sakamoto, taro - six national historyjapan

THE Six NATIONAL HISTORIES OF J A P A N

The Six National Histories of Japan (Rikkokushi) was written in 1970 byone of Japan's foremost historical scholars, Sakamoto Taro. An au-thoritative study of Japan's first scholarly works and a modern clas-sic, it is now translated into English for the first time.

The Six National Histories chronicle the history of Japan from itsorigins in the 'Age of the Gods' to A.D. 887. They were compiled inthe imperial court during the eighth and ninth centuries by leadingscholars and officials of the day. Until the late nineteenth centuryeach of the Six National Histories was accepted as an authoritativework containing the absolute truth about the past.

In the twentieth century, particularly since 1945 when state cen-sorship ended, scholars have focused on the first of the Six NationalHistories, Nihon Shoki, rejecting its authenticity. In his book, Saka-moto interpreted modern scholarly findings, as well as presentinghis own views, thus completing the modern re-evaluation of thiscontroversial first work. Sakamoto's study also surveys the remain-ing five works, identifying common features and pointing out thespecial characteristics of each.

John Brownlee's meticulous translation of Sakamoto's seminalwork is supplemented by an informative introduction, notes, appen-dices, and an index. The translation makes available to English read-ers a valuable study of the Six National Histories which alsoprovides insights into the methods of contemporary Japanese histo-rians.

SAKAMOTO TARO (1901-87) was Professor of Ancient History at theUniversity of Tokyo. He was a prolific writer, publishing more than200 books and articles on ancient Japanese history.

JOHN s. BROWNLEE is an associate professor of Japanese history atthe University of Toronto.

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T R A N S L A T E D BY JOHN S. B R O W N L E E

The Six National Histories ofJapan

Sakamoto Taro

UBC Press / VancouverUniversity of Tokyo Press / Tokyo

English translation © UBC Press/Univ. Tokyo Press 1991Translated from the original Japanese edition,

Rikkokushi, by Sakamoto Taro,published in 1970 by Yoshikawa Kobunkan, Tokyo,

© Sakamoto MatsueAll rights reserved

Printed in Canada on acid-free paper °°

ISBN 0-7748-0379-7 (UBC Press)ISBN 4-13-027026-5 (Univ. Tokyo Press)

Canadian Cataloguing in Publication Data

Sakamoto, Taro, 1901-1987The six national histories of Japan

Translation of: Rikkokushi.Includes bibliographical references and index.

ISBN 0-7748-0379-7

i. Japan - History - To 1185 - Historiography.I. Title.

DS854.S3413 1991 952'.oi C91-091144-4

Translation and publication of this volume were madepossible by a grant from the Japan Foundation.

UBC PressUniversity of British Columbia

6344 Memorial RdVancouver, BC v6T 1Z2

(604) 822-3259Fax: (604) 822-6083

Contents

Translator's Preface / viiTranslator's Introduction / xi

Author's Preface / xxix

1 Introduction / 32 Nihon Shoki I 30

3 Shoku Nihongi I 904 Nihon Koki 1123

5 Shoku Nihon Koki 11416 Nihon Montoku Tenno Jitsuroku 1155

7 Nihon Sandai Jitsuroku 11698 Afterword /1879 Conclusion / 202

Appendices / 205Notes / 207

Original Text Index / 223General Index / 227

Translator's Preface

This translation has been prepared with the aid of a TranslationAssistance Grant from the Japan Foundation and a research grantfrom the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Can-ada. It has been published with the aid of a Publication AssistanceGrant from the Japan Foundation.

Mrs. Sakamoto Matsue kindly provided personal informationabout Professor Sakamoto Taro (1901-87) in discussions from 1988through 1990. Kanai Madoka, Professor Emeritus, HistoriographicalInstitute, Tokyo University, gave much encouragement and practicalassistance, without which publication could not have been accom-plished. Professor Sasayama Haruo of the Department of JapaneseHistory, Tokyo University, solved numerous scholarly problems.Mr. Yamaguchi Masami, Supervisor, International Division, TokyoUniversity Press, and Ms. Sandra Hawkes and Ms. Jean L. Wilson,University of British Columbia Press, were quick to reach agreementon complicated questions of co-operative publication. ProfessorUwayokote Masataka of the Faculty of Liberal Arts, Kyoto Univer-sity, provided facilities for research at Kyoto University in thesummers of 1988 through 1990. Professor Sey Nishimura, Depart-ment of East Asian Studies, University of Toronto, checked thetranslation and helped compile the index. Professor Raymond W.C.Chu, Department of East Asian Studies, University of Toronto,checked the romanization of Chinese names; and Professor John Lee,Department of History, St. Mary's University, provided romaniza-tion for Korean names. Mr. John Parry of Toronto edited the trans-lation.

The translation is based on the 1970 edition of Rikkokushi, pub-lished by Yoshikawa Kobunkan. Another edition was published by

viii Translator's Preface

Yoshikawa Kobunkan in 1989 as Volume 3 of Sakamoto Taro Chosha-kushu [Collected Works of Sakamoto Taro], and it contains a fewcorrections, but the index of the 1970 edition is superior.

Some deletions have been made from Sakamoto's text. Certainportions are of little use to readers of a translation, such as how toread the Japanese text of Nihon Shoki, and the discussion of varianttexts for each of the Six National Histories. Also, since the work isvery detailed, some materials have been deleted or summarized inorder to save the reader from drowning, where the point remainsclear. For the same reason, side-issues have been eliminated: forexample, the compilers of each text are introduced in considerabledetail, and it seemed enough to explain why they were appointed,without explaining why Fujiwara Mimori was not appointed tocompile Nihon Koki. Some matters that are no longer controversialamong scholars have been removed from the text to the notes, suchas whether there was a civil war between Emperor Kinmei on oneside and Emperors Ankan and Senka on the other.

It has not been necessary to make major changes in the order ofSakamoto's argument. The few minor changes are not noted. Theonly addition to Sakamoto's text is the brief Conclusion, which isentirely my own writing. Sakamoto ended abruptly with discussionof Nihon Kiryaku, but western readers look for a general conclusion;thus I have summarized his essential views.

Pronunciation of names in the ancient texts is often a problem. Ihave invariably followed the readings given by Sakamoto in the textor the index of the 1970 edition. The particle 'no' has been eliminatedfrom all names, thereby saving space.

There is no universally accepted system of translation for officesand titles. The translations used are an amalgam from three mainsources, all of which contain some difficulties:- H.H. Coates and R. Ishizuka, Honen, the Buddhist Saint (Kyoto:Chion'in 1925), sets out offices and titles with great clarity, but hassome errors and is regarded as old-fashioned.- William H. and Helen C. McCullough, trans., A Tale of FloweringFortunes (Stanford University Press, 2 vols., 1980), Vol. 2, Appendix A,is more accurate, but somewhat wordy and not easy to consult.- The terms in Robert Borgen, Sugawara no Michizane and the EarlyHeian Court (Harvard University Press 1986) are accurate and soundgood, but must be extracted by going through the work.In using these sources, I have strived for consistency.

The indicators gyo (ff), used when the rank of the person ishigher than prescribed by the law codes for the office, and shu ( ̂ ),used when the office is higher than the prescribed rank, have been

Translator's Preface ix

eliminated in every case but one, where it is central to the discussionof the date of compilation of Nihon Montoku Tenno Jitsuroku.

The terms for Buddhist offices are especially difficult to render.Archbishop sounds too much like the Church of England, whilePrimary Prelate of the Central Monastic Office is too cumbersomeand does not sound like anything at all. There are several dictionar-ies of Buddhist terms, but they do not agree and often give deriva-tions rather than equivalents. Solely for the reason that the numberof Buddhist terms is small, and therefore will not lead to too greatmisunderstandings, I have generally adopted churchly renderings,and will bear the criticism.

Nihon Montoku Tenno Jitsuroku and Nihon Sandai Jitsuroku weresometimes abbreviated by Sakamoto to Montoku Jitsuroku and SandaiJitsuroku, and these abbreviations also appear in the Tables.

Years are converted to the western calendar; however, days andmonths are as given in the original texts or documents, so that anadvanced reader of the translation can easily locate any documentby using a chronological table of Japanese history such as NihonshiNenpyo [Chronological Table of Japanese History], (Kadokawa ShoboShinsha, revised edition 1989). Reference to sexagenary cycles hasbeen omitted unless it is central to the argument.

For citations from the Six National Histories themselves, referenceto page numbers in the standard Kokushi Taikei edition is not given.Each citation can be found from the date, which is always given. Inaddition, there is a four-volume index to the Six National Historiespublished by Yoshikawa Kobunkan (1963-9).

The title of each Japanese and Chinese work is rendered into Eng-lish on its first appearance, whether in the text or the notes.

November 1990

Translator's Introduction

THE SIX NATIONAL HISTORIES OF J A P A N

The Six National Histories of Japan were the first document-basedhistories of Japan. They were written at the imperial court duringthe eighth and ninth centuries, under order of the Emperors. On sixdifferent occasions, high ministers of state and leading scholars,particularly those skilled in Chinese Confucian learning, were com-manded to prepare the history of a defined period. There were manydifficulties, the compilation teams had to be changed, and the targetperiod of history frequently had to be redefined, but the compilersproduced the desired result in six books:1 Nihon Shoki, or Nihongi [Chronicles of Japan], 720. This work prob-

ably originated in 681 from an order of Emperor Tenmu (r. 673-86),who instructed an assembly of princes and nobles to compile achronicle. The names of the participants and process of compila-tion have become obscure, necessitating much study of the textfor internal clues. The completed work was presented to thethrone by Prince Toneri (677-735). It covers first the mythicalperiod of the Age of the Gods, substantially replicating Kojiki[Record of Ancient Matters, 712]. However, whereas the coverageof Kojiki becomes thinner and thinner for the sixth and seventhcenturies, Nihon Shoki becomes progressively more detailed andreliable, reflecting the use of historical documents. It concludes in697, at the end of the reign of Empress Jito (r. 690-7).

2 Shoku Nihongi [Chronicles of Japan Continued], 797. Originallycommanded by Emperor Konin (r. 770-81), it was completed dur-ing the reign of his son Emperor Kanmu (r. 781-806) after a com-plex three-stage process and was presented to the throne bySugano Mamichi (741-814) and Akishino Yasundo (752-821). The

xii Translator's Introduction

chief compiler was Fujiwara Tsugutada (727-96), who died a fewmonths before the task was finished. Covering nine reigns from697 to 791, Shoku Nihongi was the first of the works to be basedentirely on documents. It is particularly valuable for recordingimperial edicts in their original Japanese style (senmyotai), unlikethe other National Histories, which converted them into ClassicalChinese (kanbun).

3 Nihon Koki [Later Chronicles of Japan], 840. The chief compiler wasFujiwara Otsugu (773-843); his original compilation team was sup-plemented twice during the period from the initial imperial com-mand in 819 to its completion. The work covers four reigns from792 to 832. Unfortunately, only ten of the original forty volumeshave survived.

4 Shoku Nihon Koki [Later Chronicles of Japan Continued], 869. Thiswork covers the reign of Emperor Ninmyo, starting with a pre-ascension account in 832 and proceeding to his funeral in 850. Itwas the first National History to focus on a single imperial reign,perhaps because the chief compiler, Fujiwara Yoshifusa (804-72),the first Fujiwara Regent for the Emperors, was a half-brother ofEmperor Ninmyo. During transmission through the ages, much ofthe text became disordered and abbreviated.

5 Nihon Montoku Tenno Jitsuroku [Veritable Records of Emperor Mon-toku of Japan], 879. The chief compiler was Fujiwara Mototsune(831-91). Covering the short reign of Emperor Montoku from 850to 858, it is the thinnest of the Six National Histories. It is distin-guished by long and sympathetic biographies.

6 Nihon Sandai Jitsuroku [Veritable Records of Three Reigns of Japan],901. Covering three reigns from 858 to 887, this History is the mostdetailed and most conscientious in giving the text of imperialdecrees and statements to the throne. The chief compiler wasFujiwara Tokihira (871-909). He succeeded in having co-compilerSugawara Michizane (845-903) exiled in 901, but this antagonismis reflected only in his taking credit for the work, and not in thecontents, which chronicle the history of Japan as seen from theimperial court, as in the preceding Histories.

Each of the Six National Histories was accepted as an authorita-tive work, containing the absolute truth about the past. This con-cept of a definitive history produced by the government does notexist in the modern world. Historical writing today is conductedby both professionals and amateurs; officially appointed teams,university professors, and independent scholars; and foreigners aswell as nationals of the country in question. The worth of eachwork is evaluated by the judgement of those learned in the field.

Translator's Introduction xiii

Indeed, the greater the association of a historical study with agovernment, the less likely it is to be accepted as historically valid.Governments are perceived to have their own legitimation as theirchief interest, and their publications are often regarded as self-serving.

To understand the concept of a definitive National History wemust go back more than a thousand years in time.

THE SIX NATIONAL HISTORIES IN ANCIENT TIMES

The origins of the Japanese people may go back tens of thousandsof years, and their development came through mixing severalraces and peoples. The origins of the classical Japanese state aremore recent, deriving from the combination of ancient sacredkingship with a bureaucratic administration borrowed fromChina, beginning around the end of the sixth century AD. A pro-cess of conscious borrowing of institutions from China, partly byway of Korea, brought Japan into the world of contemporary highcivilization. Institutions of government were supported on abroad base of Chinese culture, including Chinese language as thevehicle for law and administration, literature, and religion. Thebeliefs and practices of China thus entered Japan during a periodof intense reform from the Taika Reform of 645 to the building ofthe capital city of Nara in 710.

At the centre of the reformed government of Japan was theEmperor, whose legitimacy was based on descent from the mainShinto deity, the Sun Goddess. Japanese society was organizedinto a system of clans, each of which also claimed divine descent.The framework of government, however, was a Chinese-styleimperial state, which was organized in Japan under a series of lawcodes in the Chinese language, which culminated in the TaihoCode of 701. Within this framework, governance was, at least intheory, exercised entirely by the Emperor, who was the source ofpolicies announced in edicts and to whom all officials madereports. By 900, this system seemed to have existed since time outof mind, and there were no challenges to it nor even any concep-tion of an alternative form of government.

Such had not been the case in 673, however, when EmperorTenmu came to the throne after a war of succession. EmperorTenmu favoured continuation of the reform process that hadbegun with the Taika Reform edicts of 645. He realized that notonly practical measures were required but also steps to legitimizethe process and the resulting imperial institutions. He resolved to

xiv Translator's Introduction

give intellectual credibility to the Japanese imperial state by writ-ing history, and so he commanded the compilation of Kojiki.

He chose history, rather than theology or philosophy, becausethe Japanese state had no other intellectual foundation. TheEmperors claimed legitimacy because of the historical fact ofdescent from the Sun Goddess. There was no theology about this,since all the 'eight million gods' of Japan shared the same funda-mental nature as the Sun Goddess. Emperor Tenmu also knewthat others could also make assertions about history to their ownadvantage, claiming that their own ancestral deity was the mostimportant. Stating that distorted versions of history existed inabundance, threatening imperial pre-eminence, he undertook tocorrect them. According to the Preface to Kojiki, he decided toreview and correct existing documents, with the aim of 'discard-ing the mistaken and establishing' the true. For, he claimed, 'Ifthese errors are not remedied at this time, their meaning will belost before many years have passed. This is the framework of thestate, the great foundation of the imperial influence.'1 This motiveinspired the later Six National Histories.

To rescue the foundation of the imperial state, the Preface toKojiki says, Emperor Tenmu ordered a young man of prodigiousmemory, Hieda Are, to learn by heart the texts of two ancientmanuscripts about the Emperors. In 711 Empress Genmeiexpressed similar dismay at the mistakes and corruption in exist-ing documents and ordered a courtier, O Yasumaro, to record andpresent what Hieda Are had learned. He did so in short order,presenting Kojiki to the throne in 712.2

The first of the Six National Histories, Nihon Shoki, was com-pleted in 720. As with Kojiki, the date of its inauguration is debatedby scholars, but the strongest view is that it began in 681, whenEmperor Tenmu commanded an assembly of princes and nobles to'commit to writing a chronicle of the Emperors, and also of mat-ters of high antiquity.'3

Nihon Shoki differed in conception and nature from Kojiki. It wasthe first historical project undertaken by a specially appointedgovernment team; it was written in Classical Chinese, the lan-guage of administration, literature, and religion; and it followedthe prestigious Chinese models for historical writing, therebydemonstrating Japan's maturation as a state on the Chinesemodel. While Nihon Shoki, like Kojiki, began with the Age of theGods, it handled the period as if it were document-based, givingalternative versions of many events, citing 'one book says ... ' or'another book says . . . ' As the narrative approached the period of

Translator's Introduction xv

compilation, it became more and more detailed, reflecting theincreased availability of historical documents. Moreover, unlike inKojiki, all events were ascribed dates, beginning with the reign ofthe first Emperor, Jinmu, thereby giving an unwarranted impres-sion of accuracy and credibility. The early dates are not acceptableto modern scholars, and the existence of some of the early Emper-ors is the subject of considerable scepticism; but no one doubtsthat Nihon Shoki is mainly accurate for the last one hundred yearsof its coverage and almost completely accurate for its last thirtyyears.

In ancient times, doubts about historical authenticity did notexist, because everyone believed in the Age of the Gods. Not onlywas it satisfying in all these respects, it was also skilfully writtento incorporate the histories of the major clans smoothly into thehistory of the imperial state, so that every family could be pleasedwith the book. No dissatisfaction with its contents was registereduntil 807, when the Imbe family presented Kogo Shui [Gleaningsfrom Ancient Words], in which the account of the Age of the Godswas disputed at some points on the grounds that it distorted therelative roles of the Imbe and Mononobe families.4

Because it seemed an authoritative history, Nihon Shoki over-whelmed Kojiki, which was largely ignored and forgotten until theeighteenth century. Then nationalist scholars rediscovered Kojikias a source for the ancient language and for ancient myths (takenas literal truth) embodying the fundamental national values ofJapan. Nihon Shoki, in contrast, remained an active source of his-torical information throughout ancient times. Sakamoto Taro dis-cusses the lecture sessions on Nihon Shoki, held periodically at thecourt on a total of seven occasions between 721 and 965. Theseevents, sometimes lasting several years, involved explication ofdifficult points by the leading scholars of the time. With thedecline of the imperial court in the eleventh century these read-ings ceased to be held, but Nihon Shoki continued to be read, or atleast possessed, in the Middle Ages, and serious study of it wasresumed in the Edo period, when Confucian textual scholarshipwas revived.

Nihon Shoki is unique among the Six National Histories in cover-ing the Age of the Gods and the early legendary period. Thesubsequent books, covering defined periods of actual history,form a sub-group known as the Five National Histories. Like NihonShoki they are composed in Classical Chinese and base their narra-tives mainly on government documents. Many imperial decreesand reports to the throne are recorded in full, so the Histories are a

xvi Translator's Introduction

valuable source of documentary information. The basic format isannalistic, proceeding in strict chronological order. While de-scribed as National Histories, the works are centred around theimperial court; and events outside the capital, such as rebellions,disasters, famines, and auspicious omens, are recorded from theperspective of the court, as they were reported or dealt with.

This type of court-centred annalism creates some dissatisfactionin modern readers, who are impatient with works such as thesecond National History, Shoku Nihongi, which is filled with pageafter page of promotions and appointments to office, a subjectdear to the hearts of courtiers. As Sakamoto notes, Shoku Nihongiincludes an abundance of these notices at the cost of excludingimportant national matters, such as completion of the Taiho Codein 701 and the planning and building of the new capital city atNara. However, these seemingly arid materials can be used todetermine dates and periodization, structure, and process. Saka-moto himself skilfully uses materials on appointments to discoverthe dates of inauguration and completion of four of the FiveNational Histories.5

The authors of the Five National Histories did not feel the sameurgent need to save the foundation of the state as did EmperorTenmu. It needed no saving, for there were no threats to it. Kojikiand Nihon Shoki were completely effective in establishing theimperial state as the only conceivable form of government inJapan. What motivated the authors of the Five National Historieswas a sense that their work was an important part of government.They were all responsible and highly placed government officialsor senior scholars, who took seriously their mandate from theEmperor to produce an authoritative record of a period of Japa-nese national life. Their perfectionism helps explain why compila-tion took so long: Shoku Nihongi took the most time, thirty-nineyears; the works that were produced the most quickly, MontokuTenno Jitsuroku and Sandaijitsuroku, required eight years each.

One motive for the work was an ideology that originated inChina - that literature and scholarship are an essential function ofgood government, viewed with favour by Heaven. 'Nothing isgreater than literature/ said Emperor Saga (r. 809-23), 'as a meansof administering the state and governing one's house.'6 However,it is also clear that they regarded the national life of Japan assomehow incomplete unless it were correctly recorded in theNational Histories. Broad general agreement on this point amongthe ruling elites of society explains how they were able to marshaltalent and general enthusiasm for a new National History every

Translator's Introduction xvii

thirty years or so until the mid tenth century. Of course, there wasalso a universal desire to have the merits of oneself or one's familyrecorded for posterity in the journal of record.

The Six National Histories have their peculiar strengths andweaknesses, which are the subject of extensive discussion bySakamoto. He takes up each History in turn, examining the com-pilers, circumstances of composition, and contents, and he discov-ers from these factors the reasons for the special qualities of eachwork. What lies behind the strengths and weaknesses, however, isa remarkable ideal of ancient Japanese society. Their conceptualworld included the religions of Shinto and Buddhism, the philoso-phy of Confucianism, and a plethora of undesignated beliefs; butwhat determined the shape of society was their idea of history.Leading members of the ruling elite, confident that they couldperform the awesome task assigned by the Emperor of producinga perfect record, set about writing history that would last for alltime.

In fact, the Six National Histories did have long-lasting impor-tance, commanding attention to the present day. They remain thefirst reference for study of the Nara and early Heian periods.

THE SIX NATIONAL HISTORIES IN LATER TIMES

Different types of historical writing developed in Japan after thetenth century demise of the state historical projects. HistoricalTales were written at the Heian court (Okagami - The Great Mirror;Eiga Monogatari - A Tale of Flowering Fortunes); and the rise of themilitary brought about many works of War Tales between thetenth and sixteenth centuries. The Middle Ages also saw greatworks of Historical Argument, provoked by the danger to theimperial throne posed by the development of warrior rule. Amongthese were Gukansho [Miscellany of Ignorant Views, 1219], by thehigh priest Jien, which referred to Buddhist causation, and JinnoShotoki [Record of the Legitimate Descent of the Divine Sover-eigns, 1339], by Kitabatake Chikafusa, which invoked the Shintodeities as the prime cause in history.

However, the model of the Six National Histories was not forgot-ten. In the Tokugawa period, two works showed their influence.Dai Nihon Shi of the Mito domain was produced over nearly twoand a half centuries, with the project beginning in 1657 and end-ing in 1906. Covering the period from Emperor Jinmu to EmperorGo Komatsu in the fourteenth century, it also is written in Classi-cal Chinese and includes numerous documents. The format differs

xviii Translator's Introduction

from the Six National Histories, however, in including biographies,essays, and tables as well as chronicles, thus following the formdeveloped in ancient China in Shi Ji [Records of the Historian] bySima Qian, Despite this, the Mito scholars asked that their work beconsidered equivalent to a National History compiled underImperial command.7

A less successful work was Tokugawa Jikki [Veritable History ofthe Tokugawa], compiled by the Hayashi scholars, who were offi-cially favoured by the Tokugawa Bakufu. This was started in 1809by Hayashi Jussai and completed in 1849; a sequel called ZokuTokugawa Jikki [Veritable History of the Tokugawa, Continued]covers the Shoguns to their end in 1868. The intention was tomake a complete chronicle based on documents, but parts werenever completed. Obviously biased towards the TokugawaShoguns, this study did not become the first source of referencefor the Tokugawa period (as the Six National Histories are for theNara and Heian periods). Moreover, it has a faint air of illegiti-macy, because the Six National Histories established this form ofwriting as exclusive to the Emperors. The attempt by the Toku-gawa to appropriate for themselves the imperial form of historicalwriting was part of their general endeavour to achieve legitimacyindependently of the Emperors. This endeavour also involved themanipulation of titles for the Emperor and the Shogun, as well asthe management of foreign envoys, but these efforts were ulti-mately unsuccessful in all areas. The Tokugawa Shogunate failedto achieve recognition within Japan as a sovereign government,despite having ruled for more than 250 years.

With the Meiji Restoration of 1868, full sovereignty wasreturned to the Emperor, and the structure of government as setout in the Taiho Code of 701 was formally reconstituted. Thisarrangement was not to last, since the aims of the Charter Oath ofthe Meiji Emperor issued by the new regime were to seek knowl-edge throughout the world and to abolish 'evil customs' from thepast.8 Nevertheless, the early impulse of Meiji officials was towrite imperial history in the manner of the Six National Histories.They wished to recognize the continuity of the imperial govern-ment and nullify the intervening seven hundred years of militaryrule, taking up where the last of the Six National Histories, NihonSandal Jitsuroku, had left off. Hence in 1869 an order was given toSanjo Sanetomi (1837-91) to compile a chronicle of Japan in Classi-cal Chinese; this was followed by the establishment of a HistoryCompilation Office in 1875.

In 1882 work was begun on Dai Nihon Hennenshi [Annals of

Translator's Introduction xix

Great Japan].9 In the course of its development, the project wasmodified to begin in the fourteenth century, where Dai Nihon Shihad left off, thus recognizing that work as equal in status to theSix National Histories. However, Dai Nihon Hennenshi was nevercompleted. It was terminated in 1892 by order of Inoue Kaoru, theMinister of Education, after the Kume Kunitake affair, describedbelow. In any case, the chief compiler, Shigeno Yasutsugu(1827-90), recognized that the project went against the trend ofthe times, in which Japanese scholars were swiftly learning thecurrent methods of Western historiography. The works of suchinfluential European writers as Guizot and Buckle were soonknown in Japan, and especially known were those of the greatGerman historian Leopold von Ranke, whose disciple LudwigReiss went to Japan in 1887 to train Japanese scholars at the newlyestablished Tokyo Imperial University. Reiss's instruction markedthe beginning of modern Japanese academic history, whicheschews theories in favour of factual narrative based on docu-ments widely assembled and rigorously scrutinized. It may benoted, however, that this document-based approach originatednot only in modern German historical method but also in thetradition of the Six National Histories, as well as in the textualscholarship of the Tokugawa period.10

The fall of the Japanese empire in 1945 signalled a new era inevery area of Japanese national life, including history. Historicalscholarship since 1945 does not differ from that practised in thedemocratic countries of the West, with university professors domi-nating the field and following international standards of the disci-pline. It is unlikely that anyone will ever again want to write aNational History of Japan in Classical Chinese; nor would there bemany readers. Yet there remains one area in which traces of thetradition of the National Histories may be seen.

At the Historiographical Institute of Tokyo University, whichwas headed by Sakamoto Taro from 1951 to 1962, there are numer-ous projects of compilation of documents, which have been goingon for many years. Dai Nihon Shiryo [Japanese Historical Materi-als], is a collection of documents from just after the Six NationalHistories to the end of the Tokugawa period. Since the inception ofthis project in its first form in 1869, there has been an understand-ing that the collection could begin after the period covered by theSix National Histories, because their coverage could not beimproved upon.11

xx Translator's Introduction

TENSIONS IN MODERN HISTORICAL SCHOLARSHIP

Historical scholarship at Tokyo Imperial University in the i88osand 18908, based on new Western methodology, was known for its'massacre' of traditional beliefs and methods in Japanese history.Shigeno Yasutsugu was known as one who 'massacred' the tradi-tional ideas of Japanese historiography, but he still recognized thevirtues of the 'positivistic' textual studies of the Tokugawa period.His disciple, Kume Kunitake (1839-1931), despite similar trainingin Confucian positivism, had little use for traditional historicalstudies. He particularly detested Rai Sanyo's celebrated NihonGaishi [Private History of Japan, 1830], which had inspired thegeneration that undertook the Meiji Restoration and was used as atextbook for Classical Chinese in pre-Second World War Japaneseprimary schools. Turning his attention to the Mito domain's DaiNihon Shi, he found that it relied heavily on Taiheiki [Chronicle ofGrand Pacification] as a source. Taiheiki was a medieval War Talerecounting the attempt of Emperor Go Daigo to restore imperialsovereignty in the fourteenth century. In the course of its develop-ment, Taiheiki acquired many embellishments and lost much of itshistorical veracity, but it never lost its status as an unimpeachablesource for medieval history. Kume published a great blast againstit ('Taiheiki wa Shigaku ni Eki Nashi' [Taiheiki is Worthless for theStudy of History]) in Shigaku Zasshi [Journal of Historical Studies]in iSgo.12 Among his targets in Taiheiki was Kojima Takanori, adevoted retainer of Emperor Go Daigo in exile, who carved acelebrated loyalist poem on a cherry tree: Kume claimed that thismedieval hero never existed.13 He was following the view ofShigeno Yasutsugu, but it was dangerous territory, because thestory of Kojima Takanori was widely known as a model of loyalsupport of the Emperor.

Even more dangerous was his article 'Shinto wa Saiten noKozoku' [Shinto is an Ancient Custom of Heaven Worship] in thesame journal, which was reprinted in the more widely read Shikai[Journal of History].14 Kume wrote that Shinto was nothing morethan ancient nature worship and had not developed religiousimportance in the Western sense; this implied that Shinto institu-tions and articles associated with the imperial house had littlesignificance. These included the Great Shrine of Ise, where the SunGoddess is worshipped, and the sacred mirror, jewel, and sword,which are the insignia of the imperial house. Kume wrote thatJapan had progressed beyond ancient primitive religion, thanks to

Translator's Introduction xxi

the advent of Confucianism, Buddhism, and Yin-Yang thought;and this implied that the trappings of the imperial house wereobsolete.

Shintoists and imperial loyalists were inflamed and protested tothe government as well as directly to Kume, who received athreatening visit at his home from four representatives of Shintoorganizations in February i8gi.15 Protest eventually resulted inKume's recantation and his dismissal from Tokyo Imperial Univer-sity by government order, as well as the temporary suspension ofpublication of Shigaku Zasshi and Shikai.

The Kume incident set the tone for relations between scholarsbent on reassessing traditional history, and the government andsociety at large. The imperial government was buttressed by theConstitution of 1889, which declared sovereignty to reside in theEmperor. His person was described as 'sacred and inviolable,' andthe source of sovereignty was his descent in 'a line unbroken forages eternal.' In other words, the Constitution based imperial sov-ereignty on the Emperor's descent from Emperor Jinmu and, inturn, from the founding deity, the Sun Goddess, as described inKojiki and Nihon Shoki.

Did the framers of the Constitution understand the difficultiesinherent in affirming the Age of the Gods and the early Emperorsjust when Japanese scholars were beginning to questions thesematters? The chief architect of the Constitution, Ito Hirobumi,wrote of his search for something that would serve as the pivot ofthe nation, equivalent to Christianity, which he understood as thecore of nations in the West.16 Dismissing Shinto as empty of con-tent and Buddhism as not functional for a modern ideology, Itoviewed the succession of Emperors as the sole institution that wasboth capacious and unique to Japan and that could focus nationalloyalty.17 He seems not to have contemplated the controversiesthat would arise from affirming myth as the basis for sovereigntyand nationalism in a rapidly modernizing country.

The Katsura cabinet was rocked when the Yomiuri newspaperrevealed on 19 January 1911 that school textbooks in use since1903 referred to the fourteenth century, when an imperial schismhad occurred, as the 'Period of the Southern and NorthernCourts.' This appellation was held to violate scandalously the dig-nity of the imperial house - to suggest that there could have beena time when two imperial lines existed and no legitimate line wasrecognized. The parliamentary opposition swiftly exploited thisissue, demanding to know whether the government meant to

xxii Translator's Introduction

teach disloyalty to Japanese children: a person holding such ideascould hardly be described as Japanese and was certainlyunworthy to conduct government for His Majesty.

Greatly embarrassed, the cabinet decided that the Southern linewas the legitimate one, and the period was retitled the 'Period ofthe Yoshino Court.' Since historical recognition was withdrawnfrom the Northern Court, the term 'Southern Court' could nolonger be used to distinguish its antagonist, so the alternate nameof Yoshino Court was adopted, after its location. Kita Sadakichi(1871-1939), main author of the offending text, was dismissed fromthe Ministry of Education.18 Part of the problem arose from the factthat the Textbook Incident followed the Great Treason Incident of1910, in which a plot to assassinate the Meiji Emperor was allegedto have been apprehended. It was easy to connect this unprece-dented event with failure to instruct Japanese youth in nationalvalues.

Academic opinion had been divided, with important scholarson either side of the South-North debate. Yoshida Togo(1864-1914) of Waseda University supported the legitimacy of theNorthern Court, while Kuroita Katsumi (1874-1946) of TokyoImperial University held out for the Southern line. The textbook'sauthors, unable to resolve what the leading scholars of the timecould not, had simply used the term 'Southern and NorthernCourts' to indicate the existence of the problem, and not out ofdisrespect for the imperial house. Yet the political authoritiesdecided that such usage could not be tolerated. The facts of his-tory were thus determined by the power of the government andnot by scholarly research.

In the 19303 Japan embarked upon its course of imperial expan-sion, beginning with the Manchurian Incident of 1931. Japan'sinvolvement in China deepened, and by late in the decade thecountry had been placed on a wartime basis. Many of the world'snations would come to know national mobilization in the 19405;every citizen was required to contribute to national survival, anddissent, political or intellectual, was discouraged or forbidden.

In the scholarly world, the eminent professor of law at TokyoImperial University, Minobe Tatsukichi (1873-1948) fell victim tothe times. His constitutional theory of the Emperor as an organ ofthe state, widely accepted until the 19305, called forth attack in theDiet, where nationalists held that the Emperor constituted thestate in its entirety. They held that relegating the Emperor to therole of an organ of the state was an insufferable insult to theimperial dignity. Minobe resigned from the House of Peers

Translator's Introduction xxiii

because he could not bear such company, but his resignation wastaken as the defeat of his theories: the Emperor was the state. Inthe resulting Movement to Clarify the National Essence [KokutaiMeicho Undo], the Ministry of Education set about preparation ofthe definitive Kokutai no Hongi [Cardinal Principles of the NationalEssence of Japan, 1937] .19 This work was written, like the SixNational Histories, by a team of bureaucrats and eminent scholars,mainly from the three imperial universities in Tokyo, Kyoto, andSendai. It reaffirmed the 'facts' of history in the Age of the Godsand the era of the early Emperors as described in Kojiki and NihonShoki and proceeded through the ages to the Meiji and TaishoEmperors. In terms of adherence to contemporary scholarly stan-dards, their work was far inferior to that of the scholars who pro-duced the Six National Histories.

At Tokyo Imperial University some historians voluntarily tookup the imperial loyalist position in their studies, placing politicalvalues higher than the results of research. Nationalist studies ledby Hiraizumi Kiyoshi, whose work is no longer authoritative,dominated this school. Mikami Sanji (1865-1939), who analysedthe development of imperial loyalism in the Tokugawa period, hadconcluded that it was in the national interest to separate researchfrom teaching. He advised incoming students that those whowould go on to become teachers must teach, as historical fact,matters that had been questioned by scholars. He referred in par-ticular to the founding of the country by Emperor Jinmu in 660 BCand to the legitimacy of the Southern Court in the fourteenthcentury as matters that must be taught as articles of nationalfaith.20 Some students were extremely unhappy, as they were notallowed to study what they wanted or to hold independent opin-ions. Even their reading was controlled: those who read works bydissenting scholars such as Tsuda Sokichi would incur the wrathof the powerful Professor Hiraizumi. Their only option was not togo to classes. Ancient history in particular was a taboo topic: theadvance of scholarship had brought into doubt numerous aspectsof ancient history, and everyone knew it, but discussion was notpermitted. lenaga Saburo has described how he attempted topublish in Rekishi Chiri [Historical Geography] his graduation the-sis on the passage in Nihon Shoki containing the vow of the SunGoddess to protect forever the line of her descendants, the Emper-ors. There was so much consternation that he decided to with-draw it because of the difficulty it would cause for the publishersand his senior colleagues.21

A single dissenting voice on ancient history was that of Tsuda

xxiv Translator's Introduction

Sokichi (1873-1961) of Waseda University. He worked at a privateuniversity, not supported by the state. As early as 1913, Tsudapublished Jindaishi no Atarashii Kenkyu [New Studies on the His-tory of the Age of the Gods], in which he laid out his theory thatthe tales of the Age of the Gods in Kojiki and Nihon Shoki were nothistorically true, but, rather, stories created around the time ofcomposition of the works in order to justify the imperial house. Inlater works he also cast doubt on the existence of some of the earlyEmperors.

Tsuda was given a rough interrogation by the nationalist scho-lars of Tokyo Imperial University, where he went as visiting lec-turer in the autumn of 1939. In 1940, sale of four of his works wasprohibited by government order, and Tsuda and his publisher,Iwanami Shigeo (1881-1946), of Iwanami Publishing Company,were charged with violation of the publications law by offeringinsult to the imperial dignity and were placed on trial in TokyoDistrict Criminal Court. Tsuda offered a written defence, pointingout a long tradition of uninhibited and controversial discussion ofancient history and the Emperors, with a wide variety of viewsexpressed.22 He also defended scientific historical method. Even ifcorrect results were achieved, said Tsuda, they were worthless ifnot arrived at by modern historical method. The court seems tohave listened carefully to Tsuda, but nevertheless it convicted himon one of nine charges, on the basis of materials in Kojiki oyobiNihon Shoki no Kenkyu [Studies on Kojiki and Nihon Shoki, 1919].

Japan in 1942 was an authoritarian state, where rough treatmentof suspects and convicts was routine; yet, because of the court'sfailure to meet a procedural deadline, Tsuda and Iwanami neverhad to serve their prison sentences. The court authorities scrupu-lously acknowledged this failure and set them free. Nevertheless,the message was clear: to question the Age of the Gods and theorigins of the imperial house was a criminal offence under Japa-nese law.

SAKAMOTO TARO: SCRUPULOUS CONSERVATIVE

The year 1940 was the 2,6ooth anniversary of Emperor Jinmu'sinauguration of imperial rule in 660 BC. All the leading historiansof Japan participated in state ceremonies, thereby confirming thehistorical veracity of this mythical event. Yet by 1940 many histo-rians, including Sakamoto Taro, knew that the date for the inaugu-ration of imperial rule was historically indeterminate. Sakamotowas passionately 'devoted to truth in history, and in The Six

Translator's Introduction xxv

National Histories of Japan he strongly criticized Emperor Kanmuand Emperor Saga for deleting portions of Shoku Nihongi: Tor thecourt to alter the text of a National History because of contempo-rary politics must be considered an act of violence.' However,historians such as Sakamoto all realized that their position wasdifferent from Emperors Kanmu and Saga, who controlled thewriting of the National History. In 1940 the power to decide histor-ical truth had passed out of the hands of historians, and there wasno point in publicly denying the official version. Japanesenationalism based on the imperial house had developed to thepoint where the truth about history was irrelevant, and only pun-ishment awaited those who pointed it out.

In his autobiography, Kodaishi no Michi [The Way of AncientHistory], Sakamoto discussed somewhat ruefully the affair ofEmperor Jinmu's anniversary. He offered the view that participa-tion in state celebrations at best enabled historians to obtainfinancial support for research. At a time when all financialresources were devoted to war-related activities, and not one yenwould be provided to scholars who wanted to disprove ancientmyths, historians could thereby obtain funds for research onancient times. They could work on sites and materials alleged tobe related to Emperor Jinmu and which might contribute toknowledge of other aspects of ancient history, while withholdingtheir view that imperial rule had not necessarily begun in 660BC.23

Sakamoto was not damaged by the experience of celebrating anevent he knew to be untrue and did not dwell on it. A rationalist,during the war he simply applied himself to pure scholarship,systematically collecting documents for projects in ancient historyand publishing authoritative reports.24 Born in Hamamatsu in Shi-zuoka Prefecture in central Japan, Sakamoto Taro was the son of aschool principal. His father was robust and abstemious, like Saka-moto, but not a scholar; Sakamoto developed- his own scholarlyinterests in unpromising conditions. He described his primaryschool in Hamamatsu as a country school, and upon graduation in1914 he continued at Hamamatsu Middle School. In 1919, NagoyaEighth High School was chosen because it was the closest. How-ever, he found his calling when he entered Tokyo University in1923 as a history student. The class in Japanese history was small -there were five students in first year; the professors were distin-guished - Mikami Sanji, Kuroita Katsumi, Tsuji Zennosuke(1877-1955); and the scholarly atmosphere was serious and enthu-siastic. The training was intense, and the students were expected

xxvi Translator's Introduction

eventually to publish as a matter of course. Even so, writing didnot come easily to him at first. His earliest publication, in 1928,was a revision of his Tokyo University BA thesis on post-stations inancient times, a subject for meticulous research, but not of greatnational importance. His second book, Taika Kaishin no Kenkyu[Studies on the Taika Reform of 645], appeared in 1935. In it hedisplayed signs of the conservatism that would distinguish hislater writings and that is evident in The Six National Histories ofJapan. In the 19605 and 19705, when a controversy raged amongJapanese historians on whether the Taika Reform had actuallytaken place, Sakamoto never changed his views on its historicalreality. His first comprehensive work on Japanese history was intwo volumes in 1950-1: Nihonshi Gaisetsu [Survey of Japanese His-tory]. But from the 19505 on, because of the accumulation of vastknowledge, the writing came more easily, and his works eventu-ally numbered more than two hundred books, articles, essays, andreviews. He became Professor at Tokyo University in 1935 andhead of the Historiographical Institute in 1951, remaining until hismandatory retirement from the public university in 1962, when hetransferred to Kokugakuin University. As a senior scholar heserved on many historical boards and participated in numerousscholarly projects.

Sakamoto's ability to read, at first sight, ancient handwrittendocuments became legendary: these documents in Classical Chi-nese often display orthographic peculiarities, contain obsolete andlocal terms, and refer to obscure matters. The few foreigners whobecome adept at reading them can never handle the great volumeconsumed by Sakamoto. This proficiency in the documentarymaterials of history made him sceptical of theory, leading to hisopposition to the ideas of Tsuda Sokichi. Tsuda's views were revo-lutionary, emphasizing the inconsistencies and anachronisms inKojiki and Nihon Shoki and suggesting that much of the materialon most ancient times was concocted by the authors of thoseworks in the early eighth century. But for Sakamoto and the otherhistorians of Tokyo University, study began with documents,whose provenance had to be determined; they were not easilyconvinced that materials on the pre-imperial age had no basiswhatsoever. Sakamoto's predecessor at Tokyo University, the emi-nent cultural historian Tsuji Zennosuke, criticized Tsuda, sayingthat he was very adept at analysing books but could work only onpublished materials, not documents.25

As the result of his training in historical method at Tokyo Uni-versity, Sakamoto could reasonably and convincingly interpret a

Translator's Introduction xxvii

wide range of evidence. Much credit for this training must go toKuroita Katsumi, who prepared modern editions of the greatworks of Japan in Kokushi Taikei [Compendium of Japanese His-tory]; Sakamoto worked on some of these volumes.26 Finally, Saka-moto was blessed with historical imagination, enabling him to seethe connections between materials that others did not and todevise alternative approaches to old subjects. These skills,together with unremitting energy and strength of character, madehim the acknowledged dean of ancient historians. His study of theSix National Histories has not been surpassed.27

Contemporary scholars who identify traditional values with allthat was bad about Japan might be biased against Sakamoto'sconservatism. In The Six National Histories of Japan he clearly dem-onstrates his admiration for the Confucian values of loyalty, filialpiety, and devotion to scholarship and learning, praising thoseauthors of the Six National Histories who best exemplified thesequalities. In his personal life he was upright, eschewing alcoholand tobacco, embracing the values of family life, showing grati-tude towards his teachers and, in turn, reserved but genuine con-cern for his students. Like many Japanese scholars, he wassustained by his wife. He described his wife, Matsue, as sound inheart and body; she gave him three prized children, who in turngave numerous grandchildren.

Such conservatism naturally led to a positive view of the impe-rial house. Because of his respect for the imperial house, he wasappointed Reader of passages from Nihon Shoki and Shoku Nihongiat the ceremonial bathing of the three grandchildren of the ShowaEmperor, starting with Prince Hiro in 1960. For the Prince, hechose the Nihon Shoki volume on the ideal Emperor of ancienttimes, Nintoku; for Princess Saya, the volume on Empress Suiko;and for Prince Aya in 1965, the volume on Emperor Sujin, whosename, meaning 'Worship the Gods/ reflected the desire of theancients to put sacred matters before secular matters.28 Eventhough he was elected a member of the Japan Academy in 1958and received numerous other awards, Sakamoto described thisimperial appointment as Reader as his greatest honour as a scho-lar, following in the footsteps of the Tokyo University scholarsMikami Sanji and Tsuji Zennosuke.29

Many Japanese and foreign critics might therefore find Saka-moto an old-fashioned admirer of the Emperor system, which wasresponsible for the tragedies of modern Japan and the pain Japaninflicted on the world in its expansionist period up to 1945. YetSakamoto's views were not unreflective, and those who would

xxviii Translator's Introduction

condemn him should be prepared to deal with his sophistication;he should not be consigned to narrow imperialism on the basis ofgeneralities - for although he refused to dismiss the legends ofancient Japan in their entirety, he carefully examined the basis foreach one. Sakamoto had no patience with the opinions of theNational Scholars, who held that the ancient myths in Kojiki andNihon Shoki, the foundation of the modern imperialist ideology,contained literal truth. He always put evidence ahead of ideas, andif he admired the traditions of the Japanese imperial system, healso put its history under rigorous scrutiny. He did not subscribeto the overblown theories about the national essence and thenational mission of Japan that emerged in the 19305 and 19405. Hispositive views about the imperial house were confined to affirm-ing its reality as a central component of Japan's history in ancienttimes, which is difficult to deny, and its persistence into the twen-tieth century as part of the Japanese tradition. In other respects hewas a complete rationalist.

Author's Preface

Everyone uses the Six National Histories for the study of ancientJapanese history, but few study the Six National Histories them-selves. Only Nihon Shoki is a field of research for a considerablenumber, while the number of those who study Shoku Nihongi andthe other Five National Histories (Nihon Koki, Shoku Nihon Koki, Mon-toku Tenno Jitsuroku, and Nihon Sandai Jitsuroku) shrinks drastically.

This is strange, because in modern historical research the evalua-tion of sources is considered an important step, with rigorous inter-nal and external scrutiny of ancient documents and records, inassessing their historical worth. Books of historical writing aresources equally valuable as documents and records, and it is muchmore important that their accounts be evaluated. This is becausethey are compiled some time after the events they describe andstrongly reflect the views of the authors and the influence of theirtimes.

The Six National Histories were official histories compiled underimperial command, mainly by bureaucrats, over a space of morethan two hundred years in the eighth and ninth centuries. Theirscope and character were limited even though they used authorita-tive government materials. Furthermore, there are errors, bothintentional and unintentional, committed by the compilers in han-dling them; and strengths and weaknesses in structure and expres-sion were similarly a product of the minds of the compilers. Withoutreading between the lines to grasp the conditions of their compila-tion, we cannot truly understand the entries in these works andthereby know the facts of history. Thus the study of the Six NationalHistories is a necessary stage before using them to study history.

There are many approaches to the study of the Six National Histo-

xxx Author's Preface

ries. The most orthodox approach is to regard them as works of his-torical writing by Japanese of ancient times, dealing with the ques-tion: how was their historical consciousness influenced by thethought and methods of China? What were the special characteris-tics of the Six National Histories in comparison to the Chinese his-tory books? These are questions about the cultural history of Japan.They involve consideration of the ritsuryo state system and its socialfoundations, which produced works of such high historical and liter-ary quality during this two-hundred-year period.

The other approach is from the standpoint of historical methodol-ogy, which asks how reliable the Six National Histories are as mate-rials for the history of ancient times. Many people have taken upNikon Shoki from this point of view, and there are diverse scholarlytheories. However, owing to their authoritative status as standardhistories, there are no theories about Shoku Nihongi and the otherfour works.

In this book, both approaches are used, where appropriate, toexplain the circumstances of compilation of each of the Six NationalHistories and their nature and value as works of historical writing.Because of the nature of the problems, the description inevitablybecomes dry as dust; so I have tried to adopt a popular style ofexpression. However, the substance follows the results of overallscholarly research.

Looking back, I first began to think about an overview of the SixNational Histories when I wrote "Rikkokushi ni tsuite" [On the SixNational Histories], which was published in 1939 in Honpo Shigaku-shi Ronso [Essays on the History of Historical Studies in Japan], inhonour of the fiftieth anniversary of the Historical Studies Associa-tion of Japan. Writing that article made me keenly conscious thatvery few basic facts about the Six National Histories had been clari-fied. In the following thirty years I tried to illuminate the basic factsof each of the Six National Histories in a number of articles and havenow taken this opportunity to bring them together. I am ashamedthat thirty years have produced so little; at the same time I havebeen alerted to the many problems that remain.

In the preparation of this work I owe great scholarly debts to myseniors and friends. I failed to thank them at the time and place, so Ihereby formally express my gratitude.

I also fear that some works which should have been included mayhave been omitted, owing to my negligence. For this I can only begthe forgiveness of the respective authors.

September 1970

THE Six NATIONAL HISTORIES OF JAPAN

C H A P T E R ONE

Introduction

THE N A M E : six NATIONAL H I S T O R I E S

The name of the Six National Histories is pronounced rikkokushi. Thenumber six is rendered as roku in Wu pronunciation and as riku inHan pronunciation; hence rikkokushi is the Han rendering.1 When itis encountered in Buddhist or general secular materials, the numbersix is generally rendered as roku - the Six Ways, the Six Roots ofPerception, the Six Jizo (guardian deities of the six states of exis-tence), the Six Poetical Geniuses of Japan, the Sixty-Some Provinces,and so forth. But in relation to studies of things Chinese carried outin ancient Japan it is riku - the Six Sutras, the Six Arts, the Six Books,the Six Dynasties, the Six Classics, and so on. The Six NationalHistories were written in Japan but have the same style of scholar-ship as Chinese studies, so their name has come to be rendered riku,in the Han pronunciation.

National History (kokushi) broadly refers to a book that tells thehistory of a nation. But this requires amplification, for the termkokushi does not always carry the same meaning. In Japanese writ-ing, the characters for kokushi (|HJ5£D first appear in Nihon Shoki inthe annals of Emperor Richu (r. 400-5) and, second, in the law codesof the Taiho (701-4) and \oro (717-24) eras.

First, the record in Nihon Shoki for the eighth month, 428, in thereign of Emperor Richu contains an entry, 'Kokushi were establishedin each province for the first time.' In this case kokushi does not referto a book, but to government scribes for the provinces, and the entrynarrates the establishment of officials performing the function ofclerks. The use of shi (5^) with reference to clerk was common inancient China, where the Zhou Li [Rites of Zhou] lists five kinds ofclerks serving the Emperor. In Japan, however, after this use of

4 The Six National Histories of Japan

kokushi in the reign of Emperor Richu, it is almost never used to referto clerks.

Second, kokushi appears in the Taiho Code of 701 and the \oroCode of 718 as follows: Among the duties of the Head of the Ministryof Central Affairs, the personnel law specifies that 'he supervises thekokushi'; in the duties of the Head of the Library Bureau it states that'he compiles the kokushi.'2 Clearly, kokushi here refers to a book, butthe context requires explanation.

The Ancient Records cited in Ryo no Shuge [Collected Commentar-ies on the "Voro Code] is misleading. It says, 'Kokushi is the name of abook recording the events of the time. It is like the Chinese worksChun Qiu [Spring and Autumn Annals] and the Han Shu [History ofthe Former Han Dynasty]. They are Veritable Records.'3 But 'thetime' may be any time, and identification of the Chun Qiu and theHan Shu as Veritable Records is not correct, so this cannot be consid-ered a valid explanation.

More to the point, the main text of the section 'MiscellaneousLaws' says, 'If there are omens of disaster and natural calamities,report it to the Yin-Yang Bureau. When it is finished, seal it accord-ing to seasons and send it to the Ministry of Central Affairs, to beentered into the kokushi.'^ The Shinn/o Shiki [Private Commentary onthe New Laws] cited in the Sanki [Commentary on Ryo no Shuge bySanuki Naganao] comments on the phrase 'compiles the kokushi' asfollows: 'High officials as well as ordinary ones should take notes ofaffairs within their jurisdiction and send them to the Bureau. TheBureau will compile them, and the Ministry of Central Affairs willauthorize them.'5

These records indicate that the government, in order to leave arecord of its actions, ordered the Ministry of Central Affairs to obtaindocuments of the current activities of all officials, and that it was apractice to compile these documents. Thus the kokushi mentionedhere is not the history of the distant past but, rather, a document ofthe present. This meaning of kokushi is quite different from ourpresent understanding of 'National History.'

In China, records of the words and activities of the Emperor werediligently kept by the Court Historian, thereby creating the Diariesof Activity and Repose (Qijuzhu; Japane'se kikyochu). These becamethe basis for the Veritable Records (Shilu; Japanese jitsuroku) thatwere written after the Emperor's death. Following a change ofdynasty, a number of these Veritable Records became, in turn, thebasis for compiling the history of the preceding dynasty. Accordingto Iwahashi Koyata, the kokushi described in the Taiho and \o"rocodes were the same as the Diaries of Activity and Repose and the

Introduction 5

Veritable Records;6 but in fact they cannot be described as identical.In Japan, according to the codes, the Ministry of Central Affairs

had officials called Private Secretaries to the Minister, divided intogrades of upper, middle, and lower. One of their duties was 'to draftimperial proclamations and to administer the keeping of all the Rec-ords of the Palace/7 According to the 'Shaku' commentary cited byRyo no Shuge, 'the Records of the Palace refer to the Emperor, and donot include the Three Empresses/8 Thus these Records of the Palace,and not the kokushi, are the documents that should be equated withthe Chinese Diaries of Activity and Repose. They continued to bewritten, in later reigns, as Palace Diaries (naiki nikki).

The kokushi of the Library Bureau did not merely record the activi-ties and words of the Emperor; it was a compilation of the records ofthe doings of many offices and, therefore, a broader history of thegovernment. In light of the existence of the Palace Diaries devoted tothe activities of the Emperor, we cannot identify the kokushi of theLibrary Bureau with the Chinese Diaries of Activity and Repose.

Thus, although the kokushi cited in the codes was a book of his-tory, it was more a record of current history. However, other refer-ences scattered through the ancient documents suggest a history ofthe country from ancient times. This is the broadest and the mostcommonly understood meaning of kokushi and has persisted untillater times.

The first mention of a National History is in Shoku Nihongi, tenthday, second month, 714: An imperial order was given to Junior SixthRank, Higher, Ki Ason Kiyondo and Senior Eighth Rank, Lower,Miyake Ason Fujimaro, to compile a National History/ As we shallsee later, this is a valuable document concerning the process ofcompiling Nihon Shoki; it is also the earliest instance of the use ofkokushi to mean a history book. Iwahashi Koyata's theory that thiskokushi was the one compiled by the Head of the Library Bureau alsoholds that it was a record of the current time.9 If this were the case,however, the work would be part of the regular duties of the Head ofthe Library Bureau and there would have been no need to issue aspecial command to Ki Kiyondo and his colleague. I believe that thework was a history book which would subsequently become NihonShoki.

The next piece of evidence is the memorial presented by TsuMuraji Mamichi and others in Shoku Nihongi, seventeenth day, sev-enth month, 790, wherein they recount the immigration of theirancestors from Paekche during the reign of Empress Regent Jingu(r. 201-69) and their meritorius service during the reign of EmperorOjin (r. 270-310), Nintoku (r. 313-99), and Bidatsu (r. 572-85). It


states, 'In addition, these matters are fully recorded in the NationalHistory and the genealogies.' In this case, 'the National History'specifically means Nihon Shoki. Apparently the term 'the NationalHistory(ies) and the genealogies' was current at that time: Kogo Shui[Gleanings from Ancient Words, 807] states, 'The matter is recordedin the National Histories and the genealogies, but there remain a fewthings to discuss in detail/10 In this case, the term National Historiesincludes Nihon Shoki and Shoku Nihongi. Also, in the discussion ofevents from the descent of the Heavenly Grandchild to the easternexpedition of the first Emperor Jinmu, Kogo Shui states, 'The namesof the officials in attendance appear in the National History.'11 Here,of course, Nihon Shoki is meant.

