Secularization and Social Control in

Alaskan Eskimo Culture: Shifting from

Fear/Power to Honor/Shame

JohnFerch

VPforAcademicAffairs

AlaskaBibleCollege

PresentedApril7,2018

EvangelicalMissiologicalSociety

Palmer,AK/PortlandOR

I. Introduction

TheshamanisticrootsoftheAlaskanEskimo1culturearewell-attestedin

contemporaryethnographicliterature.Anorientationtoshamanismisgenerallyabasic

trainingrequirementforanyWesternerseekingtoministerintheNorthernindigenous

context.Nevertheless,afteryearsofministrywiththeEskimopeople,itseemstomethat

thistraditionalfocusonthesupernaturaldimensiondoesnotaccuratelyrepresentthe

“heart”ofmodernEskimoculture.The“spiritworld”oftheirancestorsisrarelyamajor

motivatorintheday-to-dayactionsofmyEskimostudents.Thatsaid,itisclearthatmy

ownWesternapproachesareoftenequallyineffectiveasmotivators.Irememberquite

1Theterm“Eskimo”iscontroversialininternationalcircles,butlesssoinAlaska,whereithasdevelopeda

technicalmeaningthatincludesboththeYup’ikandInupiatpeoplegroups.Theterm“Inuit,”aspreferredin

CanadaandGreenland,excludestheYup’ikpeoplesofAlaskaandSiberia.Whenaskedabouttheirown

preference,theindividualsinterviewedandsurveyedinthisstudytookprideintheir“Eskimo”identityand

preferredthisnomenclature.SincethisstudywillincludeboththeYu’pikandtheInupiatpeoplegroupsof

Alaska,theterm“Eskimo”willbeusedthroughoutasaregionally-acceptedandpreferredtermtojointlydesignatebothgroups.(LawrenceKaplan,“InuitorEskimo:WhichNametoUse?,”AlaskaNativeLanguage

Center<https://www.uaf.edu/anlc/resources/inuit-eskimo/>[Accessed4December2017].)

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clearlywhenastudentabruptlyleftmyofficemid-conversationafterIcommunicatedabit

toobluntlyregardingsomepooracademicdecisions.ThoughIattemptedtoprovide

personalmotivationbyappealingtotheindividualsenseofrewardandpunishment,the

studentsimplyperceivedaccusationsagainsttheircharacter,andchosetosavefaceby

leavingtheroom.Iwaslefttowonder,“WhatamImissinginEskimoculture?”As

educators,andevenmoreimportantlyasministers,itiscrucialthatweunderstandthe

historicandcontemporaryorientationsofthecultureinwhichweserve.Wemustrealize

thattheEskimos’approachestosuchissueshavenotremainedstaticovertheyears,nor

havetheysimplyadoptedtheindividualisticWesternframeworkorientedaroundpersonal

guiltandinnocence.DiachronicstudyofAlaskanEskimoculturesuggeststhatthe

influenceofWesternsecularizationhascausedashiftfromapredominantlyFear/Power

orientationtowardsagreateremphasisonHonor/Shame.

A. Theological Framework

TheconceptsofFear/Power,Honor/Shame,andGuilt/Innocenceastoolsfor

understandingandevaluatingculturewereintroducedtomissiologicalcirclesbyRoland

Muller.ThroughhisworkinMiddleEasternculture,Mullerrealizedthathiseffortsto

explaintheconceptandeffectsof“sin”usingthetraditionalEuropeanparadigmofguilt

andinnocencewerefallingondeafears.Ashestudiedhishostculturemoredeeply,he

“discoveredthatArabswerelivinginaworldviewwheretheparadigmwasshameversus

honor.”2Mullertakesapredominantlytheologicalapproachinhisargument,lookingto

Scriptureforamorenuancedunderstandingofsin.HeproposesthattheFallofHumanity

2RolandMuller,Honor&Shame:UnlockingtheDoor(Bloomington:Xlibris,2000),46.

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inGenesis3resultednotonlyinguiltforthehumanrace(whichisthetraditionalWestern

understanding),butalsoinshameandfear.3Applyingthistheologicalunderstandingto

theconceptofculture,hesuggests,“Downthroughhistoryandacrosstheworld,these

threeemotionalreactionstosinbecamethethreebasicbuildingblocksthatexistinall

culturestoday.Somecultureshavemoreofonethananother,butallthreearepresentin

allculturestoday.”4

Morerecently,JaysonGeorgeshastakenupMuller’sargumentandrefineditfor

broadermissiologicalapplication.WhileMuller’sworkfocusedpredominantlyon

applicationtotheHonor/Shame-basedMuslimculture,Georges’sworkfocuseson

applicationtoallthreeculturetypes.Georgesprovidesahelpfulandsuccinctdefinitionfor

eachculturetype,whichwillbeadoptedforthepresentdiscussion:

(1)guilt-innocenceculturesareindividualisticsocieties(mostlyWestern),where

peoplewhobreakthelawsareguiltyandseekjusticeorforgivenesstorectifya

wrong,(2)shame-honorculturesdescribescollectivisticcultures(commoninthe

East),wherepeopleshamedforfulfillinggroupexpectationsseektorestoretheir

honorbeforethecommunity,and(3)fear-powerculturesreferstoanimistic

contexts(typicallytribalorAfrican),wherepeopleafraidofevilandharmpursue

poweroverthespiritworldthroughmagicalrituals.5

GeorgesfollowsMullerinhisapproach,viewingthesethreecategoriesthrougha

theologicallenswithaviewtowardscontextualizingthegospelforeach“culturetype.”

3Muller,18-19.

4Muller,19.

5JaysonGeorges,The3DGospel(N.p.:Time,2014),11.

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B. Anthropological Framework

Thoughspeakingextensivelyaboutculture,neitherMullernorGeorgesmake

significantefforttogroundtheirideasinanthropologicaltheory.Severaltimes,Muller

mentions“anthropologistsandsociologists”thathaveobservedthesedynamicsatworkin

humanculture,buthedoesnotciteanysuchstudiesdirectly.6Thisisexcusablegiventheir

theologicalemphases,butduetotheanthropologicalfocusofthepresentdiscussion,thisis

animportantconnectiontomake.Georgesconsiderstheanthropologicalperspectiveina

bitmoredetail,seeingtheconceptsbasicallyassocio-economicforces.Heargues,“Guilt,

shame,andfeararethemoralemotionsthatsocio-economicgroupsusetoorganizethe

distributionofresourcesbetweenpeople.”7Whileheprovideshelpfulexamplesastohow

theseconceptscontributetoagroup’seconomy,itisdifficulttoconceiveofthesedynamics

asprimarilyeconomicdevelopments.Inhismorerecentpublicationonthetopic,Georges

(withco-authorMarkBaker)takesadifferentanthropologicaltrack,describingthe

differencebetweenguilt/innocenceandshame/honororientationusingterminologyof

whatanthropologistswouldlabel“socialcontrol,”focusingon“acceptablebehavior”and

the“resultofviolations”ratherthaneconomicrewards.8Indeed,manycontemporary

anthropologiststendtounderstandallthreeoftheseconcepts—shame,guilt,andfear—as

mechanismsofsocialcontrol.

