating and integrating

housing, transportation, and infrastructure plans. Growing opportunity for all cannot be

undertaken in segregated communities.

These principles are the true markers of success for communities. To the extent that our policies

and decision-making processes achieve these goals, we can confidently say that Minnesota truly

is a state of opportunity where the health of the communities and people of Minnesota is the top

priority.


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Introduction

ISAIAH and Kirwan: Revealing the Choice for the St. Cloud Region

Minnesota as a whole and many of its communities, including the St. Cloud region, are on a path

of crisis. This path is marked by targeted disinvestment, restricted opportunity, and isolated

communities.

For example, the uneven impacts of the recession expose the three outcomes of the path to crisis.

The recession has affected everyone, but not to the same degree. The brunt of unemployment,

layoffs, social service and education budget cuts, foreclosures, and bankruptcies has been borne

by groups already marginalized by the mainstream economy, including communities of color,

women, manufacturing employees, rural residents, and people with disabilities. In particular, the

racial impacts of the recession and housing crisis have been extreme. While one in ten workers

are unemployed nationally, one in six black workers and one in eight Latino workers are

unemployed.4 Nearly half of all subprime loans went to African American and Latino borrowers,

even though many qualified for prime loans. African American and Latino homeowners are

expected to lose $164 to $213 billion in assets due to the housing crisis.5 The challenges facing

marginalized groups extend well before the current recession. In fact, while the U.S. economy has

been in recession for more than a year, people of color have been in a recession for nearly five

years and have entered a depression during the current economic crisis.

The impact of the recession on children has already been severe and will potentially be long-

lasting. Nationally, one in five (20%) children was living in poverty in 2008, and poverty rates

for children of color are climbing above 40% in some states.6 We can expect that the disparities

have only grown under the current economic conditions. As one pediatrician has warned, ―We

are seeing the emergence of what amounts to a ‗recession generation.‘‖7 Increases in child

poverty, homelessness, and temporary relief indicate that children across the U.S. are

experiencing ―a quiet disaster.‖ In the U.S., between 2006 and 2007, 500,000 more children

became poor and the numbers are expected to rise as the impacts of the recession continue.8

This quiet disaster is playing out in Minnesota as well. Data from 1999 on child poverty in the St.

Cloud region shows that children of color were struggling well before the recession hit – the

poverty rate for black children was 29% and 25% for Hispanic children, compared to 6% for

white children (refer to Table 17 in the Appendix). Between 2000 and 2007, child poverty in

Minnesota increased by 33%.9 Child poverty in Minnesota is highly uneven across racial lines.

For example, in 2007, 7% of white children, who constitute about 78% of the child population in

Minnesota, lived in poverty, compared with 41% of black children, who make up only 6% of the

child population.10 Only nine other states reported higher poverty rates for black children.11

Minnesota also ranked worst in the nation in terms of Asian child poverty, at 24%,12 although

Asian children constitute about 5% of the child population in the state.13

Even this most recently available data likely underestimates the growth in child poverty due to

the recession, the full force of which did not come to bear until mid-2008. The Children‘s

Defense Fund-Minnesota estimates that an additional 44,280 to 56,202 children will fall into

poverty, or an additional 33%, before the economy recovers.14

A significant portion of the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act (ARRA) was dedicated to

offsetting state budget shortfalls, which would have resulted in severe cuts to critical services for

marginalized populations. Analysis of the impact of ARRA suggests that several ARRA


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programs will help soften the growing poverty across the nation by expanding existing tax credits

and financial assistance programs. According to research produced by the Center for Budget &

Policy Priorities, several components of ARRA (emergency unemployment provision, earned

income tax credit, making work pay tax credits, child tax credits, food stamps and disability

assistance) will stem the growth of poverty over the next five years. The CBPP report estimates

these provisions helped 6.2 million families avoid falling below the poverty line in 2009, of

which they estimate more than 50% of those assisted were black or Latino (3.3 million).15

However, more fiscal peril and potential budget cuts loom on the horizon. Even with this funding,

states are expecting another $267 billion in additional budget deficits for 2010 and 2011.16 As a

result, the harsh budget cuts predicted for 2009 may be imminent without additional federal

assistance. The Center for Budget and Policy Priorities estimates that in response, 43 states have

enacted budget cuts which harm our most vulnerable residents.17 In short, state and local budgets

are at the edge of the cliff and are going to fall over once the ARRA funding expires. The

expiration of these funds will disproportionately hurt our most vulnerable populations in

Minnesota and nationwide. With its estimated $7 billion deficit in FY 20012-2013, Minnesota is

in a precarious position and faces some urgent challenges.

In addition to the fallout from the national and state-level economic crises, St. Cloud faces its

own regional challenges. One of the most troubling signs is the rapid increase in school poverty

and racial isolation for the St. Cloud region schools. In fact, three schools in the St. Cloud Public

School District have crossed the 60% poverty threshold. When poverty in a district reaches 60%

or above, the district can no longer rely on its own internal efforts to improve outcomes.18

These challenges all sound the alarm that both the state and the St. Cloud region are at a moment

of decision: whether to continue on the path of crisis, marked by targeted disinvestment, restricted

opportunity, and isolated communities, or to choose a path to healthy communities, marked by

restorative investment, access to opportunity, and growing together. Achieving sustainable,

positive change amidst inequality and economic instability is a monumental challenge. At the

heart of this challenge is a new vision of an inclusive society – inclusive physically, socially,

economically and spiritually. Report I, ―Shining the Light: Revealing Our Choice‖ walks through

where we have been as a state, and how we have gotten to this state of crisis, using the Twin

Cities as an example.

This report provides an opportunity for engaging in a broader conversation to deepen our

understanding of our shared history, the policies and processes that benefited some people and

communities over others, and to begin working towards a model of decision-making that values

equity, health and livability as the markers of success.

In the spirit of developing this new understanding and promoting a new path forward, ISAIAH

reached out to the Kirwan Institute for the Study of Race and Ethnicity at the Ohio State

University. We knew that understanding structural racialization was a critical component in

building a state of opportunity. The Kirwan Institute is known for its commitment to

understanding and remedying racial and ethnic hierarchies, partly by focusing on the policies that

create and sustain them. Their work is premised on the belief that opportunities exist in a complex

web of interdependent factors and, to alleviate inequities in any single area, the structures that

support these inequities must first be considered.

Kirwan is also known for its research on community revitalization and building Communities of

Opportunity, a model of fair housing and community development. The Communities of

Opportunity model is based on the premise that everyone should have meaningful access to the


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critical opportunity structures needed to succeed in life and that affirmatively connecting people

to opportunity creates positive, transformative change in communities. To illustrate this model,

Kirwan has created opportunity maps for cities, states, and organizations around the country.

Kirwan and ISAIAH are working collaboratively to develop three reports: this report focusing on

the St. Cloud region, a report focusing on the Minneapolis-St. Paul region, and a field guide for

organizers.

We came together because we both believe that people‘s and communities‘ fates are

interconnected, not isolated. We both believe that racial and ethnic hierarchies are wrong and

must be dismantled. And we are both committed to expanded opportunity for all. In this

collaboration to develop a robust vision of a path to healthy communities, we both have gained a

new and deeper appreciation of these shared values and the transformation that is possible.

Although we have created two different reports, one for the St. Cloud region and one for the Twin

Cities, we recognize that they are not discrete communities and that the efforts and outcomes of

forging new paths in these communities are connected. Nationwide, economic and social

inequalities often play out at the regional level. Regions perish or prosper together. The St. Cloud

region is now considered part of the Twin Cities metro area. While historically they may have

been more separate communities, their relationship has evolved over time. Today, it is no longer

realistic to consider the Twin Cities as completely disconnected from the St. Cloud region.

You will see parts in this report where St. Cloud is compared to Minneapolis. Neither community

is monolithic, and opportunity varies within each. The comparisons show us that neither

community is performing as well as it could be on key indicators of opportunity. This places the

future of the region at stake. In fact, both communities show extreme racial disparities in some

key opportunity areas, such as education. These racialized disparities matter, both in terms of

opportunity and outcomes for families in the region.

Before we as a state or a region can embark on a new path, we must learn where we are situated

now and how this varies for different groups. We assess opportunity for the St. Cloud region by

reviewing data on three main markers of community health: education, housing, and employment

opportunity. In addition to seeking out census and research data, ISAIAH also held a preliminary

meeting with St. Cloud leaders, including representatives from the African American and Somali

communities in March 2010, who are active in and with ISAIAH. The purpose of this meeting

was to discuss the challenges and opportunities facing St. Cloud and generate ideas for shaping

this report. We have included commentary from this meeting where appropriate.19 During this

process, it also became increasingly apparent that not enough data is being kept regarding the

well-being of various racial and ethnic groups.