Subsequently, the text of Nihon Koki, thirteenth day, eighthmonth, 794, states, 'Minister of the Right Junior Second RankKaneyuki, and Crown Prince's Mentor, General of the Guards Fuji-wara Ason Tsugutada and others, were commanded by imperialdecree to compile a National History, which they have completed.'This was the second half of Shoku Nihongi. In the same work, in thememorial to the throne from Sugano Mamichi and others presentingthe completed Shoku Nihongi, thirteenth day, second month, 797, weread, 'Your ministers have compiled the National History with theirown frivolous private views.' Here Shoku Nihongi is termed aNational History. Also, in Volume I of Ruiju Sandai Kyaku [ClassifiedRegulations of Three Reigns] there is an order of the Council of Statefor the twenty-eighth day, tenth month, 813, which cites a gloss byFirst Vice-Controller of the Left, Ono Ason Nonushi: 'The rise ofSarume is detailed in the National History.'12 Since there is anaccount in Book i of Nihon Shoki of the awarding of the title 'SarumeKimi' to the deity Ame Uzume at the time of the descent of theHeavenly Grandchild, there can be no doubt that this also refers toNihon Shoki.13

These examples make it clear that such works as Nihon Shoki andShoku Nihongi were commonly referred to as National Histories dur-ing the Nara and early Heian periods. Such examples continuedthrough later history up to the present day. The use of the term SixNational Histories is, of course, based upon this meaning.

Next let us consider the 'Six National Histories.' The term com-prises Nihon Shoki, Shoku Nihongi, Nihon Koki, Shoku Nihon Koki,Nihon Montoku Tenno Jitsuroku, and Nihon Sandai Jitsuroku. When didthe concept of the Six National Histories arise? Examining the rec-ords in which the name appears, we find that it is, surprisingly, not avery ancient term. The preface to the Muromachi-period work Zen-rin Kokuhoki [Record of the Treasures of Neighbouring Countries] by

Introduction 7

Zuikei Shuho states, 'In Japan there are the Six National Histories,and so on, but very few people read them.'14 This is the earliestinstance. Since the last of the Six National Histories was completedin 901 this suggests a hiatus of more than 500 years in which thename was not used. However, this is hard to believe. Perhaps thename existed but simply does not appear in the surviving records.

There is evidence that in early times this six-part National Historywas distinguished as a group from other books. This was a naturaldevelopment: the imperially commissioned histories of ancienttimes came out one after another and then ended after these sixworks. Not a single volume remains of succeeding compositions,such as Shinkokushi [New National History], which was an unfin-ished manuscript. The earliest evidence that they were viewed as agroup is found in Ruiju Kokushi [Classified National Histories] bySugawara Michizane (845-903), which organized the entries in theSix National Histories by categories and arranged them into a singlework. Also, in Oe Masafusa's (1051-1111) Gpdansho [Selections fromOe's Talks], a record of his conversations, Oe answers the question,who compiled the histories of Japan (nihongi)l (Thus the termnihongi had both the broader meaning of 'the histories of Japan' andthe narrower meaning of the specific work, Nihongi, of 720.) Heanswered that Nihongi (the same as Nihon Shoki) was edited byCrown Prince Toneri; Shoku Nihongi, by Sugano Mamichi; NihonKoki, by Fujiwara Otsugu; and so on. Masafusa proceeded throughall the Six National Histories, naming the editor of each.15 InNichureki [Dual History, author unknown], written in the latterKamakura period, the Six National Histories are listed by their indi-vidual names, along with Ruiju Kokushi. As in Godansho, the term SixNational Histories is not used, but they are recognized as an entity.16

A strong counter-argument has been put forward by IwahashiKoyata. He notes that when Heian period works concerned withcourt affairs, such as Honcho Getsurei [Monthly Events of Japan] andSeiji Yoryaku [Brief Outline of Government], quote from the SixNational Histories, material taken from Nihon Shoki is always identi-fied as 'Nihongi says,' whereas material taken from Shoku Nihongiand the others is labelled 'the National History says.' Therefore, heholds that Nihon Shoki was not included in the National Histories.The explanation he gives is that the National Histories compiled byimperial command were the record of one period or another andcorrespond to the Diaries of Activity and Repose and the VeritableRecords of China; while Nihon Shoki, being the history of formerreigns, corresponds to the Official Histories of China. Thus he holdsthat to conflate the National Histories and Nihon Shoki is incorrect.17


This distinction between Nihongi and kokushi (National Histories)in such works as Honcho Getsurei was pointed out long ago by SatoShigemi. He reasoned that copies of Nihon Shoki were possessed bymany people, so that they quoted from these copies, whereas theother Five National Histories were difficult to obtain, so that writersquoted Ruiju Kokushi instead, which organized the same materialsunder topical headings.18 Iwahashi did not adopt this theory, holdingthat the fundamental differences between the two as works of his-torical writing provide sufficient reason to distinguish between them.

However, the materials I have already cited provide much con-vincing proof that Nihon Shoki was regarded as part of the NationalHistories around the Enryaku (782-806) and Daido (806-10) eras.This is evident even from the name Ruiju Kokushi [Classified NationalHistory]. Within Ruiju Kokushi, under the 'National Histories' inbook 147, entries regarding the compilation of Nihon Shoki are given.Similarly, under the heading of Kokokushi [Lectures on the NationalHistories], there are several accounts of lectures on Nihon Shokigiven at the court. Thus Nihon Shoki was considered an authenticwork of National History by the eminent Heian historian SugawaraMichizane.

Let us take one more case. There is a theory in Man'yoshu Jidai Nan-ji [Problems Regarding the Date of Composition of Man'yoshu] byKensho, the renowned scholar-priest of the late Heian-early Kama-kura period. Kensho had previously written Sen Man'yoshu Jidai Jojoji[Some Matters Relating to the Date of Composition of Man'yoshu],which had been criticized by the scholars Doin and Shomy5 in SenMan'yoshu Jidai Jojo Nanji [Problems Concerning Kensho's 'SenMan'yoshu Jidai Jojoji']. In Man'yoshu Jidai Nanji Kensho returned thecriticism and defended his position. The point in dispute waswhether Man'yoshu had been compiled during the reign of EmperorShomu (r. 724-49) or the reign of Emperor Heizei (r. 806-9).Shomyo's criticism was that the 'Heizei Tenshi' (Heizei Emperor)given in the Preface to Kokinshu [Collection of Ancient and ModernPoems] actually referred to Emperor Shomu and not to EmperorHeizei of the Daido era. In support of his position, he wrote, 'Thisappears in detail in Nihongi and the National Histories/ Now theaccounts of Emperor Shomu and Emperor Heizei are found in ShokuNihongi and Nihon Koki, not in Nihon Shoki. Thus it appears that thephrase 'Nihongi and the National Histories' was a common phrase,cited carelessly. It is clear that by 'Nihongi' Shomyo was referringnot to the particular work Nihon Shoki but, more vaguely, to histo-ries of Japan in general. In addition, since in later passages he writes,'Shoku Nihongi says,' we cannot even say that he included Shoku

Introduction 9

Nihongi in the general term 'National Histories.' Kensho's precisereply to this was:

The National Histories consist of:- Nihon Shoki. 20 volumes [sic.] From Emperor Jinmu to Empress Jito.

41 reigns.- Shoku Nihongi. 40 volumes. [Other notes omitted hereafter].- Nihon Koki. 40 volumes.- Shoku Nihon Koki. 20 volumes.- Montoku Jitsuroku. 10 volumes.- Sandai Jitsuroku. 50 volumes.What then is the meaning of this phrase, 'Nihongi and the NationalHistories'?19

Thus Kensho considered the Six National Histories as a group andquestioned the validity of the expression 'Nihongi and the NationalHistories/ which treated them as separate.

There are many ways in which Nihon Shoki is different from theother five works of the Six National Histories. It was esteemed as theoldest work; lectures on it started in the Nara period and were heldfrequently at the court in the early Heian period; and many differentkinds of private commentaries on it were written. In addition todifferences arising from its fundamental character as a book of his-tory, there were marked differences in the way people of later timestreated Nihon Shoki. This was probably why people quoted the otherNational Histories separately from Nihongi. In those times, traditionexercised an influence in the scholarly world, and when someonedevised a form, later people adopted it uncritically. Perhaps HonchoGetsurei intended to make a distinction between Nihongi and RuijuKokushi when making quotations, but later scholars were not awareof that and quoted them separately because that work had done so.

We must conclude that Nihongi was considered as part of the SixNational Histories. This is seen in the position of Sugawara Michi-zane and Kensho. Using National Histories as a general term for theSix National Histories had been the usual practice since ancienttimes.

The name Six National Histories, which appeared in the Muroma-chi era and was widely used in the Edo period, became the standardterm. In 1657 Tateno Shunsetsu published an edition of ShokuNihongi and noted in the publishing account, 'In Japan there are theSix National Histories.' Miyake Kanran's preface to Hoken Taiki [Rec-ord of Japan from the Hogen Era to the Kenkyu Era (1156-98), 1712]by Kuriyama Senpo states, 'Praise and blame are not found in the Six

io The Six National Histories of Japan

National Histories/ In Motoori Norinaga's Uiyamabumi [First Stepsinto the Mountains, 1798], the term Six National Histories is usedrepeatedly. There are cases, less common, of the use of other terms,such as 'The Six Official Histories' and 'The Six Histories.'

C L A S S I F I C A T I O N

The Six National Histories have at least four common characteristics.First, they are official histories compiled under imperial decree. Ofcourse, a number of other non-historical works were also compiledunder imperial decree. There are the three early Heian collections ofChinese poetry - Ryounshu [Cloud-borne Collection, 814], BunkaShureishu [Collection of Literary Masterpieces, 818], and Keikoku-shu [Collection for Ordering the State, 827]. There are the threecollections of regulations (kyaku) and procedures (shiki) of the Konin(810-24), Jogan (859-77), and Engi (901-23) eras. There is also Ryo noGige [Commentary on the Laws]. And, finally, there are the poetrycollections, beginning with Kokinshu [Ancient and Modern Collec-tion], which continued through twenty-one anthologies. However,there were very few other histories compiled under imperial decree.Kojiki, which was begun under Emperor Tenmu (r. 673-86) and com-mitted to writing under order from Empress Genmei (r. 707-15), maybe said to have been compiled under imperial decree, but it is not anofficial history. There is also Ruiju Kokushi, compiled by SugawaraMichizane under order from Emperor Uda (r. 887-97), but it didnothing more than rearrange the entries in the Six National Histo-ries, and, thus, it is the same as the Six National Histories except forformat. Much later, for Dai Nihon Shi [Great History of Japan] of theMito domain, the editors specifically implored the court to rank it asequivalent to an imperially commanded project, but it is different innature from the early works compiled under imperial order. Thusofficial histories compiled under imperial order are confined to theSix National Histories.

Second, since they were compiled under imperial order, the workswere carried out by the government. They were compiled to reflectthe power of the government in the period when the ritsuryo stateflourished, from the eighth to the early tenth century. Other workscompiled under imperial command, such as the poetry collections,were not necessarily written to reflect the authority of the govern-ment. The Six National Histories were different. The authors werethe leaders of society - imperial princes and high-ranking subjects;and working with them were extremely capable, highly rankedbureaucrats and leading scholars. For the place of compilation, a

Introduction 11

Chronicles of Japan Office or, later, a National History Office wasestablished. The materials used were records from the LibraryBureau and the biographies of meritorious subjects compiled by theMinistry of Ceremonial. Materials related to the period under reviewwere furnished by government order. Overall, the Six National His-tories came about by authority of the government of the time; thusthey may properly be called officially compiled history books. Thegovernment possessed such powers in the Nara period and the earlyHeian period, when the ritsuryo state was operating well; the SixNational Histories were a glamorous achievement of that regime.

Third, their format is annalistic, and they are written in ClassicalChinese (kanbun). Shi Tong [Survey of Histories] is a critique ofancient histories and historians by the Tang-dynasty historian LiuZhiji. In Volume i, in a section titled 'The Two Forms,' he explainsthat the ancient Chinese histories were classified into annals andbiography. According to Liu, the origin of the annalistic form wasZuo Qiuming's Zuo Zhuan [Zuo's Commentary], which is a com-mentary on the Chun Qiu. The biography form started with SimaQian's Shi Ji [Records of the Historian]. The Six National Historiesadopted the annalistic form. There are some problems regardingdetails of the annalistic form, but, broadly speaking, they all narratethe facts in the order of their year, month, and day.

Fourth, the style that they all used was Classical Chinese. In NihonShoki there are some touches of Japanese and some exegetical pas-sages in which they attempted to have it read in Japanese, butmostly it is Classical Chinese. In this respect it differs greatly fromKojiki, which was written in a hybrid language peculiar to that work.The other Five National Histories are also in Classical Chinese. How-ever, they also contain edicts in the imperial proclamation (senmyo)style, and some poems are recorded in Manyo-syllabary. Since Clas-sical Chinese was the language of government, it was appropriate touse it forj)fficial works. They stand out sharply against later works,such as Okagami [The Great Mirror] and Eiga Monogatari [A Tale ofFlowering Fortunes], which used Classical Japanese.

The Six National Histories can be grouped in a number of ways.First, to begin with the most formal aspect, the titles of the bookscan clearly be divided into groups of early and late. The first fourworks from Nihon Shoki to Shoku Nihon Koki all use the word chroni-cle (ki |H)/ while the last two, Montoku Jitsuroku and Sandai Jitsuroku,use veritable record (Jitsuroku ^H<). According to the Shi Tong dis-cussed above, the titles of works from the Han dynasty onwardused four terms: book (sho ^), record (ki g2), chronicle (ki |H)/ and


brief account (ryaku ffi§). For the annalistic style, chronicle (ki) wasused, as in Han Ji [Chronicle of Han] by Xun Yue and How Han Ji[Chronicle of the Later Han] by Yuan Hong; for the biography style,sho was used, as in Qian Han Shu [History of the Former Han] andHow Han Shu [History of the Later Han]. The Six National Histories,being annalistic, used chronicle in the first four books, thus follow-ing the Chinese example. But Veritable Records, as alreadyexplained, were based on the Chinese Diaries of Activity andRepose, which described the activities of a single Emperor duringhis lifetime, and in name they correspond to one aspect of the SixNational Histories. However, Shoku Nihon Koki was the history of thereign of Emperor Ninmyo (r. 833-50) and Montoku Jitsuroku was thehistory of the reign of Emperor Montoku (r. 850-8), so, from thepoint of view of their contents, both works are closer to the VeritableRecords of China; yet Shoku Nihon Koki is not called a VeritableRecord, thus producing a discrepancy between the contents and thename of the book.

Second, the Six National Histories can be grouped by the scope ofthe period they cover: the reign of a single Emperor or the reigns ofmany. Nihon Shoki, apart from the special case of the Age of theGods, covers forty reigns, from Emperor Jinmu (r. 660-585 BC) toEmpress Jito (r. 690-7); Shoku Nihongi covers nine reigns, fromEmperor Monmu (r. 697-707) to Emperor Kanmu (r. 781-806); NihonKoki covers four reigns, from Emperor Kanmu to Emperor Junna (r.823-33); and Sandai Jitsuroku covers the reigns of Emperors Seiwa(r. 858-76), Yozei (r. 876-84), and Koko (r. 884-7). In contrast arethose works that cover only a single reign: Shoku Nihon Koki(Emperor Ninmyo) and Montoku Jitsuroku (Emperor Montoku).

Third, the Histories can be classified according to the number ofvolumes they contain. The one with the most volumes is SandaiJitsuroku, at fifty; Shoku Nihongi and Nihon Koki have forty; NihonShoki has thirty; Shoku Nihon Koki has twenty; and Montoku Jitsurokuhas ten. Interestingly, Sandai Jitsuroku and Montoku Jitsuroku, whichbelong to the same group by name, go into the highest and lowestclasses by number of volumes.

Fourth, we can classify the Histories according to the number ofyears required for compilation. Nihon Shoki was begun in the tenthyear of the reign of Emperor Tenmu (681), working from Teiki [Impe-rial Chronicles] and Kuji [Fundamental Dicta]; thirty-nine yearswere required to reach its completion in 720. The beginning of ShokuNihongi is not clear, but the first thirty-volume draft came out in thereign of Emperor Junnin (r. 758-64), and from 764 to its completion

Introduction 13

in 797, more than thirty-three years elapsed. Nihon Koki was begunin 819 and was completed, after twenty-one'years, in 840. ShokuNihon Koki took fourteen years, from 855 to 869. Montoku Jitsurokurequired eight years, from 871 to 879, and Sandai Jitsuroku also tookeight years, from 893 to 901.

Thus Nihon Shoki took the longest time, but Shoku Nihongi was notfar behind. When it comes to Nihon Koki the time drops drastically totwenty years. It drops off for Shoku Nihon Koki and the rest, andMontoku Jitsuroku and Sandai Jitsuroku, in particular, required onlyeight years. Sandai Jitsuroku, with the greatest number of volumes(fifty) required the least time for composition. This demonstratesthat the methods of composition had become well established bythat time, with the result that work proceeded more easily.

TABLE 1

Form

Number of Number of Years inName reigns volumes compilation

Nihon ShokiShoku NihongiNihon KokiShoku Nihon KokiMontoku Jitsuroku

Sandai Jitsuroku

chroniclechroniclechroniclechronicleveritable

recordveritable

record

409411

3

3040402010

50

393321148

8

The foregoing classifications, as schematized in Table i, areextremely formalistic; a more substantial classification must bebased on the contents of the works. There are essential questionsconcerning their form, authenticity as historical materials, methodand processes of compilation, and contents. In these respects thereare striking differences between Nihon Shoki and the other FiveNational Histories.

Although they share the annalistic form, the text of Shoku Nihongiand the others is dense, without a single year missing, while entriesare lacking for many years in Nihon Shoki. As for their authenticity ashistorical materials, the quality of the Five National Histories is, forthe most part, uniformly high, but this is not the case with Nihon


Shoki. Since Nihon Shoki is full of fabrications and embellishments, itcannot be regarded as historical material without fierce scrutiny. Asfor method of compilation, for the Five National Histories, authenticgovernment materials were gathered and a compilation system wasset up, but it seems that this could not be contemplated for NihonShoki. As for contents, the Five National Histories speak about ourpresent-day human world, but Nihon Shoki includes the world of thegods in the beginning, and there are parts of it that seem to beobscured, to be far away, as in a hazy mist. From any point of view,Nihon Shoki and the Five National Histories differ greatly.

When we speak casually of the Six National Histories as a group,we must always be aware of the differences that exist in Nihon Shoki.Based on their common characteristics, Nihon Shoki is correctlyincluded in the Six National Histories; but even among those com-mon characteristics, Nihon Shoki is very distinctive. As the first of theSix National Histories, Nihon Shoki showed the way for the otherfive, but in terms of skills, the other Five National Historiesadvanced far ahead, so their standard as books of history is muchhigher. Nihon Shoki is the 'oddball' among the Six National Histories.Thus, the difference between Nihon Shoki and the Five NationalHistories is clear, but the respective works of the Five National His-tories also differ among themselves, as discussed below.

FORMAT

As already noted, the Six National Histories employ the annalisticform. However, there are variations in the application of the form,which we must now consider.

In the Chun Qiu and the Zuo Zhuan, considered the originators ofthe annalistic form, entries are made strictly according to their yearand month and are devoid of adornments. But in the Six NationalHistories, upon a change of Emperors, the Emperor's lineage andpersonal history are narrated as pre-accession history, unlike theChun Qiu and the Zuo Zhuan. Chun Qiu begins from Emperor YinGong and starts abruptly: 'First year, spring, Jin, first month.' ZuoZhuan gives some of the circumstances of the birth of Yin Gong inorder to explain why the classical source work did not record hisaccession. Zuo Zhuan was not breaking standard practice here, as wesee from the accounts of the succeeding Emperors, Huan Gong andZhuang Gong, which start promptly from the first year of theirreign. Its method was to push straight ahead, giving priority to aframework of months and years. Han ]i, by Xun Yue of the LaterHan, and Hou Han ]i, by Yuan Hong of Jin, apart from the narrative of

Introduction 15

the founders, Gaozu and Guangwu, followed this format, as didthe later Tang Jian [Mirror of the Tang Dynasty] by Fan Zuyu ofSong.

In contrast to these strict annals, some annalistic works admitother materials. For example, the Basic Annals of the Biographies-style histories record matters in the beginning of the Emperor'sreign, including his lineage, character, and events up to his acces-sion. Some add an Assessment at the end of a reign. This format wasalso adopted in the Veritable Records of the reigns of individualEmperors.

It is not known when Veritable Records began. According to JiuTangshu Jinji Zhi [Dynastic Bibliographies of the Old Tang History],Diaries of Activity and Repose are seen for each reign, beginningwith Xian of Han and continuing through the Jin, Song, Liang, LaterWei, Chen, and Tang dynasties; but the oldest Veritable Record is thethree-volume Veritable Record of Liang Huang-di by Zhou Xingsi.In the Tang dynasty appear the names of the twenty-volume Verita-ble Record of Gao Zu and the twenty- and forty-volume VeritableRecords of Taizong. These Veritable Records have not survived, sotheir format is not clear in a strict sense, but it can be surmised fromthe later Veritable Records of the Ming and Qing dynasties.20 Inaddition, the Veritable Record of Shun Zong of Tang, by Han Yu,which is found in Han Changli Waiji, probably illustrates the form ofthe Tang dynasty Veritable Records, despite a few odd characteris-tics. They provided the material for the Official Histories, and theBasic Annals of both the Veritable Records and the Official Historieshad the same format. Since they centred upon the government of theruler and narrated history year by year, the method was natural.

Since the Six National Histories also focused on the government ofthe Emperors, their annalistic form was close to that of the BasicAnnals and the Veritable Records. Or, more correctly, with both theBasic Annals and the Veritable Records in hand, the compilers prob-ably strove to imitate them. In Nihon Shoki - apart from the twovolumes narrating the Age of the Gods - starting from EmperorJinmu, the account always began by reciting the ancestry of theEmperor, his qualities, and his personal history. In some cases theEmperor's character is not recorded, but in the first half of NihonShoki, where the details of history are scanty, the compilers scrupu-lously cited the time when he was invested as Crown Prince, theburial of the previous Emperor, and the naming of his mother asEmpress Dowager - the same model used in the Basic Annals of theHan Shu and the How Han Shu. Let us give one example.

i6 The Six National Histories of Japan

Han Shu

The Annals of Emperor Xiaohui

Emperor Xiaohui was the Heir-apparent of Emperor Gaozu. Hismother was called the Empress Lii. When Emperor Xiaohui was in hisfifth year, Gaozu first became King of Han. In Gaozu's second year, thefuture Emperor Xiaohui was established as Heir-apparent; in thetwelfth year, the fourth month, Gaozu died. In the fifth month, on theday bingyin, the Heir-apparent took the imperial throne. He honouredthe Empress, entitling her, the Empress Dowager. (Homer H. Dubs,trans., The History of the Former Han Dynasty by Pan Ku, First Division, theImperial Annals, Chapters 1-4 [Baltimore: Waverly Press 1938], 173.Converted to piny ing romanization.)

Hou Han Shu

The Annals of Emperor Xiaozhang

Emperor Suzong Xiaozhang's name was Da; he was the fifth son ofXianzong. His mother was the First Consort of Jia. In the third year ofYongping (60 AD) he was instituted as Crown Prince. As a youth he wasgenerous, and enjoyed Confucian learning; this quality was esteemedby Xianzong. In the eighth month of the eighteenth year, Renzi, hetook the imperial throne, at the age of nineteen. He honoured the Em-press, entitling her the Empress Dowager.

Nihon Shoki

Emperor Kogen

The Emperor Oho-Yamato-neko-hiko-kuni-kuru was the eldest child ofthe Emperor Oho-Yamato-neko-hiko-futo-ni. His mother's name wasHoso-bime, daughter of Oho-me, Agata-nushi of Shiki. He had beencreated Imperial Prince in Spring, the ist month of the 36th year of thereign of the Emperor Oho-Yamato-neko-hiko-futo-ni. He was thennineteen years of age. The Emperor Oho-Yamato-neko-hiko-futo-nidied in Spring, the 2nd month of the 76th year of his reign. First year,Spring, ist month, 14th day. The Prince Imperial assumed the ImperialDignity. He honoured the Empress with'the title of Grand Empress(W.G. Aston, Nihongi, Vol. 1,147).

From the similarity in format, it is obvious that the authors of NihonShoki referred to the Han Shu and the Hou Han Shu. However, it isnot likely that they referred to those works alone. Nihon Shoki used achronological style. For example, for dates in the reign of Emperor

Introduction 17

Koan, it cites in order the year, season, month, sexagenary cycle ofthe conjunction, and sexagenary cycle of the day. This is almost thesame format as the Basic Annals of the Standard Histories, exceptthat none of the latter cite the sexagenary cycle of the conjunction.Such citations are found instead in the Diaries of Activity andRepose and in the Veritable Records. We do not know which of theseworks the authors of Nihon Shoki saw, but the method of recordingchronology shows their influence. They probably referred to boththe Basic Annals and the Veritable Records. According to Imanishi,'The form of Nihongi overall follows the Standard Histories, but atthe same time it is an indecisive work, taking account of the Verita-ble Records as well.' This criticism is a bit too severe; perhaps theauthors of Nihon Shoki referred to both types of work, believingthem both to be excellent, in order to create the historical format ofNihon Shoki.

The authors of Nihon Shoki referred both to the Standard Historiesand to the Veritable Records, but they did not blindly follow them.They did not adopt items they believed unnecessary. One exampleis the Assessments. The history books of China - starting from theShi Ji and the first of the Standard Histories and including the annal-istic works and the two histories of the Han - all included Assess-ments at the conclusion of each reign, covering its successes andfailures. In the Veritable Records there were no Assessments but,rather, Essays of Praise on the accomplishments of the reign. How-ever, both Assessments and Essays of Praise are entirely absent fromNihon Shoki. Every account ends abruptly with the Emperor's death,abdication, or burial. This contrasts with the dignified account ofancestry and so on at the beginning of the reign. Thus Nihon Shokidoes not take the position that everything must be told, withoutomission. It tells the essential matters and leaves analysis to thejudgement of the reader. The authors did not presume to writeAssessments from their own point of view, considering it sufficient tolet the reader form judgements on the basis of the facts in the book.The absence of Assessments is a striking feature of Nihon Shoki.

The other Five National Histories are similar in outline to NihonShoki, but use different methods in dividing reigns, reading dates,assessing reigns, and including biographies and imperial edicts.

In Shoku Nihongi, divisions between reigns are made inconsis-tently. For the six rulers Monmu, Genmei, Gensho, Shomu, Junnin,and Konin there is a pre-accession history, stating the ruler's geneal-ogy and career, as in Nihon Shoki. However, for Koken, Shotoku, andKanmu, the accession is run together with preceding and followingevents in the chronicle, and the change of reign is not clear. Without


notice, Emperor Shomu has abdicated from the throne and EmpressKoken has become the new ruler. The end of Emperor Junnin's reignis buried among the entries on the suppression of the rebellion ofEmi Oshikatsu, and the authors seem to have moved on to the reignof Empress Shotoku without our clearly knowing. This was unusualfor either Basic Annals or Veritable Records. It appears that the strictannalistic form exercised its influence here, rendering the work'shistorical method inconsistent.

As for recording of dates, Shoku Nihongi differs from Nihon Shoki innot giving the sexagenary cycle for the first day of the month. Itrecords the sexagenary cycle in only two entries - the second monthof 698 and the tenth month of 783 - perhaps added in later times?This was because the compilers followed the method for StandardHistories and did not adopt the form of the Veritable Records.

For the year in which an era changed, the compilers always beganthe new era in January, no matter what the date of the actualchange. This was the method of the Standard Histories and VeritableRecords of China. However, when this method was applied to achange of eras because of the accession of a new sovereign, ratherthan a desire to change the fortunes of the times, it resulted in anillogical numbering of the years of the former Emperor in terms ofthe era of the new Emperor. This happens at the end of the reign ofEmpress Genmei in 715. Her successor, Empress Gensho, ascendedthe throne on the second day, ninth month, but Gensho's era nameof Reiki was extended back to the first day, first month, 715. ThusEmpress Genmei is wrongly shown as having reigned during theReiki era. The same thing happens at the end of the reigns ofEmpress Gensho in 724, Emperor Shomu in 749, and EmpressShotoku in 770. The historical method was so strict in its annalismthat it downgraded the reigns of the Emperors.

Assessments are given in Shoku Nihongi for Empress Shotoku andEmperor Konin. Emperor Konin's Assessment is:

Before accession, he softened all things with his light. When heascended to face south as Emperor and govern the multitudes, he setup the law without being harsh. The government was never wasteful,and the education of the people was simple and straightforward.Because of this, during the Hoki era, all four seas were peaceful andpunishments were rarely applied. Far places as well as places nearbyrejoiced. When his sickness became prolonged, he was concerned thatthe administration might become slack. Finally he abdicated, and thethrone was passed on to the Crown Prince. He had far-reaching intelli-

Introduction 19

gence and knew well his own children, and left firm accomplishmentsfor his grandchildren. It should be said of him indeed, that he wasgenerous, forgiving, and had a broad heart. He was a man of suchvirtue that he deserved to be a ruler.

Since this consists entirely of praise, it may properly be called anEssay of Praise rather than an Assessment.

For Empress Shotoku Shoku Nihongi says:

The Empress revered Buddhism and strove to be merciful in matters ofpunishment and imprisonment. During the Shoho era, governmentaimed at tight spending. After Emi Oshikatsu was punished, Dokyoacquired power and capriciously set people to forced labor, and fre-quently rebuilt Buddhist temples. The demarcation between publicand private became weak, and governance was less than satisfactory.Punishment became harsher day by day, and massacres were orderedunnecessarily. Thus those who spoke about this later, stronglyasserted their innocence.

Since this criticizes the failures of the Empress, it follows the overallform of the Assessment in Chinese texts.

Assessments were completely lacking in Nihon Shoki; partialAssessments are a distinctive feature of Shoku Nihongi. We do notknow the reasoning of the authors, but Shoku Nihongi tried to adoptnew ways and did not invariably follow Nihon Shoki. As a result,Shoku Nihongi is flawed in its historical form; mainly because the firsthalf and the second half were compiled by different authors.

Going on to the contents, there is a historical method that did notappear in Nihon Shoki: the inclusion of biographies in the annals atthe time of death. As there are considerable differences between thefirst half and the second half, this feature does not appear through-out the book. In China it had appeared with the Biographies thatwere added to the Basic Annals of the Biographies-style works.However, the source for Shoku Nihongi was more probably the Veri-table Records.21 Those whose biographies were included were peo-ple of the fifth rank and above, but not all of them were so treated.Within these limits, and with small variations in the later histories,the practice of including biographies was firmly established withShoku Nihongi.

The practice of including imperial edicts in their original wording(senmyo) also began with Shoku Nihongi. In Nihon Shoki the edictswere translated into Classical Chinese, but in Shoku Nihongi the

2O The Six National Histories of Japan

authors placed the edicts, in their proclamation style, right into theChinese text. This method was maintained throughout the rest ofthe National Histories.

For Nihon Koki and the other National Histories, I shall discuss theitems raised above without going into each work separately.

Changes of reign are clearly recorded in Nihon Koki and the others,and a pre-accession history is given for each Emperor. This wasnatural for Shoku Nihon Koki and Montoku Jitsuroku in particular,since they cover a single reign each.

In measuring time, the handling of the first days of the sexagenarycycles of the lunar calendar is diverse. In Nihon Koki they are notrecorded, while Shoku Nihon Koki seems to record them as a matterof principle; parts of the surviving text are abbreviated, but its rulewas to enter them. They are not entered in the first volumes ofMontoku Jitsuroku, but they do appear after Volume 9, an unex-plained change in practice. In Sandai Jitsuroku the first days of thesexagenary cycles of the conjunctions are entered without omission.Sandai Jitsuroku included both the sexagenary cycles and the dates -the practice of its model, Chinese Diaries of Activity and Repose -and was meticulous in measuring time.

There are more Assessments in Nihon Koki than in Shoku Nihongi.Those at the end of the reign of Emperor Kanmu and Emperor Heizeiare unreserved, even to the point of criticizing as improper thechange of era in Daido (806-10). If the surviving text of Nihon Kokiwere complete, it is likely that we would encounter many moreAssessments.

In Shoku Nihon Koki and the two succeeding works, there is praisefor the Emperor at the end of each reign, since, in contents, theycorrespond to the Veritable Records. However, in Sandai Jitsurokuthis applies only to Emperor Seiwa (r. 858-76); there is no Essay ofPraise for Emperor \5zei (r. 876-84) or Emperor Koko (r. 884-7).

As for biographies, in Nihon Koki and Shoku Nihon Koki they arelimited to persons of the fourth rank and above. In Montoku Jitsurokuthey are fairly comprehensive down to the fifth rank. Sandai Jitsurokualso includes the fifth rank, but quite a few are abbreviated.

The points discussed above are summarized in Table 2.

H I S T O R I C A L A U T H E N T I C I T Y

To what extent can we believe in the historical authenticity of theSix National Histories? A clear distinction must be made betweenNihon Shoki and the other Five National Histories. Many scholars,beginning with Tsuda Sokichi, have written about the value of his-torical materials in Nihon Shoki. There was a time when people

Introduction 21

TABLE 2

Contents

Pre-acces-

NihonShoki

ShokuNihongi

NihonKoki

ShokuNihonKoki

MontokuJitsuroku

SandaiJitsuroku

sion his-tory

yes

part

yes

yes

yes

yes

1st day ofmonth

sexagen-ary cycle

yes

no

no

yes

part

yes

Assess-ments

no

yes

yes

part

part

part

Biogra-phies

no

5th rank

4th rank

4th rank

5th rank

5th rank

Senmyodecrees

no

yes

yes

yes

yes

yes

believed that Nihon Shoki consisted of historical facts, but preciselythe opposite is now true. Many think that scholarship consists ofdoubting Nihon Shoki entirely. However, the historical value of theaccount in Nihon Shoki cannot be disposed of in such a simple, clear-cut way.

First, it is unreasonable to discuss together the ancient age ofEmperor Jinmu and Emperor Sujin (r. 97-30 BC) and the new age ofEmperor Tenmu and Empress Jito. One cannot say that because theearly age is not historically true the same applies to the later. And ifone takes a more general view of historical facts - as events thathappened in a certain year and month, or as culture, thought, andliving conditions - then Nihon Shoki is in places reliable in the lattersense, though not in the former. The credibility of its account couldfill any number of books, so I will leave the issue until later andpresent here a general explanation of the historical value of the otherfive National Histories.

Shoku Nihongi and the others were compiled by a historians' officeworking under imperial order and using the regular documentarymaterials of the government. Accordingly, most people recognizethat the value of their historical materials is high. Of course, theirpurpose was to perform a function of government. Nevertheless, it


was a time when the government's power extended to every prov-ince and the people were controlled under orders from the centre.Therefore the works may truly be called National Histories - con-cerned with the people of the whole country. Later works of historydiffered considerably, telling only about the world of the aristocracyat the centre or looking only at Kyoto and its environs.

While the historical value of the Five National Histories is thusrecognized, they are uneven in complexity. This may be understoodby comparing the ratio between the number of years covered andthe number of volumes in each work. As Table 3 shows, Shoku NihonKoki and Montoku Jitsuroku are nearly the same in that respect. Nor isthere much difference between them and Nihon Koki. Shoku Nihongi,however, has more than double the coverage per volume of theformer while Sandai Jitsuroku has about half the coverage per volumeof Nihon Koki. Accordingly, the difference between Shoku Nihongiand Sandai Jitsuroku is enormous.

Shoku NihongiNihon KokiShoku Nihon KokiMontoku JitsurokuSandai Jitsuroku

TABLE 3

Coverage

Periodcovered

94 yrs., 5 mos.41 yrs., 2 mos.17 yrs., 2 mos.8 yrs., 6 mos.29 yrs., 1 mo.

No. ofvolumes

4040201050

Coverageper vol.

2 yrs., 3 mos.1 yr. +10 mos. +10 mos. +7 mos. -

Thus we can suspect that a historical fact may be recorded inSandai Jitsuroku, but one of similar nature does not appear in ShokuNihongi. However, for such a discussion to proceed with rigour, itmust be assumed that the amount of material in each volume is thesame for every book. Yet, since there was no such convention, theamount of material in a volume varies according to circumstances.In the modern Shintei Zoho Kokushi Taikei edition, the number ofpages devoted to each volume varies from ten to twenty, which is afairly wide range. Therefore, to take up the trivial matter of thenumber of characters is pointless. But if we take the average for thewhole work, then in each work the number of pages per volume isbetween twelve and fourteen and the margin of difference amongthe Five National Histories is not very great.

Introduction 23

Annual rites and ceremonies are recorded in Sandai Jitsuroku butnot in Shoku Nihongi. Sandai Jitsuroku diligently records regularannual events, but they rarely appear in the other histories. Weshould not make a hasty judgement that because it was not recordeda practice did not exist; even though events occurred, they may nothave been entered into the histories.

The 'Hare-cane' ceremony at the New Year is a good example. Onthe first day of the Hare in the New Year, a cane made of Yang woodwas worn to clear away pestilential vapours. This was a Chinesecustom which had come to Japan and had become a part of courtceremony. It was established in Japan by an imperial order of 821and, by a revised order of 833, it became part of the Dairi Shiki[Palace Procedures], so the ceremony was certainly performed dur-ing the reigns of Emperors Saga and Junna. However, if one looks atthe Six National Histories, the ceremony is recorded once in NihonShoki, in 689 during the reign of Empress Jito, and it does not appearat all in Shoku Nihongi. In Nihon Koki it appears once in 830; in ShokuNihon Koki it appears in 836 and 838. In Montoku Jitsuroku it isrecorded five times and in Sandai Jitsuroku it appears almost everyyear for a total of twenty-four times. If this record were taken liter-ally, then the 'Hare-cane' ceremony was not practised at all in theNara and early Heian periods up to the reigns of Emperors Kanmu,Heizei, and Saga (r. 809-23). In the reigns of Junna (r. 823-33) andNinmyo (r. 833-50) it was an occasional happening and not a regularcustom. At the time of the reign of Emperor Montoku it was at lastfixed as a regular custom - so one might conclude.

Yet these are not the facts. In the south storehouse of the Shosointhere are two camelia-canes, 5 shaku, 3 bu, 3 zun (about 1.5 m) inlength, exactly the requirements for the hare-canes as entered inEngi Shiki. There is a desk on which is written in India ink, 'Desk forimperial Hare-cane. Tenpyo-Hoji 2 (758), first month.' This makes itclear that the court had a ceremony involving the Hare-cane in theTenpyo-Hoji era. In Shoku Nihongi not one instance of this ceremonyis recorded as a matter of historical method. From this, we maysurmise that isolated entries in Nihon Shoki and Shoku Nihongi donot mean that the event was irregular; in fact, it may actually havebeen carried out continuously.

In the same vein, we can discuss the court banquet of the whitehorse at the New Year. On the seventh day of the first month theEmperor took his place in the Burakuin [Court of Abundant Plea-sures] and viewed a white horse led out by the Stable Bureau; thepurpose was to dispel pestilential vapours during the ensuing year.Nihon Shoki and the others record numerous instances of a banquet


on the seventh day of the first month, but only Shoku Nihon Kokiexplains that a white horse was led out. In Shoku Nihon Koki theceremony is recorded on five occasions (834, 838, 839, 840, 849); inMontoku Jitsuroku seven times; and in Sandai Jitsuroku twenty-ninetimes, with not a single year omitted. Judging from this, the cere-mony of the white horse became an established custom in the reignof Emperor Ninmyo and was not practised at all before that time. Yetin the Dairi Shiki for Konin (810-24) there is an entry regarding thebanquet of the seventh day which records that a white horse was ledout.22 In Volume 20 of Manyoshu, in the first month, 758, there is apoem by Otomo Yakamochi:

The people who viewed the white horse today,- the colour of the wings of a white duck -Will enjoy long life, it is said.

The note on the poem says, 'The above poem was written before-hand for the seventh day banquet by Middle Controller of the RightOtomo Sukune Yakamochi.' From the fact that it was written before-hand, we know that this ceremony had become an established cus-tom.23 It was simply the practice of Shoku Nihongi and Nihon Koki notto record it.

There are many similar cases among the shrine festivals, of whichthe Kamo festival is representative. In Sandai Jitsuroku there is apattern of holding the festival annually during a period of threedays in the middle of the fourth month. On the fourteenth day anescort of six palace guards was formed, and on the fifteenth day thefestival was carried out; the escorts disarmed on the sixteenth day.However, in Montoku Jitsuroku this event appears only four times,and in Shoku Nihon Koki on only one occasion did the Emperor viewthe saddles, horses, and supplies of the escorts. From this one wouldconclude that the Kamo festival became an annual event fromaround the time of Emperor Ninmyo. But in the Shoku Nihongi entryfor the third month of 698, crowds are forbidden to gather and toperform mounted archery on the day of the Kamo festival; this isreiterated on the fourth month of 702. In 711 there is an order thatprovincial governors be present to enforce this rule on the day of theKamo festival. Thus, although the Kamo festival was a flourishingevent before the Nara period, the National Histories did not record it.

It is clear that whether or not the National Histories recordedannual rites and ceremonies indicates editorial practice rather thanactual fact. The apparent evidence of the Six National Histories maylead to hasty judgement about the facts. We cannot make judge-

Introduction 25

ments on the basis of the Six National Histories without other evi-dence.

This caveat does not apply only to annual rites and ceremonies; itarises in connection with other important matters. The presentationto the throne of Kojiki in 712 and the revision of the ritsuryo in the\oro Code of 718 are the most striking things not recorded in ShokuNihongi. Therefore the fact that something is not recorded in ShokuNihongi is not grounds for doubting the historical facts. There aremany things that, from our present-day perspective, naturally oughtto have been recorded, but that do not appear in the National Histo-ries.

What kinds of things are missing throughout the National Histo-ries that we naturally think ought to have been recorded? Onemethod of gauging this is to compare Ruiju Sandai Kyaku [ClassifiedRegulations of Three Reigns] with the National Histories. Ruiju San-dai Kyaku collects the kyaku of the Konin (810-24), J°gan (859-77),and Engi (901-23) eras in order to transmit them to later generationsand to assist the provincial officials in the performance of theirduties. In the Six National Histories one expects to find these kyakuunder the relevant date. In the same fashion, imperial proclamationsought to be given in their full text, while other materials, such asorders of the Council of State, imperial edicts, and memorials to theEmperor, ought to be either given in their full text or have theircontents summarized. Now there are volumes missing from SandaiKyaku; among the Six National Histories only about one-fourth ofNihon Koki has survived; and in Sandai Jitsuroku there are someabbreviations. Thus a full comparison cannot be made. Neverthe-less, we can consider the materials that we do have, and get thegeneral picture.

A summary of the conclusions of the comparison is given in Table4. A, B, and C refer to the correspondences between Ruiju SandaiKyaku and the National Histories. The A group consists of cases inwhich there was a kyaku, but it was not recorded in the Six NationalHistories. The B group consists of kyaku that were fully recorded inthe Six National Histories. The C group consists of kyaku that wererecorded in the form of a brief summary or in which there weredifferences in wording or date.

It is obvious that the rate of occurrence of the B group (inclusionof the full text of the kyaku in the National Histories) is remarkablylow compared to the other rates. Montoku Jitsuroku, having the low-est rate of occurrence at 4 per cent, is particularly astonishing. The Agroup, in which kyaku were not recorded in the National Histories, isaround one-half, with extremes of 61 per cent and 87 per cent, which


is surprising. From these figures we can see the incompleteness ofthe historical materials in the National Histories. We cannot doubtthat many matters of great importance are not recorded in theNational Histories.

TABLE 4

Recording of kyaku

No. of kyaku


A

6461694595

B

4316172

28

C

4241275

103

Rate of inclusion (%)

A

4351618742

B

2913154

12

C

2835249

45

NOTE: A, Kyaku not recordedB, Kyaku fully recordedC, Kyaku abbreviated or changed

Research needs to be conducted into other important matters, oneof which is the record of filial children and virtuous wives. In thelaws regarding forced labour there was provision for provincial anddistrict officials to report to the Council of State cases of filial chil-dren, obedient grandchildren, magnanimous husbands, and virtu-ous wives. A report was to be presented to the Emperor, a noticeposted on the village gate, and everyone in the same populationregister was to receive exemption from forced labour. The recordingof these commendations for virtuous persons varied among the SixNational Histories. The results are shown in Table 5, but this proba-bly arises from the diverse attitudes of the compilers and thus doesnot reflect the facts with certainty. The rate of recording cases offilial children and virtuous wives shows a great change between theworks up to Shoku Nihon Koki and those that follow. In Sandai Jitsu-roku there is a drastic decline in the number of filial children but asudden increase in the number of virtuous wives. Perhaps this arosefrom a change in the commendations policy of the government, butthere is also a strong possibility that it resulted from differences inthe practices of the compilers of the several works. In Nihon Kokithere are no cases of filial children in the partial text that currentlyexists. The section of Ruiju Kokushi devoted to virtuous wives col-

Introduction 27

lects all the entries that appear in Nihon Koki, and our figures arebased on these. Thus the ratio of filial children to virtuous wives inNihon Koki has no significance.

TABLE 5Filial children and virtuous wives

Filial Children


No.

1005I4

Rateper volume

.25

.25

.1

.08

Virtuous wives

No.

41033

22

Rateper volume

.1

.25

.15

.3

.44

The records of the post stations for swift official communicationsprovide clear understanding of the differences in the compilers'practices. The number of times the term 'post station' appears in theSix National Histories is shown in Table 6. According to the Table thepost stations were not very active in the Nara period, but it isobvious that they must indeed have been active with the rebellion ofFujiwara Hirotsugu (d. 740) and the expeditions to quell the Emishiin the Hoki (770-81) and Enryaku (782-806) eras. The compilers ofthe Six National Histories merely did not use the term 'post sta-tions.'

TABLE 6

Post-stations

Mention of post stations

Shoku Nihongi 1Nihon Koki 2Shoku Nihon Koki 12Montoku Jitsuroku 4Sandai Jitsuroku 24

We have seen the great range in the complexity of the several


works of the Five National Histories. What one work dealt with,another did not. Thus one cannot examine the text of the NationalHistories and make conclusions about whether or not certain factsexisted.

Next there is the problem of whether the facts that the NationalHistories did deal with are authentic. As already explained, sincethey were compiled on the basis of authoritative historical materialsfurnished by the government, their record is, for the most part,exact. When compared with other historical works such as FusoRyakki [Abbreviated Chronicle of Japan], which collected divergentviews, or the historical tales (rekishi monogatari), which tried to drawout the reader's interest, the Six National Histories tower abovethem in veracity.

However, a historical account is always conditioned by the subjec-tivity of the author. However much he may strive for objectivity, hisown ideas and preferences affect the account. There is an insepara-ble connection between the Five National Histories and the ideasand standpoints of the compilers, and readers must make allowancefor that factor. This issue is dealt with in the following chaptersdevoted to the individual works. In the same way, the authors inevi-tably overlooked many things.

Such problems sometimes emerge from a diligent comparisonbetween Ruiju Sandai Kyaku and the National Histories. Let us con-clude with another kind of inference, based on a different example.The following order of the Council of State appears in Volume 2 ofRuiju Sandai Kyaku:

Order of the Council of State:An order for the placement of twenty-one monks to practise austeritiesin the Shingon-in of Todaiji Temple.After investigation of the circumstances, on the nth day, 2nd month,822, the Council of State gave an order to the Ministry of Civil Affairs,stating:

The Minister of the Right says, in presenting an imperial edict, lastyear in the winter there was a thunderbolt. This may be an omen ofplague and flood. Let the Monk Kukai build a purification hall atTodaiji and practise rites of tranquility and augmentation of benefitsfor the safety of the country, during the summer and during thethree-month period for dispelling evil and practising good. By thismeans the country will be at peace.

Now Junior Second Rank, Great Counsellor and Crown Prince's Men-tor Fujiwara Ason Mimori received the Order, which says, Henceforthlet twenty-one monks be set up as a permanent number in Shingon-in.

Introduction 29

They shall not go to the dining hall but shall practise austeritiesentirely, and the Head Monk should manage this. However, groupednames of the resident monks will be ordered according to the ranks,which will be done by supervising monks. If any vacancy arises for themonks it shall be filled accordingly.Qth day, 5th month, 836.24

The corresponding entry in the National Histories is in Shoku NihonKoki, ninth day, fifth month, 836.

On this day there was an imperial order saying, 'Last year in winterthere was a thunderbolt; this may be an omen of disaster such as floodand pestilence. Let a purification hall be built in the Shingon-in ofTodaiji, and twenty-one monks set up to practise rites of tranquilityand augmentation of benefits during the summer and during the three-month period for dispelling evil and practising good. By this means thecountry will be pacified. Let this become a regular ceremony in perpe-tuity.'

Comparing these two versions, since much of the wording is similar,it appears that the entry in the National History was written byfollowing the kyaku. However, there are great differences in the con-tents. In the kyaku, the entry 'last year in the winter there was athunderbolt' is dated 822. So is the rest - the order for setting up thepurification hall, carrying out the rites during the summer and thethree-month period for dispelling evil and practising good, conduct-ing the rites for tranquility and the augmentation of benefit, all forthe purpose of pacifying the country. What happened in 836 wasnothing more than fixing the number of monks in the Shingon-in attwenty-one and setting up a Head Monk to supervise them. The textof the National History flattens out the two-step account in thekyaku into a single process, suggesting that the events of 822 werethose of 836. The authors took the general sense of the kyaku whenwriting the National History; but they made a mistake and transmit-ted the wrong facts to posterity.

These are the common characteristics of the Six National Histo-ries, which are the basis for the formation of the group of historybooks bearing that name. Yet studying their common characteristicsis not the way to gain a true understanding of the works. Each wascomposed in a different age and by different authors, and each isdistinctive. The way to understanding the Six National Historiesopens up by determining the special nature of each work.

C H A P T E R TWO

Nihon Shoki

THE NAME OF THE BOOK

Nihon Shoki O^ÎH) is also called Nihongi (EJÎE)- Sinceancient times there have been various theories concerning the originof the two names and their relation to each other. The theories fallinto two major groups, depending on the understanding of the thirdcharacter sho (^). One group holds that Nihongi was the originalname and that sho was added later. The other group holds that NihonSho (0 îtf) was the original name and that Nihon Shoki arose fromthat. The first position was taken by Ban Nobutomo (1773-1848); hewas followed by Hirata Atsutane (1776-1843), lida Takesato(1827-1900), and many others, and it continued as a popular viewuntil recent times.

According to Ban Nobutomo, in the entry for the fifth month, 720,in which Shoku Nihongi records the presentation of the book to thethrone, it says, 'Nihongi was compiled.' The succeeding NationalHistories use names such as Shoku Nihongi or Nihon Koki, which arederivatives of Nihongi. This clearly proves that Nihongi was the origi-nal name.1 Nihongi is used in the order of the Council of State for theeighteenth day, third month, 792, recorded in Takahashi Ujibumi[Takahashi Family Documents] (quoted in Honcho Getsurei);2 and inNihon Koki, second month, 787, and sixth month, 812, and so on.

In contrast, Nihon Shoki is used in the preface to Konin Shiki [Pri-vate Commentary on Nihon Shoki, Konin Era];3 in the preface to EngiTengyo Nihongi Kyoen Waka Jo [Preface to the Poems at the Comple-tion Banquet for the Lectures on Nihon Shoki of Engi (901-23) andTengyo (93S-47)];4 in 836 in Koryuji Engi [History and Legends of theKoryuji Temple];5 in Engi Koki [Lectures on Nihon Shoki in the EngiEra], cited in Shaku Nihongi [Annotated Nihongi];6 and others. Per-

Nihon Shoki 31

haps the literati of the Konin period added the character sho toNihongi, producing the name Nihon Shoki, which eventually becamethe title.

The two points, that Nihongi is seen in the Shoku Nihongi entry for720 and that it appears subsequently in the other National Histories,are strong evidence that Nihongi was the original name. But why didthe literati of the Konin era add the character sho to the book? If theydid so arbitrarily and without.analysis, why did the title come to beused in later times as if it were the proper name of the book?

The second theory recognizes a positive significance in the nameNihon Shoki. This rectifies the weak point of the first theory and isbased on evidence in historical materials of the Nara period thatdocument the use of Nihon Shoki as the title. Nihon Shoki appears inRyo no Shuge in the section on formal ceremonies, citing the 'AncientRecords,'7 and in the left-line commentaries on Book i, number 6 ofManyoshu, which is believed to be from the later Nara period.8 Thetitle is also seen in Nihon Koki, seventh month, 806; in Kukai's Koya-san Zappitsu Shu [Miscellaneous Writings on Mount Koya];9 and inShotoku Taishi Den Hoketsuki [Supplement to the Biography of PrinceShotoku];10 all of which are from the early Heian period. It may bethat sho was added to the original Nihongi at the time of copying,and I had formerly disregarded it, but since the number of examplesis substantial, we cannot assert that sho was added later entirelywithout reason. Thus there have been various attempts to explainthe origins of the name on the assumption that it was originallyNihon Shoki.

The theory of Origuchi Shinobu (1887-1952) is among those thatexplain sho of Nihon Shoki in terms of the addition of a character. Hethinks that the authors conceptualized a work called Nihon Sho,corresponding to the Han Shu and the Hou Han Shu. However, theidea never became reality. Only one portion came out - the BasicAnnals of the Emperors; hence Nihongi. The redundant term NihonShoki was a mistake made by superficially learned court scholars ofthe Konin era and parallels such redundant terms as hanshi garni(half-paper paper) and shukiwan (cinnabar lacquered-bowl vessel).11

Origuchi's conclusion is that Nihongi is the correct name. Hispoint that Nihon Shoki was a mistaken label is the same as that of thefirst group, but, in giving positive significance to the word sho, it ledto the later theory that Shoki was the original name. For example,Kanda Kiichiro holds that Nihon Sho was the original name. Know-ing that the Standard Histories of China must be sho, in the biogra-phies style, the compilers took Nihon Sho for the name of their book.However, since their book consisted only of a chronicle and con-


tained no essays or biographies, they wrote 'chronicle' (ki) in smallletters under the title Nihon Sho to indicate that the book actuallywas the chronicle part of Nihon Sho. Then at the time of copying, shoand ki became linked to form shoki. This is a modest and conserva-tive theory, but it suggests that Shoki was the original title.12

Kojima Noriyuki suggests that the titles Nihongi and Nihon Shokiboth existed with equal validity. According to him, the Nihon Sho ofNihon Shoki does not refer to a specific history book, as maintainedby Origuchi Shinobu. Kojima thinks that Nihon sho, meaning 'a bookof Japan', was used in contrast with the books of foreign countriesand that the term Nihon Shoki means 'a Japanese book that is achronicle.' 'Nihongi' was used from early on as a common termmeaning a history book, and to particularize the name they choseNihon Shoki. The former is a common term, while Nihon Shoki is theformal name.13

There are other views, but these examples show the trend awayfrom the ancient theory that the original name was Nihongi to thetheory that it was Nihon Shoki. I, too, would like to make the sameshift.

Extant texts use Nihon Shoki for the inner titles and the end title.In the oldest text, the Tanaka, there are no headings, but the suc-ceeding Iwasaki, Maeda, and other Heian-period texts all use NihonShoki, as do the Kitano text and the Shoryobu text of the ImperialHousehold Agency. It is unlikely that they all added the charactersho to the original name in copying the book, and so Nihon Shoki wasprobably the original title.

Why does Shoku Nihongi use Nihongi in its account of the comple-tion of the book in 720, as do the succeeding National Histories? Thisdoes not prove that the name Nihongi existed at the time of itscompilation. The entry for 720 shows only that in 791, when ShokuNihongi was compiled, it was a term used to refer to Nihon Shoki.

All this evidence - the use of Nihongi for the title of Shoku Nihongi;recording of the term 'Nihongi' in Takahashi Ujibumi and in NihonKoki - reveals the same thing: it was a way of referring to Nihon Shokiaround the Enryaku era. Professor Kojima holds that both terms -Nihon Shoki and Nihongi - existed; and this double usage was contin-ued in later ages. At one time, Nihon Shoki is used; at another,Nihongi; and they have exactly the same meaning. However, it is notclear that this was the case at the time of compilation.

I subscribe to Kanda's theory that the name Nihon Shoki wasadopted because the writing corresponded to the biographies styleof the Standard Histories, remaining conscious of Han Shu and Hou

Nihon Shoki 33

Han Shu. Kanda holds that it was called Nihon Shoki because it wasthe chronicle aspect of the Standard Histories. However, this doesnot mean that the authors intended to write in the biographies styleof the Standard Histories. In format, the compilers searched for amethod, and, in the end, followed both the Basic Annals of the biog-raphies style and the chronicles of the several Veritable Records. Toleave a record of their labours, they hit on the strong title Nihon Sho,in the style of the Standard Histories.

