scwarzer s knoll coping

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Positive Coping, 1

Running head: Positive Coping

Positive Coping: Mastering Demands and Searching for Meaning

Ralf Schwarzer & Nina Knoll

Freie Universitt Berlin

To appear in

Lopez, S. J. & Snyder, C. R. (Eds.), Handbook of Positive Psychological Assessment

Washington, DC: American Psychological Association

Address correspondence to:

Professor Dr. Ralf Schwarzer

Psychologie / Health Psychology

Freie Universitt BerlinHabelschwerdter Allee 45

14195 Berlin, GermanyFax: +49/30/838 55634

E-Mail:[email protected]
mailto:[email protected]:[email protected]


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Positive Coping, 2

Coping

Introduction

Coping can be defined as an effort to manage and overcome demands and critical events

that pose a challenge, threat, harm, loss, or benefit to a person (Lazarus, 1991). The term coping

often has been used in a more narrow sense as a response required of an organism to adapt to

adverse circumstances. In the context of a recent positive psychology movement, however, the

conceptualization of coping is broadening and now includes self-regulated goal attainment

strategies and personal growth as well (for detailed discussions, cf. Snyder, 1999; Snyder &

Lopez, in press).

Coping can occur as a response to an event or in anticipation of upcoming demands, but it

also can involve a proactive approach to self-imposed goals and challenges. Many attempts have

been made to reduce the universe of possible coping behaviors to a more parsimonious set of

coping dimensions. Researchers have come up with two basic distinctions, such as (a)

instrumental, attentive, vigilant, or confrontative coping on the one hand, as opposed to (b)

avoidant, palliative, and emotional coping on the other (for an overview, see Schwarzer &

Schwarzer, 1996). A well-known approach has been put forward by Lazarus (1991), who

separates problem-focused from emotion-focused coping. Another conceptual distinction is

between assimilative and accommodative coping, whereby the former aims at modifying the

environment and the latter at modifying oneself (Brandtstdter, 1992). Assimilative coping

implies tenacious goal pursuit, and accommodative coping flexible goal adjustment. Similarly,

the terms "primary control"versus "secondary control" (Rothbaum, Weisz, & Snyder, 1982) or

"mastery" versus "meaning" (Taylor, 1983) have been defined (for a detailed discussion on

coping, cf. Snyder, 1999).


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This chapter is organized into two parts, using the terms mastery and meaning as proxies

that stand for the two broad processes of coping described previously. Mastery pertains to

problem-focused or assimilative coping with demands, whereas meaning refers to

accommodative coping, including cognitive restructuring and benefit finding, etc. These coping

processes need not be applied exclusively. They may occur more or less simultaneously, or in a

certain time order, for example, when individuals first try to alter the demands that are at stake

and, after failing, turn inward to reinterpret their plights and find subjective meaning in them. We

will not discuss the abundance of possible thoughts and behaviors, but will focus on an

innovative theoretical perspective that emphasizes positive coping and expands upon previous

approaches. The following section will distinguish between four kinds of adaptation, with

proactive coping being the prototype of positive coping (Schwarzer, 2000).

Mastering Challenging Demands: Proactive Coping Theory

Stressful demands can reflect a distressing earlier loss, an ongoing harmful encounter, or

events in the near or distant future. These demands seem threatening to someone who feels

incapable of matching the upcoming tasks with available coping resources. In light of the

complexity of stressful episodes in social contexts, human coping cannot be reduced to primitive

forms, such as fight-and-flight responses or relaxation. Coping depends on the time perspective

of the demands and the subjective certainty of the events.

To introduce a new perspective, we distinguish between reactive, anticipatory, preventive,

and proactive coping, and how each type of coping helps us grapple with events of the past,

present, and future. Reactive coping alludes to harm or loss experienced in the past, whereas

anticipatory coping pertains to imminent threat in the near future. Preventive coping foreshadows


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an uncertain threat potential in the distant future, and proactive coping involves upcoming

challenges that are potentially self-promoting (see Figure 1).

Figure 1. Four perspectives of coping in terms of timing and certainty.