The following report is laid out as follows. Section I highlights the changes and challenges the

St. Cloud region is experiencing and how the path of crisis is playing out in the region. Section

II discusses the key findings in opportunity areas and why these outcomes are so important for

our region. Section III highlights the many opportunities available to the St. Cloud region and

lays out the principles for forging an alternative path to prosperity and health.


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Section I. Changes and Challenges in the St. Cloud Region

The Path of Crisis: Uneven Opportunities

In 2007, St. Cloud tied for first in its category for the ―world‘s most livable city‖ competition.

The competition seeks to find the small communities which are doing the most to enhance and

protect their landscape and heritage, while promoting environmentally sensitive practices, healthy

lifestyles, and community sustainability.1

To be sure, winning this award is something of which to be proud. But are these the only

indicators that matter? What does it really mean to be the ―most livable‖ city, for everyone?

To get at this question of what really makes a ―most livable city,‖ we need to ask ourselves not

only whether everyone in St. Cloud is enjoying these things, but what may be missing from this

assessment that we as a community value. For example, do all people in the community have

access to parks and open spaces that are of high quality and within walking distance? Were

efforts made to ensure that people historically left out of or perhaps unfamiliar with decision-

making or planning processes were included through community participation and

empowerment? Are all children in St. Cloud area schools receiving a high quality education? Do

all residents have access to living wage jobs and meaningful career opportunities? Are

opportunities for homeownership and affordable housing equitably shared?

When we compare the rankings of St. Cloud to regional peers such as Rochester or the state of

Minnesota as a whole, we can see that the region could be doing better. For example, St. Cloud

has a lower median household income ($37,346 compared to $49,090 and $47,111,

respectively),20 and has a poverty rate nearly double that of Rochester or the state (13.1% for St.

Cloud, compared to 7.8% and 7.9%, respectively).21 St. Cloud has a much lower homeownership

rate (55.9%) than either Rochester (71.0%) or the state (74.6%).22

And these rankings hide some divisions within St. Cloud itself. For example, there are clear racial

and ethnic divisions in homeownership rates in the St. Cloud region, where the white

homeownership rate is four times that of the black homeownership rate, double that of the Native

American and Asian/Pacific Islander homeownership rates, and 1.7 times the Hispanic

homeownership rate (refer to Table 6 in the Appendix).

One of the most troubling signs of all is the increasing poverty in schools. This is a problem for

everyone because concentrated poverty in schools can depress educational outcomes, regardless

of individual promise.23 The biggest indicator of the direction of our community is in our

children; the rapid concentration of poverty in St. Cloud schools is a signal that these kids will

carry disadvantage the rest of their lives. When coupled with the racial disparities in educational

attainment and achievement, the alarm is ringing and we cannot afford to cover our ears.

These outcomes are particularly critical as the demographics of our region, similar to the changes

across the state and U.S., shift. Estimates by the Minnesota State Demographic Center indicate

1 The six categories by which communities are assessed include: enhancement of natural/built landscapes;

arts, culture, and heritage; environmental best practices; community participation and empowerment;

healthy lifestyles; and strategic planning.


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that between 2005 and 2035, the population of color in the St. Cloud region2 will increase by

59,160 persons, compared to a total increase in population of 292,750 persons.24 This is an

increase of about 285% for the population of color, compared to about a 77% increase in the total

population. These changes appear to be part of a broader pattern; statewide, estimates project that

between 2005 and 2035, the population of color in Minnesota will have grown by 121%, while

total population will have increased by 24.2%.25

This increasing diversification of our communities is evident in student enrollment (see Table 2

in Appendix) in our schools. From 2001 to 2007, the percentage of students of color enrolled in

K-12 increased by 91% in the St. Cloud school district, second only to Cold Spring which

experienced a 400% increase.26 Twenty years ago, there were almost no children of color in rural

Minnesota school districts.27 Today, white student enrollment in rural Minnesota is declining,

while enrollment of students of color is increasing. In fact, several smaller rural school districts

would have closed but for the growth in enrollment of students of color, especially immigrant

children.28 These trends are reflected state-wide, with 43 districts located throughout Minneapolis

and St. Paul, Twin Cities suburban (19), and Greater Minnesota (22) where students of color

exceed 30% of enrollment.29

Aside from the structural and institutional forces that have created unequal opportunities for

people of color in Minnesota and in the St. Cloud region, the challenges facing particular

immigrant groups can be magnified. For example, the Somali population has religious and

cultural practices that are unfamiliar to most U.S. residents. These tensions are not exclusive to

St. Cloud; they can be found in many smaller rural towns in Minnesota and Wisconsin that have

rapidly shifting demographics: Owatanna, Willmar, Rochester, and so forth.

Such a moment of growth and change, especially in the midst of an ongoing national economic

crisis, may seem daunting as officials struggle to find ways out of the recession for everyone,

while state and city budgets shrink and households struggle to pay the bills.

But we urge that to truly embark on this new path, we must recognize that the changes,

challenges, and opportunities for people vary. For example, the challenges that African

Americans face in the ongoing struggle for equality are not the same the Muslim Somali

immigrants face, being only one decade removed from refugee camps and civil war, and are not

the same as the challenges faced by third or fourth generation Latinos.

Although people and communities face different challenges and opportunities, everyone can

benefit from a new path. We need to work together to expand opportunity for all. Any effort to

build equitable structures in the St. Cloud region must build on the work already being done to

make the region‘s communities inclusive and healthy places to live.

2 The region as defined by State Demographic Center (Region 7w-central) includes all of Benton, Sherburne, Stearns, and Wright counties, and the Key Cities include: St. Cloud, Foley, Elk River, Buffalo, Sauk Centre, Monticello


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Section II. Key findings in opportunity areas and what they mean for our future

Education Opportunities

The most alarming and significant finding for St. Cloud is the rapid increase in the concentration

of poverty in its area schools. Research shows that concentrated poverty in schools depresses

educational outcomes for all students, regardless of individual promise.30 Not only are schools

state-wide becoming more diverse, but racial disparities in educational achievement and

attainment are increasing. The accumulation of these different challenges amounts to a significant

disadvantage for children of color that will last their entire life.

Changes in Student Composition

Like many districts across the state, schools in the St. Cloud region are undergoing changes in

student demographics (see Table 3 in the Appendix). In St. Cloud District 742, enrollment of

students of color was 7.8% in 1990-00, and 25.7% in 2009-10, reflecting a 207% increase in

student of color enrollment between 1990 and 2010, from 791 to 2434 students. Sauk Rapids Rice

School District 47 has experienced the largest percentage increase during this time period, from

2.6% to 9.0%, reflecting a 276% increase from 89 to 335 students. Sartell-St. Stephen School

District 748 increased from 56 students in 1990 (2.3%) to 129 students in 2009 (3.7%), a 130%

increase.

One concern of focus group respondents was that the school administration was not reflective of

these changes: ―We need teachers of color who can bridge the gap between the student’s culture

and the curriculum” and “Kids need to see administrators and teachers of color as role models

to strengthen their self image.”

Segregation and Concentrated Poverty

Racial segregation in schools matters deeply for children‘s educational outcomes. In 2007, the St.

Cloud school district was identified as racially isolated—that is, district-wide, enrollment of

protected students is more than twenty percentage points higher than enrollment in an adjoining

district.31 For example, over half of American Indian and black students would need to change

schools in order to achieve a racial composition in schools that reflects the composition in the

metro area (see Table 4 in the Appendix). Racial segregation is correlated with economic

segregation, and children of color are much more likely to attend high poverty schools than their

white counterparts. In the St. Cloud region children of color are much more likely to attend

schools with higher poverty rates than are white students. For example, the average black student

attends a school with a poverty rate of 46.2%, compared to the average white student who attends

a school with a poverty rate of 32.0% (see Table 5 in Appendix).

In addition, there has been an alarming increase in students on Free or Reduced Lunches (FRL) in

the St. Cloud area elementary schools (see Table 1 below). Increases in FRL indicate that

children are experiencing hardship beyond the school walls.


