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Book ReviewSavas Matsas
Online Publication Date: 01 December 2008
To cite this Article Matsas, Savas(2008)'Book Review',Critique,36:3,487 490To link to this Article: DOI: 10.1080/03017600802434466URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03017600802434466
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Book Review
Norman Levine: Divergent Paths*Hegel in Marxism and EngelsismVolume 1: The Hegelian Foundations of Marxs Method
Lanham, MD, Lexington Books, 2006
ISBN 0-7391-1304-6 (paperback)
The Hegel/Marx relation has continued to stir controversy for more than a hundred
years, from Bernstein to Stalin and from the Frankfurt School to Louis Althusser, and
closer to our days, with the analytical Marxists and, on the other side, the
proponents of systematic dialectics like Chris Arthur and Tony Smith.
Most of the time, debates on the Hegel/Marx connection are intertwined, both by
defenders of that connection and by rejectionists, with attempts to disconnect the
Marx/Engels relation. Apparently, the second violin, as Engels very modestly
described himself, with all the simplifications linked to his work as publicist and
propagandist of the young workers communist movement, looks like a much easier
target for criticism than the Renaissance man who wrote Das Kapital.
Norman Levine represents one of the most extreme cases of anti-Engels
rejectionism. For more than three decades now, he has painstakingly tried to draw
the divergent paths that were followed by Marx and Engels, and he has claimed to
have separated Marxism and Engelsism from the beginning.
The present book is the first volume in a project, bluntly and repeatedly defined by
Levine himself as an act of surgery*more precisely, a double act of surgery.First, Levine tries to separate [surgically] Marx from Engels starting from their
different, if not opposed way of appropriation of Hegel. The author distinguishes
two periods for each, a rather arbitrary periodization mainly performed on a bio-
bibliographical base: a first period of appropriation of Hegel by Marx, and by Engels
from 1837 to 1850, and a second period from 1850 to their respective deaths. Volume
1 of Divergent Paths is limited to a focus on what Levine calls the first segment of the
first period, which goes from 1837 to 1841 for Marx, and from 1837 to 1842, the year
of his departure to Manchester, England, for Engels.
Levine never denies, as others do, the importance and persistence of Hegels
influence on Marx, particularly on method. But this historiographically correct
assessment has to be followed by an epistemological correction. As he explains, his
operation involves two steps: first, to locate the Hegelian elements in Marx, and then,
ISSN 0301-7605 (print)/ISSN 1748-8605 (online) # 2008 CritiqueDOI: 10.1080/03017600802434466
Critique
Vol. 36, No. 3, December 2008, pp. 487490
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to perform a second act of surgery extirpating all Hegelian tumors from Marx and
Marxism, purging them from a source of permanent serious epistemological errors.
After such multiple surgical operations, one should ask himself what comes out
alive from the Marxian corpus after surgery . . . .There is a lot that has to be questioned in this procedure. In this review, we will
limit our criticisms to a few crucial points.
Let us return first to the surgical separation of Engels from Marx. The main
argument by Levine is that their paths were diverging from the beginning, because of
their divergent appropriation of Hegel. One of the main reasons for this, according
to Levine, is that Marx was a real scholar, an academic who had completed his PhD
successfully, while Engels never graduated from the gymnasium, never went to
university, and did not acquire a doctorate (p. 146). What an amazing argument! It
ignores the polyglot Engels well-documented extensive culture in many fields (he
spoke 22 languages), and it dismisses him, with contempt, because this leading figure
of the international workers movement did not comply with the petty prejudices of
the most narrow-minded academic milieu!
The bifurcation of Marxs and Engelss divergent paths, as it was said, is situated by
Levine already in the first segment of the first period of appropriation of Hegel by
them. Engels had an objectivist reading of Hegel, giving priority to the objective
impersonal forces of history as the inexorable progress of the concept of freedom,
while Marx had called for the transposition of the objective system into individual
subjectivity (p. 200).
The first evidence for Engelss objectivism is found by Levine in his letter to
Friedrich Graeber on December 9, 1839February 5, 1840, where modern pantheism,history as the progress of the concept of freedom, and the priority of totality over the
individual are mentioned. So from that moment Engelsism is founded. The original
sin of 1839 establishes dialectical materialism, including its monstrous Stalinist form
of Diamat.