Reactive coping can be defined as an effort to deal with a past or present stressful

encounter, or to compensate for or accept harm or loss. Examples of harm or loss are marital

dissolution, losing one's job, doing poorly at a job interview, having an accident, being criticized

by parents or friends, or being demoted. All of these events have actually happened in the past;

thus, the individual who needs to cope either has to compensate for the loss or alleviate the harm.

Another option is to readjust goals, find benefit, or search for meaning to reconceptualize ones


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life. Reactive coping may be problem-focused, emotion-focused, or social-relation-focused. For

coping with loss or harm, individuals need to be resilient. Because they aim at compensation or

recovery, they need recovery self-efficacy, a particular optimistic belief in their capability to

overcome setbacks (Schwarzer, 1999).

Anticipatory coping is fundamentally different from reactive coping because the critical

event has not yet occurred. It can be regarded as an effort to deal with pending threat. In

anticipatory coping, individuals face a critical event that is certain or fairly certain to occur in the

near future. Examples are holding a scheduled public speech, a dentist appointment, a job

interview, adapting to parenthood, increased workload, an exam, promotion, retirement, company

downsizing, etc. There is a risk that the upcoming event subsequently may cause harm or loss,

and the person has to manage this perceived risk. The situation is appraised as either threatening,

challenging, or benefiting, or some of each. The function of coping may lie in solving the actual

problem, such as increasing effort, enlisting help, or investing other resources. Another function

may lie in feeling good in spite of the risk, for example by redefining the situation as less

threatening, by distraction, or by gaining reassurance from others. Thus, anticipatory coping can

be understood as the management of known risks, which includes investing ones resources to

prevent or combat the stressor or to maximize an anticipated benefit. One of the personal

resource factors is situation-specific coping self-efficacy (Schwarzer & Renner, 2000), an

optimistic self-belief of being able to cope successfully with the particular situation.

While anticipatory coping is considered to be a short-term engagement with high-certainty

events, preventive coping is an effort to prepare for uncertain events in the long run. The aim is to

build up general resistance resources that result in less strain in the future by minimizing the

severity of the impact. Thus, the consequences of stressful events, should they occur, would be

less severe. In preventive coping, individuals consider a critical event that may or may not occur


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in the distant future. Examples of such events are job loss, forced retirement, crime, illness,

physical impairment, disaster, or poverty. When people carry a spare key, double-lock their

doors, have good health insurance, save money, or maintain social bonds, they cope in a

preventive way and build up protection without knowing whether they will ever need it.

The perception of ambiguity need not be limited to single events. There can be a vague

wariness that something might happen, which motivates a person to be prepared for

anything. The individual prepares for the occurrence of nonnormative life events that are

appraised as more or less threatening. Coping here is a kind of risk management because one has

to prepare for various unknown risks in the distant future. The perceived ambiguity stimulates a

broad range of coping behaviors. Because all kinds of harm or loss could materialize one day,

people build up general resistance resources by accentuating their psychological strengths and

accumulating wealth, social bonds, and skillsjust in case. Skill development, for example, is

a coping process that may help to prevent possible trouble. Preventive coping is not born out of

an acute stress situation. It is not sparked by state anxiety, but rather by some level of trait worry,

or at least reasonable concern about the dangers of life. General coping self-efficacy seems to

be a good personal prerequisite to plan and initiate successfully multifarious preventive actions

that help build up resilience against threatening nonnormative life events in the distant future.

The prototype of positive coping is proactive coping because it does not require any

negative appraisals, such as harm, loss, or threat. Proactive coping reflects efforts to build up

general resources that facilitate promotion toward challenging goals and personal growth. In

proactive coping, people hold a vision. They see risks, demands, and opportunities in the distant

future, but they do not appraise them as potential threat, harm, or loss. Rather, they perceive

demanding situations as personal challenges. Coping becomes goal management instead of risk

management. Individuals are not reactive, but proactive in the sense that they initiate a


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constructive path of action and create opportunities for growth. The proactive individual strives

for life improvement and builds up resources that ensure progress and quality of functioning.

Proactively creating better living conditions and higher performance levels is experienced as an

opportunity to render life meaningful or to find purpose in life. Stress is interpreted as eustress,

that is, productive arousal and vital energy.