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Table 1. St. Cloud Area Public Schools, Free or Reduced Lunches as percentage of student population, (2003/2008)

St. Cloud Area Public Elementary Schools,

Free or Reduced Lunches as Percentage of Student Population

DISTRICT SCHOOL NAME 2003 FRL

2003 TOTAL

% FRL 2008 FRL

2008 TOTAL % FRL

% Change '03-'08

SARTELL-ST. STEPHEN SCHOOL DISTRICT OAK RIDGE ELEMENTARY 0 0 0 60 587 10.2 /

SARTELL-ST. STEPHEN SCHOOL DISTRICT PINE MEADOW ELEMENTARY 50 623 8 120 692 17.3 140

SAUK RAPIDS PUBLIC SCHOOL DISTRICT MISSISSIPPI HEIGHTS ELEMENTARY 87 365 23.8 209 732 28.5 140.23

SAUK RAPIDS PUBLIC SCHOOL DISTRICT PLEASANT VIEW ELEMENTARY 171 816 20.9 167 635 26.3 -2.33

ST. CLOUD PUBLIC SCHOOL DISTRICT DISCOVERY COMMUNITY ELEMENTARY 246 636 38.6 432 653 66.1 75.61

ST. CLOUD PUBLIC SCHOOL DISTRICT LINCOLN ELEMENTARY 156 260 60 193 302 63.9 23.72

ST. CLOUD PUBLIC SCHOOL DISTRICT MADISON ELEMENTARY 186 451 41.2 327 590 55.4 75.81

ST. CLOUD PUBLIC SCHOOL DISTRICT OAK HILL COMMUNITY ELEMENTARY 144 953 15.1 251 1011 24.8 74.31

ST. CLOUD PUBLIC SCHOOL DISTRICT CLEARWATER ELEMENTARY 107 407 26.3 127 428 29.6 19.63

ST. CLOUD PUBLIC SCHOOL DISTRICT TALAHI COMMUNITY ELEMENTARY 311 684 45.4 470 673 69.8 51.13

ST. CLOUD PUBLIC SCHOOL DISTRICT WESTWOOD ELEMENTARY 102 376 27.1 269 609 44.1 163.73

STRIDE ACADEMY CHARTER SCHOOL KENNEDY ELEMENTARY 118 357 33.1 137 459 29.8 16.1

Source. Data provided by the Institute of Race and Poverty, University of Minnesota

School poverty has serious implications not just for students, but for districts, communities, and

the region. Research has consistently found that there is a ―negative effect of high poverty

concentrations in school on students‘ academic achievement.‖ 32 The poverty of a school, far

more than the poverty of an individual, determines students‘ educational outcomes and

impoverished students do better if they live in middle-class neighborhoods and/or attend more

affluent schools.33 We have known these truths for a long time; the 1966 Coleman Report (a study

of inequality of opportunity in education) concluded that concentrated poverty inevitably

depresses achievement on a school-wide and a district-wide basis—the effects are not contained

within school walls.34

The results in Table 1 are sobering. Half of St. Cloud District 742‘s elementary schools are

suffering from concentrated poverty and others are at risk. Researchers commonly refer to a

―tipping point,‖ that point at which a school crosses a threshold and the problem spirals beyond

the control of the school. Most experts place that point at 50%. At this point, all students‘

prospects are depressed.35 As one study has found, ―high poverty schools have to devote far more

time and resources to family and health crises, security, children who come to school not

speaking standard English, seriously disturbed children, children with no educational materials in

their homes, and many children with very weak educational preparation.‖ 36 Another report finds

that once the concentration of poverty in a district reaches 60% or above, the district can no

longer rely on its own internal efforts to improve outcomes.37 Three schools in the St. Cloud

Public School District have reached this point.


13

Educational Proficiency and Attainment

While overall the district realized some improvement between 2007-08 and 2008-09 in math and

reading proficiency, this obscures some extreme disparities in proficiency levels among racial and

ethnic groups. For example, in the 2007-08 school year, white students had a math proficiency

level that was approaching two and a half times that of black students. And in fact, not all groups

have progressed—American Indian students‘ math proficiency fell, from 62% to 50% (see

Figure 1). For both time periods, white students had a reading proficiency level that was

approximately double that of black students (see Figure 2).

Figure 1. St. Cloud Area School District 742 Office of Equity Services.


14


Statewide, American Indian, Asian, African American, and Hispanic students are less likely to

graduate than whites. In fact, American Indian and Hispanic students are five times more likely to

drop out than whites, black students four times as likely and Asian students twice as likely to drop

out. Similar disparities are evident in Minneapolis, where American Indian and Hispanic students

are three times as likely to drop out as white students, and black students twice as likely. In St.

Cloud, extreme racial disparities in educational attainment among students is also evident,

especially for Hispanic students, who are half as likely to graduate as white students, and six

times more likely to drop out than white students (refer to Tables 7 and 8 in the Appendix).

In fact, St. Cloud is doing worse than Minnesota on some indicators. For example, for both 2007-

08 and 2008-09, black students, both English proficient and non-proficient, are doing

substantially worse on math and reading proficiency than the state average (see Figures 3 and 4

below). These figures illustrate that the educational systems in place, even in St. Cloud, are not

serving students of color well enough.


15



Racialized educational disparities also suggest a ―mismatch‖ between our educational services

and the kids they are serving, and this could include both exclusion and devaluation of cultural

resources and opportunities. Experiences of subtle racism, low expectations of teachers, and

culturally invalidating classrooms decrease self-esteem and the students‘ belief in their ability to

learn. Studies on the effects of teachers‘ race on their perceptions of children‘s abilities found

that teachers tended to rate students more highly if they shared the same racial identity.38Research

consistently shows that white teachers perceive black males to be academically inferior, lack

adequate leadership and social skills.39 This cultural mismatch in the classroom has been linked to

the disproportionate placement of black students in special education and in suspension40 – and

the increased school suspensions has been linked to their overrepresentation in the juvenile justice

system.41


16

The health of children also has serious implications for educational achievement. Lower birth

weight babies go on to suffer from long-term disabilities, impaired physical and cognitive

development, and decreased health overall throughout childhood.42 In St. Cloud, African

American women are more than twice as likely to give birth to low birth weight babies compared

to white women, and Hispanic women are 1.2 times more likely (Refer to Table 9 in the

Appendix). Interventions designed to address educational disparities must also take into account

the critical impact of health on educational outcomes.

These figures are a wake-up call to people who care about the future of St. Cloud and the state as

a whole. The region is becoming increasingly diverse, which means its workforce is changing,

and yet many children are not performing well on proficiency tests, let alone graduating.

This has serious implications for whether marginalized students will have the opportunity to

obtain well-paying jobs and become contributing members to society. Education is meant to be

the great engine of our society, and its importance for our future health and vitality, especially in

our increasingly global world, cannot be overstated. When districts produce such highly

inequitable outcomes along educational indicators, they have ramifications beyond these children

and beyond school walls—ramifications that can last a lifetime. For example, businesses may

choose to bypass the community (or relocate) because the community lacks a skilled workforce.

Housing Opportunities

The following sections discuss the uneven access to housing opportunity for marginalized groups

in the St. Cloud region. For example, homeownership opportunity for black households has

declined substantially, from a homeownership rate of 27% in 1990 to 18% in 2000. But housing

opportunity is also restricted in the rental sector, where black households spend half of their

income on rent. Such declines in opportunity have critical implications not only for the ability of

households of color to build wealth through homeownership, but for the ability of rental

households to access other resources necessary for a healthy quality of life, such as spending on

food and healthcare.

Affordable and sustainable housing is a critical access point for opportunity, and neighborhood

conditions affect positive life outcomes.43 For example, housing segregation is part of the cause

of concentrated school poverty, which in turn impacts educational outcomes. When we talk about

housing, we are talking about more than just bricks and mortar. Housing opportunity has a direct

impact on the availability of opportunities in other areas of our lives and our children‘s lives—

from the quality of schools our children attend, to accessibility of sustainable jobs and

transportation, to health, to the ability to accumulate equity and pass it along to our children.44

Homeownership

Access to homeownership is uneven by race in St. Cloud. In some cases, the racial disparity in

homeownership has widened significantly. For example, the white homeownership rate in 1990

was 2.6 times that of blacks but, in 2000, it was a startling four times greater than the black

homeownership rate. The percentage of black and Hispanic households in the region who owned

homes decreased between 1990 and 2000 (see Table 10 in the Appendix). The only other group

besides whites to see gains in homeownership during this period was Asian households, with a

1.2% gain.


17

When we compare housing opportunity in St. Cloud to Minneapolis-St. Paul (see Table 11 in the

Appendix), we see that homeownership opportunity for households of color may actually be

worse in St. Cloud. For example, in Minneapolis-St. Paul there was little change in black

homeownership rates from 1990 to 2000 and slight growth in white homeownership rates, such

that in 2000, white homeownership was 2.4 times that of the black homeownership rate,

compared to 2.3 in 1990. For the same time period in St. Cloud however, the black-white

homeownership disparity grew substantially-- in 2000, it was four times the rate. This reflected

not just a growth in white homeownership rate, but a steep fall in black homeownership rates. St.

Cloud also lags in homeownership rates for all groups (with the exception of Hispanic

homeownership) compared to Minneapolis-St. Paul.

The barriers to homeownership for households of color in any given region are many, and may

include factors such as a lack of affordable housing and the concentration of affordable housing

into distressed neighborhoods; housing discrimination in the private real estate market; and

discriminatory or predatory lending practices. For example, in the St. Cloud region, while

analyses of the percent of high interest rate refinance or home purchase loans by race were not

possible due to the small proportion of borrowers of color, there nonetheless was a geographic

footprint of these high cost, unsustainable loans that indicate a racial divide. In 2008, 13% of

high-cost home purchase loans and 18.9% of high-cost refinance loans were located in mixed-

race neighborhoods,45 compared to 9.5% of high-cost home purchase and 13.3% of high-cost

refinance loans in predominantly white neighborhoods (see Tables 12 and 13 in the Appendix).