But Levine, anxious to ground his artificial image of Engels, misreads, as,
unfortunately he does throughout his book, distorting or taking out of context the
actual texts. Engels does say in his letter that he made his own Hegels idea of God
and thus he was joining the ranks of modern pantheists [Engels quotation marks]
as Leo and Hengstenberg say, knowing well that even the word pantheism arouses
such colossal revulsion on the part of pastors who dont think.1 The 20-year-old
Engels, formed in a long pietist tradition, clashed violently with the official
representatives of that tradition and with the Evangelical Church, joining the left
Young Hegelians. He counter-posed the rational Cyclopean building of Hegels
philosophy to the obscurantist irrationalism of these pastors, adding ironically the
statement that disturbed Levine: If, for example, the thought that world history is the
development of the concept of freedom were to fall with all its weight on the neck of a
1 F. Engels, Letters of the Young Engels 18381845 (London: Lawrence & Wishhart, 1976), p. 129.
488 Book Review
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Bremen pastor*what sort of sigh would be give?2 In the same letter to Graeber,Engels takes notice of the degeneration of the right-wing Hegelians after the death of
the Master, criticising them and their descent to individualism by stressing that
Hegel distinguished the totality very sharply from the incomplete individual.3 Is that
not so? Levine finds it to be a rejection of the role of the individual, an original sin
making Engels automatically the forerunner of Vishinsky and Zhdanov.
On the other side, counter-posed to an objectivist Engels, Marx is transformed
into a subjectivist. Agency or causality for Marx was located in the individual or in
human activity organized as a group, Levine writes. During the years 18391841,while he was under the influence of Bauer, Marx transferred subjectivity to the
individual. In 1846, in The German Ideology, after his break with Bauer, Marx situated
the center of subjectivity in the social forces of production (p. 208).
Marx never identified subjectivity with the individual. And he never situated the
center of subjectivity in the social forces of production; Stalin did that, giving a
distorted, technological determinist interpretation to productive forces, raising their
priority into the status of a mythic Subject of history. Apparently, Levine is
completely confused on the basic principles of the materialist conception of history,
omitting always the existence and role of the social productive relations. Social
productive forces and productive relations belong to the sphere of objective social
being; otherwise there is no priority of social being over social (and individual)
consciousness, and no materialist basis for a Marxist conception of history. Levine
ignores the dialectic of productive forces and productive relations and he speaks
about a conflict between means and mode of production (p. 225), using terms
(strangely enough for Levine, who abhors and wrongly identifies Bolshevism and
Stalinism), similar to those of Stalinist Istmat.
The relation of freedom and world history was central not solely for Engels but for
Marx as well, during their formative years, in the transition from Hegel to historical
materialist dialectics. No supersession of Hegelian speculative philosophy and
dialectics is possible without dealing properly with the question of rational freedom,
raised under the impact of the French Revolution to become the axis of German
speculative idealism in its entirety, from Kant to Hegel. Reason and Freedom, Hegel
wrote to Schelling in 1795, remain our password.
For the young Marx, the question of freedom in history is central both in his
doctoral dissertation on The Difference between the Democritean and Epicurean
Philosophy of Nature, and his preparatory Notebooks on the Epicurean Philosophy.
Levine fails to grasp this, despite his extensive commentary on Marxs dissertation.
He presents the young Marx of 18401841, still entangled in Hegelian speculativephilosophy, as an accomplished materialist by automatic reflection of his actual
object of study; because Democritus and Epicurus represent ancient materialism.
Furthermore, he identifies Marxs position with that of Epicurus: In order to affirm
2 Ibid., p. 132.3 Ibid., p. 131.
Book Review 489
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human freedom, Levine writes, Epicurus denied both positivism and natural
determinism. On these issues, as well, Marx remained an Epicurean throughout his
entire life (p. 213).
Leaving aside the issue of the use of the modern term of positivism for currents in
ancient philosophy, Marx never rejected natural determinism throughout his entire
life; he grasped causality, objective natural-historical law, determinism in a dialectical
not in a mechanical sense. In his dissertation, he compared and counter-posed
Democritean blind necessity (which goes hand in hand with blind chance) to the
Epicurean concept of declinatio rectae lineae, the deviation of the falling atoms from
the straight line, opening, in this way, the possibility for freedom from blind
necessity. But for Marx, this possibility revealed by Epicurus was still an abstract
possibility, which would inescapably degenerate into fantasy if it was not grounded in
being. Marx criticized Epicurus and his attempt to avoid the contradictions and reach
ataraxy (non-disturbance) of consciousness: Abstract individuality is freedom from
being, not freedom in being. It cannot shine in the light of being.4 Marx contra
Epicurus seeks freedom in being, in a new world emerging after the end of a total
world philosophy like that of Hegel. Levine contra Marx says exactly the opposite:
that Marx was seeking the Epicurean kind of self-consciousness, an ataraxy that
escapes contradiction and strife. (p. 215).
Norman Levines book reflects the enormous difficulties for the reception of
Marxian dialectics in an Anglo-American intellectual milieu dominated by the dead
weight of the empiricist-pragmatist tradition; a tradition that always tries to escape
contradiction and strife but now it finds it impossible as all the contradictions of
declining capitalism come powerfully forward.
SAVAS MATSAS
4 See Karl Marxs Doctoral Dissertation, in Karl MarxFrederick Engels Collected Works: Volume 1 Marx:18351843 (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1974), p. 62.
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