Preventive and proactive coping are partly manifested in the same kinds of overt

behaviors, such as skill development, resource accumulation, and long-term planning. It makes a

difference, however, if the motivation emanates from threat or challenge appraisals because

worry levels are higher in the former and lower in the latter. Proactive individuals are motivated

to meet challenges, and they commit themselves to their own personal high-quality standards.

Self-regulatory goal management includes ambitious goal setting and tenacious goal

pursuit. Goal pursuit requires action self-efficacy, an optimistic belief that one is capable of

initiating and maintaining difficult courses of action. This is similar to the agency component

of the hope construct proposed by Snyder (1994).

The role of beliefs in self-regulatory goal attainment has been spelled out in more detail in

a different theory that was designed to explain health behavior change, the Health Action Process

Approach (Schwarzer, 1992, 1999, in press; Schwarzer & Renner, 2000). The distinction between

these four perspectives of coping is advantageous because it moves the focus away from mere

responses to negative events toward a broader range of risk and goal management that includes

the active creation of opportunities and the positive experience of stress. Aspinwall and Taylor

(1997) have described a proactive coping theory that is similar, but not identical to the present

one. What they call proactive coping is mainly covered by the term preventive coping in the

current approach (see also Greenglass, Schwarzer, & Taubert, 1999). Further amplification of the


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terms involved is given below in the context of measurement. Before we proceed with

operational definitions, it is necessary to address the other area of positive coping.

Searching for Meaning

The following section will deal with various conceptualizations of "meaning" and its role

in the coping process. Meaning has been one focus of interest in a number of prominent stress

and coping theories concerned with adaptation to a variety of stressful encounters (Lazarus, 1966,

1991; Lazarus & Folkman, 1984). Authors vary in the roles they ascribe to the search for

meaning in the stress-coping process: They conceptualize it as being distinct from coping

(Affleck & Tennen, 1996), intertwined with coping (Folkman & Moskowitz, 2000), or being a

factor that informs and shapes coping in the process (i.e., appraisals; Lazarus, 1966, 1991).

Researchers also scrutinize different levels of meaning in the coping process. For

example, Folkman and Moskowitz (2000) differentiate situational and global meaning.

Situational meaning refers to appraisals of stress where it helps determine the degree of personal

significance of the encounter in relation to a person's beliefs, goals, or values. Global meaning,

on the other hand, is more concerned with abstract, generalized meaning that is related to people's

more existential assumptions or assumptive worlds (Janoff-Bulman, 1992).1

Most researchers concerned with the issue of finding meaning in adversity conceptualize

it as a powerful human strength commonly associated with the minimization of harm to an

individual's physical (e.g., Affleck, Tennen, Croog, & Levine, 1987) and psychological health

(e.g., Davis, Nolen-Hoeksema, & Larson, 1998). First, a more situational approach to meaning as

1 Because this chapter is primarily concerned with meaning observed and studied in the stress and coping process,

more general accounts of seeking meaning in life will not be discussed further. Suggested readings on thisfascinating and well-studied topic include works by Antonovsky (1993), Ryff and Singer (1998), and Wong and Fry

(1998).


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emphasized by Lazarus (1966, 1991) and Folkman and Moskowitz (2000) is described.

Following this, more global conceptualizations of meaning emerging primarily from trauma

literature are briefly reported.

Situational Approach

Lazarus (1991) asserts that an emotional meaning of a person-environment relationship is

constructed by the process of appraisal. Whether a situation is relevant to one's goals, beliefs, or

values is determined by a number of more or less automatic decisions concerning a particular

encounter. In terms of Lazarus theory, a situation would be appraised as or given meaning as

being relevant or nonrelevant, posing a threat, harm/loss, or challenge (Lazarus, 1966; Lazarus &

Folkman, 1984). Creating meaning in terms of appraisal is suggested to help determine the

personal significance of an adaptational encounter.

Folkman and Moskowitz (2000) argue that the construal of meaning not only serves to

estimate the relevance of a situation and choice of coping, but also plays a vital role for coping

behavior itself, especially coping that supports positive affect. In an effort to shed light on the

"other side of coping," the authors identify three meaning-related coping strategies that foster

positive emotions in the context of prolonged stress: positive reappraisal, problem-focused

coping, and infusing ordinary events with positive meaning.