Nihon Shoki is a somewhat imposing name, providing an unsuita-bly ostentatious appearance. Nihongi, plainly indicating an annalis-tic history, was adopted widely and continued in use as a genericterm for national histories. The fact that Shoku Nihongi uses Nihongiand not Nihon Shoki shows the difference in the times between 720,when Nihon Shoki was written, and the Enryaku era at the end of theeighth century, when Shoku Nihongi was written. Compared with720, the cultural level of the Enryaku era was much higher andformal display of culture was unnecessary. It was a time of culturalconfidence, when the authors could refer to the formally titled NihonShoki as just Nihongi - a chronicle of Japan. This was a term thatJapanese people had come to prefer.

COMPILATION

How was Nihon Shoki compiled? What kind of people were the com-pilers? There are no historical materials that answer these questionsin detail.

In the case of the Five National Histories, the memorials present-ing the works to the throne and the prefaces remain, seeminglydescribing the circumstances of compilation. However, these do notexist for Nihon Shoki. There remain only the preface to Kojiki andpartial accounts in Nihon Shoki and Shoku Nihongi, and interpreta-tions inevitably differ among scholars.

According to the Preface to Kojiki, Emperor Tenmu was deeplyinterested in history and lamented that the Imperial Chronicles(Teiki) and Fundamental Dicta (Kuji) possessed by the various clanshad lost their veracity. He wished to eliminate their errors and estab-lish the truth, so as to hand down to later generations a correcthistory. Therefore he made use of the great memory of a courtattendant, Hieda Are, and had him learn the Imperial Chroniclesand Fundamental Dicta. However, Emperor Tenmu died before thetask had been completed, and Empress Genmei came to the throne.Fearing that what Hieda Are had learned would become forgotten


and useless, she commanded O Yasumaro to transcribe it. This waspresented to the throne in three volumes, as Kojiki, on the twenty-eighth day, first month, 712.

Since the above pertains to Kojiki, it would appear to have norelation to Nihon Shoki, but this is not the case. According to theentry in Nihon Shoki for the third month of the tenth year of EmperorTenmu's reign (681), the Emperor took his place in the Great Hall ofAudience, and, gathering together twelve members of the imperialfamily and the noble houses (starting with the Imperial PrincesKawashima and Osakabe), he ordered them to commit to writing 'achronicle of the Emperors and of matters of high antiquity.' The factthat Emperor Tenmu gave the command indicates that this 'chroni-cle of the Emperors and of matters of high antiquity' was the samething as the Imperial Chronicles and Fundamental Dicta referred toin the Preface to Kojiki. What, then, is the relationship between thetasks he gave to the twelve people (Nihon Shoki) and Hieda Are(Kojiki)?

Hirata Atsutane held that it was the same undertaking, recordedfrom different standpoints, but I cannot agree. For the same assign-ment there is too much variance in the statements. Kojiki speaks of asingle court attendant; Nihon Shoki of an assembly of twelve princesand aristocrats. The attendant is commanded to memorize and recitethe materials; the twelve to commit them to writing. In Kojiki theplace is not clearly recorded, while in Nihon Shoki it is the Great Hallof Audience where formal ceremonies were conducted. Clearly, onewas a personal endeavour, and the other, a large-scale governmentundertaking. Doubtless they were carried out at different times,because, I believe, of changes in the thinking of Emperor Tenmuduring the interval.

Emperor Tenmu employed Hieda Are in a private capacity to tryand put in order the Imperial Chronicles and Fundamental Dicta,but no doubt there were difficulties, and the task was not easilyaccomplished. Thereupon the Emperor gathered representatives ofthe imperial princes and the aristocracy at a formal assembly andturned the task into a government project. The method of memoriz-ing and reciting materials was also changed into recording each itemand creating an authentic text. However, this project too was filledwith difficulties. The emperor soon passed away, and the text wasnot completed during his lifetime.

His successor, Empress Jito, inherited the task of elaboratingmany of Emperor Tenmu's projects. At about this time, the compil-ers went beyond putting the Imperial Chronicles and the Funda-mental Dicta in order and planned a broader history that would

Nihon Shoki 35

contain those materials. In the eighth month of 691, in an effort toobtain new historical materials about the various families, eighteenclans, starting with the Omiwa, were commanded to submit theirancestral records.14 This could have been for no other purpose thanto use them as historical materials.

In the reign of Emperor Monmu, who succeeded Empress Jito, thecourt was occupied with writing the ritsuryo law codes, and no onewrote any history. In the next reign, that of Empress Genmei, it wasrecorded in Shoku Nihongi that on the tenth day, second month, 714,Ki Kiyondo and Miyake Fujimaro were chosen to compile a NationalHistory. The project of compiling a history started in Emperor Ten-mu's reign was taken up afresh, and two more men were added tothe compilation team. Later, in Empress Gensho's reign, Ki Kiyondowas given a hearty welcome as a scholar in 717 and was endowedwith one hundred koku (about 18,000 litres) of grain; in 721 he wasawarded silk cloth and thread for his literary attainments. This addi-tion of the most outstanding literary stylist of the time shows thegovernment's high expectations for the project.

On the twenty-first day, fifth month, 720, in the reign of EmpressGensho, six years after Empress Genmei's command in 714, Nihongiwas presented to the throne under the name of Imperial PrinceToneri. It consisted of thirty volumes plus one volume of genealo-gies. It is not known when Prince Toneri was appointed to the proj-ect. Shoku Nihongi says only, 'Previously Imperial Prince Toneri, FirstGrade, received a command to compile Nihongi.' According to WadaHidematsu, 'previously' refers to 714, when Ki Kiyondo and otherswere commanded to compile a National History. The name of PrinceToneri originally appeared before that of Ki Kiyondo but wasdropped at the time of copying.15 However, this is entirely theoreti-cal and cannot be accepted without other evidence.

Prince Toneri was the third son of Emperor Tenmu. In the eighthmonth of 720, three months after the presentation to the throne ofNihon Shoki, he was appointed Deputy Prime Minister, which heremained until his death in 735. He occupied an important positionamong the imperial princes in the reigns of Emperor Monmu andEmpress Genmei: when additional land grants were given to theimperial princes in the first month of 704, Second Grade PrinceNaga, Prince Toneri, and Prince Hozumi, and Third Grade PrinceOsakabe altogether received two hundred households. Prince Kawa-shima and Prince Osakabe had been appointed to Emperor Tenmu's681 project of compiling the Imperial Chronicles and FundamentalDicta, but Prince Kawashima died in 691 and Prince Osakabe in 705.Prince Naga died in the sixth month of 714 and Prince Hozumi in the


seventh month of that same year. Thus, during the reigns of Genmeiand Gensho, there was no suitable imperial prince remaining fromthe time of Emperor Tenmu, other than Prince Toneri.

In the foregoing I have viewed the work of setting down the Impe-rial Chronicles and Fundamental Dicta as having begun in 681 (withthirty-nine years elapsing to the completion of Nihon Shoki) and asbeing one continuous project, and I have described some of thehistorical materials that point to this. However, quite a few scholarsare opposed to this theory.

The strongest opposition comes from Hirata Toshiharu, who holdsthat the compilation of Nihon Shoki had nothing to do with EmperorTenmu's 681 project. According to Hirata, Emperor Tenmu's projectof 681 was the beginning of Kojiki. In 681 he assembled a number ofimperial princes and aristocrats and set them to putting in order theImperial Edicts and the Fundamental Dicta. However, the resultswere not satisfactory, and he himself undertook to organize themand ordered Hieda Are to learn what he produced. This effort fur-ther developed into Kojiki. Nihon Shoki had no connection with theseevents. After Kojiki had come out in 712, the authors of Nihon Shokiattempted to compile a Standard History, inspired by the StandardHistories of the Tang dynasty, and they set about doing this in 7i4.16

This theory that 714 was the starting point of Nihon Shoki is alsoheld by Wada Hidematsu,17 Iwahashi Koyata,18 and others, and itappears reasonable. However, compilation of Nihon Shoki could nothave been completed in the short space of just six years. It involvedputting into order the difficult Imperial Chronicles and Fundamen-tal Dicta, researching, and searching for a style suitable for a Stan-dard History of Japan, as well as accumulating historical materials.All this must have required the hard work of the scholars and literatiof several reigns.

One reason for choosing 714 is that many people saw Nihon Shokias supplementing Kojiki, which had come out in 712 but had leftsomething to be desired. However, this is based too much on theideas of modern people about the relationship between the twobooks. When Kojiki was presented to the throne it must have givenstimulus to the enterprise of compiling Nihon Shoki and injectednew vigour into a project already underway. If we compare the twobooks, it is clear that Nihon Shoki does not take Kojiki as its targetand set out to surpass it and correct it. For the most part, the placeswhere it is connected to Kojiki arise from connections with the Impe-rial Chronicles and Fundamental Dicta on which Kojiki is based. Theexistence of Kojiki as a finished work is not mentioned at all in NihonShoki. The latter was written independently, with no concern for the

Nihon Shoki 37

form and content of Kojiki. It ought to be seen as a project of histori-cal compilation with a long tradition from the time of EmperorTenmu.

One piece of evidence indicating that Kojiki and Nihon Shoki werebeing written during the same period is the fact that the Preface ofKojiki relies on the text of Nihon Shoki. This argument is presentedby Ota Yoshimaro. The Preface of Kojiki records the outline of historyfrom the Age of the Gods to the reign of Emperor Tenmu but atmany points follows the account in Nihon Shoki. The Preface to Kojikisays, 'When Heaven and Earth first divided/ but the wording resem-bles that of one version in Nihon Shoki, 'Heaven and Earth were firstdivided/ rather than the text of Kojiki, 'At the time of the beginningof Heaven and Earth.' In Kojiki, there is no corresponding entry thattouches on the deeds of Emperor Jinmu as 'the barbarians weredispersed by the arrayed dancers/ as in Nihon Shoki. Special termssuch as 'gaitei' (easy and quiet disposition) are found in both works.Words such as 'reigen' (people), 'juyaku' (retranslation), 'koyo' (latergeneration), 'oka' (education of the people with the Emperor's mer-ciful governance), 'koki' (the basis of a grand project), and 'teiiku' (toraise and keep) appear in the Preface to Kojiki and in Nihon Shoki.19

Although the case is not completely proved, it appears that NihonShoki existed in an early form at the time that O Yasumaro recordedKojiki. On the basis of this material Ota argues that O Yasumaro,who recorded Kojiki, also helped compile specific portions of NihonShoki.

Of course the figurehead in compiling Nihon Shoki was PrinceToneri. Yet he did not participate in the actual work. In later times,when the system for compiling National Histories was developed,sometimes a minister of state supervised the work as head of theproject; Prince Toneri apparently occupied a similar position withrespect to Nihon Shoki. He was not involved with the project from itsinception but was given responsibility either late in the reign ofEmpress Genmei or early in the reign of Empress Gensho.

It is customary to read the Prince's name as Toneri, but at theFujimori Shrine in Kyoto, where he is enshrined, the name is ren-dered 'lehito/ There are no examples in ancient texts of pronouncingthese characters Tehito.' Perhaps the shrine found it distasteful topronounce the name of its majestic deity the same as the noun thatmeans a low-ranking servant in the ancient system - 'toneri' - andthey pointedly changed it. The famous Edo period Confucian scho-lar Yamazaki Ansai (1618-82) held Nihon Shoki in the highest regard,praised Prince Toneri for his great achievement in compiling it, andpaid special respect to the Fujimori Shrine.


As for the people who did the actual work of compilation, I havementioned Ki Kiyondo and Miyake Fujimaro. There exists no histori-cal materials to confirm the circumstances under which Kiyondoand the others were assigned to write Nihon Shoki. We have alreadyseen how Ki Kiyondo was praised as a man of letters unrivalled inhis time. Thereafter, in 732 he became Assistant Mayor of the RightCapital, and in the seventh month of 741 he became First Vice-Minister in the Ministry of Civil Affairs and Doctor of Letters. In thefifth month of 746 he was appointed Governor of Musashi. Thus wemay surmise that in the Tenpyo era (729-49) he was advancing as abureaucrat. In the seventh month of 753 he died, holding the posi-tion of Dispersed Rank, Junior, Fourth Grade, Lower.

The career of Miyake Fujimaro is completely unknown. Perhapshe was an outstanding man of letters and may have concentrated onpolishing and ordering the sentences in Nihon Shoki. While eachchapter has a fairly independent style and use of words, the Confu-cian order of names and positions is maintained throughout. Theword Emperor is written tenno without exception. The correct usageof the characters 0 and ffp for mikoto (deity) is preserved, as well asthe characters $[£ and $H for hime (princess). No doubt the compil-ers concentrated on such points.

Based on the case of O Yasumaro, we may propose that Kiyondoand the others each polished particular volumes. According to thefindings of Ota Yoshimaro, since the words that recur in the Prefaceto Kojiki are found only in Volumes_3-i3, 22, and 23 of Nihon Shoki,they may have been worked on by O Yasumaro. _

It was the Preface to Konin Shiki that first named O Yasumaro, whorecorded Kojiki, as one of the authors,20 followed by the Preface toNihongi Kyoen Waka [Poems of the Banquet on Completion of theReading of Nihongi],21 and this identification was widely accepted.There is a suspicion that O Hitonaga, Lecturer at the Konin readingof Nihon Shoki, deliberately put the name of his own ancestor intothe Preface to Konin Shiki, and we cannot take the sources veryseriously. Nevertheless, Ota's investigation indicates a possible con-nection between 6 Yasumaro and Nihon Shoki. Further research isneeded on these points.

None of the other compilers is named. The people who compiledthe Taiho Code - Imperial Prince Osakabe, Fujiwara Ason Fuhito,Shimotsukeno Ason Komaro, Iki Muraji Hakatoko, lyobe MurajiUmakai, and so on - all deserved to be appointed to work on NihonShoki, but no document clearly states that they were. All that isclearly recorded are the names of the twelve people commanded byEmperor Tenmu in 681 to set in order the Imperial Chronicles and

Nihon Shoki 39

the Fundamental Dicta. They organized the original materials ofNihon Shoki.

Of these twelve people, two were imperial princes, four were prin-ces and six were ministers of state. The ministers of state wereKamitsukeno Kimi Michiji, Imbe Muraji Obito, Azumi MurajiInashiki, Naniwa Muraji Okata, Nakatomi Muraji Oshima, andHeguri Omi Ko Obito. In the subsequent Eight Rank Reform of 684,three of these families received the second rank of Ason (Kami-tsukeno Kimi, Heguri Omi, and Nakatomi Muraji), two received thethird rank of Sukune (Azumi Muraji and Imbe Muraji), and onereceived the fourth rank of Imiki (Naniwa Muraji). From the point ofview of lineage, two were Imperial clans (Kamitsukeno and Heguri),three were Divine clans (Azumi, Imbe, and Nakatomi), and one wasa Sundry [immigrant] clan (Naniwa). Since each possessed a richinheritance of ancestral tradition, their selection seems both appro-priate and fair. We can imagine Emperor Tenmu's great expectationsfor the enterprise.

Next let us consider the divisions within Nihon Shoki. The thirtyvolumes were not all written by one single person; it appears thatthey were apportioned out. On the basis of the use of words andcharacters in each volume, they can be grouped by characteristicusages, and close examination of the thirty volumes yields eight toten groups.

In recent years numerous scholars have investigated this matter.Their conclusions have been almost the same, and so we are per-suaded to adopt a theory that the writing was apportioned. Forexample, Fujii Nobuo finds ten groups, based on analysis of thesentences used in each reign to describe enthronement and selec-tion of the site for the capital:

1 Volumes i and 2: The Age of the Gods, Parts i and 22 Volume 3: Emperor Jinmu3 Volumes 4-13: Emperors Suizei to Anko4 Volumes 14-16: Emperors Yuryaku to Buretsu5 Volumes 17-19: Emperors Keitai to Kinmei6 Volumes 20 and 21: Emperors Bidatsu to Sushun7 Volumes 22 and 23: Empress Suiko and Emperor Jomei8 Volumes 24-27: Empress Kogyoku to Emperor Tenji9 Volumes 28 and 29: Emperor Tenmu, Parts i and 2

10 Volume 30: Empress Jito22

Also, Konosu Hayao has examined the word usage for 'ancestors/studying the distribution of the terms shiso (£p^il), koso (Iflffi),and sen (5fc). In Parts 2 and 3 of the chart above (Volumes 3-13), shiso


and koso are used. In Parts 4, 5, and 6 (Volumes 14-21), only sen isused. In Parts 7 and 8 (Volumes 22-7), Koso is again used exclu-sively.23

Various other indicators have been studied:- The set phrases used to record songs: he made a song, he sang asong, he made up a song.- The use of particles: kore, nari, ya, zo, ni oite, u.- The phonetic script used for recording songs, the supply of notesto the text, the phrases used to introduce quotations (one book says,one book states, one states, a certain book states, one work states,and so on).

Combining the above results, we get four major divisions: A Vol-umes 3-13, B Volumes 14-21, Al Volumes 22 and 23, and Bl volumes24-7. Although A and Al, and B and Bl are distant from each other,they display the same tendencies.24 Whether division be rough ordetailed, the lines of demarcation remain the same.

What are the reasons for such divisions of the text? Some mighthave arisen from differences in the original materials, but the maincause is the peculiarities of style of the people assigned to eachportion. Each compiler of Nihon Shoki held responsibility for hisportion, and this had its effects on his compilation. Thus sections A(Volumes 3-13) and Al (Volumes 22-3), and sections B (Volumes14-21) and Bl (Volumes 24-7) respectively may have been assignedto particular compilers. Why were such jurisdictions decided upon?We cannot know whether particular compilers were restricted tomaterials that they could effectively utilize or whether they had aspecial feeling for a certain historical period. The relation betweencompilers and divisions of the text is a subject for development.

Another theory holds that the apportionment of texts was morethree-dimensional. In a text like Nihon Shoki, drafted over a longperiod, successive compilers probably replaced each other overtime, and different strata of people probably contributed to eachchapter. In Nihon Shoki, words differing somewhat from the maintext appear under such headings as 'One text says/ 'A certain textsays/ and An old text says/ which might indicate that several man-uscripts were created during the long process of compilation.

For example, the entry on the death of Emperor Keitai is clearevidence that "a certain text' refers to one of the manuscripts ofNihon Shoki. The extant version says that he died in the twenty-fifthyear of his reign (531). However, an explanatory note is added: 'Acertain book says: - "The Emperor died in the 28th year of his reign.The statement in the text that he died in the 25th year of his reign istaken from a passage in the Paekche Pon'gi [Original Record of

Nihon Shoki 41

Paekche]. This passage runs as follows: [the rest omitted]/" Thisillustrates that prior to the theory that it was the twenty-fifth year(as given in the extant text), a previous text gave the twenty-eighthyear. Later compilers came to doubt the correctness of the twenty-eighth year in the manuscript, so they changed it to the twenty-fifthyear, as cited by the Paekche Pon'gi. However, they hesitated totally todisregard the theory of the twenty-eighth year, so they inserted theexplanatory note indicating that it was the theory of 'a certain book.'

The ascension of Emperor Tenji is given as the third day, firstmonth, seventh year of his reign (668). There follows an explanatorynote: 'One book says that he assumed the Dignity in the thirdmonth of the sixth year (667).' The version given in 'one book' wasnot adopted for the manuscript but was recorded as worthy of con-sideration. Since the third month of the sixth year of his reign wasthe time when the capital was moved to Omi, the theory that hisascension took place at that time was not unnatural. This 'one book'was probably one of the manuscript versions of Nihon Shoki.

There are cases, as in the reign of Emperor Kotoku, where twotypes of 'one book' are cited in one passage. In the entry for theninth month of 645, when Imperial Prince Furuhito rebelled, the textgives the twelfth day: 'Naka no Ohoye straightway sent Uda noYenomuro no Furu and Koma no Miyachi with a considerable forceto attack the Imperial Prince Furubito no Ohoye and his compan-ions.'25 There follows an explanatory note: 'One book says: "3Othday, nth month. Naka no Ohoye sent Abe, Kosobe no Omi, andSahekibe no Komaro, these two, with a force of thirty men to attackFurubito no Ohoye. They slew Furubito no Ohoye and his children.His consorts strangled themselves." One book says: - "eleventhmonth. Prince Yoshino no Ohoye plotted rebellion, but the matterhaving become public, he was executed." '26

The two 'one books' differ in complexity and were probably man-uscripts from different stages in the compilation of Nihon Shoki. Thetext used other historical materials to record the date of the punitiveexpedition, the names of the commanding officers, and so on. Thus asingle historical incident may have inspired any number of versions.

For completely different reasons, repetitions were included in thewriting. The record of Emperor Tenji contains many repetitions. Thegranting of the rank of Lower Shokin to the Paekche immigrantKuisil Chipsa is given in the second month of 665 and again in thefirst month of 671. The building of castles in Nagato and Tsukushi isgiven in the eight month of 665 and repeated in the second month of670. The appointment of Prince Kurikuma as Governor of Tsukushiappears in both the seventh month of 668 and the sixth month of


671. The arrival of the Tang Envoy Guo Wusong appears in thetwelfth month of 669 and the eleventh month of 671.

Emperor Tenji succeeded Empress Saimei upon her death andconducted the government. However, he was not enthroned and forsix years discharged his functions as Crown Prince. Thus his muchlater enthronement seems to have caused confusion in the historicalmaterials because of historians' inconsistencies in numbering theyears of his reign. Many apparent repetitions of events in his reignmust have arisen from such a cause; many such cases could easilyhave been discovered by checking some years before or after theevent. Possibly such repetition was not the work of a single person.Perhaps a succession of compilers viewed the materials, and mis-takes arose from their assigning of events to seemingly appropriateyears and times. They did not look fore and aft and made no effort toeliminate repetitions. Instead they had respect for the record madeby their predecessors and confined themselves to introducing freshmaterials.

Because of the great length of time taken to compile Nihon Shoki,final elaboration of the text was conducted close to its completion in720. As testimony to this we have the record of the transmission ofBuddhism to Japan in 552, in the reign of Emperor Kinmei. There is ascholarly theory that the entry recording the transmission was con-structed by following the scripture, Konkomyo-Saisho-O-Gyo [GoldenLight Excellent King Sutra], which was translated in 703 by Yi Jing ofTang (635-713). This was pointed out at an early stage in Nihon ShokiTsushaku [Complete Commentary on Nihon Shoki, 1852] by lidaTakesato. Later it was strongly held by Fujii Akitaka;27 and InoueKaoru argued that this scripture was brought from China to Japan in718 by Doji and suggested that Doji himself may have written theentry.28 Further, Kojima Noriyuki points out that passages that orig-inated from the Golden Light Excellent King Sutra are found in thereigns of Kenzo, Buretsu, Keitai, Bidatsu, Sushun, and others, inaddition to the reign of Emperor Kinmei.29

According to these theories, the entry concerning the arrival ofthe Buddhist sutra was written in 718, only two years before comple-tion of the work, which seems to allow the conclusion that NihonShoki was written in a short period of time. However, this was prob-ably the final polishing of the text, and a number of versions musthave existed before. Such manuscripts facilitated the adjustment ofrhetorical flourishes.

Where explanations were noted as derived from 'a certain book' or'one book' it is clear that the compilers used various documents ashistorical materials and faithfully transcribed what was written.

Nihon Shoki 43

They also took left and right from the literary classics of China toweave their sentences; thus the Chinese classics should also be seenas a source.

SOURCE M A T E R I A L S

It is necessary to divide the sources of Nihon Shoki into two catego-ries: historical materials, that is, old documentary materials thatbecame the data for the contents of the entries; and Chinese writ-ings - ancient and more recent - which provided authority for thecomposition. Of course, the former were more important.

A N C I E N T M A T E R I A L S

Compared to Kojiki, the historical materials for Nihon Shoki are abun-dant. In contrast to Kojiki, which had only the Imperial Chroniclesand the Fundamental Dicta, Nihon Shoki had, in addition, records ofgovernment and the traditions of the various families, from which agreat deal is taken. This is why the contents of Nihon Shoki, as a bookof history, are so much richer than those of Kojiki. A brief descriptionof each type of ancient historical material follows and includes theImperial Chronicles, Fundamental Dicta, family records of ancestraltales, and regional tales.

Imperial Chronicles

Imperial Chronicles appears as the title of a book in the Preface toKojiki and in the entry for the third month of 681 in Nihon Shoki. Inthe Preface to Kojiki the title is used interchangeably with Succes-sion of the Emperors (Sumera Mikoto no Hitsugi) and Record ofFormer Emperors (Senki). In the Nihon Shoki entry for the eleventhmonth of 688, various ministers pronounced eulogies at the burial ofEmperor Tenmu in the mausoleum. Among them was Taima MahitoChitoko, who 'recited the succession to the throne of the Imperialancestors.' To this an explanation is added, 'In ancient times this wascalled Hitsugi.' Thus 'Hitsugi' indicates the succession of Emperorsreign after reign, so we may surmise the nature of the ImperialChronicle known as Sumera Mikoto no Hitsugi. In the entry for thethird month of 541, a note on the passage that lists the Emperor'ssons and daughters says that in 'the original record of the Emperors'(Teio Hongi) there are many old characters; later men, in learning toread them, modified them to suit the meaning. Also, in the processof copying the text, errors arose and the order of elder brother and


younger brother was disturbed. This 'original record of the Emper-ors' must be another name for the Imperial Chronicles. This observa-tion that various errors had arisen in the 'original record of theEmperors' must refer to the same thing pointed out in the Preface toKojiki, that many discrepancies had arisen in the Imperial Chroni-cles and the Fundamental Dicta.

The actual contents of the Imperial Chronicles may have includedthe Emperor's name, his lineage, the names of consorts and children,the location of the palace, important events during his reign, his age,the number of years of his reign, and the location of the imperialmausoleum. However, not all the records listed these entries;undoubtedly some entries were missing. In particular, documentaryrecords pertaining to the Emperor's age and the number of years heruled were incomplete. The style of writing place names and peo-ple's names varies among the texts, with mixed Chinese pronuncia-tion and Japanese pronunciation of the characters, and differingorders of imperial sons and daughters. However, there are no dis-crepancies in the names of the Emperors and the order of theirsuccession, and the entries in Kojiki and Nihon Shoki coincide. Nodoubt the tradition handed down was unusually certain regardingsuch important points.

The Imperial Chronicles and the Fundamental Dicta both con-sisted of materials that had been transmitted orally and were com-mitted to writing around the sixth century, and it was as a book thatthe Imperial Chronicles became historical materials for Kojiki andNihon Shoki. However, the oral traditions also persisted and proba-bly served as a source of reference.

The title 'Imperial Chronicles' appears in Jogii Shotoku Hod Teisetsu[Imperial Chronicle of Prince Shotoku],30 in Hozumi Mitate Shujitsu[Tax Return of Hozumi Mitate], twenty-fifth day, intercalary ninthmonth, 746,31 and in Shashoso Mokuroku [Catalogue of TranscribedSutras], tenth day, sixth month, 748.32 Thus we know that in theNara period copies were made of a work with the title 'ImperialChronicles,' but it is not clear whether this was the work used ashistorical material in Kojiki and Nihon Shoki. Therefore we must becautious about using the Nara period copies to guess at the originalform of Imperial Chronicles.

Fundamental Dicta

In the Preface to Kojiki, the Fundamental Dicta are also known asFundamental Dicta of Former Reigns (Saki no Yo no Furugoto) andOriginal Words (Honji). Like the Imperial Chronicles, they were

Nihon Shoki 45

transmitted orally and committed to writing around the sixth cen-tury. Their contents can only be assumed to be what is left in Kojikiafter excluding portions thought to have come from the ImperialChronicles, but they seem to include tales of the Age of the Gods,tales of worship of various deities, historical tales of Emperors andheroes, tales of the arts centring around songs, tales of the origins ofplace names and names of objects, and so on. Such tales end withEmperor Kenzo (r. 485-7) in Kojiki and with Emperor Keitai (r. 507-31) in Nihon Shoki, so that we can almost guess the time when theFundamental Dicta were written down.

It appears that during the process of transmission, variouschanges occurred in the Fundamental Dicta, particularly in conceptsof time. For example, the tale of conquest by Izumo Takeru containsthe following poem:

The sword girt onBy the warrior of Idzumo

(Where many clouds arise) -There is the sheath enwound with creepers,

But, alas! there is no blade.33

This occurs in Nihon Shoki in 38 BC in the reign of Emperor Sujin asthe story of a battle between Izumo Furune and his younger brotherli-irine. However, in Kojiki it appears in the reign of Emperor Keiko(r. 71-130) as a deed of Yamato Takeru.34 The tale of the governmentship Karanu appears in Nihon Shoki at the time of Emperor Ojin (r.270-310), where it is a tribute ship from Izu Province, but in Kojiki itis a ship constructed in the Kinai (vicinities of Yamato) and the timeis the reign of Emperor Nintoku (r. 313-QQ).35

Records of Tales of Ancestors Transmitted by Families

The Imperial Chronicles and Fundamental Dicta possessed by fami-lies at the time of Emperor Tenmu were transmitted by the imperialhouse; and their stories naturally centre on the imperial house. Thefamilies probably also transmitted tales about their own ancestors:some were taken into the Fundamental Dicta and fused with thoseof the imperial house. However, occasional passages in Nihon Shokirecount the achievements and heroic deeds of the families' ancestorswhich are not found in Kojiki. Thus what is not in Kojiki was not inthe Fundamental Dicta either, and additional materials were takeninto Nihon Shoki from recorded traditions of the families. _

I have already discussed Empress Jito's order in 691 to the Omiwa


and seventeen other families to submit their ancestors' epitaphs,which were different than the records of the families' traditions.However, the epitaphs could have been acquired only for use ashistorical materials; the families were probably asked also to presenttheir records transmitted from the ancient past. These records wereperhaps collected by the office for compiling Nihon Shoki, although itis not certain at what date.

Records of Regional Tales

Numerous traditions probably flourished in the outer provinces. In713 the government commanded that accounts be written of theorigins of names of mountains, rivers, fields, and moors, and of thewords of elders, of events, and things heard, and these resulted inthe local gazeteers known as Fudoki [Records of Climate].36 Com-parison of the texts does not prove that the Fudoki were used assource material by Nihon Shoki. However, only five Fudoki survivetoday from the Nara period - those of Harima, Hitachi, Izumo,Bungo, and Hizen - and so it is difficult to ascertain the relationbetween the Fudoki and Nihon Shoki. Since the government orderedrecording of historical tales, probably a great number of them weretransmitted in the provinces. Such regional tales were collected inthe Nihon Shoki office and included in the text. Occasionally, sometales in Nihon Shoki not found in Kojiki are about regional placenames or have a deep connection with a region. It is unjustified tothink that these tales were all inventions of the intellectuals of thecentre. They were born and nurtured in the regions and transmittedthere.

The preceding four kinds of historical materials have mainly to dowith the most ancient past; but for the more recent past, other kindsof materials were used: government documents, memos by individ-uals, temple records, and documents related to Paekche.

R E C E N T M A T E R I A L S

Government Documents

In keeping with the progress in methods of recording, the govern-ment documented its own acts, probably in order to provide for laterreference. We can only imagine when the daily chronicles calledhinamiki were started - perhaps around the time of Empress Suiko.However, most of these daily chronicles were no longer extant whenNihon Shoki was compiled. A few surviving documents, classified by

Nihon Shoki 47

topics - the award of ranks, contacts with foreign diplomatic envoys,and the changes in the Taika Reform of 645 - may have been used bythe compilers. The comparative paucity of recent entries in NihonShoki in the chronicle of Emperor Tenji, and so on, suggests that thedaily chronicles of government were scattered in the Jinshin War of672. For the chronicles of Emperor Tenmu and Empress Jito authen-tic government documents apparently remained and the entriesdiffer little from those of the succeeding Shoku Nihongi, becoming achronological record.

Memos by Individuals

Various memos by individuals were used. The most striking is theone quoted in a note in the reign of Empress Saimei, called Tki noMuraji Hakatoko Sho' [The Book of Iki Muraji Hakatoko]. In 659,Hakatoko was sent as an envoy to Tang, and the memo records inexhaustive detail his journey, his sojourn there, and his return toJapan in 661. The entries follow the dates, but it is not a pure diary. Itis more a record with entries written in order later to publicize hisown achievements.37

In the reign of Empress Saimei, 'Naniwa Kishi Ohito Sho' [TheBook of Naniwa Kishi Ohito] is also quoted, and in her reign andthat of Emperor Tenji, 'K5rai Shamon Doken Nihon Seiki' [Record ofthe Reigns of Japan by the Korean Buddhist Priest Doken] is quoted.These were also memos by individuals. In the account of the JinshinWar in the time of Emperor Tenmu, there are records by attendantsin the army during the war, 'Ato no Sukune Chitoku Nikki' [Dairy ofAto Sukune Chitoku] and 'Tsuki no Muraji Omi Nikki' [Diary ofTsuki Muraji Omi]; we learn from Shaku Nihongi how these wereused as historical materials.38 They were described as diaries, butmaterials were added later. Possibly they were submitted to theNihon Shoki compilation office.

Temple Records

Among temple records, the Gangdji Engi, [History of the GangojiTemple] is used the most. The Gangdji Engi, which survives at thepresent day, is a Heian period collection of documents pertaining toimportant temple matters. It contains a stone monument inscriptionfrom the reign of Empress Suiko relating to the dew-catching bowlon the pagoda, the inscription on the back of the nimbus of thenearly five-metre buddha, and so on. These inscriptions are used inthe entries during the reigns of Sushun and Suiko of Nihon Shoki. In


the reign of Emperor Bidatsu, the accounts of the worship of theBuddha by Soga Umako and the persecution of Buddhism areclosely related to the text of the ancient documents in the GangojiEngi.

Elsewhere, the accounts of the origins of the Buddha images of theYoshino Hisodera Temple in the reign of Emperor Kinmei and of theMinabuchi Sakatadera Temple in the reign of Emperor "Vomei aretaken from the records of those temples. The selection of materialswas limited to these particular temples; the compilers did not searchwidely through the temple records of the whole country. Much valu-able historical material undoubtedly existed in many temples, suchas the Horyuji and the Daianji. If the compilers had collected suchmaterials from the Horyuji for the account of Prince Shotoku, forexample, Nihon Shoki as it exists today could have been quite differ-ent. However, they used only temple records obtained by chance,and did not search out others.

Documents Related to Paekche

Documents concerning Paekche are much used in Nihon Shoki. Thenames of three books are known: Paekchegi [Japanese: Kudara Ki,Record of Paekche], Paekche Sinch'an [Japanese: Kudara Shinsen,New Record of Paekche], and Paekche Pon'gi [Japanese: KudaraHongi, Original Record of Paekche].39 Paekchegi is the oldest, beingquoted in the reigns of Empress Regent Jingu and Emperors Ojinand Yuryaku. Paekche Sinch'an is next, being quoted in the reigns ofEmperors Yuryaku and Buretsu. Paekche Pon'gi is quoted in the reignsof Emperors Keitai and Kinmei. In most cases the name of the workbeing quoted is clearly written, but other parts of the text wereobviously written by following one of these works without attribu-tion. Especially in the accounts of Emperors Keitai and Kinmei, thegreater part of the chapter is based on Paekche Pon'gi.

Theories vary concerning these three works. However, it isunlikely that they were simply histories written when Paekche stillexisted. Records written in Paekche may have formed their core, butthe works quoted in Nihon Shoki were made by people who fledPaekche after its fall, perhaps to documeht how Paekche aided Japanin the past, and were turned in to the compilation office. Japan istreated as a respected country in Paekchegi, an unnatural stance forpeople writing the history of their own country. Also, Tenno is usedfor Emperor and Tencho for imperial court. Use of the term Tenno isthought to have been adopted in the reign of Empress Suiko; thus itsuse in entries prior to Suiko is anachronistic. This is clearly a way of

Nihon Shoki 49

writing in order to show respect for the court of Japan, implicitlyexpecting a return of some kind. In Paekche Pon'gi, Japan is referred toas 'Nihon.' Since 'Nihon' was adopted in Japan as correct usagearound the time of Taika, we know that this was not a contemporaryrecord.

Although later hands, probably from Paekche, worked on theaccounts, the character of the original documents remainedunchanged. Thus Paekchegi contains many legendary entries, whilein Paekche Pon'gi time is measured both by the number of days andby the sexagenary cycles, abundant evidence of its original charac-ter as a Veritable Record. It appears that the compilers of Nihon Shokirelied heavily on these books; I have already pointed out that theycorrected the year of Emperor Keitai's death by referring to PaekchePon'gi.

Chinese Books

Last among historical materials, we must consider Chinese historybooks. Chinese classics were frequently used as authorities in com-position and, in this broad sense, served as historical sources. ButChinese history books were used also as materials for the content ofhistory. An example is found in the record of Empress Regent Jingu.Events in the thirty-ninth, fortieth, and forty-third year of her reignare taken from three places in Wei Zhi [History of Wei], and oneevent from the sixty-sixth year is taken from the Jin-dynasty Diaryof Activity and Repose. They all refer to a woman ruler of Wa; thecompilers of Nihon Shoki, seeing that these accounts about a womanruler corresponded to Empress Regent Jingu, assigned the record ofher activities to the appropriate place in the chronology. Thesestraight quotations, without any assimilation into the historical con-text, report the facts as contained in Chinese books of history. How-ever, this was a singular case, and not the general practice.

The facts about contacts with the king of Wa in the Song Shu[History of Song] do not appear at all in Nihon Shoki, nor do thecontacts with Wa from the Sui Shu [History of Sui]. The Sui Shu isquoted in other parts of Nihon Shoki for rhetorical reinforcement, butwithout reference to the facts of history. Apart from the case ofEmpress Regent Jingu, Chinese history books were not used assources of historical material.

Let us now say a word about the Chinese works used for therhetorical flourishes of the work. Taking the position that the sen-tences in Nihon Shoki 'edited the ancient writing/ KawamuraHidene, in his Shoki Shikkai [Complete Commentary on Nihon Shoki],


searched in Chinese books for the sources of individual passages.Kojima Noriyuki published his fine research on the Chinese booksactually consulted by the authors. According to him, the writers ofNihon Shoki consulted the encyclopedia Yiwen Leiju [Classified Artsand Literature] compiled by Ouyang Xun and others in the Tangdynasty and composed their sentences by gathering up the wordsthey needed, one after another. For example, in 527, during the reignof Emperor Keitai, the words of the Emperor and of Mononobe Ara-kabi during the rebellion of Tsukushi Kuni Miyatsuko Iwai weretaken from the parts on attacks and generals in the section on themilitary in Yiwen Leiju and pieced together to form the sentences.The authors could have used such works as ShangShu, HuangshigongSan Lue, and Huainanzi, but they relied on Yiwen Leiju, whichbrought them all together - a convenient source for the beautifulpassages from many books. Of course, they used other single works,including Shi ]i, Han Shu, Hou Han Shu, San Guo Zhi [History of theThree Kingdoms (History of Wu and Wei only)], Liang Shu [Historyof Liang], and Sui Shu. Han shu is preferred most, followed by HouHan Shu and San Guo Zhi, while Liang Shu and Sui Shu are each citedin only one part. Wen Xuan [Anthology of Literature] was used as aliterary work, mostly in the accounts of Emperor Yuryaku andEmpress Saimei and the preceding and following volumes. Further,the Golden Light Excellent King Sutra was a Buddhist authorityoutside these canons of Confucianism and Taoism.40

In this way the compilers freely used Chinese writings to embel-lish their work, but process and methods differed among the severalwriters assigned to separate portions. A different Chinese work wasused in each volume, thus accounting for the various shadings ofembellishment. For the most part, authors added embellishmentswhen the style of the original source material was predominantlyJapanese, as was the case with the Fundamental Dicta. It was notnecessary to add much when the source material was originallyChinese. Thus, although the text of Nihon Shoki contains much Chi-nese embellishment, it has value as a history book. We must scruti-nize the source materials; if we find none and suppose a fictitiousentry, we can conclude that the portion in question has little histori-cal value.

Such cases exist; let us consider one or two examples. In 486 in thereign of Emperor Kenzo is an entry, '6th day, loth month, Winter.The Emperor entertained his Ministers. At this time the Empire wasat peace; the people were not subjected to forced labor, the cropsreached maturity, and the peasantry was prosperous. A measure of

Nihon Shoki 51

rice was sold for one piece of silver, and horses covered the moors.'41

This is taken from Hou Han Shu, Annals of Emperor Ming, 69 AD, but'millet' in the original was changed to 'rice,' 'thirty' was changed to'one piece of silver/ and 'cows and sheep' was changed to 'horses.'Obviously, this entry is totally fictitious. In 568, in the reign ofEmperor Kinmei, it says, '28th year. There were floods in the dis-tricts and provinces, with famine. In some cases men ate each other.Mutual assistance was rendered by transporting grain from theneighboring districts.'42 This account was taken from the entry inHan Shu, ninth month of the second year of Emperor Yuan, 48 BC,with a change of one or two characters; it has no relation to historicalfacts. In these cases, embellishment with Chinese rhetoric was takento an extreme in an attempt to imitate the Chinese Standard Histo-ries. From the standpoint of the present day, this only lessens thehistorical value of Nihon Shoki. However, this judgement need notapply to every entry in the work that has Chinese rhetorical embel-lishment.

CONTENTS

For those who have not yet read Nihon Shoki, an introduction to itsthirty volumes is in order. I shall also touch briefly on its relation tohistorical fact. To what degree does Nihon Shoki express historicaltruth? The question is an important topic of research and scholarsdiffer considerably in their evaluation. In light of these differences,we must consider the circumstances of each volume individually.

Volumes 1 and 2: The Age of the Gods

Volumes i and 2, comprising Parts i and 2 of The Age of the Gods,differ greatly in nature from the other volumes.

First, though Nihon Shoki is thoroughly annalistic, giving the day,month, and year for every entry whatsoever, in The Age of the Godsthe dates are not entered at all. The stories are recounted as tales ofhistorical processes. It is likely that the ancient legends of Japan didnot have dates clearly affixed, so in this way Nihon Shoki accuratelyportrays these ancient legends.

Second, the annalistic method of Nihon Shoki would not be suit-able to the Age of the Gods. The books on that period form one unitand do not lend themselves to partition. Perhaps the compilers feltthat the history of the Age of the Gods should not be measured inthe same way as the age of humans.


Third, there are many selections from various texts. Versions fromother texts are recorded under the heading 'One book says/ In thesection on the birth of the Eight Great Islands of Japan there are tenvariations, and there are eleven in one section on the appearance offour deities. Around the time of Emperor Tenmu there were manydifferent versions in the texts of the Imperial Chronicles and theFundamental Dicta, and this also seems to be the case with the Ageof the Gods. The compilers showed caution in their handling of theAge of the Gods by recording many different versions. They did notunify all the versions into one but tried to preserve as many aspossible to transmit to later ages.

In modern editions the words 'one book says' are written continu-ously with the text, indented by one character, in the same size asthe text. However, we know from old manuscripts of The Age of theGods and from the chapters on the Age of the Gods in Ruiju Kokushithat they were originally written in small letters as notes to the text.Since these variants are long, notes in small characters are hard toread. Perhaps they were changed into the present format in order tomake them easier to read; it shows that people were indeed readingthe chapters on the Age of the Gods.

Fourth, in volumes on the Age of the Gods there are many pas-sages that explain the origin and history of things:

- 'This is why people at the present day avoid using a single light atnight, and also avoid throwing away a comb at night' ('Birth of the fourdeities/ Sixth variant).- 'This is the reason that herbs, trees, and pebbles naturally contain theelement of fire/ (ibid., Eighth variant).- 'This was the origin of the practice of keeping off evil spirits by meansof peaches/ (ibid., Ninth variant).- 'This is the reason why the people of the world are careful in the dis-posal of their own nails' ('Origins of the divine mirror/ Third variant).- 'This was the origin of the general saying, "Fear a returning arrow"'('Descent of the Heavenly Grandchild/ Main text and first variant).- 'This is why people take care not to mistake a living for a deadperson' (ibid., main text).- 'This is the reason why people dislike to be taken for a dead person'(ibid., Main text and first variant).- 'So this was the origin of the male and female Lords of Sarume beingboth styled Kimi' (ibid., Main text and first variant).- 'This is the reason why the life of man is so short' (ibid, Secondvariant).[The above translations are all from Aston, Nihongi, passim.]

Nihon Shoki 53

These ideas about natural phenomena and social customs arisingfrom the activities of the gods occupy a general place in mythicalthought. Similar stories in Volume 3 and following are mainly aboutthe origins of the names of people and place names or of the heredi-tary occupations of various families. Unlike myths of the Age of theGods, they may be historically true. There is a theory that these taleswere created by the court in later times to justify the rule of theimperial house, but this phenomenon of accounting for the origins ofbeliefs seems to have been in the interest of the ancient people, notthe intellectuals of later generations.

Next we must look at the contents of the tales of The Age of theGods. The text first recounts the origins from the beginning ofHeaven and Earth and then the birth of seven generations of deities.The last to appear were Izanagi and Izanami, who descended toOnokoro Island, married, and gave birth to the islands of Japan. Thenames of the islands thus created - Honshu, Shikoku, Kyushu, Oki,Sado, and so on - are listed in all versions of the text. Other islandsare listed in variant texts.

These two deities next produced the seas, rivers, mountains,grasses, and trees, followed by the chief deity, the Sun Goddess, andthen Tsukiyomi (the moon deity) and Susano-o (the storm deity).The sun and moon deities ascended to Heaven to take up their rule,while Susano-o was sent to the netherland on account of his violentacts. The account of the births of these three deities differs greatlyfrom that in Kojiki. In Kojiki, Izanami had to depart from this worldafter giving birth to fire and went to the Land of the Dead. Izanagialso went to the Land of the Dead, following Izanami. There was adialogue between them, but in the end Izanagi escaped, and whenhe was cleansing himself of the pollution acquired there, three dei-ties were born.

Before retiring to the netherland, Susano-o went up to the Plain ofHigh Heaven to say farewell to his elder sister, the Sun Goddess. Shewas afraid that he was coming to seize the Plain of High Heavenfrom her, so she put on armour and waited for him. He dispelled herdoubts by making a vow with her and reciprocally producing chil-dren.43 Then Susano-O, feeling pleased, proceeded to do violent actson the Plain of High Heaven, making the Sun Goddess angry. Shewithdrew into the Heavenly Rock Cave and would not open theRock Door. Thereupon the whole world became dark, and there wasno distinction between day and night. The eight million deities con-sulted together and performed a great festival in front of the RockCave, inviting the Sun Goddess out.

This story has common elements with those of various peoples of


Southeast Asia. It is speculated that it may have originated eitherfrom rites at the time of solar eclipse or from a festival to restorepower to the sun during the winter solstice.

The gods passed judgement on the crimes of Susano-o andexpelled him from the Plain of High Heaven. He went to the head-waters of the river Hi in Izumo, where local deities asked for his helpto subdue an eight-forked serpent. He then built a palace in Izumoand fathered the deity Onamuchi., With this, Nihon Shoki concludesVolume i, whereas Kojiki adds numerous other stories aboutOnamuchi. Nihon Shoki is extremely indifferent to such myths ofIzumo origin. As the standard history of the country, it consistentlyconsidered as secondary the myths of the Izumo people, who hadopposed the Heavenly Grandchild, and did not recount them indetail.

Volume 2 is the second part of The Age of the Gods. It starts withthe deity Ninigi [hereafter the Heavenly Grandchild], grandson ofthe Sun Goddess, who left his heavenly rock-seat and clove his waythrough the eight-fold clouds of Heaven to descend upon the peakof Takachiho at So in Hyuga. Efforts were made to clear the way tothe Central Land of Reed Plains for the Heavenly Grandchild; thesecond attempt failed, but the third try was successful. The deityOnamuchi presented to the Heavenly Grandchild the spear that hehad used to subdue his own land and prayed for the future of theHeavenly Grandchild; then he retired into the distant land of hades.

This story was well known as the ceding of the country. It has arichly mythical character, but many believe that the central portion- the unification of the country by the heavenly Grandchild - maycontain historical truth concerning negotiations by the rulers withpreviously settled people. That such an important task was accom-plished not by battle, but by negotiation, shows the peaceful natureof the myths of Japan.44

The Heavenly Grandchild married Princess Kashitsu, the daugh-ter of the deity Oyamazumi. She became pregnant in a single night.The Princess, angry that the Heavenly Grandchild doubted that thechild was his, set fire to the parturition hut. The three deities thatwere born were Honosusori, Hikohohodemi, and Hoakari. The elderbrother, Honosusori, had a talent for fishing, and the youngerbrother, Hikohohodemi, had a talent for hunting. They exchangedtheir talents, but the younger brother did not catch anything andlost his brother's fish-hook. Accused harshly by the brother whomissed the fish-hook, the frustrated younger brother followed theadvice of an old man and plunged into the sea, where he went to anunderwater palace. There he retrieved the fish-hook and married

Nihon Shoki 55

Princess Toyotama, daughter of a sea deity. After three years, Hiko-hohodemi returned to his land, and, with the jewel of the flowingtide and the jewel of the ebbing tide that he had received from thesea deity, he forced his elder brother into submission. Honosusori issaid to be the ancestor of the Hayato. A grandson of Hikohohodemibecame Emperor Jinmu, the first Emperor of Japan.

Stories of this type are widespread among oceanic peoples of thesouth; possibly it was transmitted by the Hayato, who lived insouthern Kyushu. In the end the Hayato people became subjects ofthe Yamato court. Their ancestors were thus inserted into thegenealogy of the imperial house, and this genealogy was transmit-ted as unimpeachable truth in later ages; this was possible becauseof the comprehensive nature of the Japanese myths.

The three generations of deities at Hyuga after the HeavenlyGrandchild have more human qualities than do the preceding dei-ties, and the location of their mountain tombs is clearly recorded. Asthe volumes on the Age of the Gods draw to a close and the age ofhumans grows near, it seems that the dawn of history is faintlyglimmering as the account continues towards Emperor Jinmu.

The account of the Age of the Gods is not a random collection, buta body of myths united by a central theme. Emperor Tenmu's pur-pose of cutting out the falsehoods and determining the truth in theImperial Chronicles and the Fundamental Dicta was natural enough,and probably no one would deny that the materials were manipu-lated to achieve the ends he desired. The question is, were the Impe-rial Chronicles and the Fundamental Dicta, which were the basis ofNihon Shoki, themselves concocted works? Tsuda Sokichi was fore-most among those who thought so; he held that when the ImperialChronicles and Fundamental Dicta were committed to writingaround the sixth century, they were actually created by those whowrote them down. According to Tsuda, the imperial house estab-lished its hereditary rule over Japan around the sixth century buttransposed that reality into the past, explaining it as the result of anagreement in the Age of the Gods.

Many progressive scholars hold this view, but I do not agree. Irecognize a process of ordering the materials through selection atthe time of Emperor Tenmu and after, but I think that the Funda-mental Dicta had been written down and were not invented. Tothink that the compilers invented such myths in order to justify therule of the imperial house over Japan is to impute too much modernconsciousness to the people of ancient times. The most effective partin demonstrating this legitimacy would have been the divine vow ofthe Sun Goddess to protect the imperial line forever, but this is not


even entered into the main text; it appears only once in 'one book/and eight such 'one books' are cited in the text. The main figure whodispatches the Heavenly Grandchild is the deity Takamimusubi, andthe Sun Goddess is seen in a secondary position; this is hard toexplain by the theory of invention. The tales about Susano-o, themyths about the talents for hunting and for fishing, and so forth donot serve much purpose in this theory of concoction.

The 'facts' in the tales of the Age of the Gods certainly were notconcocted by a few intellectuals of the late seventh and early eightcenturies. They grew out of a long period of history during whichthe Yamato people united various clans and families, and theyreflect the process of growth and development as the Yamato peoplesettled in this land. Myths of southern and northern peoples aremixed in - of sun worship, of the descent of an ancestor to a moun-tain peak, of drifting on the sea, and so on. To insist only on thehistorical process of mixing and to ignore the mythical element is anarrow attitude. It is simple-minded to consider the Age of the Godsactual history; however, to regard these tales completely as inven-tions is an error of over-intellectualism. The tales of the Age of theGods were the product of the Yamato people and contain somemyths that doubtless retain the memory of historical facts.

Volume 3: Emperor Jinmu

Volume 3 covers the reign of Emperor Jinmu. At Hyuga he deter-mined on an eastward expedition and set out in the tenth month of667 BC. Passing through Oka harbour in Tsukushi, the Enomiya inAki, and Takashimanomiya in Kibi, he arrived at Naniwa in 663 BC.Next he passed through the port of Aokumo Shirakata in the town ofKusaka in Kawachi, but as he tried to enter Yamato his way wasblocked by Nagasunehiko. Intending to proceed with the dignity ofthe Sun Goddess at his back, he went south to Osaka harbour andtravelled around the Kii peninsula. Then he travelled throughYoshino and various towns, subduing those who resisted. Heattacked Nagasunehiko at Tomi, and by then almost all of Yamatowas pacified. In the third month of 662 he issued a decree makingKashihara, southeast of Mount Unebi, the site for constructing acapital, and in the first month of 660 he ascended the imperialthrone in the Palace of Kashihara. This marked the first year of hisreign. Thereafter he reigned for seventy-six years, passing away inthe palace on the eleventh day, third month, seventy-sixth year.

This is a summary of the record of Emperor Jinmu. The systematicrecording of years, months and days was based on calculations made

Nihon Shoki 57

in later ages, and it is established in the scholarly world that itcannot be accepted as fact. Originally there were no firm traditionsconcerning the chronology of the ancient period, but around thesixth century calendrical experts came to Japan and the chronologyof Japanese history was determined by making calculations basedon the knowledge they brought. This is thought to have taken placein the reign of Empress Suiko. The year 601 was a Kanoto-bird year,a year of revolutionary change in the Chinese system of interpretingastronomical phenomena as the cause of earthly matters. Using thisas the starting point, they calculated backwards by twenty-onecycles to a year designated as ippo, that is, a year of revolutionarychange, and thus determined the time of Emperor Jinmu's ascensionto the throne as the Kanoto-bird year, which occurred 1,260 yearsprior to 601. By identifying the woman ruler Himiko, who is men-tioned in the Wei Zhi, with Empress Regent Jingu, they also estab-lished a middle point in the chronology.

A calculation of this nature, using the most sophisticated knowl-edge of the time, is far from historical reality. The unnaturally longlives of the Emperors, exceeding one hundred years, arose fromelongation of the chronology. Since the years are given this way, themonths and days are, of course, suspect as well. Even if ancientlegends within the imperial house recounted such things as thedays on which Emperors died, other matters, such as the day onwhich Emperor Jinmu set out on his eastern expedition and the dayson which he arrived in various places, were guessed at by latergenerations.

The fact that the dates are not actual is not grounds for doubtingthe reality of the eastern expedition. However, people sometimesconfuse chronology with facts and find even the facts unconvincing.Tsuda Sokichi lined up the chapter on Emperor Jinmu with thechapters on the Age of the Gods and concluded that both wereconcoctions and that his eastward expedition from Hyuga wasentirely unhistorical. During the Second World War, Emperor Jin-mu's edict on Bringing the Eight Corners of the World under OneRoof (hakko ichiu) was used as propaganda even in foreign countries.This is why the measures of the American Occupation struck partic-ularly severely at Emperor Jinmu.45 Japanese scholars also took upthe cause, and many joined in the massacre of Emperor Jinmu. Morerecently, however, the eastward expedition has been connected withthe record of the country of Yamatai in the Wei Zhi, and more peoplenow accept it to varying degrees. The details have many legendaryaspects and cannot be taken as historical, but the main outline canbe accepted.


At numerous points in the eastward expedition, legends related tothe origin of place names are recorded. Some examples are the nameOnominato, which is related to the brave conduct of the deity Itsuse;the village name Tobi, which is related to the appearance of a kitebird (a good omen), its sound now corrupted into Tomi (seeing abird). Kuroita Katsumi inferred that the Yamato Fudoki had beenused as a source for the chapter on Emperor Jinmu because of sim-ilarities in legends about place names. However, such legends werenot confined to the Fudoki. It seems that a fair number were alsocontained in the Fundamental Dicta, so that the bulk of them in thevolume on Emperor Jinmu could have been taken from there. Inaddition, they could have been taken from the legends of such fami-lies as the Otomo and Mononobe.

Since Jinmu was the first Emperor, ancient legends were unifiedinto a record of praise for his accomplishments. But to conclude thatthey were all later inventions is to think that scientific method con-sists in obliterating ancient traditions.

Volume 4: Emperors Suizei to Kaika

Volume 4 covers eight reigns, from Emperor Suizei to EmperorKaika. Apart from the account of a struggle over the succession atthe beginning of Suizei's reign, almost no information is historical. Itis entirely a record of the Emperors, giving such things as a pream-ble with the Emperor's lineage and personal history; the intermentof the previous Emperor in a tomb; the naming of the formerEmpress as Empress Dowager; moving the capital to a new palace;establishing the Empress and obtaining heirs; investing a CrownPrince; and the death of the Emperor. This is almost the same asKojiki, so what was transmitted in the first part of the FundamentalDicta must have been extremely sparse.