6Muller,18.

7Georges,29.

8JaysonGeorges&MarkD.Baker,MinisteringinHonor-ShameCultures(DownersGrove:InterVarsity,2016),

35-38.

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Forexample,Grunlan&Mayersexplain,“Everysocietyhasnormsbywhichits

membersareexpectedtolive.Butinnosocietyarethenormsalwaysfollowedby

everyone.Therefore,allsocietieshavemechanismsforsocialcontrol.”9Theygoonto

identifylaws(anexampleofGuilt/Innocenceorientation)andpublicridicule(anexample

ofShame/Honororientation)asexamplesofsuchmechanisms.10Bailey&Peoplesgointo

evengreaterdetailintheirdiscussionofsocialcontrol.Theyidentify“gossip,scandal,and

ridicule”(i.e.,“Shame/Honor”),fearof“supernaturalsanctions”(i.e.,“Fear/Power”),and

“legalpunishment”(i.e.,“Guilt/Innocence”)asthethreeprimaryavenuesofsocialcontrol

intheworld’ssocieties.11

Granted,Grunlan&MayersandBailey&Peoplesbothdemonstrateathoroughly

functionalistapproachtothequestion:thedynamicsofguilt/innocence,fear/power,and

shame/honorexistinhumanculturesbecausesocietyneedsawaytoinfluenceandcontrol

thebehaviorofindividuals.MullerandGeorges,ontheotherhand,tendtounderstand

thesedynamicsastheresultsofhumanity’schoicetosinagainstherCreator.Atthevery

least,thisunderstandingofhowcontemporaryfunctionalistanthropologistsframethese

conceptswillfacilitatetheapplicationofanthropologicalethnographiestothediscussionat

hand.Approachingthequestionfromtheperspectiveofrelationalrealism,valuemaybe

foundinbothapproaches.IfwefollowEnochWaninunderstandingcultureas“The

9StephanA.Grunlan&MarvinMayers,CulturalAnthropology:AChristianPerspective(GrandRapids:

Zondervan,1979),217.

10Grunlan&Mayers,218-219.

11GarrickBailey&JamesPeoples,IntroductiontoCulturalAnthropology(Belmont:Wadsworth,1999),189.

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context/consequenceofpatternedinteractionofpersonalBeings/beings,”12thenthe

dynamicsofGuilt/Innocence,Shame/Honor,andFear/Powercanbeunderstoodbothin

termsoftheireffectsonhuman-to-humanrelationships(asemphasizedbyGrunlan&

MayersandBailey&Peoples)aswellashuman-to-divine(asemphasizedbyMullerand

Georges).

Havingestablishedthetheologicalandanthropologicalframework,thequestionat

handcanbeunderstoodmoreclearly:Whatmethodsofsocialcontroltendtodominatein

contemporaryAlaskanEskimoculture,andhowdothesedifferfromthoseusedintimes

past?Or,tousetheologicalterminology,howdoesthecontemporaryAlaskanEskimotend

toexperiencetheeffectsofpersonalandsocietalsin,andhowdoesthiscomparetopast

generations?Toanswerthesequestions,adiachronicapproachwillbeemployedto

evaluatehowtheforcesofsecularizationandWesternizationhaveinfluencedAlaskan

Eskimocultureovertime.Thestudywillbeginwithananalysisofthe“oldways,”orthe

EskimocultureatthepointofcontactwithEuropeancivilization,usingoralhistoriesthat

havebeenpreservedbyNativeelders,aswellasanthropologicalreflectionsonthose

histories.Theramificationsofthatcontactasasecularizingforcewillthenbeconsidered,

followedbyanevaluationofthepresent-daycultureusingacombinationoffirst-hand

ethnography,quantitativesurvey,andobservationsmadebyotheranthropologists.

12EnochWan,“ACritiqueofCharlesKraftsUse/MisuseofCommunicationandSocialSciencesinBiblical

InterpretationandMissiologicalFormulation,”GlobalMissiologyvol.1,no.2(October2004),2.

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II. “The Old Ways”: Social Control through Fear & Power

Consideringonceagainthethreeculturetypesasdefinedabove,theYup’ikand

InupiatculturesofAlaskawouldseemtofitmostnaturallyintothethirdcategory,

“Fear/Power.”MullerandGeorgesbothidentifyfearofthesupernaturalasafundamental

characteristicofanimisticculturesand“tribal”societies,whichwouldpresumablyinclude

theAlaskanEskimo.13AnevaluationtheAlaskanEskimocultureatthetimeofEuropean

contactisnecessarytoconfirmthishypothesis.

ThelackofwrittenhistoryinEskimoculturepriortoEuropeancontactcomplicates

thistaskofdiachronicanthropology,butdoesnotrenderitimpossible.Althoughthere

existnowrittenaccountsoftheculturefromaninsiderperspective,twotypesofmaterial

doexistthatwillenablethepresentstudy:first-handoralaccountsthathavebeenpassed

downgenerationally,andsecond-handobservationsmadebyWesternanthropologists.

A. Oral Traditions

Theoraltraditionsrepresentimportantprimarysourcematerialthatshouldnotbe

overlookedordiscountedbyWesternscientificmethodology.Thoughprevious

generationsofscientistsmayhaveregardedsuchaccountsunreliableorunscientific,

recentyearshaveseenastrongefforttorecordandpreservethesetraditionsforfuture

generations.ManycontemporaryInupiatandYu’pikeldershavepainstakinglyrecorded

andwrittendownthestoriesrelayedtothembytheirownparentsandgrandparents,

providinguswithaglimpseintothecultureofthatdaythroughtheeyesofcultural

13Muller,43;Georges,11.

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insiders.Theseoraltraditionswillbeusedtodevelopanunderstandingofthecultural

orientationoftheEskimoatthepointofEuropeancontact.Onlyafterapictureofthe

cultureisallowedtoemergefromthesefirst-handstorieswillthispicturebecompared

withobservationsfromWesternanthropologists.