In a longitudinal study of AIDS caregivers covering a period of eight months surrounding

the death of their partners (Moskowitz, Folkman, Collette, & Vittinghoff, 1996), the authors

found positive reappraisal independently related with increases in positive affect, pointing to

caregivers' reappraisal of a painful experience as worthwhile. Similarly, caregivers reported an

increased effort at problem-focused coping prior to the partner's death. Likewise, a strong


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association with positive affect during this period was found. Folkman and Moskowitz (2000)

propose that problem-focused coping may relate to finding meaning in that it supports feelings of

efficacy and situational mastery. They emphasize that almost all caregivers were readily able to

report positive events in the midst of their ongoing stress. Most of these events were actually

ordinary (see Table 1), but they were nevertheless reported as positive. It is suggested that during

the course of a chronically stressful situation (such as long-term caregiving), ordinary

experiences are infused with positive meaning and serve as breathers that contribute to positive

affect.

In her recent theory on the Broaden and Build Model of Positive Emotions, Fredrickson

(1998, 2000, in press) emphasizes the importance of positive emotions for health and well-being.

Fredrickson claims that negative emotional states are associated with narrow and fixated thinking

and action. Positive emotions, on the other hand, broaden an individual's thought and action

repertoire and thereby build the individual's enduring personal resources. Fredrickson proposes

that by this mechanism, positive emotions have a lasting undoing effect on negative emotions.

Accordingly, strategies that cultivate positive emotions, for example relaxation and finding

positive meaning, should be suitable for preventing and treating problems such as anxiety,

depression, or aggression (Fredrickson, in press).

Global Approach

Appraised situational meaning contrasts with global meaning. The global approach refers

to a more abstract, generalized understanding of meaning which is connected with individuals'

fundamental assumptions, beliefs, or expectations about the world and the self in the world (e.g.,

Wortman, Silver, & Kessler, 1993). The manner with which persons search for meaning while


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coping with an adverse event is thought of as an attempt to reconstruct existential beliefs and

distal goals that define one's identity (assumptive world; Janoff-Bulman, 1992).

One prominent theory that incorporates meaning finding as a cornerstone is Taylor's

(1983) theory of cognitive adaptation to threatening events. The theory proposes three main

dimensions of adaptation: search for meaning, sense of mastery, and self-enhancement. The three

dimensions are not strictly distinct from one another. Instead, it is assumed that one process may

serve different functions. For example, a causal explanation can provide meaning as well as

increase one's sense of mastery at the same time. Taylor suggests that meaning "invokes a need to

understand why a crisis occurred and what its impact has been" (1983, p. 112). By understanding

the cause of an event, one may appraise its significance and what it symbolizes about one's life,

often leading to existential reappraisals of life and one's appreciation for it. In a study with breast

cancer patients, Taylor found that the majority of women reported positive changes since their

recent bout with breast cancer. Ninety-five percent of cancer patients had a personal explanation

for why they developed cancer.

In a newer study, Bower, Kemeny, Taylor, and Fahey (1998) identified 40 HIV

seropositive men who recently had experienced the loss of a close friend or partner to AIDS.

Finding meaning was assessed qualitatively in an extensive interview procedure. Authors state

that individuals who reported having found meaning in the loss of a friend or loved one were

maintaining relatively high levels of CD4 T helper cells (indicators of immune functioning) and

were less likely to die over the follow-up period (Bower et al., 1998; Taylor, Kemeny, Reed,

Bower, & Gruenewald, 2000).

Evidence suggests that reintegrating the understanding of the event into a broader

framework may in few instances either take very long, or it will not be achieved at all. In a study

with bereaved persons having lost a spouse or child due to violent death, Lehman, Wortman, and


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Williams (1987) found evidence for failed assimilation efforts even after four to seven years post-

loss. They report that even many years after the traumatic loss, families struggled with

reoccurring memories, thoughts, or mental pictures of the deceased. Also, the majority of families

had by this time not found meaning in what had happened, a finding that points to the possibility

that closure through integration of an event into a meaningful framework had not been achieved.