Historians called this a period devoid of history, and many thinkthat these eight Emperors did not actually exist but were inventedlater. However, for invented stories they have an abundance ofnames of capitals, Empresses, and so forth. In particular, theEmpresses came from such clans as Shiki Agatanushi, Toichi Agata-nushi, Owari Muraji, and Hozumi Omi. These are the names oflesser chieftains of Yamato; the imperial house had not yet extendedits authority over the whole country, which implies that this accountcontains historical truth. If these accounts were later inventions, theinventors would have chosen families that flourished later. Althoughthe Fundamental Dicta were empty in places, the Imperial Chroni-cles contained portions that superbly transmitted the material. To

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argue that because the Fundamental Dicta were blank the ImperialChronicles were also invented is to take another tack. The genealo-gies of these eight reigns ought to be respected as ancient tradition.

Volume 5: Emperor SujinVolume 6: Emperor Suinin

When it reaches Volume 5 on Emperor Sujin, the narrative in NihonShoki suddenly becomes lively. The main events are: in 94 BC, anedict on the care of the government for men and spirits; in 92 BC,removal of the Sun Goddess and Yamato Okunitama from the palaceto another place; in 91 BC, entrusting the worship of the deityOmononushi to his son Otataneko, and entrusting the worship ofYamato Okunitama to Ichishi Nagaochi; in 88 BC, dispatch of gener-als to the four regions; in 86 BC, levying of men's bow-end tax and awomen's finger-end tax; in 81 BC, construction of ships; in 50 BC, onthe basis of fortune-telling in dreams, establishment of Ikume asCrown Prince and the dispatch of Toyoki to pacify the eastern prov-inces; in 38 BC, worship of the divine treasures of Izumo; in 36 BC,encouragement of agriculture and the opening of ponds and run-nels; and in 33 BC, arrival in Japan of Sobang Kalch'ilchi from Imna.

Here we see in outline the most important matters of domesticgovernment and foreign affairs that would become problems in latertimes. The most striking among them pertains to the gods of heavenand earth. The choice of the Emperor's name, Sujin, meaning wor-ship the gods, was probably made to highlight this point of valuinggodly matters over governmental matters. As the matter of the deityOmononushi and the sending of the generals to the four regions arealso in Kojiki, they must have been recorded in the FundamentalDicta. The edict on the care of government for men and spirits, theedict on encouragement of agriculture, the construction of ships,and so on look like creations by the compilers of Nihon Shoki andcannot be taken as fact. A great many scholars recognize thatEmperor Sujin actually existed, but the record of his accomplish-ments in Nihon Shoki cannot be believed.

The record of Emperor Suinin is closely connected to that of Sujin,and many things that are recounted are the outcome of mattersrecorded in the reign of the latter, such as the return of SobangKalch'ilchi to Imna, the worship of the Sun Goddess at Ise, and thebuilding of ponds and runnels. Other matters, such as the worshipof the divine treasures at Isonokami Shrine and the appointment ofMononobe Muraji to administer it, the arrival of the Silla envoyCh'onilch'ang and his presentation of divine treasures, and the story


in Emperor Sujin's reign of the divine treasures of Izumo were col-lected together as a group of similar stories.

The special features of this volume are the rebellion of Sahohiko,elder brother of the Empress; the wrestling match between TaimaKehaya and Nomi Sukune (which is considered the origin of sumo);the story of Prince Hontsu Wake (who finally gained the power ofspeech as an adult); the origins of haniwa (clay tomb ornaments); andthe story of Tajima Mori (who obtained the orange trees).46 Observ-ing the stories of Nomi Sukune wrestling and the story of haniwa, wemay surmise that the legends were selected by the Haji Muraji, whoclaimed Nomi Sukune as their ancestor. Also, the story of the rebel-lion of Sahohiko, in which the achievement of Yatsunata, ancestor ofthe Kamitsukenu Kimi, is specially noted, is similar to the story ofToyoki (the ancestor of the Kamitsukenu Kimi and the Shimo-tsukenu Kimi) in the volume on Emperor Sujin. This indicates thatin both volumes the legends of the Kamitsukenu Kimi family wereselected.

Volume 7: Emperor Keiko and Emperor Seimu

Volume 7 is mainly about Emperor Keiko, with the record ofEmperor Seimu added on. Each of them reigned for sixty years, butthere is considerable difference in the density of the material.

Emperor Keiko's sons and daughters numbered eighty; more thanseventy were sent out to become administrators of provinces. This isfound in congruent entries in both Kojiki and Nihon Shoki, so it maybe assumed that it was contained in the Imperial Chronicles. Theimportant regional families looked up to these imperial sons anddaughters as their ancestors.

The greatest portion of the record of Emperor Keiko concerns hisson, Yamato Takeru. He attacked the Kumaso in the west, made anexpedition against the Emishi in the east, and then passed away atthe age of thirty at the moor of Nobono in Ise. This is the tale of arepresentative hero, in the period when the ancient state was beingformed, whose purpose was to inspire admiration and sympathy.No doubt it is a concoction, with various legends added. The histo-ricity of elements of the narrative has long been doubted, but on amacroscopic level the story confirms the need for the deeds of such ahero to help unify the state.

In comparing the accounts of Yamato Takeru in Kojiki and NihonShoki, Kojiki displays his human weaknesses, while Nihon Shokiemphasizes his heroic aspects. It appears that the compilers, con-scious of Nihon Shoki's position as a Standard History, were remark-

Nihon Shoki 61

ably solicitous about portraying the hero of the country all the moreheroically. Prior to Nihon Shoki's account of Yamato Takeru's expedi-tion against the Kumaso, it records an eight-year expedition againstthem by the Emperor himself, from 82 AD to 89 AD. It is almost as ifthe Emperor made a royal progression through Kyushu. For this thecompilers must have used as reference the Fudoki of Bungo andHizen and the dispersed text of the Hyiiga Fudoki, which haveaccounts of imperial tours; Nihon Shoki's account resembles themclosely, even in the sentences. As these Fudoki were compiled afterNihon Shoki, they must have referred to it. However, for the Kyushuregion Fudoki there are two variants, A and B. A is later than NihonShoki, but B may be earlier. The account of Emperor Keiko's imperialtours was probably taken from B version or some similar collectionof the region's legends. It is unlikely that the compilers made uplegends about the origins of place names or stories of imperial toursthat contained songs. Perhaps in Kyushu there were stories from anunknown time about Yamato Takeru's expedition against theKumaso which were raised up to become a story about the accomp-lishments of his father, Emperor Keiko, and were developed toemphasize the connection between the Emperor and the region.This may have been submitted to the Nihon Shoki compilation office.

Also, it is recorded that Emperor Keiko made a tour of the regionof the eastern provinces, thirteen years after Yamato Takeru's death,in his memory. As there is nothing in this account that looks liketales handed down in the region, it seems to be an invention madeby transposing to the eastern provinces the twofold structure of theexpedition against the Kumaso. The tale of Takeshiuchi Sukunebeing made to tour the eastern region, prior to Yamato Takeru'sexpedition against the Emishi, seems to have been similarlyinvented.

In the account of Emperor Seimu, miyatsuko-osa were establishedin the provinces and districts, and inaki in the villages.47 This hasbeen given serious consideration as an ancient tale, but it corre-sponds to the entry in the account of Emperor Keiko giving theprovinces to his children as fiefs, and so has no special significance.

Volume 8: Emperor ChuaiVolume 9: Empress Regent Jingu

Of these two volumes, the main one is Empress Regent Jingu, andVolume 8, Emperor Chuai, takes the position of introduction. Theaccount of Chuai is filled with achievements on busy travels andexpeditions. His tour to Kashihi Palace in Tsukushi is the only event

6a The Six National Histories of Japan

which is also recorded in Kojiki. It is doubtful if this portion wasbased on ancient traditions. However, as the story of Ito Agatanushiwelcoming the Emperor was in the dispersed text of the ChikuzenFudoki, it is possible that other parts may also be based on similarregional legends. While the Emperor was thus occupied he did nothear the oracles of the great gods of Ise and of Sumiyoshi, did nottake seriously the worship of the gods, and died in a temporarypalace. It is difficult to deny the feeling that Chuai was handledparticularly lightly in order to show the great achievements ofEmpress Regent Jingu.

The account of Jingu is very full. It moves from the expedition toTsukushi, inherited from her predecessor, to an expedition againstSilla, and on her return she put down the rebellion of Prince Kago-saka and Prince Oshikuma. The action is splendid. The expeditionagainst Silla is also recorded in Kojiki, although most of it is like afairy tale, divorced from reality. It may indeed be what peoplehanded down for a long time, but it is far from historical fact. Peopleof later ages, who tried to subjugate a stubborn Silla, deliberatelyplaced such an imaginary tale into the past.

The most important part of this chapter is the account of relationswith Paekche and Silla, using the Paekchegi as a source. The Paekchegiis clearly quoted and acknowledged in a note on the expeditionagainst Silla in 262, but it is also thought to be the source for otherentries. These are entries in 246, 247, 249, 250, 251, 252, and so on,concerning Paekche sending tribute to Japan, Japanese generalsgoing to the peninsula to fight Silla, Japan and Paekche making aneverlasting alliance, Paekche sending valuable treasures such as theseven-branched sword and the seven-projections mirror,48 and soforth. Korean place names and names of people had to be derivedfrom some sort of records, and the compilers of Nihon Shoki did notmake them up.

In addition, the Paekchegi used the sexagenary cycles to record theyears, as did Nihon Shoki. However, Nihon Shoki puts events backinto the past by only two cycles, or 120 years, so that the real date isarrived at by adding 120 years to the date in Nihon Shoki. For exam-ple, the forty-sixth year, 246, is actually 366; and the forty-seventhyear, 247, is 367. Thus the change of reign in Paekche from KingKuisu to King Ch'imnyu is given as the sixty-fourth year (264) ofEmpress Regent Jingu, and the change of reign from King Ch'imnyuto King Chinsa is her sixty-fifth year, (265); and these are taken fromthe Paekchegi. The actual dates were 120 years later, namely, 384 and385. At any rate, we gain a rich harvest of understanding by clearlyrecognizing that Nihon Shoki stretched out time by 120 years. Also,

Nihon Shoki 63

there is now an object in the Isonokami Shrine that corresponds tothe seven-branched sword that Paekche presented in the fifty-sec-ond year of Empress Regent Jingu (actual date 372), and the dateinscribed on the sword of Taiwa 4 (369) tallies with the date in NihonShoki. Thus we have entered the era in which the correctness of thedates in Nihon Shoki is corroborated by artifacts.

The record of Empress Regent Jingu occupies an important placein Nihon Shoki: the connection of events with verifiable history canbe clearly ascertained. The curtain rises upon an expedition to Sillathat seems like a fairy tale, but around the middle it stronglyapproaches reality. The nature of Nihon Shoki changes after the half-way point of this volume, and it becomes an annalistic book ofhistory.

Tsuda Sokichi argued that the character of Nihon Shoki showsmarked differences before Emperor Chuai and after Emperor Ojin.How Empress Regent Jingu should be viewed if this is the case is notclearly stated by Tsuda, but judging by the position of Kojiki, itseems that Jingu is included in the account of Emperor Chuai. How-ever, the account of Jingu clearly falls into a first part and a latterpart; the first is a legendary story, and the latter approaches historybased on documents. However, movement of the narrative towardsthe later volumes does not go smoothly. Even in the volumes follow-ing Ojin there are many things that have the same character ofinvention as the volumes before Chuai.

As mentioned previously, in the thirty-ninth, fortieth, and forty-third years of Jingu the compilers quoted the Wei Zhi, which showsthat they equated the Queen of Wa with the Empress Regent. Here,too, their concern for chronology is visible, though retained withinthe framework of Nihon Shoki. It was so deep that they went as far asconsulting foreign books for reference.

Volume 10: Emperor OjinVolume 11: Emperor Nintoku

Volume 12: Emperors Richu and HanzeiVolume 13: Emperors Ingyo andAnko

Emperor Ojin's name was Homuta, and Emperor Nintoku's namewas Osazaki, indicating that after Ojin there was a noticeablechange in the names of the Emperors. Heretofore they had usedimpressive names, such as Oyamato Nekohiko Kunikuru Tenno(Emperor Kogen) and Wakayamato Nekohiko Ohihi Tenno (EmperorKaika). This is one important piece of evidence for Tsuda's theorythat the nature of Kojiki and Ninon Shoki changes after Emperor Ojin.


However, Nihon Shoki retains legends from the Fundamental Dictaafter Emperor Ojin, and accounts like those in the latter half ofEmpress Regent Jingu, which were based on the Paekchegi, appearonly in some entries at the beginning of Emperor Ojin's reign andthen disappear. This is because the Paekchegi, used as the source,went only that far.

Of foreign relations in the volume on Ojin, the immigration ofYuzuki Kimi and Achi Omi catch the eye, but these legends werehanded down by their respective descendants, the Hata family andthe Yamato Aya Family, and did not come from solid historical mate-rials of other countries. The arrival of these ancestors is also reportedin Kojiki, so it was probably transmitted in the Fundamental Dicta.However, the report of their bringing with them the people of onehundred twenty districts and seventeen districts, respectively, arosefrom competition between the two families, in which they exagger-ated the number of people given in their traditions. And the accountof the year 297, in which the king of Koguryo sent tribute, andCrown Prince Ujinowaki Iratsuko criticized the letter as impolite,cannot be taken as fact. At that time Koguryo was an enemy of Japanand would not likely have sent tribute. The point of this story is thatthe Crown Prince was learned, and it is connected with the accountof A chik ki and Wang nim coming to Japan and giving instruction tothe Prince.49 Their coming to Japan was in the legends of such fami-lies as the Achiki Fuhito and Fumi Obito, of whom A chik ki andWang nim were the ancestors. Putting the time of their immigrationin the reign of Emperor Ojin must have come from the congruence ofrecollection in the two families. Of course, Paekche and Japan hadestablished an alliance and were co-operating with each other, somany people did come to Japan from the peninsula. Otherwise,many items in Ojin's reign came from the Fundamental Dicta.

In the volume on Emperor Nintoku, the Emperor is exalted as asage, and many elements of the story are legendary, starting withthe explanation of his virtue of humility and love for the people andincluding such things as his being afflicted by the bitter resentmentof the Empress Iwano Hime. She complained because he gave taxrelief to the people at the cost of having the palace deteriorate. Inforeign relations, there are scattered stories of tribute sent by Kogu-ryo and Silla and the rudeness of Paekche, but these were certainlyput in to try to establish continuity with the previous volume, and itis hard to believe that they have any factual basis. However, thedigging of canals and waterways and construction of roads andbridges were doubtless carried out in this period, using skillsbrought by immigrants. In particular, since the Emperor's palace

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was the Takatsu Palace in Naniwa, the stories of digging the Naniwacanal and the Manta embankment have an authentic character.

The Emperors Richu, Hanzei, and Ingyo were all sons of EmperorNintoku. The account in all three reigns is low-key. Many personalwords and deeds of the Emperors and the imperial family arerecounted, such as the struggle for the succession between EmperorRichu and Prince Suminoe Nakatsu, the love between EmperorIngyo and Sotoori Iratsume, and the immorality of Crown PrinceKinashikaru,50 but only a few matters of significance for the state,such as Richu's appointment of Local Recorders and the regulationof families in the reign of Ingyo. The most important is the assassina-tion of Emperor Anko by Prince Mayuwa, the recording of whichappears to be genuinely disinterested. The details are relegated tothe succeeding account of Emperor Yuryaku, and it is hard to dispelthe impression that the compilers treated this event as a happeningwithin the imperial house, with no consequences for the nation, andhandled it too lightly.

The Yamato court, which_had reached its height of power duringthe reigns of Nintoku and Ojin, began to show signs of decline, asreflected in these chronicles. They sent occasional envoys to theSouthern Song court, but not a fragment of that is given in theseaccounts. No reference is made to the histories of other countries.

Volume 14: Emperor YuryakuVolume 15: Emperors Seinei, Kenzo, and Ninken

Volume 16: Emperor Buretsu

In the Fundamental Dicta, legends were transmitted describing Em-peror Yuryaku as a hero full of accomplishments, and in both Kojikiand Nihon Shoki the volumes are accordingly full. The hero is natu-rally praised for his bravery and daring. In addition to slaying PrinceMayuwa for the assassination of Emperor Anko, he successivelykilled those families who opposed his will. If that were all, thisEmperor would be no more than a tyrannical dictator. However, inother respects, he respected the gods, loved the people, and under-stood human sentiment. In one place, Nihon Shoki frankly evaluatedhim as an evil ruler, and in another it recorded the voice of thepeople, who praised him as a virtuous ruler.

This volume, in addition to the materials concerning the Emperorin the Fundamental Dicta, is full of stories of ancestors thought to betaken from legends transmitted by the various families, as well astales related to foreign countries such as Paekche, Silla, and Wu.However, it is extremely difficult to determine the historicity of


these stories. With respect to Paekche, the Paekche Sinch'an and Paek-chegi are cited in the notes as having been quoted, but the extent ofuse is not clear. There were also materials in the families' legendsrelated to the sending of troops to the Korean peninsula. The storyof sending an expedition against Silla in 465 seems to be based uponlegends of the Ki family, and the Otomo family, who supplied thegenerals. The coming of envoys from Wu also appears - a rare tracein the traditions of Japan regarding diplomacy with the SouthernSong during this period. The Japanese envoys were Musa Ao andHinokuma Hakatoko, both favourite subjects of the Emperor. Sincethey were both descendants of immigrants, the account was proba-bly taken from traditions handed down in their families. At this timethe Wu envoys presented skilled workers, the Aya weavers and Kureweavers, as well as the seamstresses Ehime and Otohime, but thesame things appear in the account of Ojin. This repetition resultedfrom uncritical selection of the legends that the seamstresses of eachlocality had about the immigration of their ancestors; nevertheless,as real history, the account of Yuryaku has much greater credibilitythan that of Ojin.

The narration contains much more Chinese rhetorical embellish-ment than before. In the theory of the apportionment ofNihon Shoki,discussed previously, there is an important boundary between Vol-ume 13 and Volume 14. From Volume 14, on Emperor Yuryaku, toVolume 16, on Emperor Buretsu, the sentences show the same ten-dencies, thus forming a distinct group. The story of Tanabe FuhitoHakuson encountering a swift horse at the Honda imperial tomb in46j51 was written following the poem 'Zhe Bai Ma' in Wen Xuan, andthe Emperor's dying command in 479 was transferred from that ofEmperor Wen Di in Sui Shu. In the volumes that follow, the compil-ers' zest for Chinese writing was indeed great.

The account of Emperor Seinei is attached to that of EmperorYuryaku and overlaps that of Emperor Kenzo. It appears that theauthors laboured without source materials, and most of the events of482 and 483 were transferred from the account of Emperor Wen inthe Sui Shu. We cannot look for historical truth in such portions.

In the account of Emperors Kenzo and Ninken, the bulk of thevolume is occupied by the dramatic story of how the two Emperorsescaped from Naniwa and wandered about Harima, entering theservice of the Obito of the Shijimi granaries and revealing their trueidentities at the ceremony of opening a new storehouse. This wastransmitted not only in the Fundamental Dicta but also in theFudoki of Harima, so it must have been handed down in the regionand enjoyed by the people of old as a tale of the wandering of a

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person of high status. With no successor to the imperial throne, andthe Emperor being welcomed in the regions as' a wanderer, this wasnot a period when the imperial house was flourishing. Nihon Shoki'srecord confirms more strongly the decline of the Yamato Court.

In the account of Emperor Buretsu the decline of this imperialcourt is symbolized by the violent actions of the emperor. There is asong tale from the Fundamental Dicta about the fight with HeguriMatori and his son Shibi while the Emperor was still Crown Prince.52

In a succeeding entry, the Emperor ripped open the womb of apregnant woman in order to inspect the fetus. Here Nihon Shokideparts from its usual companions as a book of history. For a longtime this has been explained in terms of error in recording theimmorality of King Malta of Paekche as it appears in the citedsource, Paekche Sinch'an, but such an error is not without signifi-cance. Here the compilers of Nihon Shoki were overly conscious ofmeaning. When the blood line of Emperor Nintoku, whom theyconsidered a sage, ended with Emperor Buretsu, they regarded thetermination of the line as retribution for his immorality and con-structed this record of atrocities as an admonition to later ages. Thepassage about the pregnant woman is the same one found in LushiChunqiu [Spring and Autumn Annals of the Lu Family], and thesources for other entries are also to be found in Chinese books.

Volume 17: Emperor KeitaiVolume 18: Emperors Ankan and Senka

Volume 19: Emperor Kinmei

As works of history, these three volumes are full of problems. Afterthe line of Emperor Nintoku ended with Emperor Buretsu, EmperorKeitai was welcomed from Mikuni in Echizen as a fifth-generationdescendant of Emperor Ojin and ascended the throne. Kojiki andNihon Shoki agree on the point, and they are supported by Joguki[Prince Shotoku's Chronicle],53 but some consider it untrue thatEmperor Keitai was a fifth-generation descendant of Ojin. However,the fifth generation from Emperor Ojin was indeed remote; if thecompilers were making up a connection, they probably would nothave put forth such a distant one.

Almost all the entries in the record of Emperor Keitai have some-thing to do with_Paekche, apart from the passage concerning CrownPrince Magari Oe, which comes from the Fundamental Dicta, andthe rebellion of Tsukushi Kuni Miyatsuko Iwai, which is adornedwith material from Yiwen Leiju. Paekche begged for the four districtsof Imna, and Omuraji Otomo Kanamura gave permission; next the


territories of Kimun and Taesa were also given to Paekche, where-upon Omi Kena raised an army of sixty thousand men to proceed toImna. They tried to re-establish Nam Kara and Yon'git'an, whichhad been conquered by Silla; Kena stayed in Imna, and throughdiplomacy with Paekche and Silla he attempted, without success, torevive Imna. In addition to Paekche Pon'gi, the chief source, it seemsthat the compilers also referred to other records of the Korean pen-insula and of Japan. The names of people and places are extremelydetailed, and it appears to be a record of actual history. As statedpreviously, the time of the death of the Emperor was determinedfrom the Paekche Pon'gi.

The records of Emperors Ankan and Senka, sandwiched betweenthe reigns of Emperors Keitai and Kinmei (which are bursting withimportant events), cast a faint shadow. The compilers did not payenough attention to the record of Ankan and left alone a period oftwo years at the beginning of the volume when the throne wasmistakenly portrayed as empty. In their first draft the death ofEmperor Keitai was given as 534, but this was later amended to 531,according to the Paekche Pon'gi. Accordingly, this required correctingEmperor Ankan's beginning to 531, but they left it at 534, as in theiroriginal draft. The mistake lay in changing the year of Keitai's deathand not taking the next step of altering Ankan's beginning.54

When we reach the reigns of Ankan and Senka, we have gonebeyond the period covered by the Fundamental Dicta. The entries inKojiki do not go beyond the Imperial Chronicles. But Nihon Shokigathers materials concerning granaries (miyake) from whateversource available. In addition to entries about the establishment ofgranaries in all the provinces, there are granaries established hereand there to show atonement by the kuni no miyatsuko, as well as toperpetuate the name of one or another Empress or princess.55 Theestablishment of granaries throughout the country at this time can-not be taken as historical fact; it means only that the compilersgathered together in this volume all materials concerning them. Thismethod of gathering together all similar materials, while formallycontinuing an annalistic narrative, was preferred by the compilers.

Kinmei continued the legitimate line of Keitai and obtainedtwenty-five children from his consorts; four among them succeededone another as Emperor. His situation with respect to successors tothe imperial throne resembled that of Emperor Nintoku. His palacewas at Shikishima in Shiki district, which Kojiki specially empha-sized by writing in the characters 'The Great Palace of Shikishima';in later times Shikishima was well known as the 'pillow word' (stan-dard epithet) for Yamato.56 This was because Kinmei's reign was

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looked to as a time that should be specially remembered.The entries in this reign, even more than the reign of Keitai, are

filled with matters related to Paekche. The Paekche Pon'gi is mostused as the source. Since it was a precisely detailed record, rightdown to the year, month, and day, the compilers of Nihon Shoki wereable to use it and make a detailed account. However, things impossi-ble to translate, such as the names of people, were left as they were.Some names in the Paekche Pon'gi were changed into Japanese ren-derings, with Kabujibi Chik becoming Kawachi Atae, _Yuji Sinbecoming Uchi 6mi, and Ohop'a Sin becoming Ikuha Omi, butother names, such as Tsumori Muraji Kimanogwe, Ki Omi Naesol-mima, and Mononobe Muraji Yonggida, were left in Korean.

Japan tried to restore Nam Kara, which had been invaded by Silla,but Paekche did not put many resources into the joint effort andremained indifferent, calculating the benefits and losses to itself. Therelations between the three Korean kingdoms were inconstant; forexample, Paekche made an alliance with Silla against Koguryo, butin the end separated from Silla and sought alliance with Japan as anindependent kingdom. Then King Songmyong of Paekche died inbattle against Silla, and the provinces of Imna also fell to the Sillaarmies. Thus the rule over territory in southern Korea that Japanhad boasted of for two hundred years was utterly destroyed, andthis was described most concretely in Nihon Shoki.

Notable is the new culture that Paekche presented on the occa-sions when it sought Japan's help, including the presentation ofBuddhist images and scriptures, the coming and going of scholars ofmedicine, divination, calendar, and the like. And a new phase beganin the Emperor's later years with the arrival of envoys from Koguryoand the opening of formal relations.

There is a great deal of rhetorical embellishment from Chinesebooks, although not so much from Paekche Pon'gi. Where king Song-myong of Paekche presents the scripture, the rhetoric is taken fromthe Golden Light Excellent King Sutra; the imperial decree criticiz-ing Silla upon the fall of Imna comes from the biography of WangSengbiang in the Liang Shu; Kawara Tami Ataimiya of Imaki districtin Yamato getting a good horse is taken from Wen Xuan; and theentry of the death of the Emperor comes from Emperor Ming, firstmonth, 239, in the Wei Zhi.

Volume 20: Emperor BidatsuVolume 21: Emperors Yomei and Sushun

The central part of the accounts of Emperors Bidatsu, \omei, and


Sushun is concerned with how to realize Emperor Kinmei's dyingcommand to restore Imna and how to handle the Buddhist religion,which was transmitted to Japan during his reign. This is woventogether with the story of how the Oomi Soga family came to thefore and how the Soga and Mononobe fought each other. However,compared with the elegantly written account of Kinmei, it is all low-key.

In the account of Bidatsu we see how he strived to restore Imna,and there is a detailed account of how Nichira, the son of Ashikita,Kuni Miyatsuko of Hizen-Higo, who had served at the Paekchecourt, was summoned and questioned about its government. Withrespect to Buddhism, as worship by the Soga family developed, theanti-Buddhism of the Mononobe grew fierce. In light of the appraisalof the Emperor - 'the Emperor was not a believer in Buddhism, butwas fond of literature' - it was not a good time for the spread ofBuddhism.

In the reign of Emperor Yomei, Buddhism advanced, but turmoilarose within the imperial house, with Prince Anahobe aspiring tothe throne. In the reign of Emperor Sushun there is a military strug-gle between the Soga and Mononobe, with the Soga victorious.Thereby the pro-Buddhist party gained power and began the greattemple construction of Hokoji in the continental style. An expedi-tionary army was gathered in Tsukushi to regain Imna. Just whenEmperor Sushun was beginning to see prospects of settling the twograve problems bequeathed by Emperor Kinmei, he was assassi-nated by Yamato Aya Atai Koma.

The events relating to Buddhism clearly came from the GangdjiEngi. The story at the beginning of Emperor Bidatsu's reign, of WangChini, who was able to read the Koguryo envoy's message on acrow's feather,57 was almost certainly recorded by the Fune Fuhitofamily, of whom Wang Chini was the ancestor. No doubt each eventhad some such source. The accounts contain some legendary materi-als, but for the most part they can be believed.

Volume 22: Empress SuikoVolume 23: Emperor Jomei

As there are many stone inscriptions surviving from around the timeof Empress Suiko that can be used for the study of history, theverification of events in Nihon Shoki becomes easier. The account ofsending envoys to Sui in 607 and 608 is not based on any Suisources, but the chronology tallies exactly with the account of thecountry of Wa in the Sui Shu [History of Sui]. This means that we

Nihon Shoki 71

can search for facts in the chronology of Japanese sources as well.Still, errors arise from ineptitude or carelessness.

For example, dating the completion of the sixteen-foot Buddha atthe Gangoji at 606 is a mistake caused by wrongly deciphering theback inscription of the Buddha recorded in the Gangoji Engi; itshould have been 609. Placing the death of Prince Shotoku in 621came about because the compilers did not consult the historicalmaterials at the Horyuji, for, according to the inscription on theimage of the Buddha housed therein, the date should have been 622.Yet since the dates are more reliable, in many cases the truth of theitem itself can be verified. Of course, legendary materials remain, aswell as the compilers' method of assembling similar materials in oneplace, so the narrative is still not acceptable as being entirely histori-cal.

Although Empress Suiko was the first female ruler, the entries inNihon Shoki do not show any special method of handling her. Theauthors sought to write in exactly the same form as for a male ruler.When Nihon Shoki was written, female rulers came one after another,so the general perception was that they were nothing special. How-ever, in the first year of Empress Suiko's reign, Prince Shotoku wasraised up to Crown Prince and made into something resembling aRegent. This incident is well known, but during Shotoku's time theoffice of Regent was different from that of the later Regents, whoexercised the power of the reigning Emperor. In some cases thePrince oversaw the government in place of the Emperor, and inothers he presented the decrees of the Emperor and conducted thegovernment together with the ministers of state. In the account ofEmpress Suiko it is often recorded that the Empress herself com-manded the Crown Prince, the princes, and the ministers of state.

A number of entries in Suiko's reign record something as a matterof specific policy. These include the establishment of a twelve-rankcap system, the setting down of Prince Shotoku's Seventeen-ArticleConstitution, the exchange of envoys with Sui, the sending of visit-ing scholars and scholar-priests to China, a planned expeditionagainst Silla, and the reception of envoys from Silla. The rank systemand the constitution represent the revolutionary government of thecourt under Empress Suiko and symbolize dramatic cultural prog-ress. The rank system was changed a number of times, and eachtime Nihon Shoki recorded it in detail, as if by policy; perhaps specialrecords summed it up. The entire text of Prince Shotoku's constitu-tion is given, and no doubt records also existed about this, perhapsin a biography of him. There is a theory that the constitution was alater forgery, but who in later times could have written such a docu-


ment? It could indeed have been the Prince who drafted it.The account of sending Ono Imoko as envoy to Sui is reflected in

the Sui Shu, corroborating its truth. The first sovereign's letter is inSui Shu and the second is in Nihon Shoki; this may be called chance,but at any rate rare records are preserved. The story of Imoko, on hisfirst return passage, having the Emperor of Sui's letter seized fromhim in Paekche in 608 is very strange, and it raises the suspicion thatthis material was written by someone opposed to Imoko. There isstrong evidence that records of the Naniwa Kishi family were aneffective source for the account of Empress Suiko. The story of theNaniwa Kishi family stands out, starting with Naniwa Kishi Onari,who was appointed Vice-Envoy in the second Envoy to Sui in 608.In particular the expedition against Silla in 623 shows Naniwa KishiIwakane's party joining their efforts in diplomatic negotiations andharshly criticizes Ono Imoko for advocating the position of the pro-war group.

The biography of Prince Shotoku was an important source for thechapter on Suiko, but it must have been rich with legendary mate-rial depicting the Prince as a sage. This includes such tales as thelegend that he could listen to the suits of ten men at one time andjudge them all without error; the story of his meeting (at Kataoka)the starving man who was a sage; and the story of the Koguryopriest Hyeja, who resolved to die on the same day of the samemonth of the year following Shotoku's death, and did so. However,to doubt the entire biography because of these legends is going toofar. As a matter of course, historians ought to sift through the leg-ends of the sage and take from them the true biography of thePrince.

In this period Buddhism was promoted as state policy, to be wor-shipped by the sovereign and the people together. It may bedoubted whether the Empress's decree in 594 to promote theprosperity of the Three Treasures of the Buddha, the law, and thepriesthood was actual, but it reflected the main policy towards Bud-dhism and expressed the intent of the compilers. There are manyentries indicating the acceptance of Buddhism, such as item two ofPrince Shotoku's Constitution, which enjoins reverence for theThree Treasures; the completion of the copper and embroidery Bud-dhas at Gangoji; and the lectures on the Lotus Sutra and the QueenSrimala Sutra. The figures in the religious census of 624, showing 46temples, and 816 priests and 569 nuns, totalling 1,385, give the firstconcrete evidence of the development of Buddhism in this period.

However, the entry which states that in 607, because of an impe-rial decree requiring Shinto worship, the Crown Prince and the min-

Nihon Shoki 73

isters led the government in worshipping Shinto Gods, lacks theconcreteness of the decree on the Three Precious Things in 597. It ispossible that the compilers, dismayed by the excessively largenumber of entries pertaining to Buddhism, invented this.

In the record of Emperor Jomei, the account of complicationsbefore he ascended the throne is extremely detailed. A story withsuch an abundance of details obviously used as a source a specialrecord devoted to that subject alone. Otherwise, the account of hisreign is simple, as if there remained nothing from the blaze ofEmpress Suiko's reign but smouldering embers.

Volume 24: Empress KogyokuVolume 25: Emperor KotokuVolume 26: Empress SaimeiVolume 27: Emperor Tenji

These four volumes cover the period before and after the TaikaReform, with the Taika Reform at the centre. The volume onEmpress Kogyoku relates the strain on the eve of reform, and thevolume on Emperor Kotoku narrates the process of the acceleratingreform. In the volume on Empress Saimei, there is the collapse of thespirit of reform and the development of explosive events, and thevolume on Emperor Tenji tells of the disposal of matters thereafter. Itwas a definable period of time, and in the theory of the apportion-ment of composition of Nihon Shoki these volumes constitute onegroup.

The volume on Empress Kogyoku opens with accounts of thearrival of envoys from Paekche, Koguryo, and Silla, but the heart ofthe chapter is the actions in defiance of the imperial house by SogaEmishi and his son Iruka. In particular they wiped out the family ofPrince Yamashiro Oe, a possible candidate for^ succession to theimperial throne, and this aroused Prince Naka Oe and his party toplan the massacre of the Soga, which was carried out in the GreatHall of Audience. The text describes these events in explicit detail; itis like watching the enactment of a drama. With disastrous naturalphenomena occurring, while wizards portended good for the futureof the Soga, the turbulence of the time is vividly portrayed.

The first half of Emperor Kotoku's reign was the Taika era, inwhich the process of reform was carried out from beginning to end.From 645 through 647 the components of the reformed governmentwere announced in the form of imperial edicts, which came out inenormous numbers. An edict would be followed by another in thenext year to spell it out in detail. In those pertaining to such matters


as the bell-and-box system for receiving complaints from the people,or the administration of the provincial governors of the easternprovinces, the names of places and people are written in detail. Thisnot only shows the veracity of the account but conveys the enthusi-asm that the court created for its new government. Although allthese imperial edicts were later amended the gist was not changed.As stated previously, there must have been a source work, probablythe Record of the Taika Reform, which described the reform process.

The second half of Kotoku's reign was the White Pheasant era. Theauspicious appearance of a white pheasant and the arrival of envoysfrom Tang are recorded, and at length discord arose between theEmperor and the Crown Prince. Enthusiasm for government reformsuddenly evaporated.

In the volume on Empress Saimei there are murky accounts oflapidary engineering projects and the affair of Prince Arima, whopretended insanity, but the greater part is taken up by Abe Hirafu'sexpedition against the Emishi and by the fall of Paekche and therush to rescue it. There is a foretelling song in which the order ofcharacters is mixed up and cannot be deciphered to this day.

Emperor Tenji ruled for six years as Crown Prince, during whichtime there was no Emperor, and then ascended the throne. At firstthere are the complications of the relief of Paekche, but after 664,when defeat was certain, the work becomes an account of domesticpolitics. However, the many repetitions in the account lead to specu-lation as to whether the manuscript was ever completed.

Volume 28: Emperor Tenmu, Part 1Volume 29: Emperor Tenmu, Part 2

Volume 30: Empress Jito

The course of the Jinshin War of 672 is found in the volume onEmperor Tenmu. The account is extremely detailed and has theauthenticity of a Veritable Record. There can be no doubt that it waswritten on the basis of reliable historical sources. In Emperor Tenmu,Part 2, and Empress Jito, daily records of the government were used assource materials, and the account can be called a pure historicalrecord.

G E N E A L O G I E S OF NIHON SHOKI

Such are the contents of the thirty volumes of Nihon Shoki thatremain at the present day. However, the account in Shoku Nihongi ofthe presentation of the book says that it consisted of 'Chronicles, 30

Nihon Shoki 75

volumes; Genealogies, i volume.' Since this volume of genealogies isnot now appended to Nihon Shoki, we can only speculate about itsnature. The preface to Konin Shiki serves as a clue. It says, 'PrinceToneri, Yasumaro, and others . . . edited this Nihon Shoki, thirtyvolumes, and Genealogies of the Emperors, one volume/ and a noteexplains, 'At the present time it is both in the Library Bureau and inthe possession of people.'58 Thus what Shoku Nihongi referred tosimply as 'Genealogies' was actually genealogies of the Emperors. Ifit were simply genealogies, it would deal with various families, but agenealogy appended to Nihon Shoki and consisting of only one vol-ume would probably contain only those of the imperial house.

As additional evidence, Sugawara Michizane's Ruiju Kokushi wasaccompanied by three volumes of genealogies of the Emperors. Thisis no longer appended to the extant Ruiju Kokushi, but Kanke Godenki[Biography of Sugawara Michizane], edited by Michizane's fifthgeneration descendant Sugawara Nobutsune, says that Ruiju Kokushiconsisted of 'The History, 200 volumes; Index, two volumes; Geneal-ogies of the Emperors, three volumes/59 The Five National Historiesdid not have genealogies, and so, at the time of compiling RuijuKokushi, Michizane probably created anew the three volumes ofgenealogy, on the model of Nihon Shoki. It seems reasonable to con-clude that one of the three volumes on genealogies of the Emperorswas the Nihon Shoki volume of genealogies.

Assuming the genealogies of Nihon Shoki to be genealogies of theEmperors, what form did they take? Hirata Atsutane held, in KoshiCho Kaidai Ki [Signs of Ancient History: Topics], that it was thegenealogies of the Emperors found in Volume 4 of Shaku Nihongi.60

Honcho Shojaku Mokuroku [Catalogue of Books in Japan, later thir-teenth century] records 'GENEALOGIES OF THE EMPERORS, 1VOLUME; compiled by Prince Toneri/ which indicates that in theKamakura period the genealogies of Nihon Shoki circulated indepen-dently of the book.61

However, because they used entirely Chinese-style posthumousnames for the Emperors, it is difficult to accept Hirata's theory thatthe genealogies given in Shaku Nihongi were those of Nihon Shoki.They also contain many facts from the time after Nihon Shoki waswritten, and, even if we suppose that these were all added after thetime of original composition, we cannot explain away the horizontalformat. We know that the ancient form of genealogies was vertical,as seen in such works as Amabeuji Keizu [Genealogy of the AmabeFamily] at Kono Shrine in Tango and the Enchin Zokusei Keizu[Genealogy of the Enchin Secular Family] at Miidera Temple. It isnatural to expect the genealogies of Nihon Shoki to be in the vertical


style. The genealogies of the Emperors in Shaku Nihongi may haverecorded the genealogies of Nihon Shoki, as handed down at thattime, but we must conclude that they were far from being the realgenealogies of Nihon Shoki.

L E C T U R E S ON NIHON SHOKI

From the Nara period into the Heian, lectures on Nihon Shoki, andthat work alone, were held at court. The facts about these lectures,including years and dates, are found in Nihongi Korei [Account ofLectures on Nihongi] of 965, by Geki Kanshin, cited in the Introduc-tory Materials of Shaku Nihongi.62 Nothing further is known aboutNihongi Korei. The account records year, month, and day; name of thelecturer; location; year, month, and day of the concluding banquet;person who introduced the poems at the banquet; number ofpoems, and so forth. These data are recorded for seven occasions inthe Yoro, Konin, Jowa, Gangyo, Engi, Johei, and Koho periods. Let usfurther explain each one.

For the Yoro lectures there are no source materials; only the year721 is given, not the month or day; the name of the lecturer is alsomissing. There is no relevant entry for the same year in ShokuNihongi.

Similarly, for the Konin lectures only the year 812 is given, not themonth or day. However, the entry in Nihon Koki, second day, sixthmonth, 812, says, 'On this day the reading of Nihongi began, withmore than ten persons attending, starting with Consultant, JuniorFourth Rank Lower, Ki Ason Hirohama, and Head of the Yin-YangBureau, Senior Fifth Rank Lower Abe Ason Makatsu. DispersedRank, Junior Fifth Rank Lower O Hitonaga took notes of the lec-tures.' Also, at this time the lectures were recorded into the threevolumes of Konin Shiki, which was probably used as a reference inthe later lectures. However, the book now transmitted as Konin Shikimay not correspond to this record. The present-day book consists ofthe Chinese Preface, the text in which some terms from The Age ofthe Gods to Empress Jito are accompanied with side notes, and apostscript by Nyuso Rakuhaku Inshi Morikata [Morikata, the hermitin reduced circumstances who entered Song]. This is the 'A' text ofthe Kokushi Taikei edition.63

However, Konin Shiki has not been preserved in its original form.The very fact of inserting side notes in katakana is strange, and thereare anachronistic errors of kana usage. In the Preface there aredoubtful places, and the text contains additions in red ink, which areexplained as follows: 'Words are explained by using Japanese pro-

Nihon Shoki 77

nunciation; and the insertion of red dots clarifies their relativeimportance.' Tsukishima Hiroshi has concluded that this could nothave been done in the early Heian period.64 Thus the present form ofthe work is degraded; either it is entirely a forgery or there was anoriginal to which later changes were added. I hold to the lattertheory; it is a task for scholars to distinguish the original work andaddenda. Kasuya Koki draws back from the theory that the Prefaceand the text are both complete forgeries. He argues in close detailthat the Preface was written, not long after the late Konin era, bysomeone who knew all about the lectures on Nihon Shoki, and thatwhile the text was subjected to many impurities and distortions,there was an authentic original.65

The Jowa era readings are recorded as having taken place on thefirst day sixth month, 839, with Sugano Takatoshi as lecturer, but839 is a mistake for 843.66 Shoku Nihon Koki, first day, sixth month,843, says, 'Dispersed Rank, Senior Sixth Rank Upper, Sugano AsonTakatoshi, who is learned about the past, began the reading ofNihongi in the Library Bureau.' On the fifteenth of the sixth month of844 it says, 'The reading of Nihongi was concluded.' Probably 843 isthe correct year. Since it was concluded in precisely one year, it musthave been a comparatively simple reading. The year 843 was thirty-one years after the Konin reading of 812. Thereafter readings wereheld at intervals of about thirty years, with the Jowa reading beingthe first such example. There is also a temporal relationship to thecompiling of the National Histories; Nihon Koki was completed in840, and the reading was held three years after its completion.

The Gangyo era reading was held on the twenty-fifth day, secondmonth, 878, with Yoshibuchi Chikanari as lecturer. There is adetailed account of this reading in Sandai Jitsuroku. There followed aperiod when it was suspended; on the seventh day, fifth month, 879,it was resumed. The reading was completed on the twenty-ninthday, sixth month, 881, and the completion banquet was held on thetwenty-ninth day, eighth month, 882. The reading took three years;Fujiwara Mototsune attended first as Minister of the Right and lateras Chancellor, taking a keen interest, and for this reason a veryconscientious reading was carried out.

What Shaku Nihongi cites as a 'private record' may have comemostly from the above. The Gangyo reading could be done so con-scientiously because the great peace of Heian was still continuingand historical and literary scholarship was flourishing and we can-not overlook the stimulus given by the love of scholarship of theChancellor Mototsune. The year 878 was thirty-five years after 843;in addition, 879 saw the compiling of Montoku Jitsuroku. This was the


first completion banquet, a carryover of the custom carried outwhen reading Chinese classics. For the latter, people composed Chi-nese poems, but in this case they recited Japanese poems. Accordingto Nihongi Korei, there were thirty poets at this occasion, startingwith Head of the War Ministry Prince Motoyasu,67 but only three ofthe poems are extant.

The Engi reading began on the twenty-first day, eighth month,904; Head of the University Fujiwara Harumi was lecturer. Accord-ing to the preface to the poems of the completion banquet, thereading finished on the twenty-second day, tenth month, 906, andthe banquet was held on the seventeenth day, intercalary twelfthmonth of the same year. Those who attended took themes fromdeities and people in Nihon Shoki and recited poems. The thirty-sixpoets included Head of the War Ministry Prince Sadayasu. As somepoets contributed two poems, there were forty poems in all. Anaccount of this reading was handed down in Engi Kinmochi Shiki[Kinmochi's Private Account of the Engi Era], which was used inShaku Nihongi.6B Kinmochi was the historical-literary scholar YatabeKinmochi; he attended this reading as one of the scholars whoreviewed the material explicated by the lecturer.

The Johei reading took place on the eighth day, twelfth month,936, with the above-mentioned Yatabe Kinmochi as lecturer.According to the preface to the poems of the completion banquet,lectures had to be temporarily suspended because of uprisings inboth the east and the west in 939. The lectures concluded in theninth month of 943, and the banquet was held on the twenty-fourthof the twelfth month. Thus the reading took seven years. There werethirty-seven who recited poems at the concluding banquet, startingwith Prince Shigeakira; there were forty-one poems, about the sameas at the Engi reading. One of the private records of the occasion isquoted in the Introductory Materials of Shaku Nihongi and has beenhanded down as an independent volume. This is the Shiki Teibon[Private Commentary, 'D' Manuscript] in Kokushi Taikei.69

The Koho reading started on the thirteenth day, eighth month,965, with Tachibana Nakato as lecturer. This date coincides withthat given in Nihon Kiryaku, so it is probably correct;70 but the date ofthe completion banquet is nowhere recorded. The year 965 is pre-cisely thirty years after 936. For Emperor Murakami, who alwaysfollowed the precedents of the Engi era, it was a fitting project for hislater years, but, perhaps because of excessive formality, the courtlost the energy to hold a completion banquet. Thereafter readings ofNihon Shoki ceased entirely, perhaps as part of the end to the uni-form culture of the ritsuryo period, in which compilation of kyaku

Nihon Shoki 79

and shiki and of National Histories, minting of coins, and so on allceased.

These readings of Nihon Shoki took place seven times over aperiod of 244 years between 721 and 965, at intervals of about thirtyyears. They transmitted to later generations the traditions of how toread Nihon Shoki. From the beginning there have been many oldreadings transmitted by thorough immersion in the text. Accordingto the preface to the poems of the completion banquet of Engi, byMimune Masahira, there had been no reading for more than twentyyears since the Gangyo reading, and people secretly feared that thetheories of the teacher would be dropped. One reason for carryingout these readings one after another was this ideal of transmitting tolater ages the theories of the teacher. In addition they passed on thetraditions of historical-literary scholarship.71

These readings greatly influenced the culture of the Heian period.As is well known, from the Nara period on, Tang culture was widelycopied, but in opposition a critical spirit began to appear in the earlyHeian period, based on the history and traditions of Japan. It wasmanifested concretely in the founding of the new Buddhism ofSaicho and Kukai, in the prospering of faith in the deities of heavenand earth, and in the current of Japanese poems. In the world ofscholarship, historical-literary studies flourished, and resultingrespect for the Japanese essentials directly shaped the readings ofNihon Shoki.

Treating Kidendo (which studied history and literature) morehighly than Myogyodo (which studied the moral principles of theclassics) was the product of an original preference of the Japanese.They did not simply study in detail the history and literature ofChina but also displayed deep scholarship in the history and tradi-tions of Japan. Such men as Mimune Masahira, Ki Haseo, MiyoshiKiyoyuki, Oe Asatsuna, and Oe Koretoki were not only skilled atcomposition in Chinese poetry; they were also scholars with astrong concern for Japanese history and culture. Not by chance werethey chosen to compose poems for the completion banquets of Engiand Tengyo. Of course Sugawara Michizane and others attended thereadings, and it is a pity that the poems of the Gangyo completionbanquet have not survived.

Interest in Japanese history was not confined to scholars of historyand literature but extended also to high-ranking officials. We havealready mentioned the enthusiasm of the Chancellor Fujiwara Mo-totsune for the Nihon Shoki readings; he was always in attendance,asking questions and responding to the lecturer. His sons Tokihiraand Tadahira, and Tadahira's son Saneyori, attended the Engi or

8o The Six National Histories of Japan

Johei readings, as we know from the completion poems. Tokihira'spoem took Emperor Nintoku for its topic:

Takadono ni Climbing his high towerNoborite mireba And gazing out.Ame no shita He saw that smoke was risingYomo ni keburite At lastIma zo to minuru From all the people's houses.

[Emperor Nintoku, seeing no smoke rising from the houses of the peo-ple, realized that they were so poor they had no food to cook. He gave atax remission for three years, whereupon prosperity returned, evidentby the smoke rising from the houses.]

Tadahira's poem took Empress Suiko for its topic:

Tsutsumi o ba The Toyora PalaceToyora no miya ni Is circled aroundTsukisomete With embankments.Yoyo o henuredo Though generations have passed,Mizu wa morasazu The water has not leaked through.

[In 601 Empress Suiko had been flooded out and forced to move to atemporary palace. The poem celebrates the success of the engineeringprojects of the period.]

Saneyori's poem was about Emperor Suinin:

Ike mizu ni With the waters of the pondsKuni sakaekeru The country prospered.Makimuku no The breeze of the Tamaki PalaceTamaki no kaze wa At.Maki-mukuIma mo nokoreri Blows even today.

[In Suinin's reign, much pond construction was done, leading toprosperity.]

Each poem took as its theme some accomplishment of the Emperorthat was praised by later generations; it demonstrates a healthyawareness of their authors' responsibilities as minister of state. Eventhough the readings of Nihon Shoki had a purely formal side, theyinfluenced early Heian culture and politics.

We do not know the reason for thirty-year intervals, but eachadult would experience a reading at least once in his lifetime. Aristo-

Nihon Shoki 81

crats and officials had the opportunity to review Japanese historywith the lecture theories based upon tradition and their own under-standing. This nourished their concern for Japanese matters withoutspecifically articulating that purpose.

For easy reference, the seven readings of Nihon Shoki are shown inTable 7.

TABLE 7

Nihon Shoki readings

No. Emperor Year Interval LecturerCompletionbanquet

No. of.poets

1 Gensho 721 none2 Saga 812-3 91 6 Hitonaga none3 Ninmyo 843-4 31 Sugano Takatoshi none4 Yozei 878-81 35 Yoshibuchi 29/8/882

Chikanari5 Daigo 904-6 26 Fujiwara Harumi 17/intercal.

12/9066 Suzaku 936-43 32 Yatabe Kinmochi 24/12/943

30

36

377 Murakami 965 29 Tachibana Nakato none

R E S E A R C H

We have discussed how lectures in ancient times attached muchimportance to the method of reading, but another aspect deeplyconcerned them. In Johei Shiki [Private Commentary of the Johei Eraon Nihon Shoki] there is discussion of the origins, materials, andname of Nihon Shoki, and in Gangyo Shiki [Private Commentary ofthe Gangyo Era on Nihon Shoki] there is justifiable criticism of theomissions and errors in words. These commentaries made a splendidbeginning of studies on Nihon Shoki as a history book. In telling thestory of research on Nihon Shoki, we start with the ancient readingsand the private records that were their product.

It is regrettable that these private records have not been transmit-ted to the present in complete form. Of those that are known asindependent volumes, apart from Johei Shiki [Shiki Teibon], the formis fairly disintegrated, and even Johei Shiki has gaps. For this reasonthe Kamakura-period work Shaku Nihongi, which collects the privaterecords, has great significance.

Shaku Nihongi was a collection of the private records of Nihon


Shoki readings made by Urabe Kanebumi for the former First Minis-ter Ichijo Sanetsune and his son the Regent letsune; it was compiledin the latter half of the thirteenth century by Urabe Kanekata, son ofKanebumi. They consulted many Heian private records for refer-ence, and a great number of them are quoted.

The private records of ancient times simply followed the volumesof Nihon Shoki in order and made notes on the words. In ShakuNihongi, however, the texts were divided into seven categories: pref-ace, notes on kun pronunciation, disorderly omissions, genealogiesof the Emperors, narrative interpretation, secret readings, andpoems; and it considers the origins of Nihon Shoki, distinguishescorrect text from corrupt, and attempts detailed description of thewords and how to read them, as well as explanation of poems. Inaddition to preserving the private records, it demonstrates one typeof comprehensive research on Nihon Shoki. In Kanebumi's discus-sion we observe the drift of Shinto thought, which was dominant inthe Middle Ages, but the ancient exegetical spirit was well pre-served, and it set a high standard as the first work of commentary onNihon Shoki in its entirety. In particular, because it contains manyancient texts that are otherwise now lost, starting with the Fudoki, ithas great value for scholars. It thus occupies a position similar toPreceptor Sengaku's Man'yoshu Chushaku [Commentary onMan'yoshu], which was written around the same time; they demon-strate the standards attained in study of the classics in the Kamak-ura period.

After Shaku Nihongi, five hundred years passed with no compre-hensive commentary on Nihon Shoki. But interest in Nihon Shokicontinued. In the period of cultural stagnation in the Middle Ages, itwas a source for the Way of Japan, more specifically a Shinto scrip-ture; it was read by Shintoists, Buddhists, and the general intelli-gentsia. Accordingly, some works of commentary appeared.However, they focused on the volumes on the Age of the Gods or thethree volumes on Emperor Jinmu and made philosophical or reli-gious interpretations from the viewpoint of Confucianism or Bud-dhism. In terms of exegetical or investigative study, they nowheresurpassed Shaku Nihongi.

Medieval commentaries include Imbe Masamichi's Kamiyo no MakiKoketsu [Oral Interpretations of the Volumes on the Age of the Gods],Ichijo Kanera's Nihon Shoki Sanso [Interpretation of Nihon Shoki],Yoshida Kanetomo's Nihon Shoki Jindai Kojutsu Sho [Excerpts fromThe Age of the Gods in Nihon Shoki], and Kiyowara Nobutaka'sNihongi Jindai Sho [Excerpts from The Age of the Gods in Nihongi]. Inthe later works Japanese nationalist consciousness, based on Shinto

Nihon Shoki 83

and expressed in Confucianism, is perceptibly higher. This is madeclear in Yoshida Kanetomo's argument on the root, leaves, blossoms,and fruit ('Shinto is the trunk and origin of all things. Confucianismis the branches and leaves. Buddhism is the flowers and fruit.')

This concept is further developed by Kiyowara Nobukata. Forexample, he explained the historical form peculiar to Nihon Shoki.According to his Jindaisho, in the history of foreign countries narra-tives of the rulers are called Teiki ['rfrfE/ Chronicles of the Emperor],and narratives about subjects are called Retsuden [Biographies]:'Nihon Shoki is generally called a chronicle (ki IE) because in ourcountry since the time of the descent of the Sun Goddess, theEmperor above and the subjects below have all been the descend-ants of deities. Therefore they should not be divided into BasicAnnals and Biographies. This is quite different from foreign coun-tries.'

The attitude of the medieval Shintoists towards searching in NihonShoki for the traditions of Japan was correct. However, as their meth-ods of commentary contained twisted meanings and confusions, wecannot expect much in terms of scholarship from their research.

Early modern times was a continuation of medieval scholarship,with studies on the Age of the Gods. The main works are WataraiNobuyoshi's Nihon Shoki Jindai Kojutsu Sho [Selections from the Nar-rative on the Age of the Gods in Nihon Shoki, 1672]; Yamazaki Ansai'sJindai no Maki Fuyoshu [Collection of Leaves Scattered by the Wind inthe Volumes on the Age of the Gods]; and Tamaki Isai's Jindai no MakiMoshiogusa [Collection on the Volumes on the Age of the Gods, 1739].The estimation of Nihon Shoki as a history book was heightened.Yamazaki Ansai praised the attitude towards compilation in NihonShoki, saying, Tn ancient theories about history, we find that somematters are presented in detail; some are abbreviated; and there arevariances and convergences. Prince Toneri widely assembled andtruthfully recorded this information; he did not presume to makeselections. This was extremely respectful.'72 I hold the same view:there are numerous cases where Nihon Shoki widely collected mate-rials and recorded the theories of both the original text and the 'onebook.' In Moshiogusa, Tamaki Isai did not quote any Confucian orBuddhist works and commented on Nihon Shoki, searching for evi-dence mainly in the classics of Japan, such as Manyoshu, Kogo Shui,and Ruiju Kokushi. Here we see the independent modern spiritbreaking free of the long-standing restraints of Buddhism and Con-fucianism.