FredSavokwasanInupiatpastorintheEvangelicalCovenantChurchwholived

from1922-2009.In2004,hepublishedJesusandtheEskimo:HowtheManoftheSky

BroughttheLighttoMyPeople.Thebookconsistsofstoriesrelayedtohimbyhisparents,

JohnandLilySavok,whowerechildrenwhenWesternersfirstarrivedintheirregion.John

andLily’sparentsweresomeofthefirstAlaskanEskimotoconverttofaithinJesus.

Savok’sworkisquiteinsightfultothediscussionathand,sincehisstoriesspanatleastfour

generations,providingfirst-handinsightnotonlytotheancientroleoftheshamaninthe

Eskimoculture,butalsotohowthemessageoftheGospelwasfirstunderstoodbythe

Inupiat.

ThethemesoffearandpowerpermeateSavok’swritingtothecore.Hisstory

beginsinthedaysofhisgrandparents,priortoEuropeanarrival.Ofthesedays,hewrites:

PriortothecomingofthebeliefinChristianityandtheimportanceofJesus,Eskimo

culturewasundertheinfluenceoftheAnatkut(Shaman).SomeAnatkutbelieved

theyreceivedtheirpowerfromabove,whileothersgottheirpowerfromthe

darkness,frombelow.TheseAnatkuthadpoweroverthepeoplebecausetheywere

thekeepersofthetaboos.Thetabooswerenevertobebrokenotherwisepeople

wouldsuffertheconsequences,eventodeath.14

ThisfearwasnotadistanttheoreticalconceptforSavok’sfamily,butwascentraltotheir

identityandpersonalexperience.Heshareshowhismaternalgrandmother,Qutleruq,

14FredSavok,JesusandtheEskimo:HowtheManoftheSkyBroughttheLighttoMyPeople(Fairbanks:HLC,

2004),12.

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becameall-to-acquaintedwiththeviolationofsupernaturaltabooatayoungage.

Qutleruq’sfatherhadrecentlybecomeseriouslyill.Theshamanwasinvitedtothehome,

whereheperformedaritualthatresultedinhealingseveraldayslater.However,the

healingcamewithastrictwarningfromtheshaman:nooneinthefamilywastomakeany

sortofbraid,orthefatherwoulddieimmediately.Severalweekslater,asshewasplaying

withherfriends,Qutleruqnoticedacommotioninthevillagenearby:

Thepoorgirldidnotneedtobetold.Sheknewwhathappened.Shehadkilledher

fatherbybraidinggrass.Thehalf-finishedworkofgrassfellslowlydownfromher

handstothesandbelow.Shefrozewithfear,lookingtowardtheqasgi[men’shall].

Slowlyandfearfully,Qutleruqstartedwalkingtowardtheqasgi.Shefeltsoweak

fromfearthatshecouldnotrun.15

Theemphasisonfearinhisgrandmother’sstorymustbenoted.Summarizingtheentire

ethosoftheday,Savokwrites,“SothepoorEskimolivedinconstantfear.Fearofdeath

seemedtolurkjustoutsidethedoorofeachhumblehome.”16

Inadditiontothepiercingaccountsummarizedabove,Savokidentifiesmanyother

ritualtaboosthroughthestoriesthathetells.Womenmustisolatethemselvesfromthe

communityforseveraldaysduringchildbirth,andintheeventofstillbirth,allclothing

mustbeburned.17Ababycouldbecaughtinadipnetupondeliveryasagoodomento

providephysicalstrength.18Eatingunripenedsalmonberrieswouldcauseapersontodie

insleepthatnight,and“seeingtheeggsinthenestofacertainsnipewouldcertainlycause

15Savok,20.

16Savok,19.

17Savok,31.

18Savok,32.

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arelativetodie.”19Functionalistanthropologistscouldpresumablyidentifyreasonsfor

eachofthesetaboos,aswillbedulynotedshortly,butforthepresenttime,itisimportant

tolettheoralhistoryspeakforitself.AsSavoksummarizes,“ToanaverageEskimo’slife

situation,fearpermeatedhiswholelifetothecore.”20

Apersonmight,atthispoint,takeissuewithSavok’sportrayal,notinghis

occupationasaChristianpastorandhisownsemi-acculturatedperspective.Wouldthisnot

certainlytainthisunderstandingofhisancestors’experiences?Itisnecessaryheretomeet

Savokonhisownterms.Heemphasizestheimportanceoftheoraltraditionthatheis

passingon,andhisownloyaltytorepresentthishistoryaccurately:

SincetheEskimodidnothaveawrittenhistorytopassonfromgenerationto

generation,theirabilitytoretaininformationwasfantastic.Retellingalongstory

exactlyastold,afterhearingitonlyonce,wasnothardformany…AndIhave

prayerfullydecidedtoportraythesetrue-to-lifehappeningsasbestasIknowhow

instoryform.Undoubtedly,somesegmentsoftruthandactivitieswilldifferfrom

otherNativeauthors.AlthoughthebasictruthsaboutEskimoculturearethesame,

howweexpressthosestoriesinadifficultlanguageofEnglishistheblamefor

sure.21

ThediscussionnowbrieflyturnstoanotheroftheseNativeauthorsthatSavok

acknowledges.

ThewritingsofHaroldNapoleon,aYup’ikauthorwhoprovidespropheticcritiqueof

hisownculturalheritagefromamoresociologicalperspective,demonstratemuchthe

same“fear/power”orientationthatemergesfromSavok’sportrayal.Napoleonusesthe

Yup’ikwordyuuyaraqtodescribethe“oldways,”whichhetranslatesas“thewayofbeinga

19Savok,108.

20Savok,41.

21Savok,13-15.

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humanbeing.”22Thisunwrittenlaw,hewrites,“outlinedtheprotocolforeveryandany

situationthathumanbeingsmightfindthemselvesin…Itoutlinedthewayoflivingin

harmonywithinthisspiritworldandwiththespiritbeingsthatinhabitedthisworld.”23

Expandingonthisspiritworldandtheprincipleofyuuyaraq,Napoleonechoesmanyofthe

samethemesthataroseinSavok’swork:

Evenso,animalandhumanspiritswanderedtheearth,asdidmonstersand

creaturesofthedeepandtheunderground,goodspiritsandevilspirits(alangrut)

thateitherhelpedorcausedhavoc,evendeath,forhumansandanimalsalike.Every

physicalmanifestation—plentyoffoodorfamine,goodweatherorbad,goodluckor

bad,healthorillness—hadaspiritualcause.Thisiswhytheshamans,theangalkuq,

werethemostimportantmenandwomeninthevillage.24

Notably,thoughNapoleonavoidstheemphasisonfearthatpervadedSavok’sportrayal,the

themeofpowerisjustasevident.CorrectbehaviorfortheYup’ik,liketheInupiat,focused

onappeasingthespiritsandgainingpower.