The number of findings leading to contradictory evidence concerning the adaptational

value of finding meaning in a stressful incident inspired researchers to subdivide the construct

further (Affleck & Tennen, 1996; Davis et al., 1998). In a prospective study with relatives of

terminally ill patients, Davis and coworkers (1998) find evidence pointing to a two-dimensional

construal of meaning as "sense-making" and meaning as "benefit-finding"(see Table 1). Sense-

making relates to finding an explanation for what happened, for instance in the case of a major

illness, integrating it into existing schemata (or adjusting schemata), such as religion, knowledge

about health, or antecedents/consequences of illness. Benefitfinding, on the other hand, is

connected with finding meaning by taking into account positive implications of a negative event

or the pursuit for the silver lining of adversity.

Affleck and Tennen (1996; Tennen & Affleck, in press) emphasize the benefit-finding

perspective in the search for meaning in the context of severe medical problems. In a study with

heart attack survivors (Affleck et al., 1987), the authors found that eight years after the incident,

initial benefit-finders were in significantly better cardiac health and were less likely to have

suffered a subsequent heart attack. Also, they made an effort to distinguish between the belief

about finding benefit following a crisis (benefit-finding) and a coping strategy as an intentional

cognition or a behavioral attempt to manage a stressful encounter (benefit-reminding; Tennen &

Affleck, in press). Benefit-reminding as a coping strategy is conceptualized as an effortful, more

or less frequent use of benefit cognitions to ease the stressful impact of a situation. In a study


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with fibromyalgia patients, an extensive self-monitoring method was utilized to assess patients'

use of benefit-reminding as well as their symptoms and experiences. The data revealed

significant individual differences in the use of benefit-reminding and its relation to reports of

having found benefits in the experience. Also, within-subject analyses suggested that on benefit-

reminding days, individuals were more likely to experience pleasurable mood, regardless of

reported pain intensity.

Searching for meaning, thus, can be considered a broad category of positive coping,

including situational and global meaning, benefit-finding, and benefit-reminding, among others.

Empirical evidence attests to the fact that meaning and positive emotions help to restore an

individuals world view and may build additional personal resources.

Assessment of Positive Coping

Coping has been measured mainly by the use of questionnaires, such as checklists or

psychometric scales. In a review, Schwarzer and Schwarzer (1996) describe 13 conventional

inventories that were designed to assess numerous aspects of coping. These measures include

various subscales to cover a broad area of coping behaviors, such as problem-solving, avoidance,

seeking social support or information, denial, reappraisal, and others. One of the conclusions is

that it is very difficult to measure coping in a satisfactory manner. Coping is extremely

idiosyncratic and is multiply determined by situation and personality factors. Theory-based

psychometric scales can only assess part of it. Experimental measurement approaches, in

contrast, often remain at an individual and descriptive level, not allowing generalized conclusions

for groups of individuals. We will address some basic measurement issues in the next section, but

first we will give examples for the assessment of constructs described above.


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Approaches that try to tap innovative aspects of positive coping are (a) the mastery of

future threats and challenges, as reflected by preventive or proactive coping, and (b) the search

for meaning.

Preventive coping aims at uncertain threatening events that may loom in the distant future.

People accumulate resources and take general precautions in order to be protected against a

variety of critical events. A ten-item preventive coping subscale is included in the Proactive

Coping Inventory (PCI; Greenglass et al., 1999). Typical items are: I plan for future

eventualities, Before disaster strikes I am well-prepared for its consequences, and I prepare

for adverse events. Encouraging empirical evidence is available for the PCI (Greenglass, in

press). It may be of advantage, however, to select more situation-specific items, such as, I plan

my day by making a to-do list, My car does not run out of gas because I fill up earlier than

necessary, I set aside money for use in case of an emergency, or I practice regular physical

exercise to prevent ill health. These examples document that preventive coping is a common

daily behavior for most people. However, whether an individual can be characterized as a typical

preventive coper, is a matter of degree. There also is a strong overlap with proactive coping,

and often it is not immediately clear whether a particular behavior would count as being

preventive or proactive. A final conclusion can be made only after determining whether the

underlying appraisal has been a threat (preventive) or a challenge (proactive).