Building on such a foundation, the tendency became stronger, andaround the mid-eighteenth century there finally appeared a book of


commentary on the whole of Nihon Shoki: Tanikawa Kotosuga'sNihon Shoki Tsusho [Complete Commentary on Nihon Shoki, 35 vol-umes, 1762]. Volume i explains the general principles of the wholebook; Volumes 2-7 explicate the Age of the Gods; and the remainderdiscuss the reigns of the Emperors. This structure broke from medie-val tradition by not being restricted to the Age of the Gods and byconsidering the volumes on the Emperors a proper subject of study.

Kotosuga's commentary is a collection of theories on ancienttimes, as is apparent in the chapters on the Age of the Gods. How-ever, as there are few ancient theories on the chronicles of theEmperors, it is mainly his own ideas which appear. Citing copiousreferences, he comments on words and investigates historical fact.As we know from his other publication, Wakun Shiori [Guide to Japa-nese Readings of Characters], he was deeply learned in the Japaneselanguage, and he introduces interpretations in the study of the lan-guage by taking up the old readings for words. He also had noticea-bly good ideas about historical research. For example, he thoughtthat Emperor Tenji actually ascended the throne in the sixth year ofhis reign because three years of mourning for Empress Saimei werefollowed by three more years of mourning for Empress DowagerHashihito. Such ideas are valid theories, acceptable at the presentday.

Nihon Shoki Tsusho also has weaknesses. The author was not ableto escape from the theories of Suika Shinto, yin-yang and five-ele-ment theory, or Song-dynasty theories of principle and spirit; it wasnot easy to cast off the remnants of medieval thought.

The next complete commentary on Nihon Shoki was Shoki Shikkai[Collected Commentaries on Nihon Shoki], by Kawamura Hidene.Hidene was from Nagoya in Owari and studied Shinto underYoshimi Yukikazu, becoming absorbed in positivistic research on theclassics. He called the scholarship of his school the study of thehistory classics, and this included history, law, administration andcustoms, and linguistics. Nihon Shoki was accorded respect as thegreatest history. Hidene resolved to do a commentary on it andrewrote his manuscript any number of times; his son Masune joinedin, and father and son together produced Shoki Shikkai in thirtyvolumes, probably around 1804.

This work recognized Nihon Shoki as being totally in ClassicalChinese, and an enormous amount of energy was spent in diggingfor sources to give definitive explanations of words. Hidene did notrely upon later explanations but sought directly in the Chinese clas-sics for principles to apply to the text. This method for classicalstudies arose in modern times, and this book dramatically advanced

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the method as applied to Nihon Shoki. Accordingly it did not placehigh value on traditional renderings.

Shoki Shikkai unjustly overlooked the linguistic aspects of NihonShoki. The massacre of the notes in Nihon Shoki is exceptionallyarbitrary, as is seen in Hidene's contention that Nihon was not origi-nally part of the title. This conclusion is manifested in the title of hisown book, Shoki Shikkai, on the basis that in the ancient texts thetitle is simply Shoki. Sometimes excellent opinions are accompaniedby dogmatism. From the modern viewpoint, Shoki Shikkai is far moreappealing than Tanikawa Kotosuga's Nihon Shoki Tsusho, but its the-ories cannot be completely accepted.

The eighteenth century saw the appearance of Nihon Shoki Tsushoand Shoki Shikkai, but it was also the era of the development ofNational Studies by Kamo Mabuchi, Motoori Norinaga, and others.How did they view Nihon Shoki?

The monk Keichu (1640-1701), founder of National Studies,esteemed Man'yoshu very highly, but he gave equal place to NihonShoki. In his three-volume work Kogansho [Impertinent Selections],the first two volumes cite the poems of Nihon Shoki and give com-mentaries, while the third volume deals with the poems of Kojiki.This ratio shows that he thought more highly of Nihon Shoki than ofKojiki.

Kada Azumamaro (1669-1736) also believed in the superiority ofNihon Shoki and sometimes gave lectures on the chapters on the Ageof the Gods. Rejecting the interpretations of later ages, he sought forunderstanding directly in the text and the variants given.

However, with Kamo Mabuchi (1697-1769) there was a change inthe relative evaluation of Nihon Shoki and Kojiki. Since Kojiki wasmainly in Japanese, it was useful for learning about the customs ofancient antiquity and for learning ancient Japanese words andscript, while Nihon Shoki clung to Classical Chinese and, therefore,was remote from ancient reality. Accordingly, Mabuchi had a deepinterest in how to read Nihon Shoki and wrote JVi/zongi Kunko [OnJapanese Readings of Characters in Nihongi], which is concernedexclusively with how to read the text from The Age of the Gods toEmperor Sujin.

Mabuchi's argument for the superiority of Kojiki over Nihon Shoki,backed up by Motoori Norinaga's detailed proof, generalized theview that Nihon Shoki occupied a lower rank than Kojiki. In 'Discus-sion of Nihon Shoki' in 'Introduction to the Classics' in his Kojikiden[Commentary on Kojiki], Norinaga (1730-1801) pointed out all theshortcomings of Nihon Shoki. Putting the name of the country in thetitle was no good.73 Writing it in imitation of Chinese was to adopt


the Chinese spirit rather than the Japanese spirit. This is furtherdemonstrated by putting in events that never happened in Japan.Honouring Empresses by calling them Empress Dowagers was notthe practice in ancient times. Recording the day and month of thechronology was a Chinese custom.

Apart from the name of the work, all these criticisms were valid, sothat in these areas Nihon Shoki may be acknowledged inferior toKojiki. However, in other respects Nihon Shoki has strengths thatKojiki could not attain. Norinaga had to disregard its strong pointsand raise only its weaknesses in order to establish National Studies,but in the present day the argument appears biased. Discussion ofthe relative merit of the two works has little meaning today, butNorinaga's theories are implicitly retained by some.

In Norinaga's own time he was opposed by Tachibana Moribe(1741-1809), who argued for the superiority of Nihon Shoki. In histwelve-volume hu no Chiwaki [Discriminating the Way of ImperialMajesty] he used unique methods to comment on the volumes onthe Age of the Gods and the account of Emperor Jinmu. In hisIntroduction, Discussion of the Ancient Classics, he praised NihonShoki, 'It is indeed comprehensive, deep, and sufficient, and thusinfinitely superior to Kojiki. However, Norinaga in his Kojikiden doesnot give it credence, and unnecessarily slanders and belittles itbecause it is written in Classical Chinese. Elsewhere, in his Uzu noYamakage [Flower Hair-ornaments in the Mountain Shade], Norinagatakes it up sentence by sentence. It hardly needs saying that this issacrilegious and rude. This is a heartless act, with no understandingof the meaning of the ancient traditions, and the original reason forconstruction of Nihon Shoki.'74

According to Tachibana, the Classical Chinese in Nihon Shoki cameabout because Chinese influence was at a height around the periodfrom Emperor Kotoku to Emperor Tenji, and historians accordinglyrendered the ancient words into Classical Chinese. Prince Tonerithen compiled it disinterestedly, and that is all there was to it. More-over, as a means to interpret the classics, account must be taken ofthe fairy-tale element, rhetorical element, and abbreviation andencapsulation, to distinguish between ancient meanings and lateradditions.75 Here we see in Tachibana striking progress towards arational position.

Norinaga's disciple Hirata Atsutane (1776-1843) also quietly wentabout correcting the teachings of his master and valued Nihon Shokimore highly than Kojiki. In the section 'Two Classics of History' inhis Koshicho Kaidaiki he discussed Nihon Shoki first and Kojiki second.The compiling of Nihon Shoki was a formal public undertaking, while

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Kojiki was a private work and therefore not a Standard History. It is avariant of Nihon Shoki.76 Norinaga's argument is fond of Kojiki anddisfavours Nihon Shoki. Atsutane says, 'People who entirely esteemonly the theories of our teacher Norinaga lack self-determination, donot think deeply to help clarify matters, and regard Kojiki as com-pletely without error, while Nihon Shoki is filled with them. Theyconclude that the chapters on the Age of the Gods are not worthlooking at. This is extremely stupid/77 He also praised Emperor Go\e>zei, who had Nihon Shoki published in 1599, saying, 'Everyonewho was born in Japan should take as his own the heart of thisEmperor, and in all his studies should put first the respectful read-ing of Nihon Shoki, to study and clarify the way of antiquity; this isthe main duty of scholarship.'79 In this way he exalted Nihon Shoki.Atsutane wrote detailed arguments on such things as the origins ofNihon Shoki, which influenced later generations.

The scholarly opinions of Ban Nobutomo (1773-1846) affectedAtsutane's research on Nihon Shoki. Atsutane's ideas about the nameof the book and later alterations were based entirely on the theoriesof Nobutomo. Atsutane first thought that Nihon Shoki was the origi-nal name and that the name Nihongi resulted from the excision ofSho. However, he changed his theory to follow Nobutomo's idea thatNihongi was the correct name and that the character Sho was addedby intellectuals around the Konin era. This theory appears in thechapter 'Nihon Shoki K6' [Thoughts on Nihon Shoki] in Nobutomo'sHikobae.79 Nobutomo also wrote 'Jinshinki Shochu' [Commentary onthe Chapter on the Jinshin War of 672] as an appendix to Nagara noYamakaze [The Mountain wind of Nagara], presenting a detailed com-mentary on the Nihon Shoki chapter about Emperor Tenmu; and in'Nihongi Nenryaku Ko' [On the Chronology of Nihongi] he arguedthat the chronology of Nihon Shoki was fabricated.80 He greatlyadvanced modern research on Nihon Shoki.

In the Meiji period, Nihongi Hyochu [Standard Commentary onNihongi] was published in 1880 by a National Scholar, Shikita Toshi-haru, who lived in Osaka. This was a complete commentary onNihon Shoki, in twenty-six volumes. However, since it was written astop-notes to the text, they are brief and not given thorough atten-tion.

In this respect, lida Takesato's Nihon Shoki Tsushaku [CompleteCommentary on Nihon Shoki] is far superior. lida (1827-1900) was asamurai of Takashima domain in Shinano, who studied in Atsutane'sschool. In 1852 he decided to write a commentary on Nihon Shoki,which he published in seventy volumes in 1899, after forty-eightyears of diligent labour. Taking the essence of the theories of his


predecessors, he added appropriate commentaries; but there are feworiginal ideas. However, such a compendium of theories wasneeded, so the work is useful, just as were Shaku Nihongi, of theKamakura period, and Nihon Shoki Tsusho, of the Edo period.

After lida, there were no major works of commentary. lida Sueha-ru's three volume Nihon Shoki Shinko [New Lectures on NihonShoki] was a rehash of the commentaries of lida Takesato, and thehead-notes in the Asahi Shinbunsha edition of Rikkokushi containedlittle that was original. More recently, the edition in Nihon KotenBungaku Taikei [Compendium of Classical Japanese Literature] pub-lished by Iwanami Shoten provides commentary based on newscholarship, but it is limited by the space allowed for head-notes andsupplementary notes; while much was intended, the number ofwords allowed seems insufficient to convey it.81

Research on Nihon Shoki has not been confined to commentary.Since Meiji, much research has been done on other aspects, such asthe literary work and the form of the argument. In the early period,various writers concentrated on the extension of chronology inNihon Shoki and mistakes therein. Starting with Naka Michiyo's'Josei Nenki Ko' [On Ancient chronology, Shigaku Zasshi, no. 8], thestudies of Hoshino Hisashi, Yoshida Togo, Suga Masatomo, and oth-ers produced a rich harvest in such matters as the extension ofchronology by two sexagenary cycles in the reigns of EmpressRegent Jingu and Emperor Ojin, and the calculation of the revolu-tionary year of the beginning of Emperor Jinmu's reign. Others, suchas Hirako Takurei and Kita Sadakichi, discussed the doubtful year ofthe arrival of Buddhism and errors in the chronology of EmperorsKeitai and Kinmei. Meiji and Taisho research resolved many prob-lems in chronology.

Other research was the fruit of the new scholarship of the Meiji era- for example, the explication of place names and names of personsin Nihon Shoki by use of the Korean language (research by MiyazakiMichisaburo, Shiratori Kurakichi, Nakada Kaoru) and the explica-tion of the myths through knowledge of Western studies in mythol-ogy (research by Takagi Toshio).

Tsuda Sokichi threw his energy into advancing research on NihonShoki in the early twentieth century, overturning the prevailingunderstanding and opening fresh vistas. Tsuda's views were pub-lished in three related works: Jindaishi no Atarashii Kenkyu [NewResearch on the History of the Age of the Gods, 1913; later retitledJindaishi no Kenkyii]; Kojiki oyobi Nihon Shoki no Shinkenkyu [NewResearch on Kojiki and Nihon Shoki, 1919]; and Jodai Nihon no Shakaioyobi Shiso [Thought and Society in Ancient Japan, 1933]. In addition

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to research on the circumstances of composition of Kojiki and NihonShoki, he presented thorough criticism of the texts. He concludedthat the accounts in Kojiki and Nihon Shoki were not records ofhistory, as hitherto believed, and that they had been created bycourt officials around the sixth century to legitimize the rule of theimperial house over Japan. Before Tsuda there had been some con-cerns that portions of the text were false. Rhetorical flourishes wererecognized, but Tsuda's work was the beginning of the insistencethat Nihon Shoki was a fabrication in its entirety. At the time Tsuda'sviews were too distant from the prevailing ideas, so they were notaccepted in the scholarly world. However, after the Pacific War therewas a wave of freedom to criticize the imperial system, and Tsuda'stheory suddenly came to dominate the academic world. Now it isaccepted as established theory, even though many opposing argu-ments on detail have been presented. Thus in post-war research onNihon Shoki, it is usual to write on the basis of Tsuda's theories.

However, many post-war scholars have been studying ancienthistory by using Nihon Shoki, rather than studying Nihon Shoki itself.In this they are blindly following Tsuda Sokichi and are contentsimply to review ancient history by denying the Nihon Shokiaccount. But even Tsuda had no divine gift; some of his theorieswere arbitrary, and some were insufficiently thought out. In the end,one must make use of Nihon Shoki by doing one's own research on itand forming one's own judgements.

A general discussion of post-war research on ancient historywould be interminable. Most of the works that focus on Nihon Shokiitself have already been mentioned in the text. Scholars have exam-ined composition and materials, sources, usages of characters, side-notes in kana, variant texts, and relations with Korea, as well aspreparing some overall studies.

Finally, there is Matsumura Takeo's Nihon Shinwa no Kenkyu [Stud-ies in Japanese Myths, 1953-60], which does not fit into any of theabove categories. This is a systematic study of the Japanese mythswhich is unparalleled in both quality and quantity and offersserious criticism of Tsuda's view of the accounts of the Age of theGods.

C H A P T E R T H R E E

Shoku Nihongi

C O M P I L A T I O N

As discussed in Chapter i, the first twenty volumes and the lasttwenty volumes of Shoku Nihongi were separately compiled. Weknow this from the memorials to the throne of Fujiwara Tsugutadain 794 and of Sugano Mamichi in 797, both recorded in Nihon Koki.The 794 memorial is missing from the text, but it is found in Volume147 of Ruiju Kokushi, which records the compilation of the NationalHistories under 'Literature':

13th day, 8th month, 794. Minister of the Right, Junior Second Rank,Crown Prince's Mentor, General of the Guards Fujiwara Tsugutadaand others who had received a command to compile a National His-tory, completed the work. They presented a memorial to the Emperorand said:

As we respectfully consider, His Majesty Emperor Kanmu seeks thetrue way, pursuing it to the utmost and his reign is permeated by thethree principles of Heaven, Earth, and Man. Each day, brightness isequally dispensed, as His Majesty's governance extends over theEight Islands of Japan. Afar there is tranquility, and near there is joy.The arts flourish equally well; there is longevity, and the times arepeaceful unto everlasting. Fame is received by all the imperial ances-tors, as His Majesty's virtue and merit ever extend. However, HisMajesty sat on high in dignity before the screen, and gave wideconsideration to compiling a National History to fill in the deficien-cies in the chronicles of the Emperors. Hereupon his subject Tsugu-tada, together with Senior Fifth Rank, Upper, Assistant Minister ofPopular Affairs, Scholar to the Crown Prince, Assistant General of the

Shoku Nihongi 91

Left Guard, and Governor of lyo Sugano Ason Mamichi; and LesserCounsellor Junior Fifth Rank, Lower, and concurrently Head Cham-berlain, Assistant General of the Right Guard, Assistant Governor ofTanba Akishino Ason Yasundo, received the imperial command toplace matters in order and continue the imperial chronicles.

Between the founding of the country at Mount Sono and the reignsof the Kiyomihara rulers Emperor Tenmu and Empress Jito, the greatachievements in the archaic era of the Age of the Gods, and theprotection of the people by the Emperors are narrated in the preced-ing history [Nihon Shoki], so that we know them clearly. FromEmperor Monmu to Emperor Shomu the records are not obscure,and we know the meritorious deeds of our ancestors. However, fromthe Hoji era to the Hoki era (757-70) there was the abdication ofEmperor Junnin, and with strict respect for custom Emperor Koninascended the throne, but there was no continuous account of theabundant events of this time. Therefore the late Middle Counsellor,Junior Third Rank, and Head of the War Ministry Ishikawa Natari,and Head of the Accounting Bureau Junior Fifth Rank, Lower, Kami-tsukeno Okawa compiled the history according to imperial com-mand, which became a work of twenty volumes. However, it was aresearch memorandum, without classifications or outlines.

His Majesty's ministers received a renewed imperial commandand once again started work. By pruning what was redundant, wehave retrieved the essential and important; we have collected infor-mation to complement what has been lost; we have adjusted thecontradictions and corrected discrepancies in the over-all narrative.With regard to the seasonal ceremonial events held every year, thereare respective experts; there are also numerous occurrences of manykinds, some of temporary importance and not meant to becomeprecedents; these are not compiled in the present edition. Mattersdealing with courtesy visits from foreign countries, or informaldecrees relevant to enlightenment and learning culminating indidactic principle, are recorded in their entirety in order to establishthem as orthodox practices. Under our control it has become a bookof fourteen volumes, which begins where the preceding history[Nihon Shoki] left off. The table of contents follows below.

Your ministers apologize for their research and are ashamed of thequality of their writing. Much time has passed since we received theimperial command, so we worked to our utmost. The work is storedin private government archives according to imperial command.

The above account is all that is given about the compilation of thehistory in 794, and the memorial conforms to documents of the type.


First it speaks about the utility of history books; then it praises thevirtue of the reigning Emperor Kanmu; then it speaks about hisintention to compile a National History; and next it talks about theactual execution of the work.

First, Fujiwara Tsugutada, Sugano Mamichi, and AkishinoYasundo were ordered to compile a continuation of a previous text.What text was this? On the history of ancient times, Nihon Shoki hadcome out, and there were clear records of the time from EmperorsMonmu to Shomu. However, because records were lacking on theperiod from Emperors Junnin to Konin, Ishikawa Natari, Kami-tsukeno Okawa, and others had compiled a twenty-volume work.But they simply lined up the materials, and theirs could not bedescribed as a finished work. Fujiwara Tsugutada and the other twocut out what was unnecessary in these twenty volumes, supple-mented what was lacking, and organized them into a history bookof fourteen volumes. The history book of 794 by Tsugutada and theothers was this work. Perhaps it covered the period from the acces-sion of Emperor Junnin in the eighth month of 758 (Volume 21) toEmperor Konin in the twelfth month of 777 (Volume 34).

Thus the compilation of one part of Shoku Nihongi stopped atVolume 14 and was not a work of great consequence. To start with, ithad not yet been decided to call it Shoku Nihongi. Was there a specialsignificance in presenting it grandiosely to the throne together witha memorial? And who was chosen to compile the next portion, cov-ering the period 778 and after, and when were they chosen? Toanswer these questions, we must examine the next memorial to thethrone, that of 797.

His Majesty Emperor Kanmu commanded Mamichi and others to placethese matters in order and raise up the deeds of our ancestors. In aprevious year this had been presented as a work of twenty volumes,covering the thirty-four years from 758 to 791. However, for the firstpart - the sixty-one years from the first year of Emperor Monmu'sreign, 697-757, there was a draft of thirty volumes, filled with manywords and many trivial matters; moreover, there were omissions. Theprevious Emperor Konin had commanded the late Middle Counsellor,Junior Third Rank, Ishikawa Ason Natari; Head of the PunishmentsMinistry Junior Fourth Rank, Lower, Omi Mahito Mifune; and Assis-tant Minister of Punishments, Junior Fifth Rank, Upper, Taima Naga-tsugu to study Japanese books and compile a history that would becontinuous from Nihon Shoki. However, they followed old drafts and inthe end did not publish a proper work. What they presented consisted

Shoku Nihongi 93

of only twenty-nine volumes, with the record of the year 757 com-pletely missing.

Your ministers searched for old materials in government offices, con-sulted with elders on their remembrances, patched together frag-mented works, and thereby filled in what was missing. All mattersrelevant to righteous discourse and superior designs, as well as princi-ples that are to be inherited by our descendants, are included. Neitherdetailed accounts of ordinary matters, nor events that do not conformto orthodox practices, are included. It came out to be twenty volumes,which together with the previous work makes forty volumes coveringninety-five years. From the beginning of our writing to the conclusionhas taken seven years. The compilation has been completely finished.The table of contents is given separately. We present splendid andexcellent matters, which are the teachings of heaven and earth to mani-fest the good and admonish the bad, and hand them down for all agesas a mirror. Your ministers have compiled the National History withtheir own frivolous private views. Because of our ineptitide, it hastaken much time; hence we worked to our utmost. We now respectfullypresent the work for deposit in the Book Bureau.

This memorial was presented by Sugano Mamichi and the others.In the previous memorial, that of 794, Mamichi had been appointedunder Tsugutada to help compile a National History. This memorialof 797 says, 'His Majesty Emperor Kanmu commanded Mamichi andothers to place these matters in order and raise up the deeds of ourancestors/ while the command in the previous memorial of Tsugu-tada and the others said, 'Place matters in order and continue theimperial chronicles/ They seem to be referring to the same task.Even so, the name of Fujiwara Tsugutada does not appear in thesecond memorial, because he had died in the seventh month of 796.Thus Mamichi, who had worked with him, succeeded Tsugutada tocomplete the project. Accordingly, Tsugutada did not leave thisproject after the fourteen volume history was presented in 794. Thisis explained in the second memorial: 'Twenty volumes covering thethirty-four years from 758 to 791 were previously completed andpresented.' Furthermore, notes indicating that the compilationswere carried out by Tsugutada and others were incorporated at thebeginning of each of Volumes 21 through 40. Or it may be thatMamichi actually supervised the work but simply entered the nameof Tsugutada out of respect for the elderly minister of state.

Shortly after the presentation of fourteen volumes in 794, anothersix volumes were added to bring the total to twenty, which came to


cover the period up to 791. In the current texts of Shoku Nihongi,Tsugutada's position from Volumes 21 to 35 is given in the volumeheadings as 'Minister of the Right, Junior Second Rank, Crown Prin-ce's Mentor, General of the Guards Fujiwara Ason Tsugutada/ whilefrom Volumes 36 to 40, Junior Second Rank is changed to SeniorSecond Rank throughout. Since he was promoted to Senior SecondRank on the twenty-seventh day, tenth month, 794, if we take theformat for recording ranks and offices as correct, it means that thetext up to Volume 35 was written before the twenty-seventh day,tenth month, 794, and from Volume 36 on was written after thatdate. Since the text up to Volume 34 was presented in a ceremony inthe eighth month of 794, Volume 35 must have been written betweenthe eighth month and the tenth month. However, as it was unusualto complete a volume in such a short time, it is easier to explain itthe other way around, by taking the Junior Second Rank given inthis volume as an error for Senior Second Rank.

In any case, if the last six volumes were written after the presenta-tion in 794, when would that have been? The second memorial refersto '(a) previous year(s)'; if this is taken to mean 'last year/ it refers to796, the year of Tsugutada's death. There is no major difficulty intaking the view that in 794 Tsugutada had completed the work up to777 and that he then continued the work for two years, covering theperiod from 778 to 791.

However, why was 791 taken as the terminal year of the coverage?It may be because that was the time when Emperor Kanmu com-manded the compilation of a National History. In his 797 memorial,Mamichi reflected upon the past when he himself had been orderedto compile the work, saying, 'From the beginning of our writing tothe conclusion has taken seven years,' which gives 791 as the begin-ning of the work. Of this beginning, both memorials say the samething; that Mamichi received the imperial command to put mattersin order and continue the previous work. This cannot refer to any-thing but Emperor Kanmu's command to compile a National His-tory. Originally the work was to cover up to Emperor Konin, but itmay be that as the work progressed, the Emperor came to desireinclusion of his own reign, with the result that 791 was made into thetarget year.

The latter twenty volumes of Shoku Nihongi were written in thisfashion in 794 and 796; but what became of the first twenty vol-umes? The second memorial tells us. A rough draft soon came intoexistence, covering the sixty-one years from the first year of EmperorMonmu (698) to 757. This is probably what is referred to in the firstmemorial as an account from Emperor Monmu to Emperor Shomu,

Shoku Nihongi 95

in which 'the record is not obscure.' It also says it was 'filled with . . .many trivial matters; moreover, there were omissions/ which tells usthat it was unsatisfactory as a history book. Even so, as it took 757 asits terminal year, apparently it was compiled during the reign ofEmperor Junnin. The time of Junnin was when Emi Oshikatsu wasconducting Confucian-style government, so it is credible that theywould consider the compilation of a history. Thus in the reign ofKonin, Ishikawa Natari, Omi Mifune, and Taima Nagatsugu werecommanded to revise this rough draft. However, these three wereindecisive and could not make the revisions quickly; moreover, theyperformed in such a slip-shod way that they lost the account of theyear 757, presenting a work of twenty-nine volumes. For ministers ofstate, who had been commanded to compile a National History, tolose a volume of the existing manuscript was far too slack. In 757,with the deposition of Prince Funado as Crown Prince, the establish-ment of Prince Oi in his place, and the rebellion of Tachibana Nara-maro, the world of high politics was much disturbed. It must havebeen very difficult to give expression to this in a National History. Ifthe manuscript were written during Emperor Junnin's reign, natu-rally Emi Oshikatsu must have been praised from beginning to end.However, that would not have been acceptable at the court ofEmperor Konin, since Oshikatsu's regime ended in civil strife anddisgrace. Also, the compilers Ishikawa Natari and Omi Mifune seemto have been men of very strong character, and perhaps they maynot have been able to reconcile their views. Perhaps, unable to reacha conclusion in this volume, they evaded the issue by saying thatthey had lost it.

Mamichi and his team inherited this unfinished work on EmperorKonin and revised the thirty volumes from Emperor Monmu toEmpress Koken, releasing it as a twenty-volume work. As discussedpreviously, if they began this portion after finishing the lattertwenty volumes of Shoku Nihongi, then the remaining time was tooshort for such a project. Consequently, they must have carried outthe revision of the latter twenty volumes concurrently with correc-tion of the first part. Thus Emperor Kanmu's command to compile aNational History should be understood as intending to carry outboth aspects of the works simultaneously. Fortuitiously, completioncame in two parts, but this is probably because the latter portionwent faster, and the chief compiler, Tsugutada, was already gettingold (he was sixty-six in 794), and so they hurried to present thefinished work.

We can summarize the compilation of Shoku Nihongi by dividing itinto three stages. Stage i consisted of the records made in the reign


of Emperor Junnin, covering the period from the first year ofEmperor Monmu's reign (698) to 757 in thirty volumes. Stage 2consisted of the compilation at the court of Emperor Konin, whichwas divided into two projects. One project was the revision of thethirty volumes from Emperor Junnin's reign, but this was not amajor accomplishment, with the number of volumes left as theywere and one being lost altogether. The second project was thecompilation of twenty volumes, covering 758-70. Stage 3 consistedof the compilation at the court of Emperor Kanmu, and this can alsobe divided into two projects: re-editing of the material up to 758 intwenty volumes and re-editing of the latter twenty volumes intofourteen, with the addition of six more volumes, to make a total oftwenty. Thus the entire work ended up as forty volumes.

If we count from the reign of Emperor Junnin, there were thirty-three years from the end of his reign in 764 to 797, but within thereign of Emperor Kanmu, seven years were necessary, as stated inthe latter memorial. Therefore, during Kanmu's reign, SuganoMamichi and Akishino Yasundo were involved from beginning toend, and their contribution to Shoku Nihongi was very great. It musthave been their idea to wrap it up as a work of forty volumes andgive it the title Shoku Nihongi.

On the thirteenth of the second month, when Shoku Nihongi waspresented, there was a special imperial edict in senmyo style. Itrewarded Sugano Mamichi, Akishino Yasundo, and Nakashina Ko-tsuo with promotions, expressing the pleasure of the Emperor withtheir accomplishment. Further, on the seventeenth day, AssistantSecretaries of the Council of State, the Ministry of Ceremonial, theMinistry of Central Affairs, the Ministry of People's Affairs, andclerks of the Ministry of Ceremonial all received promotions of onegrade or two in recognition of their service to the Office for theCompilation of Shoku Nihongi. Here the name of the Office of theCompilation of Shoku Nihongi appears for the first time. It seems tohave been set up as a temporary office for this project, and theassistant secretaries of each ministry served there, copying the doc-uments, and so forth.

THE C O M P I L E R S

As we know from the two memorials, the compilers included fourpeople, starting with Fujiwara Tsugutada, together with five assis-tant secretaries and clerks from the Great Council of State and othergovernment offices, from the court of Emperor Kanmu; and fourpeople, including Ishikawa Natari, from the court of Emperor Konin.

Shoku Nihongi 97

In the Shingishiki [New Procedures in Administration] compiled atthe Heian court during the reign of Emperor Murakami, the regula-tions for compiling a National History started with the selection ofpersonnel: 'The first Minister of State, one supervising Consultant,and one person from among the Great Secretaries and Confucianscholars who is capable at writing should be chosen for the work.Four or five expert people should be appointed from the officials atthe various ministries/1 Since the practices for writing the SixNational Histories were just becoming institutionalized, it would notbe surprising if they did not apply when Shoku Nihongi was written.Yet the people appointed came close to the above categories. Fuji-wara Tsugutada was Minister of the Right in 791, and since therewas no other minister of state, he was the only one who filled thebill. Sugano Mamichi was Second Vice-Minister of Civil Affairs in791. Since it was 805 when he became Consultant, after the compila-tion was finished, in a strict sense he did not meet the requirementof a supervising Consultant. However, he met the requirement pre-cisely from the point of view of the work's contents and his positionas a compiler. Akishino Yasundo was a Great Secretary from 787 to791, and Nakashina Kotsuo was also a Great Secretary in 797. It wasas if the general composition of this team, including a Great Minis-ter, a Consultant, and Great Secretaries, had been planned and car-ried out from the outset.

Fujiwara Tsugutada was the grandson of Muchimaro of the south-ern branch of the family and the second son of Minister of the RightToyonari. In 763 he was made Junior Fifth Rank, Lower, and hebecame Consultant in 766, at the age of forty. In January 771, duringthe reign of Emperor Konin, he was appointed to Senior FourthRank, Upper, and then swiftly to Junior Third Rank in the eleventhmonth of that year. In terms of office, during the same reign heproceeded through General of the Outer Guards, Head of the Treas-ury Ministry, Head of the War Ministry, Commander of the LeftGuards, Middle Counsellor, and Commanding General of the East inthe third month of 780, at the time of the rebellion of Iji Azamaro inMutsu; however, he never went to the scene of the uprising, con-tenting himself with sending his assistant, Otomo Masutatsu. In 781he became Head of the Ministry of Central Affairs and Mayor of theLeft Capital and rose to Senior Third Rank. At the court of EmperorKanmu he received more and more special favours. Kudara Koni-kishi Meishin, his wife, was a lady-in-waiting in court, and sinceMeishin came from the same family as the Emperor's mother, theEmperor's patronage was especially great. In 783 Tsugutada becameGreat Counsellor, and in 785 he became, concurrently, Crown


Prince's Mentor to Imperial Prince Ate at the time of his investmentas Crown Prince. In 790 he succeeded Fujiwara Korekimi as Ministerof the Right while continuing as General of the Centre Guards andCrown Prince's Mentor. In 794 he became Senior Second Rank; hedied on the sixteenth day, seventh month, 796, at the age of 70.

We also know that he had an especially intimate relationship withEmperor Kanmu, as shown by the fact that the Emperor often wentto visit Tsugutada's villa for pleasure. In the eighth month of 787, theEmperor stopped at Tsugutada's residence and awarded JuniorThird Rank to his wife. In the tenth month of the same year theEmperor went on a hunting trip to Katano, where he used Tsuguta-da's villa as a temporary palace. Tsugutada led the Kudara Konikishifamily in presenting a concert for the Emperor's pleasure, and thelatter responded by awarding ranks to the Kudara Konikishi familyand to Tsugutada's son Otoei. Accounts of the Emperor's trips toKatano appear a number of times, and on each occasion he seemedto have gone to Tsugutada's villa. And in 788 on the occasion of thecoming-of-age of Crown Prince Ate, Tsugutada helped bestow theceremonial cap. The Emperor's trust must have been important inmaking Tsugutada's career a success.

Objectively speaking, apart from his relationship with theEmperor, Tsugutada had no accomplishments that deserve mention.At the end of his biography, Nihon Koki appraises him as follows:'Tsugutada rose through civil and military positions, reaching Min-ister of the Right. At times he was in office, and at times he tookpositions at court. He kept himself modest and respectful. One doesnot hear about his governance. Even without particular genius, hemanaged to escape the censure of the people.' Saying that he lackedtalent may be severe, but his humility and his respect for others mayhave been one reason why the Emperor trusted him. It may alsohave been an essential qualification for being in charge of compilinga National History. Moreover, as the son of Toyonari of the mildsouthern branch of the Fujiwara, he was in a position to handle thevarious families fairly. And even if he lacked intelligence, SuganoMamichi did not. Mamichi respected Tsugutada for his position, andpresented the latter twenty volumes of Shoku Nihongi under hisname, as well as giving Tsugutada's name among the compilers ofeach chapter. Tsugutada was most fortunate to have Mamichi as acolleague.

Sugano Mamichi was descended from a family that had immi-grated from Paekche and was originally known as Tsu Muraji. In 783he was appointed to Outer Junior Fifth Rank, Lower, and he held theposts of Second Lieutenant of the Right Palace Guards, then Lieu-

Shoku Nihongi 99

tenant of the Right Palace Guards and Colonel of the Right PalaceGuards. However, we know that he was recognized as an outstand-ing scholar from his appointment as Scholar in the Crown Prince'sHousehold in 785. This was the time when Tsugutada was appointedCrown Prince's Mentor, so his association with Tsugutada may havearisen from matters surrounding the education of the Crown Prince.Thereafter he became Assistant, and later Head of the Library. In theseventh month of 790 he presented a memorial requesting the nameSugano Ason, stating that his ancestors who immigrated to Japanwere descended from the family of King Kuisu of Paekche andrecounting their literary accomplishments. This request wasgranted, marking an important point in his advancement. Thismemorial was presented jointly with Kudara Konikishi Genshin,Kudara Konikishi Chushin, and others. Genshin and Chushin werein the company in 787 when the Emperor went hunting at Katanoand stayed at Tsugutada's villa, and they were awarded court ranks.Perhaps it was through bonds such as these with the Kudara Koniki-shi family that Tsugutada and Mamichi became intimate.

During the years between 791 and 797, when he was engaged inthe compilation of Shoku Nihongi, Mamichi held the posts of SecondAssistant, Assistant Minister of Civil Affairs, Assistant Minister ofPeople's Affairs, Commander of the Left Guards, and Controller ofthe Left, but he remained Scholar to the Crown Prince until thePrince's accession to the throne. During this period he seems tohave enjoyed the trust of the Emperor. In the first month of 797 hewas awarded one cho (2.45 acres) of land in the Nagaoka capital, andin the tenth month of 799 he was given one hundred cho (245 acres)in Shinano Province. The latter award was a special favour from theEmperor, either for his accomplishment in compiling Shoku Nihongior for his guidance of the Crown Prince. In the first month of 805 theEmperor fell ill, and early in the morning of the fourteenth day hesuddenly summoned the Crown Prince and gave an edict; in addi-tion, Minister of the Right Prince Miwa was commanded to appointSugano Mamichi and Akishino Yasundo as Consultants, and theHigh Priest Shogu was requested to release the hawks and dogskept by the Emperor for hunting. Nihon Koki records that all of theattending ministers were in tears. It must have been a moment ofdeep emotion for Mamichi, to be present on the dramatic occasionwhen the Emperor entrusted matters to the Crown Prince, and beappointed Consultant. It was also especially significant that his col-league in the compilation of Shoku Nihongi, Akishino Yasundo, waspresent.

As Consultant, Mamichi's sense of public service became

ioo The Six National Histories of Japan

stronger. In the twelfth month of that year he entered into a famousdebate at the palace with Fujiwara Otsugu on the subject of virtu-ous government. Otsugu held that the most burdensome things forsubjects were military duty and construction projects and that ifthese two were terminated the empire would be at peace. Mamichiheld a different view and refused to yield. The Emperor followedOtsugu's advice, however, and terminated the two obligations.When Emperor Heizei came to the throne, Mamichi became Itiner-ant Inspector of the Sanyo and Tokai routes. He retained suchimportant positions as Minister of the Imperial Household and Min-ister of the Treasury, but when Emperor Saga took the throne hefinally perceived that the times were bad for him; and since he wasalso over seventy, he resigned in 811. Mamichi died in 814.

Akishino Yasundo, who is considered a good comrade of SuganoMamichi, was eleven years younger than him and was at first knownas Haji Sukune Yasundo. He was a descendant of Nomi Sukune,famed for the account in Nihon Shoki of his origination of sumo,Japanese wrestling. In 782 his request was granted to bear the nameof Akishino Sukune. In 789, when he was Great Secretary, he wasadded to those who examined the generals with insignia to serve theEmperor, along with Fujiwara Tsugutada, Fujiwara Oguromaro, KiFunamori, and Tsu Mamichi. Tsugutada and Mamichi were alsocompilers of the National History.

Thereafter Yasundo became, successively, Second-Vice Controllerof the Left, First Vice-Controller of the Left, Inspector of the Recordsof Outgoing Officials, Controller of the Right, and so on, and in 805he became Consultant at the same time as Sugano Mamichi. In thereign of Emperor Heizei he became Inspector of the Hokuriku route,and in the reign of Emperor Saga he was appointed Controller of theLeft. He resigned in 820 and died in 821. He did not leave anyparticularly well-known writing, but his appointment to the impor-tant posts of Secretary and Controller suggests that he excelled as aliterary bureaucrat at the court of Emperor Kanmu.

The other Great Secretary, Nakashina Kotsuo, was a member ofthe same family as Sugano Mamichi, formerly known as Tsu Muraji.In 791, together with seven brothers and sisters, he was given thename Nakashina Sukune, after their pla'ce of residence. In the firstmonth of 797 he was made Outer Rank, Junior Fifth, Lower; by thattime he had already become Great Secretary. In the second month,Shoku Nihongi was presented, and, accordingly, he was promoted toInner Rank, Junior Fifth, Lower.

Of these four compilers during the reign of Emperor Kanmu, twowere descended from immigrants from Paekche, and one was mar-

Shoku Nihongi 101

ried into the Kudara Konikishi family and thus was intimate withpeople of Paekche descent. It is not likely that favouritism accountedfor their selection, but people of Paekche descent were flourishing,and such an outcome was natural when a search was made forpeople with literary affinities. In Nihon Shoki as well, a considerablenumber of Paekche records were used, and we surmised thatPaekche-descended people were involved; in the case of ShokuNihongi the facts are clear.

We must also note that those trusted by the Emperor, like Tsugu-tada and Mamichi, were chosen for the position of historian. ShokuNihongi was not completely the product of public duties of thebureaucratic system. People with a personal connection with theEmperor were selected to fulfil His Majesty's purpose. The Emperormust have lavished attention upon it as though it were his ownliterary production.

Next let us say a word about the compilers at the court of EmperorKonin, starting with Ishikawa Natari. He was involved with both theformer and the latter parts of the production, but the outcomeappeared to be unsatisfactory. Natari was descended from the Sogafamily and was the son of Ishikawa Toshitari, who was Major Coun-sellor at the court of Emperor Junnin. Natari advanced swiftly, pass-ing through the posts of Controller of the Left and the Right, tobecome Consultant. When he died in 788 at the age of sixty-one, heheld the positions of Middle Counsellor, Junior Third Rank, andHead of the War Ministry; Master of the Crown Prince's Household;Mayor of the Left Capital; and Governor of Yamato Province. He wasclearheaded and decisive, with a good memory, but he was alsonarrow and quick-tempered and liked to criticize the failures ofothers. It was said that when an official was making a report, ifanything displeased him, he would berate that person in theextreme. His was not a very suitable appointment for fairly revisingthe history.

Another who compiled the latter part with Natari was Kami-tsukeno Okawa. During the reign of Emperor Konin he was sent, asRecorder for the Envoy, to China, and he returned to Japan in 778 asan up-to-date intellectual. In 779 he was promoted from Sixth Rank,Upper, to Outer Rank, Junior Fifth, Lower, and he also seems to havebeen appointed Great Secretary around that time. In 781, because hewas Great Secretary, he was given the concurrent post of Vice-Gov-ernor of Yamashiro. In 786 he became Junior Fifth Rank, Lower, andHead of the Accountants' Office. The time of his death is not known.He was assigned to the compilation of the National History becausehe was Great Secretary. Since he was appointed as Recorder for the

1O2 The Six National Histories of Japan

Envoy to China in 775, it is not likely that he had worked on theNational History before then. Being assigned to the task about tenyears after his return from China, he was at the court of EmperorKonin for only three years. It is little wonder that he was unable tocontribute much to the compilation.

Next, those who revised the former part: in addition to Natari,there were Omi Mifune and Taima Nagatsugu. Omi Mifune, great-grandson of Prince Otomo,2 was originally a prince, and received thesurname of Omi Mahito in 751. In 756 he was imprisoned in thePalace Guard Office for slandering the court. However, during therebellion of Emi Oshikatsu he worked in Omi to suppress the ban-dits, and for his efforts he was rewarded with Senior Fifth Rank,Upper, and Merit, Third Grade. He served as High Judge in theMinistry of Punishments, President of the University, and Doctor ofLiterature, and was Head of the Ministry of Punishments and Gov-ernor of Inaba Province when he died in 785 at the age of sixty-four.By nature he was clever and a voracious reader of books, and heenjoyed writing with the brush. After 765 he was known as theleading man of letters, together with Isonokami Yakatsugu. Helacked nothing in literary talent but he was an angular person, andseems not to have been fair. In the sixth month of 767, when he wasItinerant Inspector of the Tosando route, he failed to render a suit-able judgement against the Governor of Shimotsuke Province, whowas under his jurisdiction and had acted illegally, and he was repri-manded by being sent to Kyushu as Deputy Governor. There musthave been times when he had differences of opinion with IshikawaNatari, who was himself known to be narrow-minded and quick-tempered. The report of the loss of the record for the year 757 inShoku Nihongi may have been an excuse for the inability of these twomen to agree upon a conclusion for the history of that year.

Taima Nagatsugu was Junior Fifth Rank, Lower, in 767; in 769 hewas made Second Vice-Controller of the Left, and in 781 he becameFirst Vice-Minister of Punishments. The year of his death isunknown. There was nothing special about his literary accomplish-ment.

The selection of these people during the reign of Emperor Koninwas not as suitable as was the selection of the succeeding court ofEmperor Kanmu. Inevitably they were criticized by the later compil-ers for leaving both parts of Shoku Nihongi incomplete. In a word, thedesire and concern to compile a National History was not as high asat the court of Emperor Kanmu.

Shoku Nihongi 103

CONTENTS

Having discussed the form and special features of the narrative ofShoku Nihongi in Chapter i, we can proceed directly to the contentsand related features of the style of narration. Since it would beburdensome to discuss each volume, let us consider the reign ofeach Emperor.

Volumes 1-3: Emperor Monmu

Written in small characters after the title of the first volume is, 'Fromthe 8th month of 697 to the 12th month of 700,' which delineates itsscope; the next line adds the names of the compilers, 'Sugano Mami-chi and others received the imperial command to compile this/ Thisnaming of the compilers at the heads of volumes did not appear inNihon Shoki, but the practice was established in Shoku Nihongi andwas followed throughout by the next four National Histories.

The next line gives the Emperor's posthumous name first in Japa-nese style, 'Ame no Mamune Toyo Oji no Sumera Mikoto,' and thenin Chinese style in small characters, 'Emperor Monmu, the 42ndEmperor.' These small characters were not in the original text. TheChinese style of naming the Emperors existed at the time of compil-ing Shoku Nihongi but was not in such general use as to appear in theNational History. In the original text the Emperor's name was proba-bly written in Japanese posthumous style. The Emperors for whomthe Japanese style was not used were special cases: 'The Empresswho reigned as both Shotoku and Koken in the Hoji era' was usedfor Empress Koken; 'The Deposed Emperor' for Emperor Junnin;and 'The Empress in the Takano Tomb' for Empress Shotoku.

As there was no era name in use at the beginning of EmperorMonmu's reign, the writers used the sexagenary cycle - 'Hinoto-bird year' (697). From the eighth month of that year to the sixthmonth of 707 spanned nine years and ten months. This is covered inthree volumes, so the average per volume is a little over three yearsand three months - one year more than the average for the wholework of two years and three months. From this alone one wouldanticipate brief entries, and in fact the entries are concise. There aremany that simply give a summary: 'The aborigines of Mutsu pre-sented tribute goods' (nineteenth day, tenth month, 697); 'Theimperial carriage went to Uchi no Kori' (fifth day, second month,698). On a person's death they simply gave the name of his father,and no biography. On the death of Empress Dowager Jito in 702 andthe death of Emperor Monmu in 707, they simply recorded their


deaths and wrote no appraisal or summary of their accomplish-ments.

The most striking exception is the entry on the death of the ChiefPriest Dosho, on the tenth day, third month, 700. Here appears adetailed biography, including his trip to China, Xuanzhuan's affec-tion for him, and his escape from difficulties on his trip back to Japanwith a cooking pot given to him by Xuanzhuan. It gives valuablehistorical information, such as his building the Uji bridge in Yama-shiro Province, the origin of the custom of cremation at his death,and the fact that the scriptures in the Zen monastery in the RightCapital of Nara were his. He came from the Fune Muraji, the samefamily as Sugano Mamichi; hence perhaps Sugano's inclusion of hisbiography, though a historical interest in the Uji bridge and theorigins of cremation may have led him to include it. This biography,in the midst of boring and fragmented accounts, lends interest tohistory.

The story for the first day, seventh month, 704, about the stay inChina of the Envoy Awata Ason Mahito, is similar:

When he first arrived in China he encountered a man who approachedand asked, 'What country are you from?"Mahito replied, 'I am an envoy from Japan/ and inquired in turn, 'Ofwhat country is this the border?"The man answered, 'This is the border of Yancheng district of theprefecture of Chu in Great Zhou.'Mahito asked further, 'Formerly it was known as Great Tang, and nowit has become Great Zhou. Why did the name of the country change?'The man answered, 'In 683 the Emperor died. The Empress Dowagerascended the throne, took the name of Holy Ruler, and called thecountry Great Zhou.'The dialogue was almost at an end, when the Chinese man said, 'May Ijust say - the country of Yamato is in the eastern seas. It is said to be acountry of worthy men. There is abundance of goods and the peopleare happy; and propriety is carefully observed. Now when I see yourgentlemanly bearing and composure, I know it is true!'With that the conversation ended, and the man left.

This was probably based on Mahito's report when he returned toJapan. It is extremely effective as an objective account of pride inbeing a country of worthy gentlemen in the eastern seas, and we cansense the compilers' strong national consciousness. Even thoughthey were descendants of immigrants from Korea, they had becomefull-fledged Japanese.

Shoku Nihongi 105

These three volumes contain abundant notes - many more thando other volumes. Since they amplify the text or give explanations,the notes seem to have been written by the compilers. In caseswhere they had to edit and reorganize a lengthy original source,they supplied notes in order to avoid distortion of meaning. How-ever, some notes are considered to have been added by later people.Admittedly it requires careful attention to tell them apart. I thinkthat notes such as these were in the original manuscript:

8th day, 8th month, 701. Scholars of law were sent out to the six circuitsto lecture on the new laws.[A note is added]: The Western Sea Route was excluded.22nd day, 2nd month, 706. The ship Saeki was awarded Junior FifthRank, Lower.[A note is added]: It had transported the Envoy to China, Acting EnvoyJunior Third Rank Awata Ason Mahito.

However, I have the impression that notes such as the followingwere added by later people: 'i4th day, 2nd month, 701. Ceremony ofworshipping Buddha. [A note is added]: This is the first occasion ofthe ceremony of worshipping Buddha.'

Volumes 4-6: Empress Genmei

This portion contains important accounts of the circulation of coinsin the Wado era (708-15), the moving of the capital to Nara, and theimperial command to compile the Fudoki. The narration is brief, anddoes not describe the circumstances of these matters. For example, itrecounts that in 708 copper from Musashi Province was presentedto the government, and for the next two years copper coins wereminted and put into circulation; but it does not mention that thepieces were termed Wado commemorative coins.

The intention to move the capital to Nara was publicized in animperial edict of the fifteenth day, second month, 708, and officers incharge of construction were appointed on the thirteenth day of theninth month of the same year. On the tenth day, third month, 710,there is an entry on the move to the new capital, so we know that itwas done; but there is no account whatsoever of the progress andcircumstances of the actual building of the capital.

Limitations arose from the chronological method, but frequently itis simply unsatisfactory as a record of history. There are cases oftotal abbreviation, as in the account of the presentation of Kojiki onthe twenty-eighth day, first month, 712. From the Preface to Kojiki

io6 The Six National Histories of Japan

we know that Empress Genmei commanded a selection of records,and an account of national history ought to include either the com-mand to select the records (eighteenth day, ninth month, 711) or thepresentation of the work. It may have been included in an earlierdraft and cut out during editing or simply omitted from the begin-ning; in either case, Shoku Nihongi fails as a historical record.

Probably because of necessary shortening of long documents, thecompilers recorded only the gist of some matters. Following areexamples where they abbreviated the account, referring to the kyakufor details:

- Nineteenth day, second month, 713. Five provisions for weights andmeasures, tax of goods, corvee tax, and government storehouses forpoor relief were instituted. The details are in the respective kyaku.- Sixteenth day, fourth month, 713. New kyaku, together with scalesand weights and measures were distributed throughout the empire.- Nineteenth day, fifth month, 715. There was a decree of the Council ofState giving new regulations concerning the issuing of millet fromgovernment storehouses for poor relief. The families contributingmillet were divided into nine grades according to their wealth. Thedetails are in a particular kyaku.

Volumes 7-9: Empress Gensho

The reign of Empress Gensho ends in the middle of Volume 9, andthe account proceeds with the reign of the next Emperor, Shomu. Itwas usual to conclude a volume with the end of an Emperor's reign,so a division like this may have come about when the compilers werecutting and organizing old manuscripts and found that the changeof reign did not fall easily into place.

The character of the writing is about the same as in the chapterson Emperor Monmu and Empress Genmei, with no biographies as arule. During this period Minister of the Left Isonokami Maro died(third day, third month, 717), as did Minister of the Right FujiwaraFuhito (third day, eighth month, 720), and the Retired Empress Gen-mei (seventh day, twelfth month, 721), but while matters around thetime of their deaths are given in detail, there are no biographies. ForFujiwara Fuhito it simply says, 'The Minister was the second son ofthe Palace Minister and Special Cap Rank Kamatari, of the Omicourt' (Court of Emperor Tenji).3

However, there is one exception, a detailed biography of Governorof Chikugo, Senior Fifth Rank, Lower, Michi Kimi Obitona. He wasGovernor of Chikugo Province and became, concurrently, Governor

Shoku Nihongi 107

of Higo, and he encouraged agriculture among the people, so thatwithin one or two years they were won over by his moral influence.Everyone benefited, and those who spoke about the government allpraised Obitona. When he died, the farmers worshipped him. Thefame of Obitona continued, and in Shoku Nihon Koki there is an entryconcerning the award of the name Masamichi Ason to his grandsonHiromochi (seventh day, first month, 835): 'During the Wado era therecord of the administration of Governor of Higo, Senior Fifth Rank,Lower, Michi Kimi Obitona was praised, and his legacy has lasted along time.' In Sandai Jitsuroku Obitona received posthumous promo-tion to Junior Fourth Rank, Lower (second day, eleventh month,865), with the explanation, 'Obitona was a superb provincial gover-nor and is hereby honored posthumously.' In Shoku Nihongi as well,his biography alone is included in order to show his achievements asan outstanding official. They recognize the value of putting a modelbureaucrat into their history, as they stated in the memorial of pre-sentation: 'All matters relevant to righteous discourse and superiordesigns, as well as principles that are to be inherited by ourdescendants, are included.'

There is a similar entry for the twenty-eighth day, sixth month,720. Officer of the Lacquerers Bureau, Hasetsukabe Michi Imiki Iwa-katsu, and a worker, Hata Inumaro, were sentenced to exile forsjealing from the Bureau. Iwakatsu's three sons, twelve-year-oldOjimaro, nine-year-old Azumaro, and seven-year-old Otomaro, pre-sented an appeal stating that the three of them would become gov-ernment slaves to expiate their father's crime. There came animperial edict, stating that filial piety is the first obligation of aworthy man. The request of Ojimaro and his brothers to becomegovernment slaves to redeem their father shows their love for theirfamily. This, said the edict, is most touching. In accordance withtheir wish, they shall become government slaves and their fathershall be pardoned; with that Iwakatsu's crime was annulled. Amonth later, on the twenty-first day of the seventh month, there isan entry stating that Ojimaro and Azumaro were released andbecame free men.4

With respect to the social status of the people involved, this didnot need to be related in the National History, but it displayed thefilial piety of Ojimaro and his brothers. Clearly the compilers valuedincidents that illustrated moral points, as they stated in the Preface:'Informal decrees relevant to enlightenment and learning culminat-ing in didactic principles are recorded.'

In this section also, matters that should have been included wereleft out. One such case is the compilation of the \e>ro law codes. This

io8 The Six National Histories of Japan

is dealt with only in an entry for the twenty-seventh day, secondmonth, 722, which explains that five people, starting with YazumeMushimaro, were awarded rice fields 'for their accomplishment incompiling the ritsuryo.' Since the land was a reward for compiling the\oro code, then, judging from the example of the Taiho code, wewould expect a record of the time of the imperial command to com-pile the code or else the time of its presentation. But neither is given,and it must be considered a careless omission.

Volumes 9-17: Emperor Shomu

This account begins in the middle of Volume 9 and ends in themiddle of Volume 17; without any kind of division, it finishes withthe accession of Empress Koken in the seventh month of 749. Thecontents include the flourishing era of Tenpyo (729-49) and are filledwith important events; the style of narration gradually becomesmore and more detailed.

The request on the eleventh day of the eleventh month, 736, byPrince Katsuragi and Prince Sai to receive the name TachibanaSukune is quoted in full. It is an impressive document in beautifullanguage, citing the precedent of Takeshiuchi Sukune, recountingtheir accomplishments during the reigns of Tenmu, Jito, and Gen-mei, and telling how Tachibana Michiyo received the Tachibana sur-name at the Feast of Accession on the twenty-first day, eleventhmonth, 708.

The report to the throne on the fourteenth day, fourth month, 737,by the Special Envoy to Mutsu, Fujiwara Maro, gives us valuabledetails of the history of government in Mutsu. It tells how, after hisarrival at the Taga fort on the nineteenth day of the second month,he deliberated with Ono Azumando and stationed their forces at thevarious forts of the region. Azumando crossed the Ou mountainrange into Dewa and went into the bandit territory as far as MountHirahoko. It is most fortunate that they did not abbreviate this into asimple entry, 'Special Envoy Maro made his report/

On the nineteenth day, first month, 742, there was a singing anddancing party at which some people recited a poem. This providedan unusual example of the writing of a poem in which Japanese andChinese pronunciations were mixed together.

Atarashiki Just as todayToshi no hajime ni At the beginning of each New YearKakushi koso We will serve faithfully

Shoku Nihongi 109

Tsukae matsurame For ten thousand reigns.Yorozuyo made ni

Biographies, as a rule, did not take up aristocrats; it is noteworthythat priests are the ones who appear. There are fairly detailed biog-raphies of Preceptor Doji, Genbo, Archbishop Gyogi, and others.Perhaps it was an age that honoured priests; it is striking that biog-raphies in Shoku Nihongi began with the priest Dosho in Vol-ume i.