Affordable Rental

Not only are the barriers to homeownership significant for marginalized populations, but barriers

to renting are also significant. In fact, black households are paying almost half of their income

alone on rent in St. Cloud (see Table 14 in the Appendix).With such high burdens, families must

make choices between other necessities such as health care, transportation, child care, groceries

and so forth. One study found that for families with children paying more than 50% of their

income on rent, they spent 30% less on food, 50% less on clothing, and 70% less on healthcare.46

Households of color, with the exception of Hispanic households, are more cost burdened than

white households in St. Cloud.

And statistics may not always fully capture how segregation or discrimination plays out. Focus

group participants listed additional barriers, i.e. ―Landlords will say there is an apartment

available, but when I go and they see how I am dressed [as a Somali], they say only three people

for a three-bedroom….‖ Another participant described how ―landlords do not maintain

apartments to the same level in low-income areas as in other areas.‖ In 2006, the St. Cloud

Human Rights Office confirmed 37 cases of housing discrimination.47

Economic Opportunities

Unemployment

As unemployment rates rose nationwide from the economic fallout of the foreclosure crisis,

Minnesota reported an unemployment rate of 8.2% in March 2010.48 While these figures indicate

that people across the state of Minnesota are struggling to find work, they do not reflect the

startling racial inequities.


18

For example, racial disparities in St. Cloud‘s unemployment rate extend well before the current

recession hit at the end of 2007. In 2000, the unemployment rate for black men was double that

for whites; for Hispanic men, the unemployment rate was triple that for whites.49 For women the

divide was even greater, with an unemployment rate for American Indian women nearly nine

times the unemployment rate for white women (see Table 15 in Appendix).

We know that the recession has played out unevenly across groups. Consider that in 2009, white

Minnesotans had a 7.1% unemployment rate, but black Minnesotans had a 22.5% unemployment

rate and Latinos a 15.5% unemployment rate.50 These portrayed some of the highest gaps

between whites and people of color in the nation, placing Minnesota as second in the nation in

racial gaps in jobless rates.51

The link between quality education and employment opportunity is clear. In fact, experts cite

unequal educational and training opportunities as key causes for such extreme disparities in

unemployment.52 As discussed above, the St. Cloud region reports high and in some cases,

growing, disparities in educational attainment between white students and students of color. Even

as the economy begins its slow recovery, these jobless gaps will remain as long as the gaps in

education do.

The outcome of such racially disparate and prolonged unemployment rates is sure to be followed

by substantial increases in poverty. In 1999 in St. Cloud, the poverty rate for Asian and Pacific

Islanders, American Indians, and Hispanics was approximately three times the poverty rate for

whites; the poverty rate for Blacks was nearly four times the rate for whites (Refer to Table 16 in

the Appendix).53 The disparity in the child poverty rate is even more startling, with the rate for

black children approximately five times the child poverty rate for white children (refer to Table

17 in the Appendix).54

Children of color in the region were already at risk well before the recession, but we can expect

that their position has worsened as a result of our economic crisis. In fact, some analysts are

predicting that for 2010 and beyond, nationally children in general will see a 9.3 percentage point

increase (from 18.0% to 27.3%), but black children will see an astonishing 17.8 percentage point

increase (from 34.5% to 52.3%).55

Limited Career Options

While accessing employment opportunities may be difficult for many people in Minnesota,

newcomers may face even greater challenges, for example African refugees. In addition to being

confronted with a new community that is sometimes less than accepting, newcomers are also

often unequipped with skills that are required to obtain high paying jobs. As a result, many

newcomers find themselves relegated to low-paying, unskilled work that does not require English

proficiency, such as work in factories, including those in the meatpacking industry.56 Given the

limited skills and financial opportunities of these jobs, many newcomers find themselves

struggling to build a new life in Minnesota. Their economic opportunities are limited which then

affects opportunities for their children and future generations.

In fact, one of the reasons many Minnesota towns are seeing such demographic shifts is because

they still contain slaughterhouse or processing jobs—jobs that, in some cases, only the most

desperate to be employed will take. And this is not surprising, given the conditions associated

with these types of occupations.57 Occupations in the meat packing industry can be extremely

dangerous.58


19

The vast racial disparities in unemployment and poverty rates indicate that our communities of

color do not have equal economic and employment opportunities in the St. Cloud region. While

many of the economic disparities are manifestations of inequities in our educational system, there

is more to the story, and it includes our public transportation system and the criminal justice

system.

Transportation

A public transportation system that does not meet the needs of residents can be a significant

barrier to employment opportunities, and indeed, stakeholders identified transportation barriers

for people without cars in St. Cloud to access region-wide employment opportunities: ―Jennie-O

and Gold’n Plump are the only places hiring, but there is no transportation to those sites” and

“Buses don’t run late enough to get night shift people back home and some routes don’t operate

on weekends.”

Given the disproportionate reliance of people of color on public transportation, barriers in

transportation may be particularly salient for these groups. For example, in 2000, black residents

were 8 times more likely to commute by bus than white residents, Asians three times more likely,

and American Indian and Hispanics twice as likely (Refer to Table 18 in the Appendix).

The St. Cloud Area Planning Organization has recently undertaken an update to its regional

transportation plan (the Plan). While formulating the Plan, the St. Cloud APO, along with Metro

Bus, studied the St. Cloud metropolitan area and identified areas that were underserved or un-

served and analyzed proposed transportation project impacts on minority and low-income

populations. The study recognized the shortcomings of the current bus routes and proposed a plan

for restructuring. In formulating a revised plan, the APO also recognized that it must ―identify

minority, low-income populations so needs can be addressed, and the burdens of transportation

investments can be fairly distributed.‖59 Although the St. Cloud APO has taken steps to improve

public transportation so that it may better serve the community, given the economic downturn and

subsequent cuts in Federal and State funding, the restructuring plans have been put on hold until

the funding situation improves.60 As such, their initiative ―Moving Forward,‖ which would have

added approximately 10,295 annual operating hours and serviced new areas, has been delayed.61

This means that for now, many people will continue to be left without a way to get to work.

Criminal Justice System

The criminal justice system also plays a significant role in hampering the opportunities for many

in our marginalized communities. Numerous studies reveal that even after controlling for the

seriousness of the offense, people of color are more likely to be treated more harshly and placed

in a correctional facility as a punishment when compared to whites.62 While public attention tends

to focus on the disproportionate number of blacks in confinement, over-representation is often a

by-product of the accumulation of actions that occur at earlier points in the justice system such as

the decision to arrest, the decision to detain, and discretion involved in sentencing.

Although Minnesota has one of the lowest imprisonment rates in the nation,63 when disaggregated

by race, Minnesota exhibits alarming disparities. In 2004, Minnesota‘s overall racial disparity

was more than twice the national average64 and in 2006 Minnesota reported a black-to-white

imprisonment ratio of 12:165 that was the twelfth highest in the nation, exceeding the national

average of 7:1.66


20

One explanation for these disparities is changes in sentencing. For example, beginning in 1987,

the state legislature set different thresholds and harsher punishments for crack cocaine than

powder cocaine offenses, such that possession of one ounce of crack cocaine would be treated the

same as possession of one pound of powder cocaine, and carry a sentence of 86 months in

prison.67 Drug offenders comprise a growing share of the prison population in the state as well as

the nation.68 The differences in sentencing established by the legislature meant that crack cocaine

offenders, who are mostly African American, were sent to prison, and powder cocaine offenders,

who are mostly white, were not.69 This differential sentencing was judged unconstitutional in

State v. Russell in 1991 precisely because of the disparate impact, and the court decreased the

penalties associated with crack cocaine to match those associated with powder cocaine. In

response, the Minnesota State legislature voted to dramatically increase the punishments

associated with drug offenses, raising the penalties associated with powder cocaine to those of

crack cocaine, as well as amending the definition of a sale to include ―possession with intent to

sell,‖ decisions that would again disproportionately impact blacks because it ―cast a wider net of

stiff penalties.‖70

Another explanation for disparities in incarceration is racial profiling. A 2002 study examining

racial profiling in St. Cloud found that American Indian, Black, and Latino drivers were subjected

to searches at greater rates than whites (see Table 19 in the Appendix).71 This data provided the

basis for a Community Policing Agreement organized by ISAIAH leaders in St. Cloud to address

inequities in discretionary traffic stops (where the driver has not committed any traffic or driving

violation) and searches by the St. Cloud Police Department. A statewide study on racial profiling

revealed that although officers searched white drivers at a lower rate than drivers of color, they

were more likely to find contraband in the searches of white drivers—24% of searches of white

drivers produced contraband while only 11% of black drivers and 9% of Latinos did.72 Similarly

in St. Cloud, discovery of contraband in searches of drivers of color were lower (30%) than in

searches of white drivers (35%).73

Differential treatment by the criminal justice system and higher incarceration rates has a

tremendous impact on employment prospects. As one person stated, “The justice system creates

a downward spiral for too many black men; they can‘t find housing or work.‖


21

Section III. Seeking an Alternative Path to Prosperity and Opportunity

Reviewing data on disparities can be overwhelming, but the good news is that change is possible.