Proactive coping aims at uncertain challenging goals, and people accumulate resources

and develop skills and strategies in their pursuit. The PCI includes the Proactive Coping subscale

(see Appendix) that has been tested in various samples and is available in several languages.

There are 14 items that form a unidimensional scale (see Appendix). It has satisfactory

psychometric properties, and evidence for its validity is emerging. In several studies in Canada,

Poland, and Germany, it has been found that proactive coping is positively correlated with


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perceived self-efficacy and negatively with job burnout in different professions (Greenglass, in

press).

In 316 German teachers, for example, its internal consistency was alpha = .86

(unpublished data). Correlations were r = .61 with perceived self-efficacy, r = .50 with self-

regulation, and r = -.40 with procrastination. Job burnout was defined three-dimensionally in

terms of emotional exhaustion, depersonalization, and lack of accomplishment (Maslach,

Jackson, & Leiter, 1996). Burnout is a relevant construct for the validation because it should not

be compatible with proactive coping. To illustrate the relationships, the sample was subdivided

into low, medium, and high proactive teachers who were plotted against the three dimensions of

burnout. Figure 2 displays a significant pattern of decreasing burnout with increasing levels of

proactive coping.

Figure 2. Relationship between proactive coping and burnout.

Lack of AccompDepersonalEmotional

22

20

18

16

14

12

10

8

6

4

Proactive Coping

low

medium

high


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Assessment of meaning in the coping process largely relies on qualitative approaches.

Some of the previously reviewed theories and studies will now be summarized and presented,

together with applied qualitative operationalizations in Table 1. Further measurement issues

concerning the handling and quantification of narrative accounts will be briefly discussed in the

following section.

______________________________

Insert Table1 here

_______________________________

Measurement Issues

Coping measurement is complicated by a number of conceptual issues, some of which

pertain to the stability, generality, and dimensionality of coping (Perrez, in press; Schwarzer &

Schwarzer, 1996). Difficulties occur necessarily when an attempt is made to measure coping. The

assessment of coping does not equal the assessment of most other constructs in psychology, in

particular not the way personality is typically measured. Coping is highly situation-dependent,

and it changes rapidly and unforeseeably as the stressful life encounter unfolds.

The assessment of coping can represent a detailed description of cognitions and behaviors

of an individual dealing with a stressful encounter. This method does justice to the fact that

coping is a process, and it allows the identification of contingencies between changing situations

and changing actions, be it by time sampling or event sampling. For example, one can assess

whether a person always applies and reapplies the same set of strategies or utilizes a broad range

of tactics that are well-adapted to changing encounters. This idiographic approach is suitable for

single cases in clinical settings, but it is not common in field research. Rather, the focus in


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empirical studies is on individual differences. Stability then refers to the pattern similarity of

interindividual differences at multiple points in time. If, for example, some persons cope in a

mastery-oriented manner, whereas others do so in a more meaning-oriented manner, and if this

reoccurs at later observations, one is inclined to attribute stable coping preferences to these

individuals. When we measure coping with standardized instruments, we therefore imply that

people can be characterized by some preferred ways of coping with adversity, and that they

continue to apply the same kind of strategies over time. This dispositional implication helps to

reduce the complexity of coping assessment, but it does so at a high price: It assumes that the

uniqueness of a situation-specific coping response represents a negligible aspect.

Closely related to stability is another problem, namely the consistency of coping

responses across different situations (generality). Do people apply the same strategy when they

face an exam, the bereavement of a loved one, or an argument with their spouse? They may not

show exactly the same responses, but they may be characterized by a general tendency to select

appropriate behaviors either from the class of avoidance or from the class of confrontation

strategies. If all responses could be explained by the challenging events, this would reflect a pure

situation determinism. In contrast, the common person-situation interaction perspective would

consider joint influences from both sources, person characteristics and situation characteristics. A

moderate amount of generality implies that people construct a series of person-dependent

strategies for a class of situations. The measurement of coping can only be fruitful under the

assumptions that individuals generalize across situations to a certain degree and evoke a limited

set of strategies that they reapply in different situations.