Some errors in the compilation arising from carelessness andabbreviation are popular topics for historians' research. Some mat-ters that ought to have been recorded, but were dropped, related topeople, such as the appointment of Otomo Tabito as Great Counsel-lor (appointment date first day, tenth month, 730) and of Ono Oyuas Assistant Governor of the Government Headquarters in Kyushu(he died as Assistant Governor on the eleventh day, sixth month,737).

There is also the famous edict to establish a Buddhist temple ineach province, entered in Shoku Nihongi under the twenty-fourthday, third month, 741. According to Ruiju Sandai Kyaku, the date ofthis edict was the fourteenth day of the second month.5 Anotherimperial edict of the seventh day, eleventh month, 747, in ShokuNihongi, refers to the edict in question as follows: 'According to theprevious imperial edict of the 14th day, 2rd month, 741 it was fer-vently desired . . . ' And an order of the Council of State for thetwenty-eighth day, fourth month, 783, cites a previous order of Statefor the twenty-eighth day, fifth month, 742, which says, 'Accordingto the measures announced in the imperial edict of the 14th day, 2ndmonth, 741, a temple is to be built in every province, and must besupplied with twenty priests.'6 Thus the day of announcing theintention was the fourteenth day of the second month, according toboth the order of the Council of State and the imperial edict thatwere close to it in time. The date of the twenty-fourth of the thirdmonth given in Shoku Nihongi is mistaken. _

A similar mistake appears in the date of Ono Azumando's reportto the throne on the circumstances of the rebellion of FujiwaraHirotsugu. Reports from Kyushu on the rebellion incessantly cameto the centre. The Emperor had gone to Ise and was staying at thetemporary palace of Kawaguchi in Ichishi district. Even if the fastestpost stations were used, the message from Kyushu would havetaken four or five days to arrive there. In spite of this there is anentry, 'The General Azumando and others report/ for the fifth day,

eleventh month, 740, which says that on the first day of that month,Hirotsugu was beheaded and on the third day a sergeant was sent,received Hirotsugu's subordinate Mita Ehito and twenty others, andquestioned the circumstances of Hirotsugu's last days. Even sup-posing that the account of the events of the first day had arrived bythe fifth, it is not likely that the events of the third day could havebeen known by that date. This is a problem arising from the methodof compilation, in which the accounts of the first day and of the thirdday were received in separate dispatches on different dates; butwhen the overall account was compiled, they were both recorded inAzumando's report of the fifth day. At times they appear to haveadopted such a method when the contents of the reports did notcontradict each other. A similar case appears in a report by Azu-mando, twenty-fourth day, ninth month, which tells about events ofthe twenty-second. Apparently the compilers felt they could adoptsuch a method, but this does not constitute an accurate historicalrecord.

The compilers mixed together Japanese-style and Chinese-styleposthumous names when recording the deaths of the sons anddaughters of Emperor Tenmu, apparently because of insufficientorganization. There are five cases during the reigns of EmperorMonmu and Empress Genmei in which the Chinese-style post-humous name, Emperor Tenmu, is used. When we come to the reignof Emperor Shomu, his Japanese-style posthumous name, Ame noNunahara Oki no Mahito, is used. However, this usage is not consis-tent throughout the reign of Emperor Shomu; in two cases theaccount reverts to the Chinese-style name.

Perhaps at the time of the first draft of Shoku Nihongi the compilershad not yet decided to use the Chinese style and wrote EmperorAme no Nunahara Oki no Mahito. Probably this was changed to theChinese style when Sugano Mamichi and others did the revision. Inhis own request in 790 for a change of name from Tsu Muraji toSugano Ason, Mamichi showed a preference for the Chinese style,giving the Chinese names of the Empress Regent Jingu, EmperorsOjin, Nintoku, Bidatsu, and so forth. In the early part of ShokuNihongi, in the accounts of Emperor Monmu and Empress Genmei,the compilers devotedly changed all the Japanese-style posthumousnames of the Emperors into Chinese style, but when they got toEmperor Shomu, their concern for this grew weaker. Even inShomu's reign they changed it in two instances, but their attitudewas clearly inconsistent. It is an example of poor execution at thestage of revision.

The Six National Histories of Japan110

Shoku Nihongi 111

Volumes 17-20: Empress Koken

The beginning of the reign of Empress Koken comes in the middle ofVolume 17; the reign name is not given, nor is there any account ofher lineage, period as Crown Princess, or character and conduct. Thecompilers disinterestedly follow the chronology, so we pass by thechange of reign at first sight without noticing it. This is also seen inthe change from Emperor Junnin to Empress Shotoku and is a fea-ture of Shoku Nihongi alone among the Six National Histories.

Before the notice of her succession on the second day, seventhmonth, there is an imperial edict of the twentieth day, intercalaryfifth month, which refers to 'the Retired Emperor Shami Shoman'(Emperor Shomu). The imperial edict has been transmitted amongthe documents of the Hirata Temple and contradicts the date of thesecond day of the seventh month given for her accession in ShokuNihongi. It probably means that the accession of Empress Kokentook place before the intercalary fifth month. Difficulty in confirm-ing that fact may have given rise to such a variance; probably themethod of compilation failed.

Such irregularities are conspicuous in other parts of this section.Volume 19 covers four years, from the first month of 753 to thetwelfth month of 756, so the accounts are very sparse. Particularlyfor 755, the entries are very few. For the second, seventh, and ninthmonths there are no entries at all, while the fourth, fifth, eighth,tenth, eleventh, and twelfth have only one entry each. In contrast,Volume 20 covers one year and seven months, from the first month of757 to the seventh month of 758. To depict the rebellion of TachibanaNaramaro in the seventh month of 757, the compilers used as sourcematerial the records of the interrogation of those involved to pro-duce an extremely detailed and notably long entry. Naturally thevarying importance of the events was responsible for the uneven-ness of the entries, but the imbalance is extreme. The memorialpresenting Shoku Nihongi claimed a loss of the account for 757 at thetime of compilation at the court of Emperor Konin, and in an all-outeffort the compilers unwisely recorded the materials about Tachi-bana Naramaro just as they were; hence the volume increased. Per-haps they abbreviated the materials pertaining to 753 and 754 incompensation.

For thejirst day, first month, 754, the report of the Assistant Envoyto Tang Otomo Komaro is recorded: he described the ceremony ofoffering New Year's congratulations to the Emperor at the Chinesecourt. He was placed in the second seat of the west, below Tibet,whereas the envoy from Silla was placed in the first seat of the east,


above Saracen. Komaro protested, saying that, as Silla was a tribu-tary country of Japan, it was unreasonable to place it ahead of Japan,and as a result the order was changed. This falls into the samecategory as Awata Mahito's earlier tale of being recognized as acitizen of a country of gentlemen; the compilers were fond of suchaccounts.

In this section there are no biographies, as before. In the seventhmonth of 754 Empress Dowager Miyako died, and in the eighthmonth of 756 Retired Emperor Shomu died, but there is no biogra-phy or summary of accomplishments for either. This contrasts withthe next section, on Emperor Junnin, with its detailed biography ofEmpress Dowager Komyo (sixth month, 760).

For the seventeenth day, eleventh month, 756, it says, 'The Feastof Harvest was not held. This was due to mourning'; A footnote says,'According to the Jingikan Ki [Records of the Department of Shinto],in this year the Feast of Harvest was held in an apartment of theDepartment.' The note tells the opposite of the main text and looksto have been inserted by later people, though it could also have beenan original note of the compilers. Perhaps by the time of revisionthey had found other sources but respected the original draft andrecorded both versions.

Volumes 21-5: Emperor Junnin

The pre-accession history of the Emperor, hitherto lacking in everycase, is quite detailed. This is the first volume of the latter half ofShoku Nihongi, and the attitude of the compilers seems to havechanged. The end of the reign comes in the middle of Volume 25, butthe timing is not clearly recorded. There is nothing to go by exceptthe edict of Empress Shotoku on the ninth day, tenth month, 764,which deposes Emperor Junnin and makes him Lord of Awaji Prov-ince/

This was the period when the rebel Emi Oshikatsu rose to hisheight, so the facts are novel and the events numerous. The methodof narration is very detailed, with reports to the throne and imperialedicts recorded in full, without abbreviation.

Biographies make their appearance: Empress Dowager Komyo(seventh day, sixth month, 760); Ishikawa Toshitari (thirteenth day,ninth month, 762); the priest Ganjin (sixth day, fifth month, 763);Fujiwara Otosada (seventeenth day, tenth month, 763); and EmiOshikatsu (eighteenth day, ninth month, 764). The last is the mostdetailed, and the course of the rebellion is told in his biographyrather than through chronological entries.

Shoku Nihongi 113

Volumes 25-30: Empress Shotoku

As noted, there is no clear demarcation between the beginning ofthis account and the end of the account of Emperor Junnin, andthere is no pre-accession history. At the end, there is the death of theEmperor (fourth day, eighth month, 770), followed by the comple-tion of forty-nine days of abstinence on the twenty-second day,ninth month, and the end of the period of mourning on the twenty -third day. In between, the new Emperor is treated as Crown Prince,and what should be called his Imperial Edict is called an Order(rydji) instead (third day, ninth month, 770). If this were all, it wouldnot be too irregular; however, the change of era name to Hoki, whichaccompanies the accession of the new Emperor Konin (first day,tenth month), is made to reach back into the reign of EmpressShotoku. It is difficult to accept the year Jingo Keiun 4 (770) ashaving been Hoki i (770) from the beginning. This happenedbecause the compilers disregarded the significance of changing theera name together with a change of reign, and used it simply as ameasure for counting the passage of years.

However, this is not the only place where an irregular change ofera names occurs: it became a custom, spreading from Shoku Nihongithroughout the Six National Histories. In a year when the era namewas changed, compilers marked the beginning of the new year fromJanuary, no matter what month the change actually took place. Incase of change of era name during a reign, because of auspicioussigns or evil omens, such an irregularity was not a serious matter.However, it may not have been appropriate, when there was achange of reign and the new sovereign took a new era name as asymbol of his own reign, for the compilers to extend it back into thereign of the previous Emperor.

I think the compilers did not intend the change of era name toapply to the period before the change. If the period that had alreadypassed were subsequently designated by a new name, what signifi-cance would it have? They may have been victims of the style of theimperial edicts announcing a change of reign, which said, 'Such andso [old name] year is changed into so and so [new name] year.' Iftaken literally, this would mean that the change of era name wasretroactive to the first month; but they should not have taken theedicts at face value. Sugawara Michizane understood this point verywell, and in recording the era names in Ruiju Kokushi he used boththe old and the new era names in recording dates before and afterthe day of the change, and did not uniformly apply the new eraname. With respect to the case in question, for the reign of Empress

ii4 The Six National Histories of Japan

Shotoku he used the era name Jingo Keiun until the eighth month ofthe fourth year (770); then he began the new era, Hoki, for EmperorKonin from the tenth month.

The irrational method of recording the year in Shoku Nihongi whenthere was a change of reign also appears for Empresses Genmei andGensho and for Emperor Shomu, as pointed out in Chapter i, but itis most striking in the case of Empress Shotoku, because the periodof time involved, at ten months, is so long.

The nature of the account is not greatly different from precedingvolumes. The biographies give the main points about their subjectsvery well; the most striking are those of Kudara Konikishi Keifuku(twenty-eighth day, sixth month, 766), Fujiwara Matate (i2th day,3rd month, 766), Fujiwara Toyonari (twenty-seventh day, eleventhmonth, 764). The practice of appraising the accomplishments of theEmperor at the time of his death also begins with these volumes.

Also noteworthy is the large number of imperial decrees in senmyostyle.8 The number of senmyo decrees per reign in Shoku Nihongi is:

Empress Shotoku 18Emperor Konin 12Empress Koken 10Emperor Shomu 9Emperor Junnin 6Emperor Kanmu 3Empress Genmei 2Emperor Monmu 2

Empress Shotoku's decrees were far more numerous than those ofthe other rulers. She may have enjoyed using the senmyo style, butprobably the compilers indulgently recorded them without excisingany.

On the twenty-eighth day, third month, 770, there was a popularpicnic, at which two hundred thirty men and women of Paekchedescent, belonging to the families of Fujii, Fune, Tsu, Fumu, Takefu,and Kura, sang:

Otomera ni The young men approachOtoko tachisoi The young maidens;Fuminarasu Together they tread down the earth.Nishi no miyako wa The western capitalYorozuyo no miya Will last ten thousand reigns.

This is a rare example of recording a song with Manyo syllabary. It

Shoku Nihongi 115

shows the deep connection the compilers had with immigrants fromPaekche.9

Volumes 31-6: Emperor Konin

This section begins with a detailed pre-accession history; the long-est such account in Shoku Nihongi. It goes so far as to record a songforetelling his future accession while he was still a prince. However,the end of his reign is not clearly demarcated; there is simply animperial edict on the accession of the new Emperor Kanmu in themiddle of Volume 36 (fourth month, 781). Since Emperor Konin diedon the twenty-third day, twelfth month, 781, Volume 36 continuesup until his death. It concludes with the announcement of his post-humous name, Amamune Takatsugu, in the first month of 782, hisburial in the Hirooka Tomb, and a brief Assessment of his reign.Together with the assessment of Empress Shotoku, this shows thatthe compilers of the latter part of Shoku Nihongi considered assess-ment of the Emperors a part of authentic historical method.

The narrative is quite detailed, including the report of the returnto Japan of the Envoy to China in 778 and the uprising in Mutsu byIji Azamaro in 780. The facts are concretely portrayed, with greatverisimilitude. The biographies are also interesting and several sup-plement the chronological entries: Dokyo (seventh day, fourthmonth, 772), Kuninaka Kimimaro (third day, tenth month, 774), KibiMakibi (second day, tenth month, 775), Fujiwara Yoshitsugu (eight-eenth day, ninth month, 777), and Fujiwara Momokawa (ninth day,seventh month, 779).

Volumes 36-40: Emperor Kanmu

This portion is a contemporaneous account of the reigning EmperorKanmu, the only such case in the Six National Histories; accordinglyhe is called, 'The Present Emperor/ There is no pre-accession his-tory, but the attitude is no different from that which prevailsthroughout the work. It is almost the same as previous sections:there is an account of the aborigines in Mutsu contained in thereport of the Eastern General and imperial decrees (789); manyrequests by families for change of names; and detailed biographies.However, there is a special concern for matters connected with thereigning Emperor. Upon the death of his mother, Empress DowagerTakano, in 789, they recorded the names of those appointed to con-duct the funeral ceremonies, the awarding of her posthumous name

n6 The Six National Histories of Japan

in 790, her interment in the Oe Tomb, and an Assessment. The deathof Empress Otomuro in intercalary third month, 790, is handled thesame way.

It is significant that this chronicle was added to the National His-tory while the Emperor still reigned. It means that the Emperordisplayed strong self-confidence about his reign. It is well knownthat Emperor Kanmu dismantled the old system of the Nara courtand developed the brilliant new governing system at the Heian capi-tal, and perhaps he wanted to see this accomplishment affirmed inthe National History. He might have wished to make sure that themoving of the capital to Nagaoka, the associated and unexpecteddeath of Fujiwara Tanetsugu, and the deposition of the CrownPrince were all properly recorded. Moreover, he may have wantedthe funerals of the Empress Dowager Takano and Empress Otomurorecorded and their womanly virtues justly praised.

However, in the midst of such self-confidence, troubles oftenappear. The Emperor himself subsequently sought to excise theaccounts of the affairs that concerned him most, the matter of Fuji-wara Tanetsugu and Prince Sawara. This was because he feared thewrath of Prince Sawara's angry ghost.

Prince Sawara, younger brother of the Emperor, was said to havemurdered Tanetsugu, in league with the Otomo and Saeki families,in order to overturn the court. Prince Sawara was banished andlocked up in Otokuni-dera Temple, where he went without food formore than ten days; subsequently he died en route to Awaji. Thisprobably happened because the Emperor was enraged at the deathof his beloved and trusted Tanetsugu and determined to punishPrince Sawara. However, it resulted in the death in fury of hisyounger brother, and the Emperor must have lost sleep. In addition,great misfortune followed at court. The Empress Dowager and theEmpress died one after the other, and the new Crown Prince, Ate,was sickly, against which no remedy was effective. Divinationrevealed that the deaths and illness were all caused by a curse by thedeceased Prince Sawara, and thereafter the Emperor spared no effortto pacify his spirit. In 800 the name Emperor Sudo was bestowedposthumously upon the prince, and his grave in Awaji was desig-nated an imperial tomb. Another measure was to excise from ShokuNihongi the account of Prince Sawara's deposition.

In the present version of Shoku Nihongi there is only a simpleentry for the twenty-third day, ninth month, 785, stating that Fuji-wara Tanetsugu was shot with an arrow by bandits. On the twenty-fourth day it is recorded that Otomo Tsugundo and Otomo Takeraand a score of their gang were arrested, interrogated, and punished

Shoku Nihongi 117

according to law. There follows Tanetsugu's biography, but there isno mention at all of Prince Sawara. There is only an account for theeighth day of the tenth month, saying that messengers had beensent to the various imperial tombs to announce to the spirits of theEmperors that Prince Sawara had been deposed.

The Shoku Nihongi text is brief because excision occurred. Butfortunately the unexcised text was recorded in Nihon Kiryaku, so weroughly know the original version. This text states that the gang wasarrested and Hoki Ikadamaro, Otomo Tsugundo, and others wereexamined; gives an imperial decree for the twenty-eighth dayannouncing their crime; and narrates affairs up to the death of theprince. Only with this record do we learn of the end of Prince Sa-wara. The present version of Shoku Nihongi is most imperfect as ahistorical record.

How are the details of this excision known? In later years, duringthe reign of Emperor Saga, Fujiwara Nakanari and his younger sisterKusuko were expelled from the palace for a crime,10 and this wasannounced in an imperial edict at the tomb of Emperor Kanmu.Nakanari and Kusuko were children of Tanetsugu, and during thereign of Emperor Heizei, when they flourished at the court, theybecame dissatisfied because the story of their father's murder wasnot recorded in Shoku Nihongi, and they had the excised partrestored to the text to justify the position of Tanetsugu. EmperorHeizei, who was critical of the government of Emperor Kanmu, musthave been in accord. However, Emperor Saga then came to thethrone, and Nakanari and Kusuko lost their standing. Emperor Sagaalso desired loyally to continue the enterprises of Emperor Kanmu;respecting Kanmu's policy of excision of parts of the history, he onceagain deleted them. The present text of Shoku Nihongi perpetuatesthe deletion. The writers of Nihon Kiryaku had the original undeletedversion, and they must have summarized their account from that.

For the court to alter the text of a National History because ofcontemporary politics must be considered an actof violence. Since itwas his own history that he had had compiled, Emperor Kanmumust have felt no resistance to amending it, but to defile the dignityof national history was an outrageous deed. In ancient China thehistorians protected the truth of history at the cost of their lives;what became of their example? History was recorded so lightly inJapan because the Emperor was involved with the historical accountof his own governance.

Historical writing ought to be carried out after the lapse of aperiod of time, because the contemporary era is always a time ofuproar, and it is difficult to find the truth. This admonition must be

n8 The Six National Histories of Japan

borne in mind at the present day, and the truth of it was shown byShoku Nihongi a thousand years ago.

A D D I T I O N A L M A T E R I A L S

The first of the materials appended to Shoku Nihongi is Kanso Jirui[Classified Guide for Officials]. This has not survived, but fortu-nately the Table of Contents and Preface are found in Honcho HokaMonjo Mokuroku [Catalogue of Documents of Legal Families ofJapan],11 and, as the dispersed text has been transmitted in someancient works, we can conjecture about what sort of work it was. Inthe dispersed Preface, this work is described as the 'MiscellaneousMatters' of Shoku Nihongi. It was compiled on the same day of thesame month, six years after the completion of Shoku Nihongi, and thecompilers were the last group who worked on Shoku Nihongi.

To summarize the Preface, it says that the facts from the first yearof the reign of Emperor Monmu up to 791, which are appropriateand ought to be in a book of history, are thoroughly discussed andput into the contents of the chronicle and edited as Shoku Nihongi.Such matters as New Year's ceremonies, accession ceremonies,envoys from neighbouring countries, and the sending out of officialsfrom the court, being recorded in separate accounts and complicatedbesides, were not recorded a second time in this work. However,there were also daily minor matters and customary practices forwhich either the language was archaic and difficult to understand orthe rationale was vague. Of these, practices of long standing, andworthy of preserving in government offices, were culled withoutchange from earlier drafts of Shoku Nihongi, collated, and compiledin a form which was easy to examine. There were thirty volumes;and with the title Kanso Jirui, Classified Guide for Government Offi-cials, they were kept in government offices for use in administration.The date is the thirteenth day, second month, 803, and in addition tothe compilers Sugano Mamichi, Akishino Yasundo, and NakashinaKotsuo, there are signatures of such men as Clerk in the Ministry ofCeremonial Kamo Agatanushi Tatsunaga, who had previouslyserved in the Shoku Nihongi compilation office and had received acourt rank as reward.

According to the Preface, the compilers collected and classifieditems rejected as insufficiently important for Shoku Nihongi. In otherwords, it was a secondary compilation of Shoku Nihongi and a sup-plementary task. In collecting historical materials that had beenrejected, its significance lay in the preservation of materials. Further,it reorganized the materials arranged by chronology in Shoku

Shoku Nihongi 119

Nihongi in order to facilitate review under classified headings.From the Table of Contents we can see that it was divided into

small parts, extending over each area of government:

Part i: The Gods, 68 itemsPart 2: Vestal Virgins, Book i, 99 items12

Part 3: Vestal Virgins, Book 2, 99 itemsPart 4: Buddhist temples, 116 itemsPart 5: Buddhist purification rites, 83 items13

Part 6: Worship of Shakyamuni, 8 items; national abstinences, 23items; priests, 24 items; high priests, 9 items

It goes up to Part 29: Offices posthumously awarded to persons ofmerit, 36 items; gifts, 18 items; remonstrances, 3 items; and Part 30:Miscellaneous, 82 items.

This method of classifying materials had significant value as aprecedent for Ruiju Kokushi and Ruiju Sandai Kyaku. The dispersedtext appears in several works, which are collected by Wada Hide-matsu in Kokusho Itsubun [Dispersed Texts of Japanese Works].14

Comparing these dispersed texts with the text of Shoku Nihongi,they are almost identical; for example, the entry for the first day, firstmonth, 702, which records the first donning of ceremonial clothingby everyone from the Princes down to the Great Counsellors,15 andthe entry for 715, which records the same, beginning with the CrownPrince (both of these are found in Saikyuki).16 This is probably fromthe lost text of Part 21: Clothing. The text of a foot-stomping song onthe sixteenth day, first month, 730, is also identical with the text ofShoku Nihongi.17

Thus the classified entries in Kanso Jirui were not always mattersomitted from Shoku Nihongi; what was significant was the method ofclassification. The classified items were dated by recording the day,not the sexagenary cycle. On this point they differ from ShokuNihongi, which shows that the materials were in the form of a jour-nal. The ceremonies for sending emissaries to Ise on the eleventhday, ninth month, 72i,18 are also recorded in minute detail, in con-trast to the simple account in Shoku Nihongi. Also, in recording theestablishment of repentance liturgy at the court in the twelfthmonth of 774, Kanso Jirui adds the explanation, 'This was the originof repentance liturgy,'19 whereas it is not found at all in ShokuNihongi. This recording of the origin of practices provides what islacking in Shoku Nihongi.

Following Kanso Jirui in Honcho Hoka Monjo Mokuroku is the nameof a work entitled Gekan Jirui [Classified Guide for Provincial Offi-cials], eleven volumes. Since it is described as 'beginning in 701 and


going up to 803,' the time-span is not exactly the same as ShokuNihongi. However, 803 is the year in which Kanso Jirui was compiled,so it may have a connection with that work. There is no preface, andthe circumstances of compilation are unknown; a Table of Contentscontains such items as, 'Chapter i: Offices, provinces and districts,gods of heaven and earth; Chapter 2: Temples, priests, and nuns, taxregisters, labour, guards.' It may have been a classified guide toessential matters for the use of provincial officials, in contrast toKanso Jirui, which was a guide to affairs for junior officials in thecentral government. It is certain that it was appended to ShokuNihongi. Gekan Jirui is not extant, nor do we find dispersed partselsewhere.

R E S E A R C H

Unlike Nihon Shoki, there are no records of lectures at the court onShoku Nihongi and few examples of scholars having done deepresearch. Tsuken Nyudo Zosho Mokuroku [Catalogue of the Library ofLay Priest Michinori] records that in the noth box there were fourbinders, each containing ten volumes of Shoku Nihongi, so we knowthat it was kept in the libraries of book collectors such as Michi-nori.20 Also, Emperor Hanazano (r. 1308-18) noted in his diary thathe had looked over Shoku Nihongi. However, the beginning ofserious study came with the rise of National Studies in the Edoperiod. The only commentary that covers the whole work is MuraoGenyu's Shoku Nihongi Kosho [Research on Shoku Nihongi]; Kawa-mura Masune's Shokki Shikkai remains in manuscript form.

Motoori Norinaga accomplished the greatest work among themodern scholars of National Studies, and his studies of ShokuNihongi were also pioneering works. However, he was not interestedin Shoku Nihongi in its entirety but prized the ancient words andmeanings preserved in the imperial proclamations in the text; hiscontribution was the six-volume commentary on the proclamationscalled Rekicho Shoshi Kai [Explanation of the Words of ImperialDecrees at the Successive Courts]. He published this work in his lastyears after the completion of Kojiki Den, and it still has great value asthe meticulous research of a mature scholar.

In Hikobae, by his disciple Ban Nobutomo, there are related essaysof bibliographical research on Shoku Nihongi, such as Volume 4:'Shoku Nihongi no naka naru Furuki Sakuran no Fumi' [DisorderedAncient Texts in Shoku Nihongi]; Volume 6: 'Sen Shoku Nihongi ShidaiK6' [On the Stages in the Compilation of Shoku Nihongi]; and Volume12: 'Shoku Nihongi no naka naru Nendaireki to iu Mono no Koto' [On

Shoku Nihongi 121

Nendaireki in Shoku Nihongi].21 Since Ban Nobutomo made extensiveuse of Shoku Nihongi in his studies of Japanese history, he recog-nized the necessity of such basic research.

A complete commentary, Shoku Nihongi Kosho, was published in1849 by Murao Genyu, a scholar of the Hamamatsu domain, TotomiProvince. The book that now exists was his manuscript, put intoorder by his son Motonori and published in twelve volumes by theTsurumai domain in 1870. Genyu laboured to produce an authentictext, and for that purpose he collected and revised six versions.However, in this work the original text was not completely recorded.His method was to enter the words that were problems and to writenotes beneath them correcting the differences. Since he did not pro-vide a complete text, the work, regrettably, is not of much use with-out the aid of a full set of volumes. In addition to correctingdiscrepancies, the notes cite various books to provide exegeses ofindividuals' names, place names, and historical terms, and the expla-nations are generally satisfactory. Though present-day scholars maynote quite a few inadequate points, a great deal of effort wasrequired to achieve this much in the troubled times at the end of theBakufu era.

Next, Shokki Shikkai follows after Kawamura Hidene's Shoki Shik-kai and is one of the exegeses of the Five National Histories authoredby his son Kawamura Masune. The exegesis of the Five NationalHistories consists of eighty manuscript volumes altogether, and theoriginal manuscript in Masune's hand is preserved in the HosaLibrary in Nagoya.22 Shokki Shikkai is in twenty manuscript volumes,and there is a note saying that it was written between the twenty-third day, sixth month, 1806, and the sixth day, fifth month, 1811.The format is the same as that of Shoki Shikkai, providing the neces-sary explanation in the form of notes regarding the main words inthe text. As might be expected, many of the explanations consist ofrecording sources in the Chinese classics; but it also contains histori-cal research.

An example of Masune's research is the case of the Uji bridge inthe biography of Dosho. Masune cites Nihon Ryoiki and the inscrip-tion on the bridge to the effect that it was Doto who built it andexplains that 'built' in this case means 'repaired.' In another exam-ple, he added a note to the entry, '4th day, nth month, 705. JuniorFifth Rank, Lower, Taima Mahito Tate was made head of the IseVirgins Office/ saying that this had already been recorded for thefirst month of 702. However, it often happened that an entry con-cerning appointment to office was cited again after three or fouryears; this involved a notice of first appointment and then a second


notice of reappointment after the person resigned from office forthree years on the death of a parent. Masune judged this not to be agenuine case of repetition of an entry.

Although it contains notable explanations such as those men-tioned above, the book cannot be called complete. As it was handeddown in manuscript form in the Kawamura family, it was not knownto the outside world. Murao Genyu was unaware of it when hewrote Shoku Nihongi Kosho.

New methods of historical research were adopted in the Meijiperiod, and many scholars noted Shoku Nihongi as a historical sourcefor the Nara period. A number of studies were produced, such asHagino Yoshiyuki's questioning of 741 as the time of the imperialdecree ordering establishment of a Buddhist temple in each prov-ince and Kita Sadakichi's theory about the date of founding for theprovinces of Iwaki and Iwashiro, but no comprehensive work ofcommentary appeared.

In the post-war period, at the same time as disbelief in Nihon Shokimounted, the credibility of Shoku Nihongi increased, and it came intogeneral use in the history departments of universities as a text forpractising reading and interpretation of documents on ancient his-tory. In Osaka there arose among progressive scholars a ShokuNihongi Research Society, which, starting in January 1954, published'Research on Shoku Nihongi/ a journal in which scholars of ancienthistory throughout the country could present their research. Thiscontinues to be published by the Ancient History Chapter of theOsaka Historical Society, and it occupies a special place as a journalof research on the whole of ancient history, with Shoku Nihongi at thecentre.

C H A P T E R FOUR

Nihon Koki


Details of the compilation of Nihon Koki are known from the Preface,which is found in Ruiju Kokushi. It began in 819 when Emperor Sagacommanded four men to compile it: Great Counsellor FujiwaraFuyutsugu, Middle Counsellor Fujiwara Otsugu, Consultant Fuji-wara Sadatsugu, and Consultant Yoshimine Yasuyo. The year 819was twenty-two years after the presentation of Shoku Nihongi in 797.The reigns of Emperor Kanmu and Emperor Heizei had been com-pleted, and eleven years had already passed since the inaugurationof Emperor Saga's reign. Strangely enough, the year 791, the begin-ning of Shoku Nihongi, was also the eleventh year after the accessionof Emperor Kanmu. Perhaps Emperor Saga wanted to follow theexample of his father, Emperor Kanmu.

Around this time Emperor Saga had commanded various works ofcompilation. Since Konin Kyaku Shiki [Regulations and Procedures ofthe Konin Era] was finished in 820, 819 must have been the last stageof a compilation process. Also, in the first month of 821, Dairi Shiki[Palace Procedures] was finished. The collection of Chinese poetryRyounshu, compiled under imperial order, was finished in 814, andthe succeeding Chinese poetry collection, Bunka Shureishu, was pre-sented to the throne in 818. It was natural for Emperor Saga toattempt as well the compilation of a National History.

How were the compilers chosen? The Great Counsellor, MiddleCounsellor, and two Consultants were high-ranking officials, all themore so because there was no Great Minister in 819; the top officewas Great Counsellor, and Fuyutsugu was the only one who heldthe post. Thus Fuyutsugu's position corresponded to that of GreatMinister, as described in Shingishiki. He was then forty-five years


old, and was, concurrently, General of the Right Guard and Inspec-tor of Mutsu and Dewa provinces. In 818, Fujiwara Sonondo haddied while Minister of the Right, and for some time there was nogreat Minister; Fuyutsugu was finally appointed Minister of theRight in 821. Since he was also the chief compiler of Konin KyakuShiki and Dairi Shiki, his duties as chief compiler of the NationalHistory may have been merely nominal. But he laid the foundationsfor the later prosperity of the northern branch of the Fujiwara asRegents for the Emperors, and his position as chief compiler of theNational History began their monopoly of this position.

Next is Middle Counsellor Fujiwara Otsugu. At this time therewere two Middle Counsellors, Otsugu and Funya Watamaro. Wata-maro was a military administrator throughout, so the only officialnext to the Great Minister was Otsugu. He was the eldest son ofMomokawa of the Shiki branch of the Fujiwara and had his coming-of-age cap bestowed in audience with Emperor Kanmu in 788.Kanmu owed much to the power of Momokawa in succeeding to thethrone, so the special favour he showed to Otsugu was a repaymentfor his father's merits. Otsugu was appointed Consultant in 802 atthe age of twenty-nine. In 819 he was forty-six, at which time he wasappointed Middle Counsellor and Head of the Ministry of PopularAffairs. Since Shingishiki stipulated an executive Consultant and aGreat Minister, Otsugu's position as Middle Counsellor was anoma-lous, but it was probably because of his character and judgement, asdiscerned by Emperor Saga, that he was added to the compilationteam. The choice brought about even better results than anticipated.Three of the four compilers died early, and only Otsugu remained.He supervised the work to the end.

Fujiwara Sadatsugu and Yoshimine Yasuyo were present as Con-sultants. Sadatsugu was a grandson of Muchimaro of the southernbranch of the Fujiwara, the son of Kosemaro and a cousin of Tsugu-tada, the compiler ofShoku Nihongi. In 819, at the age of sixty-one, hewas appointed Consultant. He does not seem to have been deeplyconcerned with scholarship, and his involvement with the historycompilation was nominal.

Yoshimine Yasuyo was a son of Emperor Kanmu and was giventhe name Yoshimine Ason in 802. He had outstanding talent in bothletters and military skills and enjoyed the confidence of EmperorSaga; he participated in the compilation of both Keikokushu and DairiShiki. Thirteen of his Chinese poems are contained in collectionssuch as Ryounshu, Bunka Shureishu, and Keikokushu. He must havemade a substantial contribution to compiling the National History.

To what degree were these four men able to accomplish their task?

Nihon Koki 125

Fuyutsugu died in 826, Sadatsugu in 824, and Yasuyo in 830. As thePreface says, 'Three ministers passed away in succession with thework unfinished, leaving only Otsugu.' More importantly, EmperorSaga, who had commanded the work, abdicated the throne toEmperor Junna. It is not clear how far the history was intended to goin Emperor Saga's original plan, but in Junna's reign the compilersapparently intended to narrate the reigns of Emperors Kanmu, Hei-zei, and Saga. Thus during Emperor Junna's reign they had to sup-plement the team of compilers and enter into the second stage ofwork.

According to the Preface, the following were commanded byEmperor Junna to join Otsugu in compiling the National History:Provisional Great Counsellor Kiyowara Natsuno, Middle CounsellorPrince Naoyo, Consultant Fujiwara Yoshino, Consultant Ono Mine-mori, Great Secretary Sakanoue Imatsugu, and Great SecretaryShimada Kiyota. The date of the command is not clear, but therecorded ranks and offices should clarify the range of possible dates.

First, Kiyowara Natsuno is recorded as General of the Left Guard,Third Rank, and, concurrently, Great Counsellor and Head of theMinistry of Popular Affairs. He held these ranks and offices from thenineteenth day, third month, 828 to the eleventh day, ninth month,830. Prince Naoyo is recorded as Middle Counsellor, Junior ThirdRank, and, concurrently, Head of the Ministry of Central Affairs. Hewas appointed Middle Counsellor and Junior Third Rank in the sixthmonth of 830, and, concurrently, Head of the Ministry of CentralAffairs on the fourth day, eighth month, 830. Fujiwara Yoshino isrecorded as Consultant, Senior Fourth Rank, Lower, General of theRight Guard, and, concurrently, Master of the Crown Prince'sHousehold. He was appointed to Senior Fourth Rank, Lower, on thefourth day, eighth month, 830, remaining General of the RightGuard and Master of the Crown Prince's Household, as before.

These three men held the listed offices at the same time for justover a month, between the fourth day, eighth month, 830 and theeleventh day of the ninth month. This period was about one monthafter the death, on the sixth day, seventh month, 830, of YoshimineYasuyo, who was, together with Otsugu, the last of the compilersappointed by Emperor Saga. Emperor Junna had probably cherishedthe idea of compiling a National History for some time, and, seeingthe death of Yoshimine Yasuyo, he appointed additional compilers tocarry on the work around the eighth month of 830.

The above conjecture is valid for five of the six men appointed byEmperor Junna; the only exception is Ono Minemori. He is recordedin the Preface as Consultant, Junior Fourth Rank, Upper, and Head


of the Ministry of Punishments. He held these offices and ranks fromthe ninth day, intercalary third month, 828, but he died on thenineteenth day, fourth month, 830. Either Minemori alone wasappointed earlier or there are errors in recording the offices andranks of the others. For the time being I hold the first view, thatMinemori alone was specially appointed for his literary talent.

Let us now turn to the details of the compilers. In 830 Otsugu wasalready Great Minister of the Right and, concurrently, Crown Prin-ce's Mentor. After the death of Fuyutsugu, he was the highest offi-cial in both name and reality, and a suitable person to head thecompilation of the National History.

Kiyowara Natsuno was a great-grandson of Prince Toneri and wasgiven the surname of Kiyowara Mahito in 803. He was appointedConsultant in 823, Provisional Great Minister in 828, and Minister ofthe Right in 832; he died in the tenth month of 837, at the age of fifty-six. In another of Emperor Junna's compilation projects, the selec-tion of Ryo no Gige, he rose to the position of chief, and the work wasaccomplished in the second month of 833. Thus in character andjudgement he was a suitable person for the compilation of theNational History. However, he does not seem to have been deeplyinvolved with the actual work of the compilation.

Middle Counsellor Prince Naoyo was a grandson of Prince Nagataand son of Prince Kiyowara. He became Consultant in 821, held thepositions of Controller of the Left and Mayor of the Left Capital, andbecame Middle Counsellor and, concurrently, Head of the Ministryof Central Affairs in 830. He died in the first month of 834, at the ageof fifty-nine. He was not especially known for literary achievement,so the degree of his participation is not clear. Possibly he was chosenbecause he was a Middle Counsellor.

Consultant Fujiwara Yoshino was a grandson of Kurajimaro and ason of Tsunatsugu of the Shiki branch of Fujiwara House. Havingenjoyed studying in his youth, he was not ashamed to seek counselfrom inferiors, and he taught his disciples gently. Because he alwaysmodelled his behavior after the Chinese classics, he did not need toconsult them. He never censured people for their mistakes; and heserved his parents with filial piety: in all, the classic gentleman.Receiving the confidence of Emperor Junna, he became Consultantin 828, and in 830 he held the posts of Master of the Crown Prince'sHousehold and, concurrently, General of the Right Guard, beingpromoted to Middle Counsellor in 834. After the death of RetiredEmperor Junna in 840, he ceased to attend at court and three timespresented memorials to the Emperor seeking to resign his positions,but they were not accepted. In 842 he was implicated in the rebellion

Nihon Koki 127

of Tomo Kowamine and demoted to Governor-General of the Gov-ernment Headquarters in Kyushu; he died in 846 at the age of sixty-one. Yoshino was a benevolent man with a love of learning, andsince he enjoyed a relationship of mutual trust with Emperor Junna,it is likely that the Emperor personally added him to the compilationteam. Together with Otsugu he was entrusted with the compilationto the end and contributed at many points to the character of NihonKoki.

Consultant Ono Minemori was a descendant of Ono Imoko andthe son of Nagami. He started his affiliation as Provisional LesserSecretary and held the positions of Second Vice-Minister in the Min-istry of Ceremonials and Head of the Treasury Bureau, becomingConsultant in 822, and, concurrently, Assistant Governor-General ofthe Government Headquarters in Kyushu. In 828 he also held theposition of Head of the Punishments Ministry. He had a high repu-tation as a man of letters and selected parts of the first imperialanthology, Ryounshu, which contains thirteen of his own Chinesepoems; eight others appear in Bunka Shureishu, and nine in Keiko-kushu. He also participated in the compilation of Dairi Shiki, andthus was active on many fronts. He died on the nineteenth day,fourth month, 830, before Emperor Junna officially selected men tocompile a National History in what we think was the eighth monthof 830. It is possible that he alone was appointed earlier.

Great Secretary Sakanoue Imatsugu is described in the Preface as,concurrently, a professor of history and literature, so he was a spe-cialist in historical compilation. Two of his Chinese poems are foundin Ryounshu, and one is found in Bunka Shureishu. As a Great Secre-tary he was probably involved in the actual writing, but he mighthave died early, and his name is not entered among those selected tocompile the history in the reign of Emperor Ninmyo.

Great Secretary Shimada Kiyota entered the university, studiedethics and history, and passed the examinations in literature. Hebecame Lesser Secretary in 824 but was promoted to Great Secre-tary in 827. Since he is said to have died in 855 at the age of seventy-seven, he was fifty-two in 830. However, because his name was notincluded among those selected during Ninmyo's reign, he is notlisted among those who completed the work. After the mid-83o's hewas transferred to Second Vice-Minister of the Imperial HouseholdMinistry and second Vice-Minister in the Ministry of Civil Affairs; in839 he moved out to become Governor of Iga Province. Thus sepa-rated from his work as Great Secretary, he may also have beendistanced from the work of compiling the history.

The compilers composed a splendid group, consisting of a Minis-


ter of the Right, a Provisional Great Counsellor, a Middle Counsellor,and two Consultants and Great Secretaries. Two Great Secretarieswere added after Emperor Saga's time, evidence of the desire to geton with the actual work. This desire is seen in the entry for thetwentieth day, first month, 799, on the death of Wake Hiromushi. Itsays, 'The Emperor, conscious of Wake's diligent work, posthum-ously raised his rank to Senior Third.' According to the entry on thebiography of Wake Kiyomaro (twenty-first day, second month, 799),his rank was posthumously raised to Senior Third in 825. This meansthat the 'Emperor' refers to Junna, and the portion of the recordcontaining Hiromushi's biography was written during his reign.

How did the compilation progress during the reign of EmperorJunna? The Preface says, 'Due to the abdication of Emperor Junna,the compilers did not have enough time.' It seems that they had notcompleted enough of the history because of the abdication. Theyresumed compilation in the eighth month of 830, but since EmperorJunna abdicated in the second month of 833, they only had two-anda-half years to work and could not complete the book during hisreign.

Thus in the reign of Emperor Ninmyo, it was necessary to enterthe third stage of compilation. According to the Preface, a revisedcommand was given to Minister of the Left Fujiwara Otsugu, Minis-ter of the Right Minamoto Tokiwa, Middle Counsellor FujiwaraYoshino, Middle Counsellor Fujiwara Yoshifusa, and ConsultantAsano Shikatori, with Former Governor of Izumi Furu Takaniwa andGreat Secretary Yamada Furutsugu carrying out the actual writing.

The date of this imperial command is not known. The ranks andoffices given for the compilers were all those of the time of comple-tion in the twelfth month of 840, so we cannot use their ranks andoffices to conjecture the date, as we did in the case of EmperorJunna.

As noted, Minister of the Left Fujiwara Otsugu was a compilerstraight through from the reign of Emperor Kanmu. In 832 heswitched from Minister of the Right to Minister of the Left, thusretaining his position as the leading minister of state. He continuedthus until his death in 843.

Minister of the Right, Minamoto Tokiwa, joined the compilers forthe first time. He was a son of Emperor Saga, who received thefamily name Minamoto in 814. He was awarded Junior Third Rank in831 and was appointed Middle Counsellor in 832. In 838 he becameGreat Counsellor and was promoted to Minister of the Right and,concurrently, Crown Prince's Mentor in 840. He died in 854 at theage of forty-three. He was twenty-nine in 840 when he was

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appointed to the compilation of Nihon Koki. At a time when thecontrolling power of the Fujiwara family was very great among thecompilers, his appointment was deeply significant. This may havebeen one measure of resistance against the Fujiwara by EmperorNinmyo, who was also a son of Emperor Saga.

Middle Counsellor Fujiwara Yoshino continued on from the timeof Emperor Junna, while Yoshifusa was freshly appointed to join theMiddle Counsellors. He moved from Provisional Middle Counsellorto Middle Counsellor on the eighth day, eighth month, 840. ThePreface gives him as Middle Counsellor, but that was his rank atcompletion of the work in the twelfth month of 840. At the time ofthe command appointing him, he was probably Provisional MiddleCounsellor (as of the fourth month of 835) and Consultant (as of theseventh month of 834). He was a son of Fuyutsugu and succeededhim as head of the northern branch. He gained the confidence ofEmperor Ninmyo and passed over seven other men when he waspromoted from Consultant to Provisional Middle Counsellor. Hisrank and popularity made it natural for Ninmyo to add him as amember of the compilers; there was probably no expectation that hework on the actual compilation.

Consultant Asano Shikatori studied as a youth at the universityand was exceedingly learned in the Shi Ji and the Han Shu. In 802 heaccompanied the diplomatic mission to China as an associaterecorder, and he held several offices upon his return to Japan,becoming Consultant in 833. He died in 843 at the age of seventy. Hewas sixty-seven at the time of presentation of Nihon Koki, and,because of his learning and experience, he may have made greatcontributions to the work. His character, 'Disciplined, with a fullunderstanding of matters to be dealt with, and a competent official/may have helped shape the superior quality of Nihon Koki. He alsoparticipated in the compilation of Dairi Shiki; six of his Chinesepoems are found in Bunka Shureishu.

Former Governor of Izumi Province Furu Takaniwa appears in theNational History in 805 as a student of Chinese poetry and biogra-phy at the university and Junior Eighth Rank, Upper, so he wasprobably a graduate in those fields. No details are known about him.

Great Secretary Yamada Furutsugu became Third Private Secre-tary in 828, Lesser Secretary in 829, and Great Secretary in 834. In846 he was appointed Assistant Governor of Awa Province, wherehis administrative achievements were said to be highly notable. Hedied while Provisional Assistant Governor of Sagami Province in 853.He was honest and respectful, reserved, and showed extreme filialpiety towards his parents. He may have participated in the compila-


tion of the history because of his position as Great Secretary, but hisintegrity of character may also have been recognized by theEmperor. The people chosen during Emperor Ninmyo's reign weremen of excellent character.

During Emperor Junna's reign, the scope of the history was broa-dened to cover the reign of Emperor Saga, and in Emperor Ninmyo'sreign it was extended again to cover the reign of Emperor Junna.Thus the scope of the history was expanded to cover the reigns ofEmperors Kanmu, Heizei, Saga, and Junna, a period of forty-oneyears and two months from the first month of 792 to the secondmonth of 833.

As for the method of narration, the Preface says, 'We have takenthe essentials from complicated documents, and have not put minorand detailed matters into this record/ and, also, 'Matters that arecarried out according to custom are recorded in other works, and arenot included in the present work.'

From the Preface it appears that the compilers chose the nameNihon Koki, intending it as a National History sequential to ShokuNihongi. The date of the Preface is the ninth day, twelfth month, 840.In Shoku Nihon Koki there is an entry that Nihon Koki was presentedon the nineteenth day, twelfth month, 841. The compilers did indeedcomplete Nihon Koki in 840, and I prefer to follow the Preface, reject-ing the entry in Shoku Nihon Koki. The ranks and offices of thecompilers are all correct for the twelfth month of 840 and do not tallyfor the twelfth month of 841, so the date given in the Preface cannotbe considered mistaken. Also, the date of the ninth day of thetwelfth month could easily have been taken erroneously as the nine-teenth day of the twelfth month in Shoku Nihon Koki. In Shoku NihonKoki there are many cases of paragraphs or pages out of order, so itsdates are often open to doubt.

C O N T E N T S

Describing the contents of Nihon Koki is difficult because the textdoes not exist in its entirety. In the other Five National Historiesthere are some abbreviations of entries, but at least the entire textexists; while in this case only ten volumes out of forty remain. Theyare scattered over four volumes on Emperor Kanmu, two onEmperor Heizei, and four on Emperor Saga, while not a single vol-ume remains on Emperor Junna. These volumes and their dates are:

Emperor KanmuVolume 5: seventh month, 796, to third month, 797

Nihon Koki 131

Volume 8: first month, 799, to twelfth month, 799Volume 12: first month, 804, to sixth month, 805Volume 13: seventh month, 805, to fifth month, 806

Emperor HeizeiVolume 14: fifth month, 806, to ninth month, 806Volume 17: fourth month, 808, to fourth month, 809

Emperor SagaVolume 20: ninth month, 810, to twelfth month, 810Volume 21: first month, 811, to intercalary twelfth month, 811Volume 22: first month, 812, to second month, 813Volume 24: seventh month, 814, to twelfth month, 815

In addition, numerous fragmentary entries, day by day, are includedin Ruiju Kokushi. Ruiju Kokushi was compiled under subject-head-ings, using the material in the original text of the Six National Histo-ries. Thus from the items contained in Ruiju Kokushi we can learnwhat parts correspond to the years and months in Nihon Koki.

These forty volumes cover forty-one years and two months ofhistory, so that each volume covers about one year, which is muchdenser than Shoku Nihongi. Let us summarize the essential points,taking the surviving volumes in order.

Volumes 5, 8,12,13: Emperor Kanmu

In entries for 794 and 797, the chronicle of Emperor Kanmudescribes the presentation of Shoku Nihongi to the throne; thus weknow the circumstances of its composition, despite the absence of aPreface to Shoku Nihongi. Also notable is the detailed biography ofWake Kiyomaro at the date of his death, on the twenty-first day,second month, 799.1 The rule in Nihon Koki was to write biographiesfor people of the fourth rank and up, and generally these biogra-phies were quite simple, but Kiyomaro's is exceedingly detailed.Parts of the account of the oracle of the deity Hachiman at Usa areconsidered to have been taken from Shoku Nihongi, but it also pro-vides much new information. An example of what appears in thisbiography is the story of when Kiyomaro went west and Dokyo'steacher Michi Mahito Toyonaga admonished Kiyomaro, saying thatif Dokyo rose to become Emperor, Toyonaga, out of dignity, wouldrefuse to become a subject of Dokyo. Another example is the story ofKiyomaro, saying that if the deity at Usa did not present a miracle,then he, Kiyomaro, could not believe in the oracle, whereupon thedeity, Hachiman, revealed himself in a form nine metres tall. There is


also a tale of Fujiwara Momokawa, who so admired Kiyomaro'sloyalty that he took the proceeds from twenty households in BingoProvince and sent them to Kiyomaro in exile.

The writers of this biography were eager to transmit the fierceloyalty of Kiyomaro, and they laboured to collect stories that werenot widely known. In addition they recorded the deeds of his ances-tors, starting with their suppression of the rebellion by Prince Oshi-kuma in Empress Regent Jingu's reign and giving the names of thesubsequent four generations. Then comes Kiyomaro's editing ofMinbusho Rei [Practices in the Ministry of Popular Affairs] and Yama-toshi Fu [Genealogies of Yamato Families]. Thus his biography andfamily history are exhaustively covered. However, it does not omitthe facts of his failure as Governor of Settsu, when he tried to con-struct a canal to connect the Kawachi River directly to the westernsea to prevent flood damage. Despite enormous expense, he did notsucceed. This recording of shortcomings as well as strong points is adistinct feature of the biographies in Nihon Koki, so in this respectthe biography of Kiyomaro is not exceptional. This biographybecame an independent work under the title Wake Kiyomaro Den[Biography of Wake Kiyomaro] and is included in Gunsho Ruiju.2 Thisis probably the work also referred to in Honcho Shojaku Mokuroku as'Wake Kiyomaro, one volume.'3 The biography of Kiyomaro in NihonKoki was sufficiently detailed to circulate as an independent work.

There is an entry for the tenth day, second month, 805, in whichsacred treasures of the Isonokami Shrine were moved to Yamashirobut finally had to be returned to the original place because of theanger of the deity; this account is very lively, recounted in the formof discussion among the people involved. For the eighth day, sixthmonth, 805, there is an account of the report of Fujiwara Kadono-maro, Envoy to China; this details in diary form the conditions of theenvoys and directly reveals conditions in Tang China.

Volume 13 records the Emperor's death on the seventeenth day,third month, 806. The Crown Prince did not ascend the throneimmediately, so during that time the courtiers presented a 'respect-ful statement' in the form of a statement to the Crown Prince. Onthe eighteenth day, fourth month, they started using the terminol-ogy applicable to the Emperor: 'imperial rescript' (sho) and 'report tothe throne' (so). However, the formal enthronement ceremony washeld on the sixteenth day, fifth month, 806, and accounts up to thatpoint, were included in Volume 13.

As the era name of Daido had been determined at the time of theenthronment of the new Emperor, it was unreasonable to call the

Nihon Koki 133

twenty-fifth year of Enryaku, into which Emperor Kanmu's reignhad extended, by the name Daido. Nevertheless the court startedthe new era of Daido retroactively to January. In this they may havefollowed ancient historical method. The compilers of Nihon Kokiwere concerned about this, and at the beginning of Volume 14 (onEmperor Heizei) they discussed its impropriety:

Changing the era name to Daido was improper. The ruler ascends thethrone, and changes the era name after passage of the year, so that thesubjects would not have to endure the sense that they were servingtwo sovereigns in one year. Changing the era name without waiting forthe year to pass, means that the last year of the former Emperor's reignwas cut into two, and the latter portion became part of the auspiciousera of the present Emperor. Failing to respect the latter portion of hislast year, by not observing the custom of refraining from changing theera name, is not the heart of a filial son. It must be described as an error,in view of the ancient authorities.

This is a straightforward judgement about politics and an exampleof Assessment that is rare in the National Histories. It is a typicalexample of the particularly critical spirit of Nihon Koki, but, strictlyspeaking, the compilers themselves ought to have extended Kan-mu's reign into Enryaku 25 (806). By recording the reign of EmperorKanmu in the first year of Daido, their method of writing recognizedthat two sovereigns had reigned in one year. The compilers of NihonKoki deserve equal criticism.

Following the entry on Emperor Kanmu's funeral (seventh day,fourth month, 806), there is a brief history of his life, with a simpleAssessment: 'The Emperor's personal name was Yamabe; he was theeldest son of Emperor Amamune Takatsugu [Konin].' A noteexplains, 'Because there is no pre-accession history in the previousNational history, the record is given here.' Shoku Nihongi lacked pre-accession genealogies and brief histories. The compilers of NihonKoki were not satisfied with this, and discussed the Emperor asfollows:

The Emperor's character was extremely filial, and when EmperorKonin died, he was unequalled in mourning. Although he was oldenough, he totally refused to don the clothing of maturity. His virtuetowered high, and his style was composed. He did not enjoy fine arts,but his power illuminated afar. After he ascended to the imperialthrone, his heart was diligent in government. Within, he gave priority


to construction and productivity, and without, he dispelled the barbar-ians. Although the expenses of his years were high, later generationsshall depend on his deeds.

The Emperor's virtue and achievements are succinctly recognized,but the last sentence penetrates to the weak spot of his government.In the twelfth month of 805 there had been a debate over virtuousgovernment at the court, and this Assessment supported FujiwaraOtsugu's contention: 'At the present time, what is causing problemsfor the empire is military service and construction projects. If thesetwo are stopped, the people will gain relief.' The thought and opin-ions of Otsugu are strongly represented in the work, and in thisAssessment of Emperor Kanmu they are most forcefully expressed.4

Volumes 14 and 17: Emperor Heizei

The chronicle of Emperor Heizei starts with Volume 14, beginningwith a simple pre-accession account. It was customary to begin theaccount of the accession with the imperial address upon the occa-sion, but this is not the case here. For the twenty-fourth day, fifthmonth, 806, there is the following entry: 'Itinerant Inspectors wereestablished in the six circuits for the first time.' Nothing is recordedregarding the names of Itinerant Inspectors, their duties, or theirpurpose. They were expected to execute the new policies ofEmperor Heizei and, since those who occupied the positions heldthe high position of Consultants, a National History should includethis in detail. Only later, in a decree written by the Emperor himselfon the tenth day of the sixth month, is the purpose of the ItinerantInspectors stated.

Only two volumes remain of the chronicle of Heizei, so there isvery little material with which to work. It stops at the end of Volume17 with his abdication on the third day, fourth month, 809. However,he was later involved, as Retired Emperor, with a scheme for therestoration of the capital at Nara, which is briefly surveyed. TheAssessment of the Emperor comes after his funeral in the seventhmonth of 824, as recorded in the volume on Emperor Junna. Sincethe text of Nihon Koki is missing at this point, I cite from the sectionon Retired Emperors in the Emperors category in Ruiju Kokushi.

The Emperor's mind was deep and alert, and his wisdom and resource-fulness were both thorough and concealed. He made himself familiarwith all matters, overcoming his own limitations and invigorating him-self. He cut back on burdensome expenses and terminated novelties.