B. Anthropological Analysis

Lookingbackonthe“oldways,”contemporaryanthropologistshavetendedtoagree

withthisassessment.Placingtheseoraltraditionswithinthefunctionalistframeworkthat

hastendedtodominateWesternanthropology,thedynamicsoffearandpowerare

understoodaselementsofsocialcontrol.SteveLangdon,forexample,describestaboos

similartothoseacknowledgedbySavokandNapoleon:

Womenweretrainedintheskillsoftanning,sewingandfoodpreparation;wives

observedmanytaboosandritualstoassisttheirhusbands’hunting.Theseincluded

abroadrangeofactivitiessuchascuttingskinsatcertaintimes,eatingcertainfoods

22HaroldNapoleon,Yuuyaraq:TheWayoftheHumanBeing(Fairbanks:AlaskaNativeKnowledgeNetwork,

1996),4.

23Napoleon,5.

24Napoleon,8.

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orlookingincertaindirections.Itwasthoughtthatifthosetabooswerebroken,

thenbadluckwouldbefallthehusband’shuntingefforts.25

NormanChancetheorizesabouttheanthropological“function”behindthesereligious

beliefs,suggestingtheycould“becalleduponto‘explain’atemporarylossoffoodsupply:a

kinmemberhadbrokenanimportanttaboooranevilspirithaddrivenawaythegame.”26

ChanceelaboratesfurtherontheroleofpowerinancientInupiatsociety:

Essentially,theEskimoperceptionoftheuniversewasoneofinternalharmonyof

theelementsinwhichvariousnaturalandsupernaturalforceswereneutrally

disposedtowardman.Bymeansofritualandmagic,however,theEskimocould

influencethesupernaturalforcestowardadesiredend,beitcontrollingtheweather

andfoodsupply,ensuringprotectionagainstillness,orcuringillnesswhenitstruck.

Thepowertoinfluencetheseeventscamefromtheuseofcharms,amulets,and

magicalformulas,observanceoftaboos,andthepracticeofsorcery.27

Theseanthropologicalperspectiveshelpaffirmwhathasbeeninferredfromtheaccounts

oftheculturalinsiders,SavokandNapoleon.Workingfromafunctionalistframework,they

proposethatthesupernaturalperspectiveservedtohelptheEskimomakesenseoflifeand

governindividualbehaviorinaharshsettingthatwasoftenbeyondtheirphysicalcontrol.

III. The Secularizing Force of Westernization

AsdemonstratedthroughtheoraltraditionsfromEskimoelders,andcorroborated

bycontemporaryanthropologicalstudy,thepredominantorientationoftheEskimoculture

atthetimeofEuropeancontactwasthatofFear/Power.ThoughthediscoveryofAlaskaby

theRussianEmpirein1741broughtalimiteddegreeofEuropeaninfluencetoEskimo

25SteveJ.Langdon,TheNativePeopleofAlaska:TraditionalLivinginaNorthernLand(Anchorage:Greatland,

2002),75.

26NormanChance,TheEskimoofNorthAlaska(NewYork:Holt,Rinehart,andWinston,1966),2.

27Chance,58.

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regions,Russia’seconomicinterestslayprimarilyintheresource-richregionstothesouth,

inhabitedbytheUnangan,Sugpiaq,andTlingitpeoples.TheworldviewoftheAlaskan

EskimoculturesremainedlargelyunaffectedbyWesternizationuntiltheUnitedStates’

purchaseoftheterritorywiththeTreatyofCessionin1867,andthegoldrushandwhaling

industrythatdevelopedshortlythereafter.Asthenewcolonizerssoughttobringthe

regionundertheireconomicandpoliticalcontrol,thefederalgovernmentmobilized

missionariesnotonlytoevangelize,butalsoto“civilize”theinhabitantsofthenew

territory.28Christianmissionariesweretheprimaryagentsofculturalchangeamongthe

Eskimo,butitwillbearguedherethatitwasnotthegospelmessagethatbroughtthemost

profoundchangestotheEskimoworldviewofFear/Power,butratherthesecularizing

influenceofthemodernEuropeanworldview.

A. The Gospel and the Eskimo Worldview

TheChristianmessageitselfwasnotincompatiblewiththeancientEskimo

worldview.AsGeorgeshasargued,thethemesoffearandpowerarecriticalthreadsinthe

Scripturalgospelstory.29Aclearly-presentedgospelmessagewouldnotcausetheEskimo

toabandontheirbeliefsregardingthepowerofthespiritualworld,butwouldratheraffirm

theirexistingworldviewbyacknowledgingtheexistenceofanall-powerful,lovingCreator

whoofferssalvationanddeliverancetoHispeoplefromthepoweroftheevilspiritsthat

seektoharmandenslavethem(Genesis3:15,Col.2:15).

28LarryJorgenson,“FromShamanstoMissionaries:ThePopularReligiosityoftheInupiaqEskimo,”Word&

World,vol.10,no.4,339-348,344.

29Georges,42-43.

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Indeed,thetestimonyofFredSavok’sgrandparentsdemonstratesthatthiswasthe

exacteffectthatthegospelmessagehadwhenitwasfirstpresentedtothem.Herecounts

howhisgrandparentsfirstencounteredthegospelthroughtheEvangelicalCovenant

missionaryDavidJohnsoninthelate1800s.Intriguingly,thelocalshamanshadbeen

speakingforsometimeabouta“‘verypowerfullight’comingfromtheSouth”thatwas

“muchstrongerthantheirown.”30ShortlypriortotheencounterwithJohnson,Savok’s

grandfatherEgaqhadhimselfhadadreamalongtheselines:

Hesawamandressedinwhitedescendingandstoppingaboutthreefeetoffthe

floorintheirigloo.“IamtheFatherofAllPeople,”saidthispersondressedinwhite.