The old systems that perpetuate inequities can be dismantled, and a new St. Cloud region that

works for all built in their place. A first step is agreeing on a vision of what it means to be a

―most livable city,‖ and understanding how creating a new path to healthy communities – a path

that is inclusive, equitable, and sustainable – can benefit us all. For example, building an

educational system that prepares all students to be contributing members in our communities will

help our entire region prosper.

To achieve this change requires acknowledging the role that race has played, and continues to

play, in our conversations. We have learned that if we do not explicitly name racial inequities and

combat them, we can inadvertently reinforce racial and economic disparities. And we must act

together in ways that place us on a new path to healthy communities. This requires collaboration

across groups, faiths, organizations, and communities. It means seeking out and listening to those

voices that have not been included before. It also means reaching out to share the lessons we as a

community have learned, or are in the process of learning.

The Regional Perspective

Opportunity to Collaborate

St. Cloud has an opportunity to reach out to other smaller Midwestern towns in creating

welcoming environments for immigrants. There is a growing need for these towns to learn from

the communities that have experienced such changes about what went right. For example, St.

Cloud took a series of steps in preparation for the arrival of Somali refugees that included

educational presentations for residents and service providers on Somali culture and Islamic

beliefs, cultural awareness training for City administrators, translation of brochures pertaining to

human rights and housing opportunities, and funding to develop Somali organizations to serve

cultural and religious needs of the refugees. The ―first wave‖ of communities – St. Cloud,

Willmar, Rochester—have been dealing with shifting demographics for about a decade; the next

wave of even smaller and more rural communities are just starting now. While St. Cloud is well-

positioned to help other small Midwestern towns create welcoming environments for immigrants,

there is also an opportunity to learn from its peers. For example, any attempt to build more

diverse and integrated schools must have creative, multicultural curriculums at their core.

St. Cloud also has an opportunity to learn from larger urban areas that have been struggling with

this path of crisis for much longer, and to avoid the same pitfalls. Because when a region or

community doesn‘t do well on any one of these indicators of equitable community access to

opportunity such as homeownership, education, income and so forth, then opportunity for

everyone begins to slip. If people cannot find or access jobs in the region, find affordable

housing, or enjoy quality education, they will leave and take their resources with them. St. Cloud

will struggle. As a regional center, this is not the direction we want to head. Large urban areas

(like the Twin Cities) have started to be proactive about adjusting to change, but the challenges of

this adjustment are only recently coming to a head in the St. Cloud region-- and this is therefore a

moment of opportunity to intervene in these troublesome outcomes.

St. Cloud is now considered a part of the Twin Cities metro area (Minneapolis-St. Paul-St.

Cloud, MINN.-WIS.). The entire region will prosper only if each community does its part while

recognizing that it is part of a larger system. When we are looking at key indicators of well-being,


22

we must not only be concerned about disparities across race, but also about disparities across

space.

People and communities are differently situated, and these differences matter. Although we are

part of a larger region and we can learn from our neighbors, we also have to recognize our own

unique challenges and opportunities. We must acknowledge that the path to crisis plays out

differently across communities and people and, while the three principles of the path to health are

generally applicable, our path will look different from the Twin Cities path. We have to

recognize these differences when implementing the following principles to move us on the path to

healthy communities.

Key principles to guide our action

The challenges of walking this path to a new, more inclusive and opportunity- rich future for

everyone in the St. Cloud region have only become more pronounced with the current economic

crisis. But change is not only possible, it is essential. In the face of these many challenges,

ISAIAH leaders came together to develop new principles to guide the state on a path towards

healthy, equitable, livable communities, and against which policies should be judged. These

principles are:

1. Restorative investment in the most marginalized communities

2. Opening access to opportunity to cultivate all human potential

3. Growing together and developing integrated, connected communities

Restorative investment describes investment directed to those communities most negatively

impacted by our current economic recession and those who have borne the brunt of policies that

favored new, suburban, white communities. Examples of these types of investment include

community development, resident capacity building, job training, small and minority business

lending, and neighborhood revitalization. The health of the region and the state rests upon the

health of each of its communities.

Opening access to opportunity is defined as affirmatively connecting people to opportunity

through, for example, opening up housing choices through sustainable homeownership options,

re-thinking school policies, and providing quality, comprehensive public transit that connects

more people to opportunity. To cultivate the health of the state, we need to grow opportunity for

all our residents.

Growing together is defined as building healthy environments for all and providing newcomers

with access to opportunity. An example of this might be building strong coalitions between city-

suburban-tribal governments, developing regional master plans, or coordinating and integrating

housing, transportation, and infrastructure plans. Growing opportunity for all cannot be

undertaken in segregated communities.

These principles are the true markers of success for communities. To the extent that policies and

decision-making processes achieve these goals, then we can confidently say that Minnesota truly

is a state of opportunity, where the health of the communities and people of Minnesota is the top

priority. Embracing these principles in the St. Cloud region will make us a model for not only the

state, but for the nation.


23

Conclusion

We assessed opportunity for the St. Cloud region by reviewing data along general markers of

community health: education, housing, and employment opportunity. This analysis showed that

despite the many assets St. Cloud has to offer, the region is on a path to crisis, as are many

communities in Minnesota. The most significant indicator of this path to crisis is the rapid

concentration of school poverty and racial isolation in the St. Cloud area, trends that have impacts

beyond the school walls and signal that the children in these schools might carry disadvantage for

the rest of their lives. The racial disparities in housing, employment, and education opportunities

matter not only for St. Cloud and its families, but also for the future of the entire region.

However, these inequities are built, and they can be dismantled. A new path is not only possible,

it is imperative.

To embark on a journey down a new path to healthy communities, we must change how we

think—we have to move past the ―disparity‖ frame and beyond assigning blame to individuals.

Instead, we need to work within a frame where we share the same goals and values but recognize

that the path to reaching these goals and values will differ according to the unique experiences of

different groups. There is no ―one size fits all‖ approach.

This report is intended to be a starting point for a conversation of how to move beyond our

differences and unite under a new world view that seeks to lift us all up. What are the shared

goals, targets, and values that we hold for our communities in the St. Cloud region? Is a 74%

math proficiency level for white students acceptable? We know that a 35% math proficiency level

for our students of color is not acceptable. We should be striving higher for all our children

through a commitment to transforming institutions and systems to value and utilize the gifts—and

meet the needs—of every child; it is simply that more concerted efforts might need to be targeted

to certain groups that have experienced prolonged marginalization to lift them to the goal.

Our work cannot be undertaken in isolation from other communities. We can no longer consider

ourselves as separate from the Twin Cities – the entire region is increasingly drawing work

populations in two directions: from far-out exurban bedroom communities where people

commute into the Twin Cities, and from the Twin Cities where residents are drawn to jobs in the

St. Cloud region.

Our work also cannot be undertaken in isolation from other groups, including those with which

we have traditionally not worked. We must make every effort to reach out to those who have not

had a voice at any table. We must engage in conversations with each other over shared values and

hopes for the future.

To help in these efforts, we have developed a guide, ―Shining the Light: A Practical Guide to Co-

creating a Path to Healthy Communities,‖ that is designed to help people work through these new

ways of thinking, talking, and acting around race and racial equity. This field guide shows how to

uncover the assumptions, policies, and processes that shape the path of crisis and create new ones

to forge a path to healthy communities. We encourage you to seek out this guide to help you with

your reflections on racial equity issues in the St. Cloud region.

When we do all of these things—thinking, talking and acting in new ways—then we are

beginning the journey down the path to healthy communities, and rejecting the path to crisis that

has held us all back for too long.


24

Appendix

Table 2. Percentage of Student Enrollments in K-12 that Are Students of Color in Selected Rural Minnesota Communities, 2001-2007

2001- 2002- 2003- 2004- 2005- 2006- Percent Change, 2001-2007 City 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007

Albert Lea 14% 15% 15% 15% 16% 18% 29%

Cold Spring 1% 3% 4% 4% 5% 5% 400%

Faribault 17% 18% 20% 22% 23% 25% 47%

Mankato 10% 11% 12% 13% 14% 14% 40%

Marshall 17% 17% 16% 17% 18% 19% 12%

Owatonna 13% 14% 15% 16% 16% 17% 31%

Pelican Rapids 20% 23% 25% 27% 29% 32% 60%

St. Cloud 11% 13% 14% 16% 18% 21% 91%

Tracy 19% 19% 22% 22% 23% 21% 11%

Worthington 35% 38% 41% 42% 44% 46% 31%

Source. Data Center, Minnesota Department of Education. “School and District Enrollment Files.”