The debate about dispositional versus situational coping assessment was sparked by Stone

and Neale (1984), who attempted to develop an instrument to assess daily coping for use in

longitudinal studies. In a pilot study, individuals were asked how to handle a recent problem by


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responding to 87 coping items. Eight categories were established: (a) distraction, (b) situation

redefinition, (c) direct action, (d) catharsis, (e) acceptance, (f) social support, (g) relaxation, and

(h) religion. Because the psychometric properties repeatedly turned out to be unsatisfactory, the

authors abandoned their intention to construct psychometric rating scales with multiple items and

decided to apply the eight categories directly with an open-ended response format. Participants

checked the appropriate categories and wrote down descriptions of their coping behaviors where

applicable. The authors claim content validity for this measure and argue that this approach has

advantages over traditional ones. In particular, they question the usefulness of internal

consistency in coping measurement, of retrospective assessment, and of representing coping

processes by a sum score. That Stone and Neale did not develop reliable and valid psychometric

coping scales and that they resorted to a written structured interview can be considered as a

blessing today because their article has sparked an ongoing debate about the merits of situation-

oriented coping assessment (Folkman, 1992; Tennen, Affleck, Armeli, & Carney, 2000).

The meaning construct in the context of stressful or traumatic life events has largely been

assessed qualitatively (see Table 1). The interview and open-ended question approach seems

more than appropriate given the challenges associated with assessing the search for meaning in

very different, however mostly very severe, life-event situations. Sommer and Baumeister (1998)

suggest a list of guidelines derived from their own work that proved useful in the context. They

suggest, first, careful consideration of at least one clear independent variable, for example by

collecting first-person accounts from two study groups. Second, dichotomous yes-no coding

schemes prove more reliable (higher interrater agreement) than continuous scales. Third, codings

should follow clear guidelines and rules (e.g., accounting for present as well as absent statement

content in narratives). Fourth, they suggest that there should be a sufficient number of stories to

code in each type (study group) to enhance statistical power. They recommend a minimum of 60


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narratives in each group. Also, with shorter accounts, larger samples prove beneficial because

lack of detail in narratives is associated with greater baseline rates of "No" codings. Fifth, it is

often the case that a priori determined codings and hypotheses have to be supplemented with new

coding categories derived from initial coding or reading of the narrative accounts. To avoid

capitalizing on chance, Sommer and Baumeister recommend that findings based on ideas that

emerged during the coding process be replicated. Sixth, authors suggest that one method of

increasing the available story sample is to ask participants to adopt two perspectives of an

encounter, despite statistical problems associated with this method. For instance, in a study about

victim and perpetrator accounts of personal conflict, Baumeister, Stillwell, and Wotman (1990)

asked participants to write two stories, one about an instance in which they angered another

person and one in which someone angered them.

Future Developments

The field of coping is one of the most complex in psychology. Measurement cannot be

better than the constructs that are supposed to be measured. The further elaboration and

differentiation of concepts needs to precede any attempt at proper assessment. As an example for

such a differentiation of concepts, we have chosen proactive coping theory (Aspinwall & Taylor,

1997; Schwarzer, 2000). The measurement of proactive behaviors, personal growth, positive

reappraisals, and positive emotions in the context of stress adaptation should not remain at the

level of psychometric scales, but it should include dynamic data that account for changes within a

particular coping episode.

Coping can be understood only when it is regarded as a transactional process (Lazarus,

1991), which implies a longitudinal approach of measurement. However, it is not sufficient


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simply to select several points in time because the researcher cannot be certain about the optimal

time window when significant changes take place. Therefore, a more continuous measurement is

recommended. The closest to this suggestion is the daily process approach to coping, commonly

referred to as ESM (Experience Sampling Method; Tennen et al., 2000), where participants

respond at least once a day when prompted by an ambulatory device. The main disadvantage of

this method, of course, is its reactivity, which means that coping responses are artificially

constructed, due to the demands of the particular study design. But the overall approach appears

to be promising.

In the future, we can expect advances in the computerized simultaneous assessment of

such data sources under real-life conditions. In contrast, cross-sectional studies that often rely on

hypothetical scenarios or that require the recall of single or multiple past events will lose their

importance.

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Appendix

Proactive Coping Scale

(from the Proactive Coping Inventory, PCI; Greenglass et al., 1999)

The following statements deal with reactions you may have to various situations.Indicate how true each of these statements is depending on how you feel about the

situation. Do this by checking the most appropriate box.