“Soonallpeoplewillhearaboutme.”Andthatwasalltheunusualpersonsaid.31

AsEgaqandhiswifeQutleruqpuzzledoverthemeaningofthisvision,Johnsonand

hisInupiatinterpreter,Uyarak,passedbytheircabinondogsledandstoppedtopaythema

visit.Thatnight,afterahospitablemeal,thevisitorssharedthegospelmessage.Itis

interestingtonotethatSavokrecordsthemessageasbeingpresentedinclear

Guilt/Innocentterminology:

TheEgaqsheardforthefirsttimethattherewerebadthings,calledsins,intheir

hearts.ButthatGodinHisloveforpeoplesentHisSon,Jesus,whocanwashbad

thingsawayfromtheirlivesforbetterliving.32

However,asheretellshisGrandparent’sresponseoffaithtothemessage,itisclearthat

theyunderstoodandprocessedthemessageintermsoftheirownFear/Powerperspective:

Asthedayswentby,thecoupledwelledlessonfear,butmoreonanticipationofa

betterlife.God’sstrongerpowersurelymustbetrue,theyreasoned…Althoughthe

30Savok,55.

31Savok,56.

32Savok,58.

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Egaqshadnot,asyet,realizedit,theyhadbecomeslavestotheSavior.Slaveryto

Satanandsuperstitionwasleftbehind.33

Savok’sgrandparents,andtosomeextenttheirbroaderInupiatcultureasawhole,had

beensupernaturallypreparedforthearrivalofthegospelmessage,andasthey

internalizeditanddiscusseditamongtheirownpeople,thethemethatwasconsistently

emphasizedwasGod’spowertodeliverthemfromtheirfear:

TheEgaqswereoftenaskedtorelatetheirexperienceandknowledgeofthepower

strongerthanthatoftheShaman.ConstantfearoftheDevilandtheShamanwere

thedrivingforcetoembracethemorepowerfulforceoffreedom.Naturally,the

ShamanopposedthespreadoftheGoodNews.34

SothegospelmessagewaspresentedtotheEskimousingGuilt/Innocenceterminology,

butwasacceptedandculturallyprocessedfromwithintheexistingFear/Power

framework.

Contemporaryanthropologistshavenotedandaffirmedthiscontinuitybetweenthe

ancientEskimoworldviewandtheworldviewoftheBible:

Thebeliefinmanydevilsisnotonlyanaboriginalresidue,butisactuallyinperfect

conformitywiththeversionofChristianitynowpresentedtothesepeople.Several

missionariesintheregionpreachofthephysicalexistenceofdevils.Furthermore,

theEskimobelievethatshaman’shelpingpowerswererealspiritsand,by

implication,thattheshamansactuallyperformedthefeatstheyclaim.35

Chancearguesthatsomecontinuitycanandshouldbeseenbetweentheshamans’

ceremoniesofyesterdaymeanttoensureagoodhunt,andthecontemporaryprayer

servicesintheChristianchurchthathavereplacedthem.36Inthissense,theEskimocan

33Savok,59-60.

34Savok,74.

35Chance,59-60.

36Chance,40.

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stillbesaidtorelyonsupernaturalpowerforsuccessinthehunt,butthesourceofthat

powerhasshiftedfrompleasingthespiritstoentreatingtheCreator.Intheevaluationof

anthropologistDorothyJeanRay,Jesus’poweroverthespiritworldgaveHimthestatusof

“supershaman”intheeyesoftheInupiatofthelate1800s.37

B. Secularization and the Eskimo Worldview

Itwasnotthearrivalofthegospelmessageitselfthatbroughtaculturalshiftaway

fromFear/Powerorientation.Rather,itwasthesecularizinginfluenceofWesternculture

thatcausedthisshift.Ofcourse,tobeclear,itwasfrequentlytheverysamemissionaries

whobroughtthegospelinonehand,andasecularizedworldviewintheother.Thefederal

governmentviewedthemissionaryenterpriseasaneffectivemeansof“civilizing”hernew

inhabitants,andprovidedfundingtoestablishschoolstoeducateEskimochildrenandnew

economicopportunitiessuchasreindeerherdingtoencourageatransitionawayfromthe

nomadicsubsistencelifestyle.38

Themissionariesandgovernmentagentsalsobroughtnewdiseases.These

epidemicswroughthavoconEskimocommunitiesandacceleratedthesecularization

process.InwhatNativeeldersrememberasthe“GreatDeath,”over60%ofthepopulation

wasdecimatedintheearly1900s,andentirecommunitieswereerasedfromthemap.39

Napoleonpaintsachillingpicturethathighlightsthepowerlessnessoftheshamansto

counterthisnew-foundthreat:

37DorothyJeanRay,TheEskimosofBeringStrait,1650-1898(Seattle:UniversityofWashington,1975)251.

38Jorgensen,344.

39Napoleon,10.

Ferch17

Soonwholefamiliesweredead,someleavingonlyaboyorgirl.Babiestriedto

suckleonthebreastsofdeadmothers,soontodiethemselves.Eventhemedicine

mengrewillanddiedindespairwiththeirpeople,andwiththemdiedagreatpart

ofYuuyaraq,theancientspiritworldoftheEskimo.40

AsNapoleontellsit,itwasthiswidespreadculturaltraumathat,morethananyother

factor,broughtaboutthetransitionawayfromtheFear/Powerframework.Theshamans

diedorwererenderedpowerless,andagentsofWesternculture—whethermissionariesor

schoolteachers—steppedintofillthevoid:

Thesurvivorsalsoturnedovertheeducationandinstructionoftheirchildrentothe

missionariesandtheschoolteachers.TheytaughtthemverylittleaboutYuuyaraq.

Theyallowedthemissionariesandtheschoolteacherstoinflictphysical

punishmentontheirchildren;forexample,washingtheirchildren’smouthswith

soapiftheyspokeYup’ikinschoolorchurch.Theirchildrenwereforbidden,onpain

of“servinginhell,”fromdancingorfollowingtheoldways.41

IntermsofsocialstructurewithinEskimovillages,pastorsandschoolteacherseffectively

replacedtheroleoftheshamanwithinafewshortyears.42

AlongwithWesterneducationanditsanti-supernaturalbiascameWestern

technology.This,too,hadanimpactontheFear/Powerdynamic.Chance,forexample,

discussestheimpactofthehuntingrifle:

Althoughtheuseoftheriflemadehuntingeasier,it…broughtintoquestionthe

validityofthetraditionalreligionbyraisingdoubtsabouttheimportanceofcertain

ritualsandtaboosconnectedwithhunting.Thisquestioningofreligionaffectedthe

traditionalmeansofsocialcontrolinthatthethreatofsupernaturalpunishmentfor

deviationfromapprovedEskimopracticeslostmuchofitsforce.43

40Napoleon,11.

41Napoleon,13.

42Jorgensen,345.

43Chance,2-3.