Table 3.Demographic Changes in St. Cloud Area School Districts, 1990/2000 and 2009/2010

Demographic Changes, St. Cloud Area School Districts 1990-2000 2009-2010 % Change,

1990-2010 Students of Color Total Students of Color Total

St. Cloud District 742 791 10093 2434 9474 207.1

Sauk Rapids-Rice District 47 89 3394 335 3717 276.4

Sartell-St. Stephens District 748 56 2371 129 3485 130.3

Source. Minnesota Department of Education


25

Table 4. Segregation of Public Primary School Students, Dissimilarity by Race/Ethnicity (2007/2008)

Segregation of Public Primary School Students, Dissimilarity by Race/Ethnicity (2007-08)

St. Cloud Minneapolis-St.Paul

Hispanic---Non-Hispanic White 47.4% 55.3%

Non. Hisp. Asian---Non-Hispanic White 47.3% 49.4%

Non. Hisp. Indian---Non-Hispanic White 51.9% 51.0%

Non-Hispanic Black---Non-Hispanic White 53.8% 61.0%

Source: Harvard Public School, Diversity Data. The Dissimilarity Index is another indicator of the extent of segregation in St. Cloud and Minneapolis-St. Paul area schools. Table 3 shows the evenness with which one racial group is located with respect to another racial group. The value represents the proportion of one racial group that would need to relocate to another school in order for the racial composition of each school to mirror the racial composition of all students in the metro area as a whole.

Table 5. Poverty Rate of School Where Average Primary School Student Attends by Race/Ethnicity (2007/2008)

Poverty Rate of School Where Average Primary School Student Attends by Race/Ethnicity (2007-08)

St. Cloud Minneapolis-St. Paul

Hispanic 41.6% 54.1%

Non-Hispanic White 32.0% 22.0%

Non-Hispanic Black 46.2% 57.8%

Non-Hispanic American Indian 44.4% 50.7%

Non-Hispanic Asian/Pac. Islander 40.9% 47.4%

Source: Harvard School of Public Health, Diversity data

Table 6. Homeownership Rate by Race/Ethnicity in St. Cloud (2000)

Homeownership Rate by Race/Ethnicity (2000)

Metro Area

Black 18.2%

Indian 36.6%

Asian/Pacific Islander 37.6%

Hispanic 43.2%

Non-Hispanic White 73.6%

Source: 2000 Census Summary File 1


26

Table 7. Graduation Rates by Ethnicity, 2006-2007

Graduation Rate by Ethnicity, 2006-2007

Statewide Ratio* St. Cloud Ratio* Minneapolis Ratio*

American Indian 70.45 0.75 100 1.09 50.56 0.58

Asian 89.18 0.95 88.46 0.96 82.37 0.95

Hispanic 70.23 0.74 50 0.55 51.97 0.6

Black 73.18 0.78 70.73 0.77 67.32 0.78

White 94.27 1 91.74 1 86.52 1

Source. 2000-2001 Completion Study, Minnesota Department of Children Families and Learning-Office of Information Technologies. *Ratio was calculated by dividing each rate by the white graduation rate.

Table 8. Dropout Rates by Ethnicity, 2006-2007

Dropout Rate by Ethnicity, 2006-2007

Statewide Ratio* St. Cloud Ratio* Minneapolis Ratio*

American Indian 29.55 5.16 0 0 49.44 3.67

Asian 10.82 1.89 11.54 1.4 17.63 1.31

Hispanic 29.77 5.2 50 6.05 48.03 3.56

Black 26.82 4.68 29.27 3.54 32.68 2.42

White 5.73 1 8.26 1 13.48 1

Source. 2000-2001 Completion Study, Minnesota Department of Children Families and Learning-Office of Information Technologies. *Ratio was calculated by dividing each drop-out rate by the white drop-out rate.

Table 9. Low Birth weight Births by Race/Ethnicity, St. Cloud (2005-2006)

Low Birthweight Births by Race/Ethnicity (2005-2006)

Metro Area

Hispanic 6.3%

Non-Hispanic Black 10.7%


Source. Harvard School of Public Health, Diversity data


27

Table 10. St. Cloud Percent Homeowners by Race/Ethnicity (1990/2000)

St. Cloud: Homeownership by Race and Ethnicity, Percent Owners

1990 2000

White Households 70.90% 73.60%

Black Households 27.10% 18.60%

Hispanic Households 47.60% 43.20%

Asian Households 37.20% 38.40%

Source. The Lewis Mumford Center for Comparative Urban and Regional Research.

Table 11. Comparison of Percent Homeowners by Race/Ethnicity, 1990/2000

1990 Homeownership by Race and Ethnicity, Percent Owners

St. Cloud Minneapolis-St.Paul Statewide

White Households 70.90% 71.10% 73.30%

Black Households 27.10% 30.80% 30.90%

Hispanic Households 47.60% 47.60% 46.70%

Asian Households 37.20% 41.70% 41.30%

2000 Homeownership by Race and Ethnicity, Percent Owners

St. Cloud Minneapolis-St.Paul Statewide

White Households 73.60% 76.40% 77.20%

Black Households 18.60% 31.80% 31.50%

Hispanic Households 43.20% 40.90% 42.90%

Asian Households 38.40% 53.40% 53.30%

Source. The Lewis Mumford Center for Comparative Urban and Regional Research.

Table 12. High Interest Rate Loans as Share of Home Purchase Loans by Neighborhood Racial/Ethnic Composition, 2008 in St. Cloud

High Interest Rate Loans as Share of Home Purchase Loans by Neighborhood Racial/Ethnic Composition, 2008

Metro Area

Predominantly White, non-Hispanic 9.50%

Mixed Neighborhood 13.00%

Predominantly Minority N/A

Source. Analysis of 2008 Home Mortgage Disclosure Act Data from the Federal Financial Institutions Examination Council.


28

Table 13. High Interest Rate Loans as Share of Refinance Loans by Neighborhood Racial/Ethnic Composition, 2008, St. Cloud

High Interest Rate Loans as Share of Refinance Loans by Neighborhood Racial/Ethnic Composition, 2008 Metro Area

Predominantly White, non-Hispanic 13.30%

Mixed Neighborhood 18.90%

Predominantly minority N/A

Source. Analysis of 2008 Home Mortgage Disclosure Act Data from the Federal Financial Institutions Examination Council.

Table 14. Share of Renters in St. Cloud paying more than 30% of income on Rent, by Race/Ethnicity (2000)

Share of Renters Paying More than 30% of Income for Rent by Race/Ethnicity (2000)

Metro Area

Black 49.8%

Indian 34.8%

Hispanic 27.9%



Source. 2000 Census Summary File 3

Table 15. St. Cloud Unemployment Rate by Race/Ethnicity and Gender

St. Cloud Unemployment Rate by Race/Ethnicity and Gender

2000 Male Female

Black 8.0% 5.0%

American Indian 5.0% 27.0%

Asian/Pacific Islander 3.0% 6.0%

Hispanic 14.0% 4.0%

Non-Hispanic White 4.0% 3.0% Source. Harvard School of Public Health, Diversity data


29

Table 16. St. Cloud Poverty Rate by Race/Ethnicity (1999)

Poverty Rate by Race/Ethnicity (1999)

Metro Area

Black 33.0%

American Indian 21.0%

Hispanic 22.0%




Table 17. St. Cloud Child Poverty Rate by Race/Ethnicity (1999)

Child Poverty Rate by Race/Ethnicity (1999)

Metro Area

Black 29.0%


Hispanic 25.0%




Table 18. Share Commuting by Public Transportation by Race/Ethnicity, St. Cloud (2000)

Share Commuting by Public Transportation by Race/Ethnicity (1999)

Metro Area

Black 8.0%


Hispanic 2.0%



Source. Harvard School of Public Health, Diversity data, Census 2000


30

Table 19. St. Cloud Search Rates by Race, 2002

St. Cloud Search Rates, 2002

Total Stops Total Searches Total Search Rate

American Indian 34 4 11.80%

Asian 293 11 3.80%

Black 581 49 8.40%

Latino 126 13 10.30%

White 7,809 359 4.60%

Total People of Color 1,034 77 7.40%

Total 8,843 436 4.90%

Source. Institute on Race & Poverty, Minnesota Statewide Racial Profiling Report: St. Cloud Police Department


31

Endnotes

1 Minnesota Minority Education Partnership, Inc. ―State of Students of Color and American Indian

Students, 2009.‖ 2009. Page 11. Available at http://www.mmep.net/2009_Report.html. 2 In the Twin Cities, African Americans are five times more likely to receive a subprime home purchase

loan than whites. Institute on Race and Poverty, ―Communities in Crisis: Race and Mortgage Lending in

the Twin Cities.‖ February 2009. Page 22. Available at

http://www.irpumn.org/uls/resources/projects/IRP_mortgage_study_Feb._11th.pdf 3 Wilkinson, Richard and Kate Pickett. The Spirit Level: Why Greater Equality Makes Societies Stronger.