Nihon Koki 135

The laws were strictly administered, and the officials conducted them-selves solemnly. The wise rulers of the past did not surpass him. How-ever, he had a suspicious nature. In his position of command he wasnot lenient. In coming to ascend the throne, he killed his youngerbrother the Prince, his children, and his mother and arrested manyothers. People regarded these as punishments in error. Thereafter hisheart inclined toward inner trusted subjects, and he entrusted thegovernment to a woman. The saying goes that the censure againstletting a woman take power is because it ruins the house. How lamen-table.

This is a conscientious Assessment, praising the praiseworthy andcriticizing what ought to be criticized.

Volumes 20-2 and 24: Emperor Saga

The first two volumes of the chronicle of Emperor Saga are missing;the surviving text starts at Volume 20. This begins with the ninthmonth of 810 and narrates Retired Emperor Heizei's attempt torestore the capital to Nara.5 Because of quick thinking on the part ofEmperor Saga's side, Fujiwara Nakanari was captured at the head-quarters of the Right Guard, and his sister Kusuko (d. 810) wasexpelled from the palace. An imperial decree was then issued, exil-ing Nakanari as Provisional Governor of Sado. The dramatic eventscontinued with Retired Emperor Heizei's attempt to take the Kawa-guchi route to the eastern provinces, but he was stopped by Saka-noue Tamuramaro. Nakanari was shot to death in prison, while theRetired Emperor returned to the capital to shave his head andbecome a lay priest. Fujiwara Kusuko committed suicide by takingpoison.

Volumes 21 and 22 narrate the events from the ninth month, 810, tothe second month, 813. The governing of the Emishi by Funya Wata-maro is handled as a continuing tale. In the ninth month, 810, he wasappointed Itinerant Inspector of Mutsu and Dewa, and in the fourthmonth, 811, he was made Barbarian-Subduing General. Upon receiv-ing the command, 'The safety of the country is your responsibility.The General must strive for this,' he headed for Emishi territory. TheNational History is peppered with his reports, along with imperialcommands. In the twelfth month of 811 there is an imperial decreepromoting Watamaro to Junior Third Rank for his merit in pacifyingthe Emishi in Hei village, whom Sakanoue Tamuramaro had beenunable to put down in the preceding reign, and thus overturningtheir base camp. Promotion was also given to the Lieutenant-Gener-


als. This is good historical material, portraying the activities of theEmishi during the Konin period.

Besides this, all that remains of the chronicle of Emperor Saga isone volume on 814-15. The volumes on Emperor Junna are entirelylost, so we cannot discuss them in detail. As Emperors Saga andJunna both abdicated and died during the reign of EmperorNinmyo, no Assessment of their reigns is to be seen in Nihon Koki.

We cannot give a full explanation of the contents of Nihon Kokibecause of gaps in the text, but we can provide some additionalexplanation where it is supplemented by Ruiju Kokushi. One areawhere this applies is biographies. Volume 66 of Ruiju Kokushi, withthe heading Funerals in the section People, contains a collection ofbiographies of people of the fourth rank from the Konin era (810) tothe Kasho era (850). The first half of these fall into the period coveredby Nihon Koki, so they can supply what is missing from that work.

Throughout these biographies, the special characteristic of NihonKoki is evident: although the text is generally concise, the facts areremorselessly included and criticisms are scathing. The strongpoints as well as the weak points of the person are always raised:

Consultant, Controller of the Left, General of the Guards and concur-rently Head of the Department of Shinto, Senior Fourth Rank, Upper,Onakatomi Ason Morouo.By nature, Morouo enjoyed music and poetry, but he had no othertalents. Although he was merciful, he rode upon pleasures and forgotabout melancholy. Craving wealth, he became prosperous and soughtto manage his property. This was regarded as lowly, (twenty-first day,second month, 797).

Middle Counsellor, Junior Third Rank, Yamato Ason Yakamaro.His character had a rugged honesty, but he had no scholarly ability.Because he was a maternal relative of the Emperor he was promotedover others; the entry of barbarians to office started with him. It maybe said that his rank was too high for his natural ability. Despite hisexalted status, whenever he met an old friend he would not despise thefriend's lowliness, but would extend his hand and talk to him. Thosewho observed this were moved (twenty-seventh day, fourth month,804).

Great Counsellor, Senior Third Rank, and concurrently General of theRight Guard, Head of the Ministry of War, Sakanoue Greater SukuneTamuramaro.Tamuramaro had a red countenance and a yellow beard. He surpassed

Nihon Koki 137

all others in courage, and had much ability as a general. The Emperorconsidered him brave, appointing him Great Barbarian-SubduingGeneral in 804. For his merit he was promoted to Junior Third Rank.However, in the course of his comings and goings to the field of battle,his followers became many, and it became difficult to supply horses,while troubles and expenses piled up. In 810 he was appointed GreatCounsellor, while remaining as General of the Right Guard. Repeatedlyhe led the frontier soldiers, gaining merit each time he went to the field.He dealt tolerantly with his men; and thus gained from them desperateefforts (twenty-third day, fifth month, 811).

This special quality of the biographies in Nihon Koki is related tothe character and judgement of the compilers. The biographies inthe National Histories generally used for source material existingbiographies, such as Koshin Kaden [Biographies of Meritorious Sub-jects], compiled by the Ministry of Ceremonial. The compilers addedmaterial from their own standpoint and seem to have made theirown evaluations of deeds. Among the compilers were many truegentlemen, humane, filial, and conscientious, such as FujiwaraYoshino, Asano Shikatori, and Yamada Furutsugu.

Pre-eminent among them was the chief compiler, Fujiwara Otsu-gu, a man of firm character and lofty judgement. His biography inShoku Nihon Koki says, 'He was brightly versed in the art of govern-ment, and he ruled with respect toward the imperial house. Healways spoke out with knowledge of the national welfare' (twenty-third day, seventh month, 843). He also worked to stabilize the livesof the people: in his memorial to abolish some functions of the pro-vincial officials in 808 when he became Itinerant Inspector6; or when,as the result of his experience as Itinerant Inspector of Mutsu andDewa, he was anxious about the excessive burden placed on post-stations; and when, in 822, he suggested that government allocatedrice fields be located close to post stations7. We have already men-tioned how his Essay on Virtuous Government risked the displea-sure of Emperor Kanmu. He was a pillar of the state who was sin-cerely conscious of the country's welfare. The presence of such aperson at the head of the National History made possible a frankassessment of people.

Another special feature of Nihon Koki is the large number of Japa-nese poems that it records. Since we must discover them from suchworks as Ruiju Kokushi and Nihon Kiryaku, we do not have all thatwere included, but there are twelve, composed mainly by EmperorsKanmu, Heizei, and Saga. For example,


4th day, ist month, 801. A banquet was held. On this day, snow hadfallen. Emperor Kanmu composed a Japanese poem,

Ume no hana The plum blossoms -Koitsutsu oreba When in love,Furu yuki o I have mistakenHanakamo chiru to The fallen snowOmoitsurukamo. For scattered plum blossoms.8

22nd day, 4th month, 813. Emperor Saga went to the southern pond ofhis younger brother's house, where he commanded the literary peopleto compose Chinese poems. Minister of the Right, Junior Second RankFujiwara Ason Sonondo composed a Japanese poem:

Kyo no hi no The cuckooIke no hotori ni That was beside the pondHototogisu During the day today -Taira wa chiyo to Wasn't it cryingNaku wa kikit-suya. 'May peace last a thousand reigns?'

The Emperor in return composed a Japanese poem,

Hototogisu When I heard the voiceNaku koe kikeba Of the cuckooUtanushi to Together with you,Tomo ni chiyo ni to I also thought it said,Ware mo kikitari. 'May it last a thousand reigns.'

The Minister Sonondo performed a dance, and the Music Bureauplayed.

There was no necessity to record the poems in these entries; theother National Histories recorded almost no poems in such circum-stances. The compilers of Nihon Koki had a deep concern for Japa-nese poetry and, further, a passion to preserve and exalt Japaneseculture in the midst of the more widespread and onrushing Chineseculture.

Otsugu may have been the most important compiler in thisrespect. He was very adept at offering congratulations to theEmperor and reading imperial commands, and he passed this learn-ing on to Imperial Prince Nakano. It is recorded that at the timethere was no one else with the knowledge of these things, so Fuji-wara Mototsune and Oe Otondo received an imperial rescript tostudy it with the Prince.9 Thus we know of Otsugu's mastery of theancient ways of Japan. In addition, he pleased Emperor Kanmu with

Nihon Koki 139

we may conjecture that Otsugu loved Japanese culture, and histastes are evident in the Japanese poems recorded in Nihon Koki.

A D D I T I O N A L M A T E R I A L S

Tencho Kyaku Sho [Selections from Regulations of the Tencho Era,824-34] is appended to this work, and it is comparable to the KansoJirui appended to Shoku Nihongi. The name of the work appears inHoncho Hoka Monjo Mokuroku and Honcho Shojaku Mokuroku,w but thetext has not been transmitted. In Honcho Hoka Monjo Mokuroku theTable of Contents and Preface of this work are recorded.11 The Pref-ace says, 'Tencho Kyaku Sho consists of excerpts taken after the com-piling of Nihon Koki.' Under the categories, Small Matters of SpecialEvents, National Ceremonies at Court, and Arrival of Foreign Repre-sentatives in Japan, are matters pertaining to offices that were notnecessarily recorded in any book. By making ordinary things intotargets for recording, the compilers did not change the originalintent of Nihon Koki but, rather, assembled various phenomena intocategories for convenient reference.

The intention was exactly the same as in Kanso Jirui, which wasappended to Shoku Nihongi: using materials collected at the time ofcompiling Nihon Koki, they organized under categories those whichthey did not wish to discard. The method of classifying was also thesame as that found in Kanso Jirui. Volume i is The Gods, part i;Volume 2 is The Gods, part 2; Volume 3 is Buddhist Temples; and soon, to Volume 30, Miscellaneous, part 2. The number of volumes isalso the same: thirty.

However, it differs from Kanso Jirui, which did not give the originaltext of imperial edicts and government orders, but, generally,changed them into narrative text. Tencho Kyaku Sho gives these intheir original text. This is directly reflected in their respective names,Classified Materials as an Aid to Officials (Kanso Jirui) and Selec-tions from Regulations of the Tencho Era (Tencho Kyaku Sho) andcan be observed in the dispersed texts.

The dispersed text of Tencho Kyaku Sho consisted of governmentorders, which are collected in Wada Hidematsu's Kokusho Itsubun.One of the dispersed texts found in Seiji Yoryaku is a governmentorder dated ninth day, ninth month, 812, which instructs the Impe-rial Household Ministry to treat the occasion of the ninth day, ninthmonth the same as that of the third day, third month. Another orderof the sixteenth day, ninth month, 812, instructs the five inner prov-inces, Shima, and Omi Provinces to present gifts to the Emperor onthe ninth day of the ninth month the same as on the third day of the


third month.12 These two items do not appear under these dates inNihon Koki; thus if Tencho Kyaku Sho had survived in its entirety,together with Nihon Koki, it would have recounted many matters ofimportance that have regrettably been lost.

It seems that the value of Tencho Kyaku Sho was recognized at anearly stage. In 912, when the Inspectors of the Records of OutgoingOfficials were editing Engi Kotai Shiki [Procedures for Rotation ofOfficers in the Engi Era], some doubts arose about the text of thegovernment orders that documented it. To resolve these doubts,they requested the loan of this work. The loan was granted on thetwenty-third day of the eighth month, and the book was returned inthe ninth month of 914, two years later. In 919 the Office for Select-ing Procedures also requested a loan. These incidents are knownfrom Ruiju Fusen Sho [Classified Collection of Selections from Gov-ernment Documents], and there were probably other similar occa-sions.13

As described previously, only ten volumes of Nihon Koki havesurvived, but even these were not known until the late Edo period.By the Kanbun era (1661-73), °nly Nihon Koki of the National Histo-ries had not been published in a printed edition. Thus Kamo Agata-nushi Sukeyuki set out to restore the text of the work by referring toRuiju Kokushi, Nihon Kiryaku, and others. It was completed in 1692,with the title Nihon Isshi [The Dispersed History of Japan], andpublished in 1724. There are some debatable points concerning themethods of compilation, and the old works that were quoted fromwere insufficient, with the result that its current scholarly signifi-cance is slight. However, it was a major effort for its time.

The work of compiling the dispersed text was carried out in latertimes. Nihon Koki, Volume 2, in the Six National Histories publishedby Asahi Shinbun Sha, contains the dispersed text retrieved by theeditor, Saeki Ariyoshi. This is the product of the scholarship of a newera and is superior in many ways to Kamo Sukeyuki's Nihon Isshi.

C HAPTER FIVE

Shoku Nihon Koki


The circumstances of compilation of this work are given in the Pref-ace. Since no history of the reign of his predecessor, EmperorNinmyo, had appeared, Emperor Montoku commanded five men tocompile it: Fujiwara Yoshifusa, Fujiwara Yoshimi, Tomo Yoshio,Haruzumi Yoshitada, and Agata Inukai Sadamori. However, therewas no time when these four men simultaneously held the ranks andoffices ascribed to them in the Preface, so it is difficult to determinethe date of the beginning.

Thus we must look for other materials concerning the date of thecommand. Fortunately, there is an entry in Montoku Jitsuroku for theseventeenth day, second month, 855, which says that Minister of theRight, Senior Second Rank, and, concurrently, General of the LeftGuard Fujiwara Yoshifusa; Consultant, Junior Third Rank, and, con-currently, Master of the Empress' Household and Governor ofSanuki Tomo Yoshio; Junior Fourth Rank, Lower, and Assistant Min-ister of Punishments Haruzumi Yoshitada; and Senior Sixth Rank,Upper, and Lesser Secretary Yasuno Toyomichi were commanded tocompile a National History. In 855 Emperor Montoku was in his sixthyear on the throne, perhaps an appropriate time to start compiling ahistory of the preceding reign. No problems arise from consideringthis as the time of the imperial command to compile Shoku NihonKoki.

However, Yoshimi and Sadamori, who were mentioned in the Pref-ace, have disappeared from the command, and Yasuno Toyomichihas been added. Perhaps at the outset the four men listed in MontokuJitsuroku were indeed there, with Yoshimi added later, and AgataInukai Sadamori added in place of Yasuno Toyomichi. This could


have been because Toyomichi was appointed Assistant Governor ofShimosa on the fourteenth day, first month, 857, and thus becameseparated from his duties as Lesser Secretary in the capital.

In any case, among these four men the offices of Minister of theRight, Consultant, and Lesser Secretary were represented. AlthoughYoshitada was only Assistant Minister of Punishments, he was asuperior writer among the Confucian scholars. Thus they met thequalifications for compilers laid out in Shingishiki. The later additionof Yoshimi may have come about because Yoshifusa became Chan-cellor, was separated from the actual work, and, out of concern,yielded his duties to the former.

The compilers started out in this manner, but very shortlyEmperor Montoku died. The next Emperor, Seiwa, commanded con-tinuation of the compilation, but since he had ascended the throne atthe age of nine, this was not his own idea. Probably Yoshifusastarted the enterprise again on the Emperor's behalf. No new com-pilers were added, probably because the Emperor was not activelyinvolved.

Circumstances intervened to remove three of the five compilers.Tomo Yoshio, who was sentenced to death on the twenty-secondday, ninth month, 866, because of the Oten Gate incident, had hispunishment reduced by one degree and was exiled to Izu Province.1

Agata Inukai Sadamori left the capital to become Governor of SurugaProvince on the tenth day, second month, 863, and Yoshimi died onthe tenth day, tenth month, 867. The remaining two, Yoshifusa andYoshitada, presented Shoku Nihon Koki on the fourteenth day, eighthmonth, 869.

The fact that the task was entrusted to 'two Fujiwara brothers whowere Great Ministers displays the undisguised monopolistic inten-tion of the Fujiwara family. Other aristocrats were available. In thesecond month of 857, when Yoshifusa became Chancellor, MinamotoMakoto moved from Great Counsellor to Minister of the Left, and inthe same year Abe Yasuhito was Great Counsellor, while MinamotoHiromu, Minamoto Sadamu, and Tachibana Minetsugu were MiddleCounsellors.

Minamoto Makoto was the first son of Emperor Saga and wasdescribed as a man of culture who 'enjoyed reading classical works,and was versed in cursive-style and square-style calligraphy.'2 AbeYasuhito was described as a talented official who 'was well trainedin the political structure, clearly comprehended court documents,and took all proper measures on every occasion of a report to thethrone.'3 Minamoto Hiromu was the second son of Emperor Saga,and Sadamu was the sixth son, while Tachibana Minetsugu was the

Shoku Nihon Koki 143

eldest son of Minister of the Right Ujikimi. None of them was lackingin good lineage or personal qualifications, 'but they were notentrusted with compilation of the history.

Tomo Yoshio was added as a member of another noble family, buthe was a famous schemer who was well connected with the Fuji-wara. He served Emperor Fujiwara Junshi as Master of the Empress'Household and then as Master of the Household of the EmpressDowager, and he never displeased her. As Haruzumi Yoshitada andthe others did the actual writing, they were not involved with thisproblem. In comparison to the recent Nihon Koki, the compilers wereconfined to the northern branch of the Fujiwara family and its allies.This reflected the power of the Fujiwara at the time and revealed thepersonal intention of Yoshifusa. The monopolistic position of thenorthern Fujiwara was fully established in this history.

The final compilers of Shoku Nihon Koki were Fujiwara Yoshifusaand Haruzumi Yoshitada, because the others happened to drop off.The history clearly manifests the character of these two men.

Yoshifusa occupied an important position, following his father,Fuyutsugu, in the prosperity of the Regent branch of the Fujiwara;he embodied its extraordinary desire for power and fame. The firststep on his way to success was to marry Emperor Saga's daughter,Princess Kiyo, thereby receiving immense trust from EmperorNinmyo and Emperor Montoku. His daughter and Emperor Mon-toku gave birth to Prince Korehito, and before he was one year old,Korehito was made Crown Prince ahead of his three elder brothers.Yoshifusa himself was appointed Chancellor for Emperor Montoku,a position unprecedented for a subject, and, when Prince Korehitoascended the throne as Emperor Seiwa, Yoshifusa became Regent.His rank and office were indeed high, and his situation prompted hispoem, 'When I but see the blossoms, my heart's sorrows disappear.'4

Yoshifusa's prosperity was achieved by self-assertion and by strictexclusion of other families. A series of events must have raised theeyebrows of knowledgeable people - the Jowa Affair, in whichCrown Prince Tsunesada was deposed;5 the ostracism of the Tachi-bana and Ki families; and the scheme to make Korehito CrownPrince. Yoshifusa's character naturally affected the National History,of which he had editorial supervision. His was a posture of raw,excessive self-display. The name of Yoshifusa frequently appears inunnecessary places, as is shown in the discussion of the contents.

Haruzumi Yoshitada was a pure scholar. He came from the InabeDistrict in Ise Province and loved scholarship from childhood. Hisgrandfather devoted his property to the education of Yoshitada,begrudging nothing. Yoshitada responded to his grandfather's


expectations and became very accomplished. He was widely read,with extensive knowledge and an excellent memory, and no otherscholar approached his stature. He passed the examinations as aSpecial Student of Literature, graduated, became Private Secretary,advanced to Doctor of Letters, and rose to Consultant in 860. Per-haps because he was so devoted to working on Shoku Nihon Koki, hedied in the second month of 870, less than half a year after thepresentation of the book. He was then seventy-four. Discreet andrespectful, he was not boastful in a time when other scholars estab-lished their respective territories and criticized each other; heremained simple and maintained his composure. Thus no one spokeill of him. In old age his mental capacity did not decline in the least,and his composition became ever more beautiful. A scholar such ashe must have considered involvement with the National Historyproject a great honour, and no doubt he put all his effort into draft-ing the work. Receiving the patronage of Yoshifusa, he probably hadno hesitation in complying with Yoshifusa's intentions as he wrote;the compilation went smoothly because of the mutual understand-ing between them.

C O N T E N T S

This is a history only of the reign of Emperor Ninmyo. The previousNational Histories had covered the reigns of several Emperors orseveral tens of Emperors. The tendency towards becoming a Chi-nese-style Veritable Record was shown in the Preface, whichexplained the policies for compilation. It says, 'Everyday matterssuch as rice and salt are either abbreviated or rejected. When itcomes to the activities of the Emperor, regardless of their impor-tance, they are included without exception/ In abbreviating every-day matters of rice and salt, it does not differ from the other historiessince Shoku Nihongi, but this was the first to include the activities ofthe Emperor, whether important or trivial, and thus it is the Verita-ble Record of a single reign. In addition, it has many more accountsof court ceremonies and praise for the excellence of civil govern-ment.

In twenty volumes, the work covers seventeen years and twomonths, from the accession of the Emperor on the twenty-eighthday, third month, 833, to his funeral on the twenty-fifth day, thirdmonth, 850. Each volume covers about ten months, and the entriesare more detailed than those in any previous National History. Thereis a pre-accession history at the beginning and an Assessment at theend. With some exceptions (Volumes i, 2,11,12, and 20) the volumes


are standardized, each covering one year, beginning with Januaryand ending with December. The most unusual is Volume 18, whichstates that it 'begins with the ist month of Jowa (848) and ends withthe i2th month of Kasho i (848).' The other National Histories wouldhave used the first month of Kasho i in such a case, but the changeof era to Kasho was made on the thirteenth day of the sixth month ofJowa 15. In the case of the Jowa era, as the compilers used the newera name from the beginning of the first year (because the era waschanged on the third day of the first year), it was meaningless to listthe old era name, the eleventh year of Tencho.6

In the work, notes are used freely to supplement insufficiencies inthe text or to indicate the results of research. It is an extremelydetailed compilation, displaying consideration for the reader. Forexample, the entry for the twenty-sixth day, fourth month, 834, says,'An imperial decree awarded fifty cho of abandoned rice fields andundeveloped rice fields in Mino Province to ki [the character thatreplaces the actual name of a person too exalted to name]/ Under kithere is a note saying 'Tamura' [Emperor Montoku]. Later therefollows in the entry for the eighth day of the eighth month, 'fifty choof developed rice fields in Settsu Province were awarded to ki.'Under ki is a note saying, 'See the explanation of ki, above.' Thisconcern for detail has little parallel in the other five National Histo-ries.

Such concern for detail is seen everywhere. The entry for thetwenty-fourth day,, second month, 836, says, 'Senior Sixth Rank,Upper, Kudara Konikishi Keien, and Kudara Konikishi Gennin bothreceived the rank of Junior Fifth, Lower.' The note says, 'Gennin wasa female.' Without the note, and going by the name of Gennin alone,she might have been mistaken for a man.

The entry for the fourth day, first month, 841, says, 'Fifty-eightpriests gathered at the Seiryoden Palace, [Serene and Cool Hall]where they recited the Yakushikyo [Sutra of Healing] by day andperformed the Penitence Liturgy of the Boundaries of the MonasticPrecincts by night.' The note says, 'Thirty-nine of them were beg-ging priests; the rest were high priests.' This note permits reckoningthe number of high priests at that time at more than nineteen.

An interesting entry of this kind is that for the eighth day, twelfthmonth, 837, which gives the legend of keeping Prince Shotoku's hairat the Shitennoji Temple. The text says, 'There was an imperialcommand to make one wooden jar turned on the lathe, and onecopper jar with sculptured rim, and present them to the Tennoji forstoring the hair of Prince Shotoku.' The note says, 'The origin of thisincident is not clear, but according to oral tradition, there were four


locks of Prince Shotoku's hair stored straight under the pagoda ofShitennoji. Last year in the winter, a thunderclap struck the pagoda,and an officer was sent to inspect it. He secretly stole the hair andgave it to his wife, with the result that a curse subsequently cameupon them. Accordingly a new investigation was made, and the hairwas restored/

Adding 'The reason is not yet clear' when they did not know thereasons for an entry is a characteristic feature of this work. Theauthors had a scholarly attitude of faithfully reporting matters thatthey did not fully understand:

2Oth day, 8th month, 834. Officials were sent to the seven great templesof Nara; starting on that night, they were made to read in turn theDaihannyagyo [Great Wisdom Sutra] for seventeen nights. [Note insmall print:] There are no details on the reasons.

28th day, 6th month, 835. The Ministry of Central Affairs was orderedto present seven pieces of Buddha's ashes to the palace. [Note in smallprint:] It is not known where they came from.

15th day, and month, 848. One hundred priests were gathered at theCeremonial Hall, and the Serene and Cool Hall for reading in turn theGreat Wisdom Sutra. [Note in small print:] The reason for this is not yetclear.

29th day, 12th month, 848. Officials were sent to present offerings toKashii Shrine. [Note in small print:] The reason for this is not clear.

Sometimes the compilers supplied historical materials in the notes:

27th day, ist month, 837. The deities of five districts in Iwami Province,comprising fifteen shrines, were enrolled as government shrines for thefirst time. This was done because they responded well to the prayers ofthe officials and the people for relief from drought and disease. [Note insmall print:] The names of the deities are given in full in the records ofthe Department of Shinto.

6th day, 6th month, 840. One hundred thrones were set up in thepalace to read the Nin'okyo [Benevolent King Sutra]. The purpose wasto ward off evil omens within and without the palace. The readingfinished in early evening, and alms were given in varying amounts.[Note in small print:] The Geki Nikki [Diary of the Great Secretary of theCouncil of State] says alms were not given to all the priests, but only tothose who were said to be without acquisitiveness.


22nd day, 3rd month, 850. Officials for the imperial funeral wereappointed. [Note in small print:] The details of this are found in thelong draft.

The last example indicates that there was a long draft connectedwith the work. In China, when Zizhi Tongjian [Comprehensive Mirrorfor the Aid of Government] was compiled in the Song dynasty, thecompilers first made a general outline and then a long draft, in whichall sorts of historical materials were cited in chronological order.7

The Japanese historians might have been referring to a similar longdraft. It is possible that they gathered the historical materials, madea long draft in which they cited matters great and small, and thenorganized this into the text of the National History. In this case thenames of the people appointed as officials for the imperial funeralwere probably contained in the long draft but were deleted from thetext of the National History.

The same character is seen in the text. In addition to introducinghistorical materials and the results of research from time to time, theentire text is thoughtfully written. For such matters as ceremoniesthe scenes are described in detail, giving the reader the feeling thathe is actually at the scene:

iQth day, 2nd month, 834. Junior Fifth Rank, Upper, Tajihi Mahito Ki-yosada was appointed Governor of Ise. He was called to the palace, andthe Emperor's coat was given to him. Consultant, Senior Fourth Rank,Lower, and Vice-Chief of the Police Bureau Mihara Ason Harukami wasordered to convey an imperial edict. Kiyosada left, in a respectful danc-ing motion of joy.

Such a thorough account of a simple case of an appointment asGovernor of Ise is exceptional. An exhaustive account of a dance by aremarkable old man, Owari Muraji Hamanushi, portrays the peace-ful time of the Jowa era.

8th day, ist month, 845. For the first time the reading of the GoldenLight Excellent King Sutra was held in the Great Hall of Audience. Onthis day, Outer Junior Fifth Rank, Lower, Owari Muraji Hamanushiperformed a Japanese-style dance for long life on the corridor to theSouth Garden. A thousand people were watching. At first they saidthat he was so old he could not do it, but he let go of his sleeves andproceeded with the music, just like a youth. Everyone said, 'I havenever seen anyone like him.' Hamanushi had formerly been a courtmusician; he was then 113 years old. He himself had requested to be


allowed to perform this dance for long life. In his request for the perfor-mance, he included a Japanese poem, which went,

Nanatsugi no An old man,Miyo ni mawaeru More than a hundred,Momochimari Who has seen seven reigns,To no okina no Dedicates a danceMai tatematsuru To His Majesty.

On the loth day the Emperor summoned Owari Muraji Hamanushi infront of the Serene and Cool Hall and had him perform a dance for longlife. When he finished, Hamanushi promptly recited a poem:

Okina tote Although I am oldWabi ya wa oramu How could I be sad?Kusa mo ki mo When the flowers and treesSakayuru toki ni Bloom at their heightIdete maitemu I will go out and dance.

The incident of the Emperor paying his New Year's visit to theGreat Empress Dowager on the fourth day, first month, 850, isincluded in order to praise the etiquette and culture of this reign,but it also has a slight fragrance of Confucian decoration, whichdiscloses another aspect of the character of this book.

The Emperor went to pay his New Year's call on the Great EmpressDowager at the Reizen-in. Along with the Prince and others, the drink-ing party was in full swing, and endowments were being given outaccording to status. After a while the Emperor went out of the build-ing, and at the foot of the southern stairs, extending his ceremonialwand, he kneeled on the ground. Summoning Minister of the LeftMinamoto Tokiwa Ason and Minister of the Right Fujiwara YoshifusaAson, the Emperor said, 'I received the command of the Great EmpressDowager, saying 'I remain deep within the palace, so I have not yetseen the ceremony of the Emperor riding in his palanquin. Today,please get into a palanquin for me to view.' Although I have alreadydeclined two or three times, her command has not changed. My lords,what is your view?' The great ministers said, 'Ceremony consists ofnothing more than respect. You should do as she commands.' TheEmperor thereupon went back into the palace and bowed to the northin front of the bamboo screen, behind which the Great Empress Dowa-ger sat. Then the imperial palanquin was brought to the palace. Hedescended from the palace and departed in the palanquin. Those whoobserved this wept, saying, 'The Emperor bowed to the ground, facing


north toward the Great Empress Dowager. It is true that the way offilial piety originates from the Emperor and reaches to common men.'

Such an entry sketches the ideals of Confucians, in which theEmperor sets a model through the personal practice of filial pietyand thereby promotes similar piety in the empire; this is beyond therealm of objective entries suitable for the National History. However,similar acts by the Crown Prince and the imperial princes are note-worthy:

i8th day, 3rd month, 833. The Emperor was in the Ceremonial Hall,where the Crown Prince came for the first time to pay a call. He cameup with respectful dancing steps. A maiden from the Crown Prince'sHousehold presented an offering of food. The Emperor bestowed hisgarment upon the Crown Prince, before he had even touched the food.The Crown Prince received it and gracefully withdrew. This wasbecause on the same day he had to go to audiences with both RetiredEmperors. At the time he was only nine years old, but his deportmentand propriety were those of a mature person.

loth day, 7th month, 833. First Imperial Prince Tamura paid a call onthe Emperor. He was then seven years old. However, his bearing wascorrect and clear, like an adult. Those who observed this wondered atit.

7th day, 8th month, 834. Imperial Prince Muneyasu paid a call on theEmperor for the first time. He was then seven years old.

These entries on the visits of the imperial princes to the Emperor arenot found in other National Histories. Special entries like this, show-ing that the princes conformed to etiquette despite being veryyoung, could have arisen only from the preferences of the compilers.Here the compilers show themselves to have been fervent believersin the Confucian way, men of culture devoted to ceremony andletters.

The pure Confucianist Haruzumi Yoshitada compiled this book,devoting to it all the energy of his later years. A pure scholar such ashe would make a positive statement about the excellent propriety ofthe Jowa era and would try to manifest in historical writing the idealcountry of propriety that he held in his mind.

Entries concerning ceremonies and formalities are abundant. Inaddition to those mentioned, they include the Feast of Accession(eleventh month, 833) and the funeral ceremonies for Emperor Sagaand Emperor Junna (fifth month, 840, and seventh month, 842). Such


events are also referred to at many places in the individual biogra-phies. As noted previously, the biographies in Nihon Koki are conciseand contain sharp criticisms, while in Shoku Nihon Koki the concretedetails are recorded and the scene is presented vividly. This, too, mayhave resulted from Yoshitada's beautiful style of writing.

8th day, 3rd month, 838. Scattered Rank, Junior Fourth Rank, Lower,Ikeda Ason Haruno died. In the winter of 833, the Feast of Accessionwas to take place. The Emperor wanted to perform in the purificationrites, so he went to the Kamo River. As head of the Bureau for CleaningImperial Apartments and Palace Grounds, Haruno joined the imperialparty. Inspecting the garments of the various lords for correct colour,he noticed that their hems were touching the ground. With a greatlaugh he said, 'These are everyday clothes, and are not the ancientstyle for religious matters,' and pointed to his own clothes to demon-strate the ancient style. The hem of his gown was high, not touchingthe ground, and the decorated hem of his formal skirt was clearlyvisible. The lords were all astonished, and said, 'the ancient system wasthe same as Tang China, and later ages ought to conform to it.'

Haruno, who wore clothing and head-dress in the ancient style, wasmore than six feet tall and stood out in a crowd. He never went unno-ticed at a gathering. A white-haired old man such as he is hardly seennowadays. He was eighty-two when he died.

We may also refer to the accounts of evil spirits as solid proof of theconnection between Yoshitada and the writing in Shoku Nihon Koki.According to his biography in Sandai Jitsuroku, Yoshitada believed inyin and yang and observed many taboos. When evil spirits wereabroad he kept his gate closed and would not admit people in orderto keep the spirits out, going so far as to close his gate ten times inone month. Accordingly, Shoku Nihon Koki contains a great manyentries concerning spirits. There are about thirteen entries concern-ing the appearances of spirits in the Palace or scripture readings todrive away evil spirits. Such entries are almost non-existent in theother National Histories. This drastic difference points to the handof Yoshitada, for whom fear of evil spirits was an illness.

What about the other compiler, Yoshifusa? He did not actually dothe writing nor did his learning have any special qualities. Hence hisparticipation is not particularly apparent, but he did put himselfforward strongly in other ways. Yoshifusa's actions are recorded inunnecessary places. Here are some examples.

22nd day, 3rd month, 837. In connection with the departure of the


Envoy to Tang, Head of the Bureau of Palace Goods and ServicesSenior Fifth Rank, Lower, Prince Kusuno and others were sent withofferings to the Great Shrine of Ise. On this day the Emperor did not goto the Great Hall of Audience, because of the rain. Provisional MiddleCounsellor, Junior Third Rank, and concurrently General of the LeftGuard Fujiwara Ason Yoshifusa led the officials in performing business.

i8th day, gth month, 839. Provisional Middle Counsellor, Junior ThirdRank, and concurrently General of the Left Guard and Inspector ofMutsu and Dewa Fujiwara Ason Yoshifusa summoned a Private Secre-tary and gave him the edict of the Tang Emperor to store away.

i/th day, ist month, 848. The Minister of the Right Yoshifusa receivedan imperial decree and led the officials to view archery in the Court ofAbundant Pleasures.

ajth day, nth month, 849. The Crown Prince called on the Emperor. Hepresented more than one hundred gifts in the Serene and Cool Hall,and also set out some warm food. The Minister of the Right FujiwaraAson Yoshifusa, together with two officials and close ministers, accom-panied him to the banquet.

loth day, intercalary 12th month, 849. The Emperor made a tour aroundthe capital in a palanquin. He gave gifts of money and rice to needypersons. Stopping in front of the prison, the Emperor inquired, 'Whosehouse is this?' Minister of the Right Fujiwara Ason Yoshifusa answered,'This is the prison.' Thereupon the Emperor made a special decree ofbenevolence, pardoning all the prisoners in the jail. The attending min-isters were filled with joy, shouting together, 'Long live the Emperor!'

All these entries would be complete without the name of Yoshifusa;moreover they do not even deserve inclusion. Haruzumi Yoshitadahelped him in this fixed purpose of obtruding his name into theNational History, having no reason to oppose him.

Let us finally introduce the contents of Shoku Nihon Koki. The timewas peaceful, with no major events that shocked the country. TheJowa Affair was the most important political event of this reign. Thiswas a plot in which the Fujiwara family sought to depose CrownPrince Tsunesada and to install in his place Prince Michiyasu, whowas a product of the Fujiwara, giving as the formal reason the rebel-lion of Tomo Kowamine and Tachibana Hayanari. As the man behindthe scenes was Yoshifusa, we cannot expect this book to give anaccount unfavourable to the Fujiwara. It coolly narrates only thesurface facts as events unfolded.

The incident began with Prince Abo sending a letter to Empress


Dowager Saga, who secretly summoned Yoshifusa and gave him thesealed letter. The letter stated that Retired Emperor Saga was aboutto pass away, and in the expected national disturbance they wouldelevate the Crown Prince to the throne and go down to the easternprovinces. However, the narration becomes unclear, saying that thecontents of the letter were wordy and not concrete. In involvingPrince Abo, veteran member of the imperial house and yet unfortu-nate, and the Sage Empress Dowager, who would be the most pow-erful person in the palace after Saga's death, one gets the impressionthat the compilers are skilfully arranging the actors in the narrative.Of course, we cannot say the account is untrue, but the method ofwriting fully aimed at dramatic effect.

There was another rebellion, that of Funya Miyatamaro (twelfthmonth, 843). Secret information was leaked by a follower before theevent, and Miyatamaro was promptly arrested and exiled to IzuProvince. Nothing is recorded concerning the reasons for the upris-ing, but, since it was a year after the deposition of the Crown Prince,it may have arisen out of enmities remaining from that affair. TheNational History narrates only the leak of information and the pro-cess of punishment.

In an entry for the fourteenth day, eleventh month, 846, a greatdeal of space is devoted to the petition alleging violation of the lawby the priest Zengai of Horyuji Temple. Former Consultant andGreat Controller of the Left Prince Masami and Former Consultantand Great Controller of the Right Wake Matsuna wrote a judgementby the Council of State referring to copper paid in lieu of punish-ment, and the long version of the Council of State document isappended. The core of the matter was that Zengai of Horyuji filed asuit alleging that the Temple patron Tomi Naona took propertybelonging to the Temple. The Controllers in the Council of Statereceived the petition, but, since a suit by priests was illegal, theControllers who accepted it were also in violation of the law, so thematter developed into a legal problem. The judgement given byChief Justice Sanuki Naganao is given in detail in this order of theCouncil of State. In the end the affair may have been important inthe world of officialdom, as it invited dismissal of the Controllers,but in a broad view it did not deserve so much space. There were noother important events in a society at peace, and the compilers wereinterested in pedantic legal discussions.

Other events include sending the Envoy to Tang China; in fact thisturned out to be the last such envoy. The ceremonies were on a largescale. There were two failed attempts before the departure, resultingin the punishment of the Vice-Envoy Ono Takamura. The National


History contains entries concerning the mission every year from theappointment in 834, through the departure in the seventh month of838, to the return of the last ship to Japan in the fourth month of 840.Along with this was the appointment of Ki Mitsu as Envoy to Silla toensure the safety of the seas. Because of the ineptitude of Mitsu, thesuspicions of Silla were aroused against Japan, and the Secretariat ofSilla sent a stiff note to the Council of State. There is also the arrivalof the Envoy from Parhae in 842, described in an extremely courte-ous entry. Foreign relations of this kind were a lively aspect of thispeaceful reign.

There are, further, interesting accounts of natural phenomena. Thehighlight is the volcanic eruption on Kamitsu Island in Izu on thetwenty-third day, ninth month, 840. According to the report fromIzu, the eruption was caused by the resentment of the deity Awa,the principal consort deity of Mishima Taisha Shrine, who had notreceived a court rank, whereas the lesser consort deity had. Thechange of island geography is narrated beautifully, transposing itinto the construction of a multi-storeyed stone palace.

On the twenty-ninth day, ninth month, 838, is an entry on 'RiceFlowers.' There came a report that every day from the seventhmonth to this month, something like ashes fell from the sky, spread-ing out from Kawachi, Mikawa, Totomi, and Suruga over sixteenprovinces of the Tosan and Hokuriku circuits. However, there wasno damage, and the Kinai and the seven circuits all had an abundantyear. It was reported that elderly farmers named it 'Rice Flowers.'

These accounts show that a work devoted to the imperial courtstill retained the aspect of a history of the nation.

COMMENTARIES

In the Hosa Library in Nagoya there is a ten-volume copy ofKawamura Masune's Shoku Koki Shikkai. A note says that it wasfinished in the twelfth month of 1814, but it is an incomplete work,with many gaps in the notes. The form is the same as the Shikkai onShoku Nihongi and Nihon Koki, with notes supplied on problematicwords and many Chinese source books identified.

In the Books Department of the Imperial Household Agency thereis a five-volume work, Shoku Nihon Koki Shiki [Private Commentaryon Shoku Nihon Koki], by Yano Gendo. There is an inner note statingthat it was published in April 1878 in response to a decree ofDecember 1877 to revise the standard histories by supplyingresearch and revision to a previously written private commentary.The difficult words in each volume are taken up, their similarities


and differences noted, and related works referred to. However, thetheories put forward are not especially worthwhile at the presentday.

The best-known commentary is Muraoka Yoshisuke's Shoku NihonKoki Sanko [Shoku Nihon Koki, Edited with Commentary]. This is aprinted work of twenty volumes, bound Japanese style; the manu-script was finished around 1902, but publication was not completeduntil 1912. The section on the year 833 of Shoku Nihon Koki waspublished serially, in nine numbers of Volume 8 ofKokugakuin Zasshi[Kokugakuin Journal].8 Eighteen different texts were collected andcollated, and detailed commentary is provided on the words. It iscareful commentary, with research on the differences in the charac-ters in the several texts, sources, and so on. It was selected in 1913 forthe Imperial Prize, the third prize ever awarded by the ImperialJapan Academy.

C H A P T E R SIX

Nihon Montoku Tenno Jitsuroku


The circumstances of composition of this work are known from thePreface. In 871 Emperor Seiwa decided to compile the history of thepreceding reign jnd gave a command to Fujiwara Mototsune, Mina-buchi Toshina, Oe Otondo, Yoshibuchi Chikanari, Miyako Yoshika,and Shimada Yoshiomi. The year 871 was only two years after thecompilation of Shoku Nihon Koki, and the Emperor, at twenty-two,had reached the age of majority and was capable of independentdecisions; hence it was natural to follow the example of Shoku NihonKoki and compile the history of the preceding reign. However, thereare problems with the date 871, because the offices and ranks givenfor the authors are not the ones they held at that time.

The first author named is Fujiwara Mototsune, but his positionwas recorded as Minister of the Right, Junior Second Rank, andGeneral of the Left Guard. He became Minister of the Right on thetwenty-fifth day, eighth month, 872, and he received Junior SecondRank on the seventh day, first month, 873. Ruiju Kokushi gives JuniorThird Rank instead of Junior Second Rank, but according to theformat for writing ranks and offices, this should read 'Junior ThirdRank and shu ^jp Minister of the Right,' where shu indicates that theoffice is higher than that prescribed for the rank. Therefore 'ThirdRank' is probably a copying error for Second Rank.

The position of Minabuchi Toshina is recorded as Middle Counsel-lor, Junior Third Rank, Acting Head of the Ministry of PopularAffairs, and Senior Crown Prince's Mentor. He became MiddleCounsellor on the twenty-fifth day, eighth month, 872, at the sametime as he was awarded the Junior Third Rank.

Senior Sixth Rank, Upper, and Lesser Private Secretary Miyako


Yoshika was formerly known as Miyako Tokimichi and changed hisname on the seventh day, fifth month, 872, so it is strange that hewas called Yoshika in 871. And on the thirteenth day, first month,873, he was appointed to Junior Fifth Rank, Lower and Great PrivateSecretary, so the time of the command could not be later than thefirst month, 873. These three men all held the stated rank and posi-tion only between the seventh and the thirteenth day of the firstmonth of 873.

However, this is a tight argument, and there may not have been ahard and fast rule to give their names strictly according to their rankat the time. There is no historical source for the time of the compila-tion decree, and possibly their offices and ranks were written on thebasis of later materials rather than on those from the time of thedecree. As discussed below, the Preface was ghost-written at thecommand of his father by Sugawara Michizane, so carelessness mayhave arisen because he was not directly involved. In the case ofMiyako Yoshika, formerly called Tokimichi, in later documents thecompilers might have deliberately unified his name with Yoshika, bywhich he was then known. Moreover, in 871 Mototsune was a GreatCounsellor, while Toshina and Otondo were Consultants, an excep-tion to the rule that a Great Minister always supervised the work.Further, in the eighth month of 871, when Jogan Shiki [Procedures ofthe Jogan Era] was presented to the throne, the names of Toshinaand Otondo were listed among the compilers. Finally, in the ninthmonth of 871 the Empress Dowager Junshi died, and in the ninthmonth of 872 the Chancellor Fujiwara Yoshifusa passed away, so 871and 872 were eventful years at court. As it is questionable whether adecree to compile a National History would have been issued atsuch a busy time, doubt remains regarding the year 871 as the cor-rect date.

In his Commentary on the Asahi Shinbun Sha text of MontokuJitsuroku, Saeki Ariyoshi concludes that 871 is a mistake for 873. Asevidence he cites the offices and ranks of the compilers, as well asthe Preface, which says, 'During the past three or four years, wehave been remiss and negligent in our work.' Saeki says that thisreference to 'three or four years' should be understood as the threeor four years after 873. However, since the question of offices andranks cannot be definitively clarified, it is difficult to conclude thatthe correct year was 873.

Fujiwara Mototsune was an adopted son of Yoshifusa and suc-ceeded him as Regent; he also set precedent by taking the positionof First Minister. In 871 Yoshifusa was Chancellor; since he was an

Nihon Montoku Tenno Jitsuroku 157

elderly man of sixty-eight and had just completed compiling ShokuNihon Koki, he could not have been appointed once again to compilethe next National History. There was precedent for his political suc-cessor, Mototsune, to supervise the compilation of a National His-tory. Mototsune was outranked by Minister of the Left MinamotoToru and Minister of the Right Fujiwara Ujimune (he died on thetwelfth day, second month, 872, at the age of sixty-five), but neitherof them was suitable to appoint to the position over Mototsune.

Minabuchi Toshina was the son of Provisional Governor of InabaProvince Minabuchi Nagakawa, a talented official who served at fourimperial courts, from Emperor Saga's to Emperor Montoku's. Start-ing as a student of literature, Toshina held in succession the impor-tant posts of Assistant Minister of the Ministry of Ceremonial,Assistant Crown Prince's Mentor, and Controller of the Right. Hewas appointed Consultant in 864. Nihon Sandai Jitsuroku says, 'Hewas considered wise and perceptive, gifted with an understandingnature; as an official he was objective and was known to be honestand steadfast.' He was praised for his talent as a government officialwith literary aptitude. In the third month of 877 he held a party toesteem the agecL_in the tradition of the Tang dynasty poet Bo Juyi, athis Ono villa. Oe Otondo, Fujiwara Fuyup, Sugawara Koreyoshi,Fun'ya Arizane, Sugawara Akio, and Onakatomi Korenao allattended, where they appreciated the late spring day, recitingpoems and playing the harp. Toshina passed away in the fourthmonth of that year, at the age of seventy. As a Consultant andMiddle Counsellor with an understanding of scholarship, hisappointment added a breath of fresh air to the team of compilers.

Oe Otondo started as a Special Student of Literature, passed thepolicy examination, and moved through the posts of Lesser PrivateSecretary, Great Private Secretary, Scholar in the Crown Prince'sHousehold, Assistant Minister of the Ministry of Ceremonial, andController of the Right. A court noble of scholarly distinction, he wasappointed Consultant. By nature he was modest, without a trace ofpride. He had a keen understanding of politics and knew traditionby heart; and whenever doubts about procedure arose at the court,he settled the matter by referring to precedent. Although he was ascholar, he was not unskilled in practical matters. Among his workswere Gunseki Yoran [Classified Works at a Glance] and Koteihan[Moral Textbook for Emperors]. He also worked on Jogan Kyaku Shiki[Regulations and Procedures of the Jogan Era] and composed thePreface of the work. He was an ideal person to participate in the realwork of editing the National History. However, as he passed away in


877 at the age of sixty-seven, the command to compile the historymust have come out when he was already over sixty, so it is difficultto determine the actual extent of his involvement.

Yoshibuchi Chikanari became Great Secretary on the first monthof 868, and he appears in the National History in the fourth month of875 as Provisional Assistant Governor of Yamashiro Province. AsGreat Secretary he was a natural candidate for the team of compil-ers. He was also appointed Lecturer at the Nikon Shoki Reading thatbegan in 878, completing his duties at the concluding banquet in882. Further, he became Doctor of Letters in 886. Although his spe-cialty was the Confucian classics, since he was capable of lecturingon Nihon Shoki he was deeply learned in the National Histories, andthus qualified to be a compiler.

In the fourth month of 872 Miyako Yoshika, who was Upper SixthRank and Lesser Private Secretary, became Officer in Charge of theEnvoys from Parhae. In the first month of 873 he became GreatPrivate Secretary, and on the second month of 875 he became Doctorof Letters; he died on the twenty-fifth day, second month, 879, in theprime of his life, at the age of forty-six. He was a scholar and literaryman of whom it was said, 'He was widely learned in histories andbiographies; he had a captivating poetical talent, and a voice forreciting that moved the whole capital.' He was the greatest force inthe compilation of Montoku Jitsuroku, as discussed below.

Shimada Yoshiomi was Junior Fifth Rank and Great Secretary onthe twenty-fifth day, second month, 878, when he became SecondLecturer at the Nihon Shoki Reading, as assistant to Yoshibuchi Chi-kanari. On the twenty-fifth day of the eighth month of that sameyear, when Prince Sadayasu began his turn at the reading, Shimadawas invited, along with Kose Fumio, Miyako Yoshika, and SuganoKorenori, to compose Chinese poems. When the order to compileMontoku Jitsuroku first came out, he held only Dispersed Rank, but hewas added to the team of compilers as someone who would eventu-ally attain the position of Great Secretary.

These were the six men who received the original command tocompile the work; but soon after the decree was issued, EmperorSeiwa abdicated, and Minabuchi Toshina and Oe Otondo died insuccession in 877. In 878 Emperor \ozei changed the members of theteam in order to continue the work. However, since Emperor \ozeiwas a child, these matters were probably decided by Fujiwara Mo-totsune. According to this set-up, Mototsune remained the chair-man, with Consultant Sugawara Koreyoshi added to the team. Ofthe previous compilers, Miyako Yoshika and Shimada Yoshiomiremained, with Yoshibuchi Chikanari retiring. Sugawara Koreyoshi


was doubtless the replacement for Oe Otondo; he was one of theleading scholars of the time. He had been Doctor of Letters, Scholarin the Crown Prince's Household, President of the University, andAssistant Minister of Civil Affairs before becoming Consultant. Hehad also worked on Jogan Kyaku Shiki together with MinabuchiToshina and Oe Otondo, and among his own works were Togu Setsuin[Phonetically Arranged Dictionary of Rhymes], Ginbo Kanritsu[Poems by Courtiers], Shuin Risshi [Regulated Verse Gathered byRhyme], and Kaibun Ruiju [Collection of Poems Classified by Occa-sions]. However, in 878 he was already sixty-seven years old, and hedied in 880, less than a year after joining the team.

The second stage of compiling Montoku Jitsuroku was thus carriedout by Mototsune, Sugawara Koreyoshi, Miyako Yoshika, and Shi-mada Yoshiomi; but Miyako Yoshika died on the twenty-fifth day,second month, 879, just before the work was completed. He seems tohave exhausted himself in working on the book. As the Preface says,'Yoshika lamented the slowness of completing this work, and at thecost of his life, he began at once the work of recording, but he passedaway suddenly/

The three surviving men completed Nihon Montoku Tenno Jitsuroku,a work of ten volumes, on the thirteenth day, eleventh month, 879.This was the first time that the word Jitsuroku (Veritable Records)was employed for the title of a National History. A work coveringonly one reign had already appeared, namely, Shoku Nihon Koki, butthe compilers had preferred not to change its title to the moreappropriate Jitsuroku and retained the older form employing ki(chronicles). However, by the time of Montoku Jitsuroku, the words'Continued' and 'Later' had been used up, so they must haveresolved to adopt a new term, and they came out with Jitsuroku.

As for the method of compiling, they wrote, 'We have arrangedmatters chronologically and adhered strictly to the sequence ofevents. We have attempted to be impartial in the chronicle of eventsand have not omitted the most minute detail of significance. How-ever, trivial remarks and minor affairs of little consequence havebeen discarded and omitted.' This principle is propounded in thepreceding National Histories, but here it gives the impression ofnothing more than a heading, without being anything concrete. ThePreface was actually written not by the compilers but by SugawaraKoreyoshi's son Michizane. Michizane was then thirty-five yearsold, and, as Doctor of Letters and Second Vice-Minister of Ceremo-nial, he did not lack maturity and status. However, it was not a bookthat he had produced by his own hand. We do not know whyKoreyoshi gave over the writing of the Preface to his son, but it is


natural that Michizane could not write sentences that soared. Theperfunctory result was not flattering to either Koreyoshi or Michi-zane.

C O N T E N T S

Montoku Jitsuroku is a National History covering the single reign ofEmperor Montoku, from the third month of 850 to the eight monthof 858, which amounted to eight years and six months. Since it is aten-volume work, each volume covers, on average, slightly morethan ten months, which is about the same proportion as Shoku NihonKoki. It also coincides with the latter in covering the reign of a singleEmperor and in its dense annalistic contents. However, it has itsown special characteristics: the small number of entries related topolitics and law, and the large number of biographical entries.

The small number of entries on politics and law is readily appar-ent upon the most desultory reading. To demonstrate the quantity, acomparison can be made with Ruiju Sandai Kyaku in order to see howmany of the kyaku that ought to have been included actually were. Acomparison with the other National Histories has already beengiven in Table 4, Recording of kyaku. Of the fifty-two kyaku issuedduring the period covered by Montoku Jitsuroku that are recorded inRuiju Sandai Kyaku, only two are fully recorded in Montoku Jitsuroku.There are five in which there is a variance in the date or the contentsare abbreviated or summarized in Montoku Jitsuroku, and the remain-ing forty-five are not included at all. Thus 87 per cent of the kyakuare omitted. This is twice the rate of Sandai Jitsuroku (42 per cent) andShoku Nihongi (43 per cent) and is much higher than Nihon Koki (51per cent) and Shoku Nihon Koki (61 per cent). Kyaku were directexpressions of government activities, and their omission is the bestevidence of the thin political coverage of the work.

More specifically, what kind of kyaku were ignored in the work?Let us take two or three cases. For example, the kyaku connectedwith Buddhism in Ruiju Sandai Kyaku are collected in Volumes 2 and3, in a total of 161 entries, of which eleven bear a date in the periodcovered by Montoku Jitsuroku. Yet not one is included in MontokuJitsuroku, although some concern significant matters. There is a kyakuthat added two persons to Enryakuji Temple as annual initiates, inaccordance with a request from Ennin dated the fourteenth day,twelfth month, 850; they were to read the Kongocho-kyo [DiamondPeak Sutra] and the Soshitsuji-kyo [Sutra on the Accomplishment ofPerfection], an important step in establishing the Enryakuji Templeas an esoteric sect. Three persons were added as annual initiates to


the Shingon sect, in accordance with the memorial of Shinzei on theseventeenth day, fourth month, 853; these people entered the priest-hood at Jingo] i Temple, a significant measure in the development ofthe Shingon sect. Since these two kyaku were both long decrees ofthe Council of State, they could not have been overlooked. Thus weconclude that it was the compilers' intention from the beginning notto include such materials.

On the twenty-third day, eighth month, 855, the grades of theexaminations were established, with the requirements for the fivegrades of Lectures and three grades of Readers set out; this funda-mental measure was frequently cited in kyaku of later times. Again,this is not found in the National History. Other kyaku not included:to make up the deficiency of priests in the Kashima Jinguji Temple,the provincial governor and chief priest were to select five peoplefrom among the ordinary people and train them (fifth day, eighthmonth, 850); the Kaiin Zanmaiji Temple was given an allotment, andtwo annual initiates were provided (twenty-second day, thirdmonth, 851); and the examination discourse for the annual initiatesof the Kegon sect was to be revised (twenty-first day, fifth month,851). It appears that Montoku Jitsuroku was extremely indifferenttowards kyaku concerning Buddhism.

One entry in Montoku Jitsuroku appears to be an exception. Theentry for the twenty-second day, eighth month, 858, says, Tor thefirst time Lecturers and Readers were appointed for the Shingon sectin all the provinces, in accordance with the other sects/ This appearsto be a summary of the text of a kyaku, and indeed a correspondingkyaku in Volume 3 of Ruiju Sandal Kyaku gives a decree of the Councilof State for the fifth day, eighth month, 837: 'Priests of the Shingonsect to be appointed annually as Lecturers and Readers in the prov-inces.' In this case the compilers of Montoku Jitsuroku may have takenthe text of the kyaku, but they made a grave error in making the year858 instead of 837. This suggests that they did not check the originaltext of Jogan Kyaku, which entered the date as the fifth day, eighthmonth, 837.