Ferch18

Similareffectscanbetracedthroughtheintroductionofmedicine,agriculture,

transportation,andmarket-basedeconomics.

SoitwasnotthegospelmessageitselfthatpromptedtheEskimototransitionaway

fromtheirtraditionalmeansofsocialcontrol.Thoughitdidpromptareevaluationoftheir

historicaltaboos,lifewasstillverymuchunderstoodtotakeplaceinaspiritualrealm,and

theFear/Powerdynamicremainedcentralfortheearliestbelievers.Rather,itwasthe

increasingsecularizationofthesociety—broughtaboutthroughthedeathofthetraditional

leaders,theimplementationofWesterneducation,andtheimplicitanti-supernaturalbias

strengthenedbyWesterntechnology—thatpromptedthetraditionalmeansofsocial

controltochange.

IV. Contemporary Culture: Social Control through Honor & Shame

Asthe“oldways”passedawayandasecularizedworldviewbegantotakeroot,one

mightassumethatthetraditionalmechanismsofsocialcontrolwouldsimplybereplaced

byWesternones.IntermsofMuller’sthreecultural“buildingblocks,”theFear/Power

dynamicwouldthenbereplacedbytheWesternemphasisonGuilt/Innocence.Human

behaviorwouldnolongerbegovernedbysupernaturalspiritsorasupremedeity,but

ratherbyanindividualsenseof“right”and“wrong”andadesiretoconformtointernal

moralcodesandexternalpubliclaws.However,anevaluationofcontemporaryEskimo

culturerevealsthatthisisnotthecase.

A. Shame and Honor in the Old Ways

ThesecularizationofEskimoculturedidnotcauseawidespreadtransitiontothe

WesternorientationofGuilt/Innocence,butrather“uncovered”andbroughtinto

Ferch19

prominenceanotherdynamicofsocialcontrolthathadalwaysexistedbeneaththesurface.

Thoughtheearlieranalysisoforalhistoryandanthropologicalstudieshasidentified

Fear/PowerastheprimarydynamicofsocialcontrolinearlyEskimoculture,itis

importanttonoteMuller’swordofcaution:

Wemustbecareful,however,nottotryandfiteachcultureorworldviewintoone

specificcategory…allthreebuildingblocksarepresentinallculturesand

worldviews,buthowmuchofeachoneispresent,determinestheactualtypeof

culturethatemerges.44

HegoesontomakeaspecificsuggestionabouttheindigenousculturesofNorthAmerica,

suggestingthattheyoftenconsist“ofelementsofbothshame-basedandfear-based

cultures.”45ThisisconsistentwiththeobservationsofanthropologistPaulHiebert,who

identifiesstrongelementsofbothFear/PowerandShame/Honorinwhathecalls“small-

scaleoralsocieties.”46

Returningtothesourcesconsultedearlier,itisclearthatan“undercurrent”of

Shame/HonorcomplimentedthedominantvalueofFear/Power.Thisisillustratedagain

throughthestoryofQutleruq,whohadkilledherfatherbybreakingthetabooagainst

makingbraids.Theresultofheractionswasostracismfromthecommunity:“Qutleruqwas

nowanoutcast,labeleda‘murderer.’Yes,labeledassuch,evenbythewholevillage.The

verdictgivenbyamother’sauthoritywasfinal.Ithasbeenspoken.”47Qutleruqstruggled

44Muller,16.

45Muller,20.

46PaulG.Hiebert,TransformingWorldviews:AnAnthropologicalUnderstandingofHowPeopleChange(Grand

Rapids:Baker,2008),106-111.

47Savok,21.

Ferch20

withthisbrandofshamethroughoutherlife.Itlatercausedhertoberejectedbyher

mother-in-lawasasourceofbadluck:

Likeanyothermotherwholovedherchildren,Egaq’smothercouldsensethe

turmoilinherson’slife.She,too,afterthislengthoftime,learnedtoloveher

daughter-in-law.Butthefearofbreakingrulesofsuperstitionwasstronger.After

thesecondbabycameanddied,sheencouragedhersontoleavehiswifewhowas

stillinthesnowshelter.Thiswouldbethequickestwaytosolveproblemscoming

theirway.Surely,theoutcastintheirfamilywasthesourceofitall.48

InQutleruq’sstory,thedynamicsofFear/PowerandHonor/Shameareseentobeworking

hand-in-hand:honorandshamewereobservedbythecommunityinordertoavoid

supernaturalconsequences.

Anthropologistsaffirmthiscommunalorientation.SurvivalfortheEskimo

dependednotonlyonsupernaturalpower,butalsoonconnectednesstootherhuman

beingsthroughawidespreadnetworkofkinshipforsupportandmutualsustenance:

Underthisarrangement,allEskimowhocalledeachotherbyrealorfictivekinship

termsassumedarelationofsharingandcooperation(theextentofobligation

dependingondegreeofdistancefromego),andwereseenbyoutsidersasbeing

responsiblefortheactionsoftheentirekingroup.Feudsoccasionallyarose

betweenthesegroupsandwhentheconflictresultedinmurder,retaliationrequired

thejointactionoftheappropriatekinmembers.49

Statusandfaceinthecommunitywerenearlyasimportantforsurvivalasspiritualpower

andinfluence.Sharing,caring,andhospitalitywereofparamountimportance,andthievery

anddishonestywerethegreatesttransgressions;“AnyEskimofoundwiththebadhabitof

eitheronewasknownbypeopleinseveralcommunities.Distrustofsuchapersonamong

48Savok,32.

49Chance,49.

Ferch21

thehonestandtruthfulwas,initself,enoughpunishmentandwarningtoothers.”50These

areclearexamplesofShame/Honorvaluesasdefinedearlier.51

AstheforcesofWesternsecularizationremovedthedynamicofFear/Power,this

secondaryorientationtowardsHonor/Shamehasrisentothesurface,andnowoperatesas

theprimarydynamicofsocialcontrolinruralEskimosociety.Napoleonreliesheavilyon

shame-basedlanguagetodescribetheeffectsoftheculturaltransitionuponhisYup’ik

people.Hearguesthatthedeathofthe“oldways”broughtagreatsenseofcommunal

shame:

Thesurvivorsseemtohaveagreed,withoutdiscussingit,thattheywouldnottalk

aboutit.Itwastoopainfulandtheimplicationsweretoogreat.Discussingitwould

haveletlooseemotionstheymaynothavebeenabletocontrol.Itwasbetternotto

talkaboutit,toactasifithadneverhappened,tonallunguaq.Tothisday

nallunguaqremainsawayofdealingwithproblemsorunpleasantoccurrencesin

Yup’iklife.Youngpeopleareadvisedbyelderstonallunguarluku,“topretendit

didn’thappen.”52

Hegoeson,discussinghowthisdynamichasshapedmodernEskimobehaviortoday:

Thesurvivorswerestoicandseemedabletoliveunderthemostmiserableand

unbearableofconditions.Theyarequiet,evendeferential.Theydidnotdiscuss

personalproblemswithothers.Iftheywerehurt,theykeptittothemselves.Ifthey

wereangry,theykeptittothemselves.Theywerelaudedasbeingsorespectfulthat

theyavoidedeye-to-eyecontactwithothers.Theywerepassive.Veryfewexhibited

theiremotionsordiscussedthem.53

ExaminingsocialcontrolamongtheEskimoinmorerecenttimes,Chanceaffirmsthis

orientationtowardsShame/Honor:“AslongastheEskimo’seconomicandsocialsecurity

50Savok,185.