Penguin, March 2009. 4 Reece, Jason et.al. ―ARRA and the Economic Crisis: One Year Later.‖ The Kirwan Institute for the Study

of Race and Ethnicity. February 2010. Available at

http://fairrecovery.org/docs/ARRAEquityOneYearAnniv_Kirwan_Institute_Feb2010.pdf 5 Amaad Rivera et. Al. Foreclosed: State of the Dream 2008. United for a Fair Economy. January 15, 2008.

http://www.faireconomy.org/files/StateOfDream_01_16_08_Web.pdf 6 Children‘s Defense Fund, The State of America’s Children 2008.

http://www.childrensdefense.org/child‐researchdata‐publications/data/state‐of‐americas‐children‐2008‐repo

rt.pdf 7 Bob Herbert, ―Children in Peril.‖ New York Times Op-Ed published April 20, 2009. Herbert is quoting

Dr. Irwin Redlener, president of the Children‘s Health Fund in New York. 8 Children‘s Defense Fund, The State of America’s Children 2008. http://www.childrensdefense.org/child-

research-data-publications/data/state-of-americas-children-2008-report.pdf 9 Minnesota KIDS COUNT Data Book 2009. ―The Building Blocks for Successful Children.‖ Children‘s

Defense Fund-Minnesota. 2009. Page 6. 10 Id. 11 Id. at 12 12 Id. 13 Id. at 7 14 Id. at 6 15

Arloc Sherman. ―Stimulus Keeping 6 Million Americans Out of Poverty in 2009, Estimates Show.”

Center on Budget and Policy Priorities. Available online at: http://www.cbpp.org/files/9‐9‐09pov2.pdf 16

Iris J. Law, Nicholas Johnson and Elizabeth McNichol. ―Additional Federal Fiscal Relief Needed to

Help States Address Recession‘s Impacts: Without It, States Steps to Balance Budget Could Cost Economy

900,000 Jobs Next Year.‖ Center on Budget and Policy Priorities. January 28, 2010. Available on‐line at

http://www.cbpp.org/cms/index.cfm?fa=view&id=2988 17

Nicholas Johnson, Phil Oliff and Erica Williams. ―An Update on State Budget Cuts. Governors

Proposing New Round of Cuts for 2011; At Least 43 States Have Already Imposed Cuts That Hurt

Vulnerable Residents.‖ Center on Budget and Policy Priorities. January 28, 2010. Available on‐line at:

http://www.cbpp.org/cms/index.cfm?fa=view&id=1214 18

Stephen J. Schellenberg, Concentration of Poverty and the Ongoing Need for Title I Reform in Hard

Work for Good Schools; Facts Not Fads in Title I Reform (The Civil Rights Project, Harvard University

1998). Page 133. 19 Quotes were edited for readability and consistency. 20

Census 2000, Income and Poverty in 1999, Summary File 3 21

Census 2000, Income and Poverty in 1999, Summary File 3 22

Census 2000, General Housing Characteristics Summary File 3 23 See W. T. Trent, ―Outcomes of School Desegregation: Findings from Longitudinal Research‖, 66 J. Negro Ed.

255 (1997). 24 Minnesota Department of Administration, State Demographic Center. January 2009. Accessed January

14, 2010. Available at http://www.demography.state.mn.us/resource.html?Id=19888 25 Id. 26 Schwei, Tamara Downs and Katherine Fennelly. ―Diversity Coalitions in Rural Minnesota

Communities.‖ Cure Reporter. Winter 2007.

http://www.mmep.net/2009_Report.html

http://www.irpumn.org/uls/resources/projects/IRP_mortgage_study_Feb._11th.pdf

http://fairrecovery.org/docs/ARRAEquityOneYearAnniv_Kirwan_Institute_Feb2010.pdf

http://www.childrensdefense.org/child-research-data-publications/data/state-of-americas-children-2008-report.pdf

http://www.childrensdefense.org/child-research-data-publications/data/state-of-americas-children-2008-report.pdf

http://www.demography.state.mn.us/resource.html?Id=19888


32

27 Id. at 16 28 Id. 29 Minnesota Minority Education Partnership, Inc. ―State of Students of Color and American Indian

Students, 2009.‖ 2009. Page 7. Available at http://www.mmep.net/2009_Report.html. 30 Supra n. 23 31 Notes, Community Meeting for Integration Planning held March 15, 2008. Accessed online May 14,

2010 at http://isd742.org/Integration.pdf 32 Supra n. 23 33 Supra n. 18 at 130, 137 34 Poverty and Race Research Action Council Annotated Bibliography: The Impact of School-Based

Poverty Concentration on Academic Achievement and Student Outcomes. 35 Id. at 3. 36 See Gary Orfield and John T. Yun, Deepening Segregation In American Public Schools (1997), Harvard

Project on School Desegregation. Available on-line at

http://www.civilrightsproject.harvard.edu/research/deseg/Resegregation_American_Schools99.pdf See also,

What Matters Most: Teaching For America’s Future, A Report Of The National Commission On Teaching

America’s Future (Spring 1996): Summary Report. (Racially segregated schools more often rely upon transitory

teachers, have curricula with greater emphasis on remedial courses, higher rates of tardiness and unexcused

absence, and lower rates of extracurricular involvement). 37 Supra n. 34 38 Trammel, Ming et. al. ―African American Male Initiative.‖ The Kirwan Institute for the Study of Race

and Ethnicity, June 2008. Page 19. 39 Id. at 18 40 Id. at 19 41 Id. at 20. 42 Barton, Paul. 2003. ―Parsing the Achievement Gap: Baselines for Tracking Progress.‖ Policy Information

Center, Education Testing Services. Available online at:

http://www.ets.org/Media/Research/pdf/PICPARSING.pdf. 43 Several decades of social science research show the powerful effect of neighborhood conditions on life

outcomes for residents. For example, housing mobility programs which moved people into lower poverty

neighborhoods have shown the improvements in health, well being, education and employment for low-

income families when they can leave neighborhoods of concentrated poverty. See Orr, Feins, Jacob, and

Beecroft (Abt Associates Inc.) and Sanbonmatsu, Katz, Liebman and Kling (NBER), U.S. Department of

Housing and Urban Development Office of Policy Development and Research, Moving To Opportunity

Interim Impacts Evaluation (September 2003). Living in a neighborhood of concentrated disadvantage and

poverty can severely inhibit life outcomes, especially for young children. One recent study found that the

effect of living in a neighborhood of disadvantage for young children was so severe it was equivalent to

missing an entire year of school. See Robert J. Sampson, Patrick Sharkey, and Stephen W. Raudenbush,

―Durable effects of concentrated disadvantage on verbal ability among African-American children.‖

Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 105(3): 845-852 (October 28, 2007). 44 Consider housing opportunity in terms of building wealth. In 2007, the average white household had 15

times as much total wealth as the average African-American or Latino household. If home equity is

excluded, and only financial wealth considered, the ratio jumps to about 100:1. Homeownership is an

important means to closing the racial wealth gap, especially because homeowners of color are more reliant

than white households on housing for wealth, with 95% of wealth for Black households, and 96% of wealth

for Hispanic households derived from their primary residence, compared to 70% of white wealth. See

Dumhoff, G. William. ―Power in America: Wealth, Income, and Power.‖ September 2005 (updated April

2010). Accessed May 14, 2010 at http://sociology.ucsc.edu/whorulesamerica/power/wealth.html. The

recent subprime and foreclosure crisis, however, has likely increased the wealth gap. In fact, homeowners

of color are expected to lose between $164 billion and $213 billion in wealth from the fallout. See

DEMOS. ―Beyond the Mortgage Meltdown: Addressing the Current Crisis, Avoiding a Future

Catastrophe.‖ 2008. P.16. 45 Note: Predominantly White is defined as a neighborhood with less than 10% minority in 2000.

Predominantly minority neighborhoods defined as those that were 80% or more minority in 2000. Mixed

neighborhoods defined as those that were between 10% and 80% minority in 2000.

http://www.mmep.net/2009_Report.html

http://isd742.org/Integration.pdf

http://www.civilrightsproject.harvard.edu/research/deseg/Resegregation_American_Schools99.pdf

http://www.ets.org/Media/Research/pdf/PICPARSING.pdf

http://sociology.ucsc.edu/whorulesamerica/power/wealth.html


33

46Partnership for America‘s Economic Success. ―The Hidden Costs of the Housing Crisis: The Impact of

Housing on Young Children‘s Odds of Success.‖ Issue Brief No. 7. July 2008. Accessed May 14, 2010 at

http://www.partnershipforsuccess.org/docs/research_brief_200807_housing.pdf 47 Create Community. Housing Access. Accessed May 27, 2010 at

http://www.createcommunity.info/housing.html 48 Minnesota Department of Employment and Economic Development. Positively Minnesota.