In scoring responses, 1 is assigned to not at all true, 2 to barely true, 3 tosomewhat true and 4 to completely true.

1. I am a "take charge" person.

2. I try to let things work out on their own. (-)

3. After attaining a goal, I look for another, more challenging one.

4. I like challenges and beating the odds.

5. I visualize my dreams and try to achieve them.

6. Despite numerous setbacks, I usually succeed in getting what I want.

7. I try to pinpoint what I need to succeed.

8. I always try to find a way to work around obstacles; nothing really stops me.

9. I often see myself failing so I don't get my hopes up too high. (-)

10. When I apply for a position, I imagine myself filling it.

11. I turn obstacles into positive experiences.

12. If someone tells me I can't do something, you can be sure I will do it.

13. When I experience a problem, I take the initiative in resolving it.

14. When I have a problem, I usually see myself in a no-win situation. (-)

Note. (-) indicates reverse item


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Positive Coping, 26

Table 1

Studies Using Qualitative Assessment of "Meaning"

Authors/

Study population

"Meaning" in the Coping

Process

Strategies Measures/Qualitative Assessment

Folkman &

Moskowitz (2000)

AIDScaregivers

Appraised situational meaning

influences choice of coping

strategy

Meaning is integral to coping

that supports positive affect

Positive reappraisal

Problem-focused coping

Infusing ordinary events with

positive meaning (qualitative)

Positive reappraisal, problem-focuse

coping: Ways of Coping Questionna

(Folkman & Lazarus, 1988)

Infusing events with positive meanin

Describe "something that you did or

something that happened to you thatmade you feel good and that was

meaningful to you and helped you

through the day" (Folkman &

Moskowitz, 2000; p. 651)

Taylor (1983);

Taylor, Lichtman, &

Wood (1984)

Breast cancer

patients

Finding meaning as a causal

analysis that provides an

answer to the question of why

something bad happened, arethinking of one's priorities to

restructure life along more

satisfying lines

Finding meaning may be

intertwined with a sense of

mastery

Understanding of the origin

and impact of the crisis as well

as its personal significance

By finding meaning, chance for

regaining a sense of control

over crisis and its side effects

Meaning: Patients were asked if they

had any hunches about the origin of

their cancer, who they thought was

responsible for their cancer, and whwere the implications of the cancer f

the patient's life.


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Positive Coping, 27

Table 1 (cont.)

Authors/

Study population

"Meaning" in the Coping

Process

Strategies Measures/Qualitative Assessment

Davis, Nolen-

Hoeksema, &Larson (1998)

Bereaved family

members

Finding meaning as a catalyst

for the review of one'spriorities connected with a shift

of focus from the event itself to

understanding the self in the

context of adversity

Deriving benefit from loss as a

key means of assigning

positive value to the event forone's own life

Sense-making: Developing an

explanation for the loss withinexisting fundamental

worldviews

Benefit-finding: Pursuit for thesilver lining of adversity

Sense-making: "Do you feel that you

have been able to make sense of thedeath?" (Davis et al. 1998, p. 565)

Benefit-finding: "Sometimes people

who lose a loved one find some posiaspect in the experience. For examp

some people feel they learn somethi

about themselves or others. Have yo

found anything positive in theexperience?" (Davis et al. 1998, p. 5

Affleck & Tennen

(1996)

Fibromyalgia

patients

Affleck, Tennen,Croog, & Levine

(1987)

Heart-attack

survivors

Authors distinguish between

meaning-associated beliefsabout benefit-finding and

benefit-reminding as a coping

strategy.

Benefit-finding: Search for

uplifting meaning from athreatening experience

Benefit-reminding: More or

less frequent use of benefit

cognitions to alleviate impactof a stressful situation

Benefit-finding: "[...] do you see any

positive benefits, gains, or advantagthe experience? If so what are they?

(Affleck et al., 1987, p. 31)

Benefit-reminding: Participants rate

how much they "reminded [themselvof some of the benefits that come fro

living with their chronic pain" (Affl

& Tennen, 1996, p. 915)

scwarzer s knoll coping

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