51Georges&Baker,52-60.

52Napoleon,12.

53Napoleon,19.

Ferch22

dependsontheassistanceandsupportofothers,gossip,ridicule,andostracismcanbe

quiteeffectiveinensuringconformitytogroupnorms.”54Theseareoftenappliedformally

inthecontextofthevillagecouncil,andinextremecasesbanishmentfromthecommunity

isnotunusual.55

B. Contemporary Ethnography & Survey

InworkingwithEskimostudentsoverthepastsixyears,myownethnographic

observationssupportthishypothesis.TheWesternhighereducationsettingis

traditionallyverysteepedintheGuilt/Innocenceframework.Thesystemisbuiltaround

theconceptofindividualperformanceandachievement,rewardinggoodacademic

behaviorandpunishingpoor.IhaveoftenstruggledtoinvolveEskimostudentsingroup

conversation,sincespeakingasanindividualinagroupsettingcausesoneto“standout”in

asituationwheregroupconformityisthetraditionalvalue.Conversely,whenparticipation

isinvitedbythelargergroup,studentsaremuchmoreeagertocontribute.Inonesuchcase

recently,Iaskedastudentwhyhechosetoaddressaparticularlysensitiveracialissuein

classpublicly.Hereplied,“Myfriendsaskedmetoshare,andIwantedtohonorthem.”In

caseswhereclassworkisnotcompletedontime,studentswilloftenchoosenottoattend

class,ratherthantoadmitthattheworkisnotcomplete.Familyemergenciesarecommon

occurrencesduetotheextendedkinshipstructure,andstudentshavefrequentlyaccrued

extendedperiodsofabsenceduetotheculturalobligationtohonorandassistone’sfamily.

AlloftheseobservationsareexamplesofaShame/Honorworldviewinaction.

54Chance,65.

55Chance,69.

Ferch23

AninterviewwithoneYup’ikstudentconfirmsthistheoryfurther.IaskedEugene

howindividualsinhishometownofMountainVillagelearnhowtobehaveappropriately.

Eugene’sresponsesheavilyemphasizedtheimportanceoflisteningtoandrespectingone’s

elders.WhenIaskedhimwhytheeldersofthecommunityaresoimportant,hereplied,

“Becausethey’retheonesthatweviewtohavethemostwisdomandknowledge.We

wouldlooktothemforguidanceandsoon…Sothatisoneofthewaysweshowrespect,

becausethey’retheonesthattaughtusthebesthuntinggroundsandsoforth.”56Iasked

Eugenewhathappenstopeoplewhodonotlisten,andhereplied,

Prideinthevillageisfrownedupon.Aproudmanislikethewolfthathowlstoo

loud.Heneedstoshowthatheisjustlikethem,andknowswherehecomes

from…Ifapersonrefusestolisten,thenwerefusetohearwhattheyhavetosay.57

InEugene’sexperience,correctbehaviorrevolvesaroundrespectingeldersand

conformingtothegroup.Thosewhofailtodosolosefaceandareignored.

Ialsoaskedabouttherolethatthesupernaturalorspiritworldplaysinaperson’s

behavior.Eugenerespondedwithanexample,revealingthatfeardoesstillplayaminor

roleinsocialcontrol:

Tohelpkidsknowwhentocomehomewhenit’sdarkout,wetellthemtoavoidthe

northernlights—nottobetooloudormischievous.Otherwise,theywillcome

closerandcloser.Insomestories,theywillplayballwithyourhead,orturnyouto

stone.Seeingthemovementofthelightsintheskythenfrightenskidstogohome.

Whenwegetolder,werealizethesearejuststories.58

56EugeneStevens,personalinterview,13October2017.

57Stevens.

58Stevens.

Ferch24

InEugene’sexperience,someoftheoldstoriesandtaboosarestillusedtoteachthe

children,buttheadultsdonotgenerallybelievethese.

Duringthecourseofthisstudy,Ihadanintriguingglimpseofthissysteminaction

whenIattendedtheAlaskaFederationofNativesconventionwithEugeneonOctober20,

2017.OnereasonforourvisitwasthatEugenewantedtopurchaseanauthenticYupik-

styledrumattheartisanmarket.CraftsmenfromacrossAlaskawerepresenttoselltheir

handiwork.Walkingthroughthemarket,Iobservedtwovendorssellingthesedrums.I

foundEugene,whohadjustcommittedtopurchasingadrumfromathirdvendor,not

havingseentheothertwo.Lookingatthedrum,Icouldtellthatitwasofinferiorquality

comparedtotheothertwodrumsIhadalreadyseen.AsIwalkedawaywithEugene,who

washeadedtotheATMtogetmoneyforthedrum,Ishowedhimtheothertwooptions.He

wasveryexcitedaboutthesecondoptionthatwelookedat.Butevenmoreexcitingtohim

wasthethirdoption.Aswespokewiththevendor,Eugenerealizedthathewasthe

grandfatherofawell-knowndrummer,ByronNikolai,whowasanacquaintanceofEugene.

Eugeneultimatelydecidedtopurchasefromthisvendor.Later,aswecontinuedwalking

throughthemarket(Eugenewithdruminhand),wepassedbytheboothofthefirst

vendor.ThevendorpointedtoEugene’sdrumandasked,“So,youfoundonesomewhere

else?”Eugenetoldthestoryofhowhehadencounteredthegrandfatherofhisfriend

Byron.Explainingwhyhebackedoutoftheverbalagreementwiththefirstvendor,he

said,“Iwantedtohonorthegrandfatherofmyfriend.”InaWesterncontext,thevendor

mighthavebeenquiteoffendedbyEugene’sdecisiontobackoutoftheirverbalagreement.