Unemployment Statistics. March 2010. Retrieved

http://www.positivelyminnesota.com/apps/lmi/laus/CurrentStats.aspx 49

Harvard School of Public Health. Diversity Data. St. Cloud, MN: Summary Profile. Retrieved

http://diversitydata.sph.harvard.edu/Data/Profiles/Show.aspx?loc=1188&notes=True&cat=-1 50 Baran, Madeleine. ―Minnesota #2 in nation in racial gap in jobless rate.‖ Minnesota Public Radio. May

24, 2010. 51 Id. 52 Id. 53 Harvard School of Public Health. Diversity Data. St. Cloud, MN: Economic Opportunities Profile.

Retrieved from

http://diversitydata.sph.harvard.edu/Data/Profiles/Show.aspx?loc=1188&notes=True&cat=7 54 Harvard School of Public Health. Diversity Data. St. Cloud, MN: Economic Opportunities Profile.

Retrieved from

http://diversitydata.sph.harvard.edu/Data/Profiles/Show.aspx?loc=1188&notes=True&cat=7 55 Mishel, Lawrence. ―Sounding the Alarm: Update on the Economic Downturn.‖ May 21, 2009. Available

at http://www.epi.org/publications/entry/sounding_the_alarm/ 56 Grossman, Dr. Zoltan. Assistant Professor of Geography. University of Wisconsin-Eau Claire, Somali

Immigrant Settlement in Small Communities, Presentation. Retrieved from

http://www.google.com/url?sa=t&source=web&ct=res&cd=3&ved=0CCoQFjAC&url=http%3A%2F%2Fa

cademic.evergreen.edu%2Fg%2Fgrossmaz%2FSomalis2.ppt&rct=j&q=refugees+in+St.+Cloud+employme

nt&ei=GCzkS6KqJpK2NpHTkaIH&usg=AFQjCNG91LBcfmZ7wl38uQWRw96UOmapFA 57Ruckelshaus, Cathy, Amy Sugimori, Prita Lal, and Rebecca Smith. ―Holding the Wage Floor:

Enforcement of Wage and Hour Standards for Low-Wage Workers in an Era of Government Inaction and

Employer Unaccountability.‖ National Employment Law Project Immigrant and Nonstandard Worker

Project Policy Update. October 2006. Page 2. Accessed August 18, 2009 at

http://www.mobilityagenda.org/holdwage.pdf 58 For example, in an examination of working conditions and government protections for poultry processing

workers in North Carolina, researchers found extensive violations of health and safety standards, with little

to no recourse for workers. Extensive injuries on the job were found as a result of industry deregulation that

allowed for increases in line speeds of up to 91 birds a minute. Injuries included severed fingers, carpal

tunnel syndrome, and chronic leg and back pain. Workers that were injured on the job were expected to

report back to work before they were healed or risk being fired. The compensation was negligible, with line

workers earning an average of $5 to $6 an hour, for 8 to 9 hours a day, 6 days a week. While on the job,

workers were forced to stand in pools of grease and water without boots for protection, and were forced to

endure overflowing toilets. Within an eight hour day, workers were allowed two 7-minute breaks only, and

if feeling sick from the noxious odors and conditions, were sometimes forced to vomit where they worked.

Elaine Dodge and Terri Shuck. ―Lessons from Poultry Plant Fire Ignored.‖ Poverty and Race Research

Action Council. Poverty and Race. November/December 1993. Accessed April 20, 2009 at

http://www.prrac.org/full_text.php?text_id=585&item_id=5907&newsletter_id=11&header=Race+%2F+R

acism 59 St. Cloud Area Planning Association. 2035 Transportation Plan, Appendix A Federal and State Planning

Requirements. Retrieved from

http://www.stcloudapo.org/Plans/Tran_Plan_2035/Appendix%20A_Federal%20&%20State%20Planning%

20Considerations.pdf . According to their findings, there are clusters of low-income and minority

populations within the region. These areas include the Key Row, La Cruz, and La Paz communities which

have high concentrations of low- and middle- income people, along with various mobile home parks

including Bel Clare Estates and Sherwood Manor, which are located in areas with very high concentrations

of people of color. Findings from the study indicate that while proposed projects would cause short-term

http://www.partnershipforsuccess.org/docs/research_brief_200807_housing.pdf

http://www.createcommunity.info/housing.html

http://www.positivelyminnesota.com/apps/lmi/laus/CurrentStats.aspx

http://diversitydata.sph.harvard.edu/Data/Profiles/Show.aspx?loc=1188&notes=True&cat=-1

http://diversitydata.sph.harvard.edu/Data/Profiles/Show.aspx?loc=1188&notes=True&cat=7

http://diversitydata.sph.harvard.edu/Data/Profiles/Show.aspx?loc=1188&notes=True&cat=7

http://www.epi.org/publications/entry/sounding_the_alarm/

http://www.google.com/url?sa=t&source=web&ct=res&cd=3&ved=0CCoQFjAC&url=http%3A%2F%2Facademic.evergreen.edu%2Fg%2Fgrossmaz%2FSomalis2.ppt&rct=j&q=refugees+in+St.+Cloud+employment&ei=GCzkS6KqJpK2NpHTkaIH&usg=AFQjCNG91LBcfmZ7wl38uQWRw96UOmapFA



http://www.mobilityagenda.org/holdwage.pdf

http://www.prrac.org/full_text.php?text_id=585&item_id=5907&newsletter_id=11&header=Race+%2F+Racism

http://www.prrac.org/full_text.php?text_id=585&item_id=5907&newsletter_id=11&header=Race+%2F+Racism

http://www.stcloudapo.org/Plans/Tran_Plan_2035/Appendix%20A_Federal%20&%20State%20Planning%20Considerations.pdf

http://www.stcloudapo.org/Plans/Tran_Plan_2035/Appendix%20A_Federal%20&%20State%20Planning%20Considerations.pdf


34

impacts, such impacts would not be greater than those experienced by non-low income and non-minority

people of the general public. 60 Metro Bus Media Release, Metro Bus delays route restricting plans. March 16, 2010. Retrieved from

http://www.stcloudmtc.com/userfiles/file/moving_forward/Route%20Restructure%20Delay%20News%20

Release%203_16_10.pdf 61 Metro Bus, Media Release, Metro Bus delays route restructuring plans, March 16, 2010. 62 ―And Justice for Some: Differential Treatment of Youth of Color in the Justice System.‖ National

Council on Crime and Delinquency. January 2007. National statistics are profoundly disturbing. A report

released by Human Rights Watch found dramatic disparities in incarceration rates for whites, Blacks, and

Latinos. For instance, according to the report, based on 2000 census data, Blacks and Hispanics, although

comprising 25 percent of the national population, made up 62 percent of the incarcerated population. In

some states, a staggering one in ten Black men is behind bars. Human Rights Watch. U.S.: Incarceration

Rates Reveal Striking Racial Disparities. February 26, 2002. Retrieved from

http://www.hrw.org/en/news/2002/02/26/us-incarceration-rates-reveal-striking-racial-disparities 63 Myslajek, Crystal. ―Racial Disparity of Child Poverty in Minnesota: The Hidden Consequence of

Incarceration.‖ May 20099. Page 2. 64 Racial Disparities Initiative. ―The Relationship Between Racial Disparities and Minnesota‘s Changing

Demographics.‖ Retrieved from http://www.racialdisparity.org/demographics_mn_changing.php 65 Supra n. 63 at 7 66 Id. 67 Id. at 1 68 Id. at 9. In 2006 in the US, drug offenders accounted for more than half of the increase in the prison

population, and in Minnesota, drug offenders accounted for 30% of prison admissions, and 23% of total

prison population. According to estimates by the Minnesota Department of Corrections, the male drug

offender prison population is expected to increase by approximately 50% between 2008 and 2017. 69 Id. 70 Id. 71 Institute on Race & Poverty, University of Minnesota Law School. Minnesota Statewide Racial Profiling

Report: Saint Cloud Police Department Report to the Minnesota Legislature September 22, 2003, The

Council on Crime and Justice. Retrieved from

http://www1.umn.edu/irp/racialprof/St%20Cloud%20final.pdf 72 Supra n. 71 at 15 73 Id. at 27

http://www.stcloudmtc.com/userfiles/file/moving_forward/Route%20Restructure%20Delay%20News%20Release%203_16_10.pdf

http://www.stcloudmtc.com/userfiles/file/moving_forward/Route%20Restructure%20Delay%20News%20Release%203_16_10.pdf

http://www.hrw.org/en/news/2002/02/26/us-incarceration-rates-reveal-striking-racial-disparities

http://www.racialdisparity.org/demographics_mn_changing.php

http://www1.umn.edu/irp/racialprof/St%20Cloud%20final.pdf

Alliance for Metropolitan StabilityGrassroots Policy ProjectHousing Preservation ProjectThe Institute on Race and Poverty at the University of MinnesotaOrganizing Apprenticeship ProjectTransit Partners

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