TheNativevendor,however,seemedtobequitesatisfiedwithEugene’sexplanation.

Purchasingfromafriend’sgrandfatherwasunderstoodtobemuchmorehonorable.

Ferch25

Toconfirmtheresultsoftheseinterviewsandethnographicobservations,Imade

useofaquantitativesurveywrittenbyJaysonGeorges.This“CultureTest”consistsof25

questionsinwhichrespondentschoosebetweenthreeresponses,eachofwhichrepresents

oneofthethreemainculturetypes.59IapproachedseveralofmyEskimostudents,and

fouragreedtotakethesurvey.Theresultsofthesurveyconfirmtheproposalathand:

Sex Background Guilt Shame Fear

Student1 Female Rural 32% 52% 16%

Student2 Female Rural 32% 52% 16%

Student3 Male Rural 24% 56% 20%

Student4 Male Urban 60% 36% 4%

Averages: 37.00% 49.00% 14.00%

Table1:“TheCultureTest”SurveyResults

Threeimportantimplicationscanbedrawnfromthisdata.First,forallfourrespondents,

the“Shame”dynamicscoredmuchhigherthanthe“Fear”dynamic.Thissupportsthe

hypothesisthathasbeenpresentedabove:thesecularizationoftheEskimoculturethrough

theremovalofthesupernaturalemphasishascausedittoshifttowardsShame/Honorasa

moresignificantmechanismofsocialcontrol.Second,itisnotablethat,fortheindividual

whocamefromanurbancommunity,Guiltscoredthehighest,followedbyShame.This

couldpossiblybeattributedtothegreaterdegreeofacculturationthatthisindividualhas

experiencedinhisurbanupbringing,inwhichthecollectivistvaluesthatsupportthe

Shame/Honorframeworkhavehadlessimpact.Finally,itshouldalsobenotedthatthe

59Georges,30-32.

Ferch26

fearcomponenthasnotdisappearedcompletelyfromtheruralpopulation.Whileinthe

pastthiswastheprimarydynamicofthethree,thesecularizationprocesshasrelegatedit

tothestatusofan“undercurrent.”

V. Conclusion

WesterndominancehaswroughtamassiveparadigmshiftwithintheEskimo

worldview.Throughtheprocessofsecularization,ruralcommunitiesthatonceunderstood

lifeandcontrolledsocietythroughsupernaturalpowerhavebeenforcedtogiveupthis

guidingprinciple.HonorandShamenowdominateasthemajorforcesofsocialcontrolin

theruralEskimoculture.WhenEuropeansarrivedwiththegospelmessage,itwasquickly

acceptedandadaptedtotheFear/Powerculturalorientation.TheEskimoofyesterday

foundinJesusthepoweroverevilandfearthattheirownshamanshadlongsoughtand

predicted.Sadly,thisvictorywasshortlived.Asthatgenerationsuccumbedtoepidemic

andthe“oldways”succumbedtoWesternsecularization,theShame/Honorframeworkhas

nowemergedastheprimarylensthroughwhichcontemporarygenerationsunderstand

life.

ThemissiologicaltaskinAlaskaremains.Whiletheculturewaseffectively

evangelizedbytheearlymissionariesfromtheFear/Powerperspective,itmustinasense

bediscipledanewfromtheperspectiveofShame/Honor.Thisnewculturalframeworkhas

introducedahostofnewquestions:

TheEskimoyouthisexpectedtobeself-reliantinaphysicalandsupernaturalworld

overwhichhehaslittlecontrol.Hemustbefriendlyevenwiththosepeoplehemay

dislike.Heshouldmaintainasenseofpridebutremainmodest,bepreparedfor

actionbuthavepatience.Wemayassumethattheselong-continuedfrustrations

buildupimpulsestowardaggressionintheindividual.Sinceothersstrongly

condemnanyovertexpressionofthesefeelings,theindividualsimplysuppresses

Ferch27

them(thatis,theyseldomcometohisconsciousawareness)exceptduringsudden

seeminglyunexplainableoutburstsoftemperduringwhichamothershoutsather

children,oramanbeatshiswifeordestroyssomeone’sproperty.Onrareoccasions

today,butmorefrequentlyinthepast,thesesevereoutburstsresultedinmurder—

orwhenturnedinward,suicide.60

These“outbursts”haveonlyincreasedsinceChancewrotein1966,asNapoleonillustrates:

Tragically,undertheinfluenceofalcoholanddrugs,thepent-upanger,guilt,shame,

sorrow,frustration,andhopelessnessoftenisventedthroughoutburstsofviolence

toselfandothers.Suchacts,whicharedifficultforothersandevenforthesufferer

tounderstand,drivehimfurtherintothedeadlyvortexofguiltandshame.61

Inasense,secularizationhascausedthisancientculturetoloseanimportantbearingthat

itoncehadthroughunderstandingofthesupernaturalrealm.Oncefreedfromthepower

offear,theculturenowfacestheslaveryofshame.Thegospeloffersrealanswerstothe

questionofshame,justasitofferedtothequestionoffearinthedaysofQutleruqandEgaq.

TheEskimochurchmustadaptitsmethodstoaddressthesequestions.Modesofministry

thatdemonstrateandaffirmbiblicalperspectivesonhonorwillhelpinthisregard,aswill

modesthatappropriatelyaddressthesmotheringblanketofshamethatsooftenoppresses

individualsandcommunities.Promotingopen,honestcommunicationaboutthehurtsof

thepastcanallowJesusChristtohealtheshameofthepresent.“AstheScripturesays,

‘Anyonewhotrustsinhimwillneverbeputtoshame’”(Romans10:11).

Morethanthis,theEskimochurchshouldseriouslyconsideritsattitudetowardsthe

Fear/Powerdynamicofold.Ashasbeendemonstrated,theancientworldviewofYuuyaraq

wasinmanywaysmuchmorecompatiblewiththebiblicalworldviewthanthesecularism

ofcontemporaryculture.Lossofthisworldviewandtheriseofsecularismhaveremoved

60Chance,78.

61Napoleon,15.

Ferch28

animportantaspectofsocialcontrol,andallowedshametowreakhavoc.Byfindingways

toaffirm,celebrate,andcriticallycontextualizetheancientworldviewwithinabiblical

framework,theEskimochurchmayfindahelpfulculturalcountermeasureagainstthe

senseoflostidentityandvocationthatfuelstheshamefulcycleofalcoholism,drugabuse,

anddomesticviolencedecimatingmanyEskimocommunitiestoday.

Ferch29

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