These cases are related only to Buddhism, but there are othersrelated to the governance of the population. There is an order of thetwenty-fifth day, fifth month, 853, to leave no time between thecompletion of surveys and the assignment of fields, and an order ofthe first day, tenth month, 854, to speed up the reporting of dam-aged fields and uncultivated fields. There is an order of the nine-teenth day, ninth month, 855, regulating the salary of thetechnicians of the coin mint; an order of the first day, eleventhmonth, 855, adding one assistant secretary to the same office; and an

TABLE 8

Biographies


Imperialprinces,

empresses

233

151134

1st 2ndrank rank

5 19352

1 4

3rdrank

63895

18

4thrank

1718292156

5thrank

6

3429

Priests

64768

Criminals

32

12

Unknown Total

142386580

1 153

Rateper year

1.54.03.89.45.2


order of the tenth day, eleventh month, 857, raising the ranks of theofficials in the Office for Investigation of the Records of OutgoingOfficials. All these items ought to have been recorded in MontokuJitsuroku, but they were not. The other National Histories recordedsuch matters. As for allotment lands, Volume 159 of Ruiju Kokushirecords three items from Nihon Koki and Sandai Jitsuroku, whichshows that they were genuine historical events. Entries regardingthe allotted number for the mint and the Office for Investigation ofthe Records of Outgoing Officials are also recorded in the otherNational Histories, regardless of the number of entries; this may bereadily seen from the Section on Government Officials in Chapter107 of Ruiju Kokushi.

The second special characteristic of Montoku Jitsuroku is the abun-dance of biographies, which is best illustrated by a chart (Table 8).Here we consider a biography to be any entry that supplies, inconnection with the person's death, either the identity of his parentsor his age. Compared to the other histories, Montoku Jitsuroku has farmore, with 6.2 times the rate per year of Shoku Nihongi, 2.5 times therate of Shoku Nihon Koki, and 1.8 times the rate of Sandai Jitsuroku.

There are cases where the National Histories recorded the deathsof persons but not their biographies; the numbers may be seen inTable 9.

TABLE 9

Death notices without biographies

Imperial 2nd 3rd 4th 5thprinces rank rank rank rank Priests Total

Shoku Nihongi 2Nihon KokiShoku Nihon KokiMontoku JitsurokuSandai Jitsuroku

11

1022

1184

211

10 2

2 1337

231

3 15

Entries that record the death of a person and the sending of condo-lence gifts, but do not include a biography, are also included. Start-ing with the 133 cases of Shoku Nihongi, each history has a number ofsuch entries, but there is only one in Montoku Jitsuroku. In otherwords, it included a biography without fail at the person's death.This enthusiasm for biographies is striking in comparison to theother Histories.


From Table 8, it is evident that the increase in biographies inMontoku Jitsuroku resulted from enlarging the range of the courtranks eligible for biographies. Basically, each History faithfullyrecorded the deaths of those of the fourth rank and above in detail,but when they got to the fourth rank people, they abbreviated con-siderably. Montoku Jitsuroku, however, abbreviated nothing. For peo-ple of the fifth rank, Nihon Koki and Shoku Nihon Koki did not includeeven a notice of death. Shoku Nihongi has biographies for six peopleof the fifth rank, but these were exceptional cases. In Montoku Jitsu-roku, the death notices and biographies for people of the fifth rankare faithfully recorded. It is not clear whether the practice extendedto everyone of the fifth rank, but since they appear at the rate of 1.5times those of the fourth rank, there were probably not many omis-sions. In Sandai Jitsuroku the fifth rank is included, but since there areonly twenty-nine entries, in contrast to the fifty-six of the fourthrank, it is certain that a considerable number were omitted. In sum,in contrast to the other National Histories, Montoku Jitsurokuincluded a great number of people of the fifth rank, and this was asignificant feature of the work.

The biographies are thoughtful and overflowing with humaninterest. There is neither the stern criticism of Nihon Koki nor theformality of Shoku Nihon Koki. The compilers observed peoplegenially and wrote with sympathy for their situations. Here is anexample:

2nd day, 4th month, 850. Imperial Prince Fujii, Governor-General of theGovernment Headquarters in Kyushu, Prince of the Third Order, died.He was the twelfth child of Emperor Kanmu. His mother was Haruko,Junior Fourth Rank, Lower, daughter of Major Counsellor SakanoueOsukune Tamuramaro, posthumously awarded Senior Second Rank.The Prince was an expert archer, inheriting the skill of his grandfatherTamuramaro. At one time Emperor Saga went to the Court of Abun-dant Pleasures to view archery rites. At the conclusion of the ceremo-nies, the Emperor commanded the Imperial Princes and numeroussubjects to take turns in shooting. The Imperial Prince was then twelveyears old. The Emperor jokingly said to him, 'You are still young, butyou should take up the bow and arrow.' The Prince arose to complywith the Emperor's words; twice he shot, and twice he hit dead centre.His grandfather Tamuramaro, who was also present, was so astonishedand delighted that he was unable to restrain himself. He arose anddanced about, embracing the Prince. Advancing to the Emperor, hesaid, T once led several hundred thousand troops in an expeditionagainst the eastern barbarians. By the grace of the Imperial prestige,


none were able to stand up to us anywhere. To my mind, I have studiedonly a few military stratagems and arts. Now this Imperial Prince isvery young, yet look at his military skill! It is beyond anything that Icould ever attain.' The Emperor laughed heartily, and said 'General,your praise of your grandson is too high!'

Here we see not only the excellence of Prince Fujii at archery butalso Tamuramaro unreservedly rejoicing at the military accomplish-ment of his grandson. Even in such a famous general as Tamura-maro, there was affectionate feeling for a family member.

22nd day, 12th month, 852. Consultant and Controller of the Left, JuniorThird Rank Ono Takamura died. In 834 he was appointed Vice-Envoyto Tang. In the spring of 838 the four ships of the Envoy to Tang sailedin succession. However, ship number one, with the Great Envoy Con-sultant, Junior Fourth Rank, Upper, Fujiwara Tsunetsugu on board,sprang a leak. By imperial decree, ship number two, that of the Vice-Envoy, was made into ship number one for the Great Envoy. Takamuraprotested this, saying, 'The Imperial Council is not consistent, anddecisions are changed several times. Also, when the order and number-ing of the ships were first determined, the best ship was chosen forship number one, and after arrangements were made, the expeditiongot under way. Now the decision is entirely changed, and I amassigned a dangerous vessel. The Great Envoy has put his own welfarefirst, at the cost of risk and damage to others. From the viewpoint ofhuman feelings, this is unjust. How can he be a leader when he has lostprestige? I am poor; and my parents are old and in poor health. Forthese reasons I ought to retire from official life, to serve my parents bydrawing water and gathering firewood.'

He was firmly determined in his principle, and he never set foot onboard the ship again.

In recent years, at the Foreign Envoy's Quarters at the GovernmentHeadquarters in Kyushu, there was a man from Tang China namedShen Daogu, who heard of Takamura's abilities and often sent himrhymed verse. Every time he saw Takamura's response, he praised thebeauty of Takamura's rhymes. In the spring, ist month, 839, Takamu-ra's name was struck from the family register because he had dis-obeyed the imperial decree; he was reduced to the status of acommoner and exiled to the Province of Oki. He composed a poem often seven-character lines on his journey to exile. The words were beau-tiful, and the inspiration elegant and profound; it was recited by allwho knew literature. His writing at that time was unequaled in all theland. His facility in both the cursive and square types of calligraphy


was in a class with the two Wangs. All students of writing and calligra-phy used him as a model.

This tells the incident of the ship for the Envoy to Tang with sym-pathy for Takamura's position. What might have been excluded fromShoku Nihon Koki with reservations is recorded straight-forwardly.Nor did the compilers neglect to praise the true worth of Takamuraas a man of letters. No doubt they had a strong affinity for literarypeople, but his account draws our sympathy on its own merits.

Widening the range of biographies to the fifth rank, and writingsuch sympathetic accounts, means that the authors held affectionfor people and honoured human feelings. They recognized theendeavours of the people who made history and the significance oftheir emotions and took pleasure in giving them beautiful literaryexpression.

Who among the compilers would have been most responsible forthis? The most likely would be Oe Otondo, Sugawara Koreyoshi, andMiyako Yoshika, who were first-rate literary men but could alsoaccomplish purposes beyond literature. However, as noted pre-viously, Otondo was sixty-one years old in 871 and died in 877; thushe was not part of the second team of compilers. Possibly Koreyoshiwas added to the second team in his place, but in 878 he was sixty-seven, and the degree to which he participated in the actual writingis doubtful. Thus we arrive at Miyako Yoshika, who worked on thehistory from the outset and probably had the greatest impact on itswording. Yoshika's characteristics match exactly the special featuresof the work.

Yoshika died in the second month of 879 at the age of forty-six, tendays before the completion of the work; in 871 he was still onlythirty-eight. The Miyako Ason family was formerly the KuwabaraKimi family; in the time of Yoshika's father, Sadatsugu, it receivedthe family name of Miyako Sukune, and in 877 it became the low-ranking aristocratic family Miyako Ason. Sadatsugu finished hiscareer as Head of the Accounts Office, Junior Fifth Rank, Lower.

Yoshika had superb talent in Chinese poetry, but he was poor andwithout possessions, and daily life was a struggle. He was a Bud-dhist and deeply learned in Shingon mysteries. He was said to beresilient in build and very strong. Quite different from the ordinaryliterary aristocrats, he seems to have had much depth. There seemsto be a relationship between his own background and the broaden-ing of the biographies to include the fifth rank, and the humansympathy in them may have arisen because he recalled his ownsuffering as a member of a humble social stratum.


There is another particular feature of the writing style that dem-onstrates Yoshika's connection with the work. That is, when record-ing natural phenomena, a phrase was added, 'Why is this written?To record the strange.' For example:

'i4th day, 12th month, 850. There was thunder. Why is this written? Torecord the strange.'

'ayth day, 3rd month, 851. There were water-fowl; they were small andresembled herons. Their name is not known. They flocked onto theplum tree before the Palace. Why is this written? To record thestrange.'

'24th day, jth month, 851. There was a dead snake in front of the SouthPalace. It had been wounded on the head, as if something had bitten it.Why is this written? To record the strange.'

'Winter, 851. It was hot. Why is this written? To record the strange.'

'Spring, 854. It was cold, with frost. Why is this written? To recordcalamity.'

This style of recording is entirely absent from the other FiveNational Histories. Further, inclusion of the simple phrases 'To rec-ord the strange' and 'To record calamity' arose from the strongattachment of the authors to this style of writing.

The source of these phrases is the Chinese classics, specifically,the Commentaries of Gong Yang on the Chun Qiu, where they arefrequently used. For example, in Volume i, third year of Yin Gong,where it records, 'There was a solar eclipse/ it adds, 'Why is thiswritten? To record the strange.' In the ninth month of the fifth yearit says, 'There were caterpillars/ and adds, 'Why is this written? Torecord calamity.'

The Commentaries of Gong Yang was not originally the subject oflectures at the Japanese university. However, at the suggestion oflyobe Yakamori, who had gone to China in the Nara period, from 798on lectures were given on the Commentaries of Gong Yang and theCommentaries of Gu Liang, holding them as equivalent to minorclassics. Yakamori's sons Yoshimichi and Masasada carried on, lec-turing on the three Commentaries (the third being Zuo Zhuan). Thusthe academic study of Gong Yang and Gu Liang attracted somescholars as a new discipline in the early Heian period.

Someone among the compilers of Montoku Jitsuroku was familiarwith the Commentaries of Gong Yang. We may surmise that it wasYoshika from his submission to the court on the occasion of the fire


in the Great Hall of Audience in the fourth month of 876, whenviews were requested from scholars on whether court should besuspended, and again in the fourth month of 877, when a solareclipse took place and scholars were asked whether duties should besuspended. On both occasions he cited the Commentaries of GuLiang. By analogy, we may suppose that he was familiar with theCommentaries of Gong Yang. In a 1668 edition of the Commentariesof Gong Yang and Gu Liang with the notation by Doshun, a prefaceby Shunsai cites Miyako Yoshika, lyobe Yakamori, and FujiwaraYorinaga as Japanese who were familiar with scholarship on Gongand Gu. The source of Shunsai's information is not known, butYoshika seems to have been conversant with the Commentaries ofGong Yang.

This indicates that Yoshika was the source of entries on 'thestrange' and 'calamities' and was the compiler with the deepestrelationship with Montoku Jitsuroku. His interest in the circumstan-ces of the common people, from whom he came, was responsible forthe incidents found among the otherwise monotonous entries con-cerning the court. Such are the dialect of the common people relat-ing to cudweed (fifth day, fifth month, 850); the tale of the eminentpriest Beifun who won the adoration of women of the capital withhis deceptive ascetic practices (twenty-second day, seventh month,854); and the descent of the gods on Oarai seashore in Hitachi Prov-ince (twenty-ninth day, twelfth month, 856). He took as the materialfor his writing the geographical features of local regions and thetraditions of the people.

C O M M E N T A R I E S

In the Hosa Library in Nagoya there is the five-volume MontokuTenno Jitsuroku Shikkai [Collected Commentaries on Montoku TennoJitsuroku]. Written by Kawamura Masune, it has a note that workwas stopped on the sixth day, fifth month, 1815. The format is thesame as for the previous collected commentaries, with accuratenotes. It is a pity, however, that the work was unfinished.

In the Books Department of the Imperial Household Agency thereare two works by Yano Gendo, Montoku Tenno Jitsuroku Shiki [PrivateCommentary on Montoku Tenno Jitsuroku, two volumes] and a similarwork on Shoku Nihon Koki. They are very simple and not of muchuse. There is a note inside bearing the date May 1878. Otherwise,Montoku Tenno Jitsuroku has not attracted much scholarly attention.

C H A P T E R S E V E N

Nihon Sandai Jitsuroku

CONTENTS

As in the other National Histories, the circumstances of compilationof this work are known from the Preface. According to the Preface,Emperor Uda commanded Minamoto Yoshiari, Fujiwara Tokihira,Sugawara Michizane, Okura Yoshiyuki, and Mimune Masahira tocompile the history of the reigns of Emperors Seiwa, \e>zei, andKoko. The year is not recorded in the Preface, so we shall use ourcustomary method of investigating their offices and ranks.

Minamoto Yoshiari is recorded as Great Counsellor, Senior ThirdRank, and, concurrently, General of the Left Guard, Crown Prince'sMentor, and Inspector of Mutsu and Dewa. In 893 he becameGeneral of the Left Guard while concurrently holding the post ofInspector. The thirteenth day of the fourth month of that year waswhen he also became Crown Prince's Mentor. As this was the day onwhich Prince Atsuhito became Crown Prince, Yoshiari could nothave been Crown Prince's Mentor before that date. Tokihira was alsoMaster of the Crown Prince's Household, and Michizane was Assis-tant, so for the same reason they held these posts after the thir-teenth day of the fourth month of 893. Next, the lower limit isestablished by Michizane's concurrent appointment as Chief Envoyto Tang China on the twenty-first day, eighth month, 894. Subse-quent to this he added 'Great Envoy to Tang' to his formal name, butthis does not appear in the Preface. Consequently, it must have beenwritten before the twenty-first day, eighth month, 894. Thus a targetperiod emerges of one year and four months between the fourthmonth of 893 and the eighth month of 894.

However, in Nihon Kiryaku [Abbreviated History of Japan] theentry for the first day, fifth month, 892, says, 'Great Counsellor

i/o The Six National Histories of Japan

Minamoto Yoshiari, Consultant Fujiwara Tokihira, Great SecretaryOkura Yoshiyuki, and others received the imperial command to havethem compile the National History.'1 This presents a discrepancy ofabout one year. There is no basis for determining which is correct,but Nihon Kiryaku has numerous mistakes in chronology after thereign of Emperor Uda, with many double citations and datingswithin one or two years before or after an event, and it is likely thatNihon Kiryaku is in error. Let us surmise that 892 is an error for 893,although the date of the first day of the fifth month may be correct.Taking the first day, fifth month, 893, for the imperial command is acompromise solution, but it may not be objectionable.

The selection of these compilers may have come as the result ofcareful thought on the part of Emperor Uda. He went against thecustom of having a Great Minister or a member of the Fujiwara aschief compiler. In 893 the Minister of the Left was Minamoto Tomand the Minister of the Right was Fujiwara Yoshiyo, but both of themwere seventy-two years of age, too old to compile the National His-tory. If Uda had followed the custom of appointing the head of thenorthern branch of the Fujiwara family, he could have made FujiwaraTokihira chief compiler, and to do so he just had to wait for a while.

But the Emperor did not wait, and he established Great Counsel-lor Yoshiari as chief compiler. This Emperor did not appreciate theexclusive hegemony of the Fujiwara family. Minamoto Yoshiari was ason of Emperor Montoku and had held various positions, becomingGreat Counsellor in 891. In 892, for the first time, he presented thereport on miscellaneous matters for the Controllers, for which,according to Kugyo Bunin [Record of Appointments to Public Office],there was no precedent.2 Because Yoshiari was a man of talent, theEmperor made him chief compiler in an attempt to break the seem-ing hereditary right of the Fujiwara. This may have been one of thefew measures that remained to him against Fujiwara control.

However, the Emperor's hopes were disappointed, because Yoshi-ari died in the sixth month of 897. Whether related to this or not, theEmperor abdicated in the following month, and work was temporar-ily suspended. Emperor Daigo then came to the throne, and it wasresolved to continue the work. The new Emperor, having no specialintention of restraining the Fujiwara family, appointed FujiwaraTokihira, Sugawara Michizane, Okura Yoshiyuki, and Mimune Masa-hira as compilers. Tokihira was a natural choice for chief compiler,since he was Minister of the Left. Michizane, also a Minister, wasappointed as well. Two Ministers were too many, but Michizane wasprobably chosen especially because of his high reputation as a Con-fucian scholar of history and literature. Yoshiyuki and Masahira

Nihon Sandai Jitsuroku 171

were both Great Secretaries, associated with the project since itsfirst stage. Thus no new compilers were added at the second stage.Apart from Yoshiari, they remained the same as at the first stage andcarried out the compilation.

This impression of the closed nature of the enterprise is confirmedby looking at the time of completion, when the work was presentedto the throne. It was finished on the second day, eighth month, 901,at which time only Tokihira and Yoshiyuki remained of the compil-ers. The names of these two are seen in the Preface, listed proudlyafter the date. In the first month of that year Michizane had beenconvicted of treason and sent to Dazaifu, and in the second monthMasahira had been made Assistant Governor of Echizen and wasthus separated from the work. However, Masahira had been Vice-Governor of Bitchu at the time he was first named as a compiler - anabsentee appointment. In the later appointment to Echizen, it is notknown whether he left the capital, but his share of the work on theNational History merited the listing of his name in the Preface. InMichizane's case, one has the distinct feeling of hearing the victori-ous cry of Tokihira's side after the expulsion of Michizane from thecapital. We might also conjecture that the book was substantiallycompleted earlier, and the presentation to the throne was delayed tomake it come at this time, when only Tokihira and Yoshiyukiremained.

One reason for such a conjecture is the unusual relationshipbetween Tokihira and Yoshiyuki. In 901 Yoshiyuki was seventy yearsold. In the autumn of that year, Tokihira was master of ceremonies atYoshiyuki's birthday party, held at Tokihira's villa. Six of Yoshiyuki'sdisciples and friends gathered, and they all composed Chinesepoems, which are preserved in a collection entitled Zogen Howa[Poems Presented on Miscellaneous Topics]. The Preface was writ-ten by Ki Haseo. Tokihira contributed two poems of seven-wordphrases under the name Tujiwara Tokihira, disciple of Yoshiyuki.'Such a lively party, held after the banishment of Michizane to thewest, was an undisguised sigh of relief and joy by the Fujiwarafamily and the literary men who followed it, and illustrates the com-plexities of the scholarly literary circles of the time. The compilationof Sandai Jitsuroku inevitably had the same intellectual background.

Among the five men who compiled the work, Minamoto Yoshiariand Fujiwara Tokihira were the leaders, so they probably did notparticipate in the actual writing. Doubtless this was entrusted toSugawara Michizane, Okura Yoshiyuki, and Mimune Masahira. Ofthese three, Michizane and Yoshiyuki were opposed to one another.What about Masahira? He was a disciple of Yoshiyuki and attended


Yoshiyuki's seventieth birthday celebration, composing a Chinesepoem for the occasion, so it is clear that he was on Yoshiyuki's side.He moved from Great Secretary to First Private Secretary and wasentrusted with compiling Engi Shiki as well as attending the Engilectures on Nihon Shoki and writing the Preface to the poems at thecompletion banquet. He later became a Doctor of Letters, and hispoems were commended by later generations. Since he died in 926at the age of seventy-four, he was forty-nine in 901, twenty-oneyears younger than Yoshiyuki. Thus he was capable of understand-ing Yoshiyuki's intentions for the history. Of course Yoshiyuki'sintentions were carried out in this book by himself, but we may alsosuppose that at places they were actualized by Masahira.

People of the time also thought there was a deep connectionbetween Yoshiyuki and this book because Honcho Shojaku Mokurokurecords Sandal Jitsuroku as 'Compiled by Okura Yoshiyuki.'3 Also,Shugaisho [Selected Gleanings, later Kamakura period], whilerecording 'Minister of the Left Tokihira received the imperial com-mand andj:ompiled it,' determined the actual compiler, adding, 'Inactuality, Okura Yoshiyuki compiled it.' According to these externalsigns, Yoshiyuki was the most powerful among the compilers. This isconfirmed by the contents.

That is, Yoshiyuki's name appears at many places in the book, inviolation of the customs of the National Histories. There was a basicrule of restricting accounts of the activities of officials to those of thefifth rank and above; accounts of appointments and awards of rankalso began with those of the fifth rank and above. The names ofthose below the fifth rank did not appear, apart from cases of specialachievement. Okura Yoshiyuki was promoted from Senior SixthRank, Upper, to Outer Junior Fifth Rank, Lower, on the seventh day,first month, 887, and since the final, fiftieth volume of Sandai Jitsurokucovered the period from the first month to the eighth month of 887,there should have been extremely few occasions for Yoshiyuki'sname to appear. In spite of this, entries involving Yoshiyuki appeareight times, starting as early as 876.

i4th day, yth month, 876. Previously, in the loth month of the preced-ing year, Scattered Rank Okura Yoshiyuki was appointed to the Cham-berlain's Office to proofread imperial letters. At the same time heinstructed young princes and interested aristocrats in the palace inYanshi Jiaxun [Instructions for the Yan Family], finishing on this date.Under imperial command, a completion banquet was held, at whichthe university students of literature were made to present Chinesepoems.


This matter has no place in an account of a particular date. It is thereto display the accomplishments of Okura Yoshiyuki.

Yoshiyuki's name appears four times in 883. As they concern hisappointment to receive the Envoy from Parhae, it was natural torecord it. However, one entry says, '8th day, 3rd month, 883. Officerto Receive the Envoy from Parhae, Lesser Secretary OkuraYoshiyuki and Second Secretary in the Ministry of Ceremonial Taka-shina Shigenori marched to the inner palace to present a memorialand then departed. Each of them received as a gift a formal skirt ofthe Emperor.' Such entries as the preceding and the following seemto have been written specifically to record the individual activities ofYoshiyuki.

3rd day, loth month, 885. Previously, Great Secretary Okura Yoshiyukipresented a petition explaining that 'there are two temples in YamatoProvince where miracles occur - Hase and Tsubosaka. They both haverice for lamp-expenses. The Provincial Governor is ordered to collectthe interest from government rice-seed loans. However, Kojimayama-dera Temple comes second to those two in producing miracles, but ithas no fund for lamps. For illumination at daybreak and at night thereis nothing but the stars and the moon. My request is that 400 shocks ofrice-grain from my fields be given to the Provincial Governor and madepart of the regular taxation income. The interest from rice-seed loanswill be sent to the temple to fund bright lamps in perpetuity.' On thisdate an imperial order was given, granting this request.

The allotment of four hundred bundles of regular taxation to Koji-mayamadera is also seen in the tax regulations of Engi Shiki, but thisentry undeniably came from a desire to exalt Yoshiyuki. Turning theNational History into a private thing is abominable; but, as notedpreviously, Yoshifusa had already done this in Shoku Nihon Koki.

Sugawara Michizane does not appear to the same degree. As abureaucrat and a scholar, Michizane occupied a position far higherthan Yoshiyuki, and the range of his activities was much wider, sohis name appears frequently in Sandai Jitsuroku. In addition, many ofthe pieces that he drafted appear as imperial decrees and reports tothe throne. Nevertheless, if we take the number of entries involvingYoshiyuki as the standard, the number concerning Michizaneshould be perhaps double what actually appears.

The collection of Michizane's Chinese poems, Kanke Bunso [TheSugawara Literary Drafts], constitutes a valuable historical source,recording chronologically his activities as well as his writings. Thereare incidents that were worthy of entry in the National History but


were not recorded. For example, he drafted the first statement ofgratitude by Chancellor Yoshifusa for attendants appointed annu-ally (fourteenth day, fourth month, 871) as well as the second state-ment (eighteenth day, fourth month, 871), both of which arerecorded in Sandai Jitsuroku, but the third (twentieth day, fourthmonth, 871) is not recorded. Prince Koretaka's first statement ofgratitude for special endowment is recorded (eighteenth day, tenthmonth, 874), but not the second (twenty-fifth day, tenth month, 874)and the third (eleventh month, 874). Another example is the besto-wal of imperial papers presenting court rank to the Envoy fromParhae in the fifth month of 872, which is not recorded. Since it was apolicy of Sandai Jitsuroku to record all imperial edicts and reports tothe throne, these omissions constitute an exception.

From this we might infer that Michizane did not participate muchin the compilation of Sandai Jitsuroku. We may conjecture thatYoshiyuki managed everything by himself and that Michizane wasdenied power of expression. However, this conjecture is based onthe unlikely assumption that Michizane wanted to exhibit himself inthe same way as did Yoshiyuki. It is rash to conclude from thescarcity of entries concerning Michizane that he did not participatemuch in the writing; while he was not eager to record his ownactivities, there are sufficiently detailed entries concerning hisfather, Koreyoshi. For example, there is the biography of Koreyoshiat the time of his death. This was unfortunately shortened at thetime of copying, so that we do not have the complete form, but asinferred from the portions contained in Fuso Ryakki* and Ruiju Koku-shi, his personality and accomplishments were recorded in consider-able detail, and praised. In particular his writings were recordedthoroughly, in a manner not applied to other people: 'Koreyoshicompiled Montoku Tenno Jitsuroku, ten volumes; Doctor of LettersMiyako Ason Yoshika participated. By himself he wrote Togu Setsuin,twenty volumes; Ginbo Kanritsu, ten volumes; Shuin Risshi, ten vol-umes; and Kaibun Ruiju, seventy volumes. In addition, Kashu [Pri-vate Collection of Poems], ten volumes.' The statement that MontokuJitsuroku was the work of a single individual, which was clearly notthe case, also displays a strong bias toward Koreyoshi.

On the fourteenth day, third month, 861, repairs were completedto the Great Buddha at Todaiji, and a general assembly of believers,without distinction of rank, was held. This is recorded in detail,which is acceptable, but the long prayer is recorded without omis-sion of a single word. With regard to this it says, 'Prior to this, JuniorFourth Rank, Lower, Doctor of Letters, Provisional Governor ofHarima Sugawara Ason Koreyoshi was commanded to compose the


prayer/ This, together with the prayer, exalted Koreyoshi's achieve-ments. As a filial son, Michizane wanted as much as possible to leaveon record in the National History his father's accomplishments.Thus we cannot see this National History as having been entirelymanaged by Yoshiyuki; Michizane and Yoshiyuki probably hadequally large parts in its compilation.

C O N T E N T S

Sandai Jitsuroku covers the reigns of Emperors Seiwa, \ozei, andKoko, in twenty-nine years and one month, from the twenty-sev-enth day, eighth month, 858, to the twenty-sixth day, eighth month,887. There are fifty volumes, so each one covers about seven months;it contains the most detailed entries among the National Histories.

It is more detailed because historical facts worthy of inclusiongrew more abundant with the passing of time. Objectively, thenumber of people of the fifth rank and above became far morenumerous. More than that, the method of compilation sought toinclude materials not taken up by the preceding National Histories.It included annual events and ceremonies, even though they werethe same every year, and, as far as possible, the full texts of imperialdecrees and memorials to the throne, which the preceding NationalHistories had largely abbreviated. For dates, not only are the sexa-genary signs used, but the numerical dates are given with them - aparticular feature of this work. In this they were following the styleof the Chinese Diaries of Activity and Repose, but it furtherincreased the size of their work. After all, the experience of compil-ing a National History had now been repeated several times, and, asit was an era when the scholars of history and literature made greatprogress, it was natural that a more sophisticated style shouldappear in this book.

As was customary, the principles of compilation are stated in thePreface.

In this compilation we have tried to be concise and correct. The activi-ties of the Emperor are all recorded, and the Emperor's words areincluded. We follow up the five rituals, and the developments in allmatters under the Emperor's governance. Good omens show Heaven'sapproval, while natural calamities are Heaven's warning to theEmperor. They show whether policies are reasonable, so we recordthem all. Ceremonies at court banquets, the system of festival obser-vances, the reception of foreign envoys, and other such matters, beinggoverned by long-established regulations, are given in outline. A few


explanatory notes are given where temporary matters have becomematters of regular practice. Events of the street, which do not edify, andfabrications, are rejected.

This statement may be divided into four parts, illuminating the stan-dards of selection of facts and recording in Sandai Jitsuroku.

First, the actions and words of the Emperor, ceremonies of thestate, government, good omens, and natural calamities are allrecorded. The intention of recording all the actions of the Emperoralso appears in the Preface of Shoku Nihon Koki and was natural for aNational History that took the form of a Veritable Record. The fiverituals were the rituals for good luck, bad luck, war, foreign envoys,and praise, the latter referring specifically to the accession, coming-of-age, and funeral ceremonies of the Emperor. In Sandai Jitsuroku theaccession and coming-of-age ceremonies for Emperors Seiwa and\ozei are extremely detailed. Fujiwara Tokihira's coming-of-age isalso very detailed (first month, 886). This special account of Tokihiraresulted from his own discretionary power as compiler, and fromYoshiyuki, who shared his intentions, but it was also in accord withthe stated policy of including accounts of all ceremonies.

Good omens and natural calamities were also well covered in theother National Histories, but in this history they were all included.As only portions survive of the sections on good omens and naturalcalamities in Ruiju Kokushi, we lack sufficient material. However, toget a glimpse of the situation, Table 10 displays the frequency in theSix National Histories of clouds, snow, and trees intertwinedbranches in the section on good omens, and earthquakes and fires inthe section on natural calamities.

If we take account of the number of years covered, the greatnumbers of phenomena recorded in Sandai Jitsuroku are not thatsurprising. Rather, every National History had a principle of record-ing good omens and natural calamities, and Sandai Jitsuroku was noexception. We may conclude that the intention announced in thePreface was carried out.

Second, court banquets and festival rites, the reception of foreignenvoys, and so on, which were regulated by fixed procedures, weregiven in outline, and detailed entries were cut out. In fact, looking atSandai Jitsuroku, we see that for such things as the New Year's courtbanquets, ceremony of the white horses, and singing and dancing inthe palace by men and women respectively on the sixteenth day ofthe first month, as well as the ceremonies at the Hirano, Hirose,Tatsuta, Kasuga, Kamo, and Umenomiya Shrines, there is simply anentry that they were performed, with no reference to their detailed


TABLE 1O

Omens and calamities

Good omens Natural calamities

Nihon ShokiShoku NihongiNihon KokiShoku Nihon KokiMontoku JitsurokuSandai Jitsuroku

Clouds

075328

Snow

01

2304

18

Trees withintertwined

branches

28207

30

Earthquakes

2584

1124894

293

Fires

121918149

39

contents. Because the procedures were designated in detail by regu-lations on ceremonies and on the duties of officials, the compilersjudged that there was no need to record them in the National His-tory. Even so, by just giving the outlines, they did what the otherNational Histories had neglected. Recording the performance of theceremonies every year without exception is one reason for theincrease in the number of entries.

Third, if there were exceptional matters that became customarythrough repeated practice, notes were to be added in order toexplain the circumstances. These are scattered throughout SandaiJitsuroku. Let us take an example. 'iQth day, 8th month, 858. The Yin-Yang Bureau reported that at night a star had entered the ShibikyuPalace. It was red as blazing fire, and more than ten feet in length.Generally when there are astronomical changes in wind and clouds,the head of the Yin-Yang Bureau consults with the doctors of astron-omy and they submit a sealed report. The history compilation officeobtains a draft from the Yin-Yang Bureau and records it in the bookof history.' This entry records that the Yin-Yang Bureau reported achange in the stars; it records the method of reporting in such casesand the usual procedure by which it was recorded in a history book.Unlike court banquets and festival ceremonies, which had long-established written regulations, procedures in government officeswere regulated by custom. This National History tries to explainthese, which is considerate of the reader.

Fourth, they rejected fabrications and everyday affairs of thestreet that did not serve any purpose in edifying the people. There


are examples in the other National Histories of matters that thecompilers rejected in similar fashion. The statement regarding ShokuNihongi, in 797, says, 'Neither detailed accounts of ordinary matters,nor events that do not conform to orthodox practices, are included.'Nihon Koki says, 'Bothersome details and insignificant words are notincluded in this record.' Shoku Nihon Koki says, 'Everyday smallthings, matters of rice and salt, are abbreviated or rejected.' MontokuJitsuroku says, 'Trivial remarks and minor affairs of little consequencehave been discarded and omitted.' The concrete nature of thesetrivial words and minor affairs is most clearly explained in SandaiJitsuroku, which summarizes them as matters in the daily life of thepeople which were rejected on the ground that they did not serve toedify.

How far was this policy actually carried out in Sandai Jitsuroku ? Wefind examples not of matters of everyday life, but of fabrications, atleast according to our modern reasoning; the people of the time mayhave sincerely thought them warnings of Heaven or pathetic naturalcalamities.

The mystery of a giant snake eating a scripture

3Oth day, 5th month, 872. At the detached hall of the provincial templein Suruga, a giant snake appeared. There was a thirty-one volume setof the Nirvana Sutra made into one scroll, and this snake ate it. Thepeople who saw this bound up the tail of the snake with a rope andhung it upside down from a tree. After a while it coughed up the sutra,fell to the ground, and appeared half-dead. Then it suddenly revived.

The Demon Strangler in front of the Ceremonial Hall

igth day, 7th month, 886. At 10 PM, a tall man appeared in front of theCeremonial Hall, coming and going, wandering about. The people onduty in the palace saw him and were frightened into a faint. People infront of the quarters of the Left Guard lighted a lamp and also got aview of him. Then in the vicinity of the quarters of the Left Guard,there came a voice like that of a person being strangled. He was calledthe Demon Strangler.

The mystery of the beauties in En no Matsubara[Banquet Pine Grove]

i7th day, 8th month, 887. At 10 PM on this night a certain personreported that a passer-by had said, 'Three beautiful women were in thewestern part of the desolate Banquet Pine Grove, east of the Hall of


Military Virtues in the palace enclosure. They took a walk toward theeast and encountered a man beneath the pine trees. Handsome andbeautifully dressed, he came out and talked to one of the women,taking her hand. The woman fell instantly in love with him and wentunder the tree. After a while, hearing no voices, the others becamealarmed and went after her. There lay on the ground her hands andfeet, and no body or head. The men on duty at the camp of the RightGuard, who came to see her, found no corpse. The person who hadbeen there had suddenly vanished.' The people at the time thoughtthat this was an ogre who had changed his form and carried out thisslaughter.

A disturbing voice in the east andwest halls of Chodoin in the middle of the night

The next day many priests from various temples were invited to carryout a scripture reading, and they lodged in the east and west halls ofChodoin. During the night they unexpectedly heard a disturbingvoice. The priests struggled with each other to rush out of the halls,but then it suddenly became quiet. Each one was asked the reason whyhe went out, but none knew. They were puzzled, and said 'It must havebeen some natural being.' This month, in the palace as well as in thecity, there were thirty-six such unfounded mysterious stories andrumors, but they cannot all be recorded here.

In the last case, the compilers knew that it was an unfounded story,but they recorded it, seemingly unable to bear throwing it out. Onthe whole, however, such stories are extremely few. In this respectthe work differed from books like Fuso Ryakki, which recorded manyfabricated tales. The result was that the National Histories wereuninteresting and not much read, while the likes of Fuso Ryakkicirculated widely; this is because of human desire for history, whichis the same in ancient times and modern times alike.

Volumes 1-29: Emperor Seiwa

The chronicles of Emperor Seiwa go from Volume i to Volume 29,including nineteen years from his accession to his abdication (eighthmonth, 858, to eleventh month, 876). First a pre-accession history isgiven, as in the other National Histories. When he became CrownPrince, on the twenty-fifth day, eleventh month, 850, it says, 'he wasnine months old/ and then,

i8o The Six National Histories of Japan

Prior to this there was a foretelling song:

Oe o koete Flying over boughsHashiri koete Running and flying over,Odori agari koete Climbing, leaping and flying overWareya mamoru ta niya Hunting in the paddy I guard,Saguri asari hamu shigiya Hunting and eating - the snipeOi shigiya. The robust snipe.5

Knowledgeable people said that 'Oe' (boughs) referred to 'Oe' (elderbrothers).

Thus Sandai Jitsuroku interprets the foretelling song to mean thatPrince Korehito (Emperor Seiwa) was destined to precede his elderbrothers as Crown Prince. This matter also appears in Montoku Jitsu-roku, but there it is simply a matter of Korehito receiving the impe-rial command to become Crown Prince, and the reaction in society isnot dealt with at all. Leap-frogging the Crown Prince over his elderbrothers was a high-handed plan of Yoshifusa to expand the powerof his own family, and others could scarcely have approved. MontokuJitsuroku was compiled close to Yoshifusa's era, and the compilerswere afraid to criticize him, but thirty years had elapsed since Yoshi-fusa's death, when Sandai Jitsuroku was written. We may rightly seethis work as containing a critical meaning, however roundabout.

The chronicle of Emperor Seiwa does not contain accounts ofmajor events, apart from the destruction by fire of the Oten Gate, thecomings and goings of pirates from Silla in the seas near Tsukushi,the eruption of Mount Fuji, and the formation of the five lakesnearby. In among the accounts of the decline of state finance, itrecords a great number of cultural accomplishments. In particularthere are numerous accounts of promotions in rank for Shintoshrines, a valuable indicator that a return to Japanese culture wasdeveloping in an era when Chinese culture was still dominant inmany areas.

For those who died during this time, there are biographies of thearistocrats Fujiwara Yoshifusa, Fujiwara Yoshimi, MinamotoSadamu, Minamoto Hiromu, Minamoto Makoto, Haruzumi Yoshi-tada, and the monks Ennin and Shinzai. Of course the biography ofYoshifusa is quite detailed, but, unfortunately, in the present text ofSandai Jitsuroku, the volume containing Yoshifusa's death in 872 is ashortened version made at the time of copying, so we do not havethe full biography. The biographies of Fujiwara Yoshimi (first day,tenth month, 867) and Haruzumi Yoshitada (nineteenth day, secondmonth, 870) are well set up, fully describing the men and their


accomplishments. The biography of Shinzai (twenty-fifth day, sec-ond month, 860) is substantially the same as that found in Kikeshu[Ki Family Collection], in the writings of Ki Haseo;6 Ki seems to havewritten it because Shinzai was a member of his family, and thecompilers of Sandai Jitsuroku used it in their text. There is a note thata final copy of Miyoshi Kiyoyuki's Chisho Daishi Den [Biography ofthe Great Teacher Chisho]7 was sent to the history compilationoffice, so probably this biography of Shinzai was also sent to thehistory office. Sugawara Michizane and Okura Yoshiyuki would nothave hesitated to use it because of their friendly relationship with KiHaseo.

The biography of Ennin (fourteenth day, first month, 864) is a longdocument, the most detailed biography in Sandai Jitsuroku. The textis similar to Jikaku Daishi Den [Biography of the Great TeacherJikaku] by Prince Shinjaku.8 This biography was unfinished whenPrince Shinjaku died, and it was finished by his son MinamotoHideakira. His younger brother Moriaki bound it and sent it on thethird day, eleventh month, 939. Thus the compilers of Sandai Jitsu-roku could not have seen the completed version, but they probablyused as historical materials the same kind of old records that wereused for the biography.

Minamoto Sadamu (third day, first month, 863), MinamotoHiromu (twenty-fifth day, first month, 863), and Minamoto Makoto(twenty-eighth day, intercalary twelfth month, 868) were all sons ofEmperor Saga, and similar wording and format are found in all threebiographies. The family biographies mentioned in Ryo no Gige, as'family biographies sent in by worthy families/ may have providedthe materials for these.9 Later members of the Genji family,descended from Emperor Saga, may have entrusted the writing ofbiographies of their ancestors to scholars and sent these to the Min-istry of Ceremonial. In this line of thinking, the biographies ofFujiwara Yoshimi and Haruzumi Yoshitada may also have beenbased on family biographies. Those that consist entirely of praiseand contain no criticism seem to have been based on such housebiographies. This resulted in the absence of disciplined sharpness inthe biographies of Sandai Jitsuroku.

Volumes 30-44: Emperor Yozei

The chronicle of Emperor Yozei is found in the fifteen volumes fromVolume 30 to Volume 44, covering more than eight years from thetwelfth month of 876 to the second month of 884. The pre-accessionhistory is the same as for Emperor Seiwa, and, similarly, it ends with


his abdication. \ozei's abdication was actually a deposition byFujiwara Mototsune, but the National History just records the sur-face facts without reference to Mototsune's manoeuvres. TheEmperor sent a letter to Mototsune, saying that, since it was difficultfor him to retain the symbols of office owing to illness, he wanted toabdicate as soon as possible. Preceding this is an entry stating that acourtier, Minamoto Masaru, was suddenly murdered in theaudience hall. The entry includes a mystifying note: 'Matters in thepalace being secret, no one outside knew.' Later records tell us thatthe murder took place by the Emperor's own hand (e.g. Gyokuyo,twentieth day, eleventh month, 1172; related by Kiyowara Yorinari).Sandai Jitsuroku gives the impression of trying to keep this secret andrecording merely the surface incident. Later, the Emperor, wholoved horses, secretly raised them in the palace, and there weremany related acts of lawlessness by courtiers. It records that Fuji-wara Mototsune came to the palace and drove these people away.This is all that Sandai Jitsuroku has to say about the deposition of theEmperor, which is perhaps the furthest extent to which a NationalHistory could go.

Compared to previous reigns, many things happened during thereign of Emperor \ozei. Among them was a rebellion by naturalizedaborigines that broke out in 878 and shook the court for more than ayear. It was caused by the oppressive management by the governorof the Akita fort, and the power of the naturalized aborigines swelledto the stage where they seized the fort, burned the houses of thedistrict governor and the people, and got hold of all the militaryequipment in the province. Mototsune appointed the reputableFujiwara Yasunori as Provisional Governor of Dewa and commandedhim to put down the rebellion; he won the confidence of the natural-ized aborigines through justice and mercy and was able to recoverthe fort without fighting.

Sandai Jitsuroku gives the above circumstances by recording thepost station report by Governor of Dewa Fujiwara Okiyo around thetwenty-ninth day, third month, 878, and the responding govern-ment order, continuing with occasional entries of reports and orders.The compilers probably used official records stored in the Ministryof Central Affairs. In some cases they made a note, such as 'Report ofthe post station in Dewa Province. Document lost' (fourth day,eighth month, and fourth day, ninth month, 878), conscientiouslyrecording the existence of a document and its loss. However, for themost part it clearly records the actions of the naturalized aboriginesand the measures of the government forces, vividly describing thetense situation in Dewa. At this point, the peaceful and inactive


narrative of Sandai Jitsuroku becomes highly dynamic. Judging fromthe commands issued one after another, the court was under greatstrain.

There exists a separately published biography of Yasunori, 'Biog-raphy of Fujiwara Yasunori/ compiled in 907 by Miyoshi Kiyoyuki.At the end of the biography, Kiyoyuki becomes Great Inner Secre-tary, and, according to the 'Gangyo era notes/ he witnessed Yasuno-ri's strategy for the eastern expedition, so perhaps the samematerials were used by Sandai Jitsuroku. As a biography of Yasunori,it naturally focused on him more than did Sandai Jitsuroku. WhenYasunori returned to the capital by government order in the fourthmonth of 880, the people at the court all praised his accomplish-ment, expecting high reward for his merit. However, Yasunorideclined such favour, while, on the other hand, there was no punish-ment for the governor of the Akita fort who had caused the rebellion.Public opinion censured Mototsune for distorting the system ofrewards and punishments, but this does not appear in Sandai Jitsu-roku . The compiler, Tokihira, would not place on record the failure ofhis father, Mototsune.

In a similar entry, there was a rebellion of naturalized aboriginesin Kazusa (second month, 883), which was put down in ten days.The Governor of Kazusa was reprimanded for his hastiness in send-ing his report by post station courier; there were many regionaldisorders, but none were sufficiently important to justify emergencycommunications.

With respect to the government of the people, there was an allot-ment of farmland fifty years after the preceding allotment (twelfthmonth, 879). In the eleventh month, Middle Counsellor and Head ofthe Ministry of People's Affairs Fujiwara Fuyuo presented a financialproposal for designating forty cho as government land in the Kinaiand allocating its harvest as rank stipends and princely stipends.The financial difficulty of the state had deepened since the time ofEmperor Seiwa, and strong new solutions had become necessary.

Retired Emperor Seiwa died at the Enkakuji Temple in the twelfthmonth of 880. Sandai Jitsuroku gives an extensive biography, praisingthe Emperor. The Essay of Praise says,

The Emperor's manners were most elegant. He was solemn and sereneas a deity. He was tolerant, bright, and magnanimous and gave kindcounsel in a gentle way. He would not easily speak without the adviceof a counsellor. In his conduct he always adhered to formality. Heenjoyed reading books and classics, and his thoughts lay deep in Bud-dhist teachings. He was never interested in the pleasures of hunting


with hawks and dogs and fishing. His resolve was great, and he hadmuch ability as a ruler.

It goes on to praise the splendid government of the Jogan era.Towards Tomo Yoshio, who burned the Oten Gate, the Emperor tooka firm attitude and refused to pardon his crime. His religious prac-tice after his abdication was severe. His death was as majestic as hislife: he died miraculously in sitting position with crossed legs, asthough he were alive. The compilers gave the highest possible praiseto the retired Emperor.

The death of Junna Empress Dowager Masako also appears(twenty-third day, third month, 879). Similarly, the compilers puttheir hearts into praising her virtue. Regarding the deposition of herson Tsunesada as Crown Prince, it says, 'The Empress Dowagertrembled with anger, wept, and bore enmity against her mother theSaga Empress Dowager.' This manner of writing suggests that theSaga Empress Dowager Kachiko was responsible; it was a clevertechnique adopted out of fear of the Fujiwara family.

In addition, biographies are given of scholars who died in theperiod - Sugawara Koreyoshi (thirtieth day, eighth month, 880), OeOtondo (third day, eleventh month, 877), and Miyako Yoshika(twenty-fifth day, second month, 879); they were shortened at thetime of copying, so we do not have the full texts. The biography ofAriwara Narihira of Ise Monogatari [Tales of Ise] fame is left intact, butthe original text was short. He is assessed only as: 'His appearancewas refined and handsome, and his character carefree and bold. Hehad no scholarly ability, but composed good Japanese poetry'(twenty-eighth day, fifth month, 880). In light of his later reputationas a great poet, this account must be considered inadequate.

Volumes 45-50: Emperor Koko

The chronicle of Emperor Koko occupies six volumes, from Volume45 to Volume 50, covering the period from the second month of 884to his death in the eighth month of 887. There is a pre-accessionhistory that praises his person and includes an anecdote of theEnvoy from Parhae, who saw him as a prince and predicted that hewould come to the throne. There is no Essay of Praise at the time ofthe Emperor's death, since the pre-accession history containedpraise enough.

As the Emperor felt that he owed a great deal to Fujiwara Moto-tsune for promoting him to the throne, he paid special attention tothe good treatment of Mototsune. First, he consulted the scholars in


the various disciplines on the duties of the Chancellor and inquiredwhat the corresponding office was in China (twenty-ninth day, fifthmonth, 884). On the basis of their investigation, he gave a commandthat all matters be entrusted to Mototsune as Chancellor, and everyreport and command be discussed with him (fifth day, sixth month,884). As the Emperor was fifty-five years old, it was improper to givethe position of Regent to Mototsune, so he signalled clearly thatMototsune would perform the duties of Regent while holding theposition of Chancellor. This was the origin of the later office of FirstMinister (Kanpaku).

In the fourth month of 885 the Emperor gave an order reducing hisown apparel by two kinds of silk floss, in the interest of economy. Herefused the request of the nobles to go further by curtailing thestipends for people of the fifth rank and above, saying it was enoughfor the Emperor alone to wear thin clothing (third day, sixth month,885). The Emperor and Mototsune had a productive ruler-subjectrelationship, and the administration of the Ninna era may be consid-ered a success. However, as the Emperor died after only three years,they were unable to reap a rich harvest.

Among the notable people who died in this period was His Holi-ness Soei. He was the priest who guided Retired Emperor Seiwa'sentry into religion and led him on a pilgrimage to the famous moun-tain sites (twenty-sixth day, third month, 884).

C O M M E N T A R I E S

One commentary is Sandai Jitsuroku Koji Ko [Origins of Sandai Jitsu-roku, three volumes], by Asuha Takaaki. This is a useful work, whichshows the sources for the Chinese words in the book. Takaaki was aretainer of Fukui domain in Echizen Province, the adopted son of theshrine official of Asuha Shrine. He was promoted as far as JuniorFourth Rank, Upper, and Acting Head of the Treasury Bureau, dyingin 1759 at the age of eighty-eight. There is a note in the book, '8thmonth, 1742. Takaaki, age seventy-one/ and two Japanese poems.Although there is no published version, manuscript copies are oftenfound, so it seems to have circulated.

It is recorded that there were similar works of Takaaki on ShokuNihongi, Shoku Nihon Koki, Montoku Jitsuroku, and Nihon Isshi[Dispersed Works of Japan], none of which are found in libraries.Their circulation must have been small. Nevertheless, his studies ofthe origins of words in the entire Five National Histories demon-strate his deep interest. He deserves not to be forgotten in the his-tory of research on the Six National Histories.


In the Hosa Library in Nagoya there is Kawamura Masune'stwenty-five-volume Sandai Jitsuroku Shikkai [Complete Commentaryon Sandai Jitsuroku]. A note in the last volume says, 'Draft completed,3 p.m., last day of the month, 4th month, 1817.' To make commentar-ies on all the Five National Histories in order, starting with ShokuNihongi, took him twelve years (1806-17). The format and the style inthe commentary are the same for all the Five National Histories, ashe sought for the sources in Chinese books. The later the volumes,the larger the gaps; probably he intended to do research and fillthem in later, but they remained unfinished. At the end of eachvolume is written, 'OWARI PROVINCE - Kawamura Hidene and his sonMasune - Shikkai,' making his father Hidene a co-author; but sinceHidene had died in 1792, he did not participate in writing the com-mentaries on Shoku Nihongi and the rest, which were begun in 1806.It shows the filial piety of Masune, who published these works in thespirit of his father.

C H A P T E R E I G H T

Afterword

SHINKOKUSHI [ N E W N A T I O N A L HISTORY]

The Six National Histories ended with Sandai Jitsuroku, but the courtdid not give up compiling National Histories. A history compilationoffice was set up for the next book, and a Head and other officialswere appointed. The evidence for this is the seventeen imperialorders appointing the Head and the people who should work there,which appeared during the thirty-three years from 936 to g6g.1

These are given in chronological order in Table 11.The list in Table 11 may be incomplete, but on the basis of these

materials, the idea to compile the next National History arose thirty-six years after Sandai Jitsuroku, at which time personnel wereappointed to the office. In comparison to previous histories, theinterval was quite long - Montoku Jitsuroku was begun three yearsafter the preceding history and Sandai Jitsuroku fourteen years afterits predecessor. Nevertheless, there was a strong desire to continuethe National Histories. In 936 a reading of Nihon Shoki was held, anindicator of great interest in the National Histories.

In the history compilation office the participation of the Oe familyis noticeable. Oe Otondo had been one of the compilers of MontokuJitsuroku, but no member of the family had participated in any otherNational History. This time his grandson Asatsuna worked as amember, from 936, and then as Head, from 954. After Asatsuna'sdeath in 957, his cousin Koretoki became Head. How long heremained such is not known - perhaps until his death in 963. Thusthe Oe family may have been involved with this National History fortwenty-eight years. In the section on compiling National Histories inShingishiki cited previously, one Consultant was to be appointed

TABLE 11

Imperial commands related to Shinkokushi

Emperor

SuzakuSuzakuSuzakuSuzakuSuzaku

MurakamiMurakamiMurakamiMurakamiMurakami

Murakami

MurakamiMurakami

MurakamiReizeiReizeiReizei

Date

29/11/93629/11/93629/11/93622/12/93728/9/945

22/6/94813/6/95329/6/95409/3/95611/7/956

28/12/957

28/12/95713/2/963

28/8/96407/3/96822/8/96813/2/969

Position

HeadHeadCompilerCompilerCompilers

CompilerCompilerHeadCompilerCompilers

Head

CompilerCompilers

CompilerCompilersCompilersCompiler

Name

Fujiwara TsunesukeTaira KoremochiOe AsatsunaYoshitomo ShigamiNaki Motomori, Suguri Yoshi-

nari, Kami FujiedaHatabe YasuhiraMinu SanekaOe AsatsunaMifune MoritokiTaira Sueaki, Kiyowara

NakaumiOe Koretoki

Tachibana NaomotoSugano Masamune, Ihara Tsura-

sukeNukada YoshihideHida Korenobu, Oishi KiyokadoHata Haruki, Kamo MitsusukeHeki Satoaki

Other

Replaced Fujiwara Toshihiro,Kasa Masamochi

Replaced deceased Oe Asat-suna

Replaced Minu Saneka

Replaced Nukada Yoshihide

Afterword 189

after the Great Minister. Asatsuna and Koretoki fulfilled this require-ment and directed the work.

What kind of book resulted? In the section on imperial chroniclesin Honcho Shojaku Mokuroku, after the Six National Histories andRuijuKokushi there is listed 'Shinkokushi, forty volumes/ which mustrefer to this work. Then follows a note, 'Compiled by Asatsuna, orelse by Lord Seishin. From Ninna (887) to Engi (901).'2 'From Ninnato Engi' means from Emperor Uda to Emperor Daigo, so it must havebeen a forty-volume National History of the reigns of those twoEmperors. 'Compiled by Asatsuna' refers to the fact that he was theHead, while 'Lord Seishin' refers to Fujiwara Saneyori, who was theMinister of the Left from 947 to 967 and then Chancellor until 970,thus fulfilling the requirement for a Great Minister.

However, Shugaisho [Humble Selections, late Kamakura period]contradicts this, saying that Shinkokushi consisted of fifty volumes,not forty. It explains, 'During the reign of Emperor Murakami, LordOnonomiya received the imperial command and compiled this work.It is also known as Zoku Sandai Jitsuroku [Sandai Jitsuroku Contin-ued].'3 The name Zoku Sandai Jitsuroku indicates a National History ofthree regions, which would include Emperors Uda, Daigo, andSuzaku, adding one reign to those of Uda and Daigo, as described inShojaku Mokuroku. The increase to fifty volumes would be in accordwith this expansion of coverage.

Thus there are two references to Shinkokushi: as a forty-volumehistory of two reigns and as a fifty-volume history of three reigns.The fact that it existed in this double form, that the name Shinkoku-shi was not the formal name, and that there is no record of a presen-tation of a completed work, suggests an unfinished manuscript. Thisis the view of Ban Nobutomo (Hikobae, Volume 8) and Wada Hide-matsu,4 which I also hold.

Shinkokushi has not been handed down, but dispersed portionsare found in several works, which are collected in Wada's KokushoItsubun. It consists of outlines and short sentences, and for a NationalHistory it is noticeably unpolished.

Volume 10 of Todaiji Yoroku [Essential Documents of Todaiji Tem-ple], entitled 'Zatsuji Sho no yo' [Other Writings on MiscellaneousMatters], itemizes entries that pertain to Todaiji in the Five NationalHistories. Following this, under the heading 'Shinki [New Chroni-cle], twenty volumes,' are thirty entries for the period from 889 to966. From the order in which they are quoted, it can be concludedthat they were taken from Shinkokushi.5 This was the theory of BanNobutomo. However, Wada's Kokusho Itsubun includes only eight ofthese thirty entries in Todaiji Yoroku, from the Ninna era to 910, as

igo The Six National Histories of Japan

being taken from the text of Shinkokushi.6 The reason Wada rejectedthe material after 910 is not known, but since the reign of EmperorMurakami, comprising the Tenryaku, Tentoku, Owa, and Koho eras,was outside the scope of Shinkokushi, it was natural not to includeEmperor Daigo in the Engi and Encho eras that were within thescope of Shinkokushi. Perhaps Wada thought that the citations inTodaiji "Yoroku from 'Shinki' stopped before these eras, because thesefive items appear under a new heading 'Owari Shoji [MattersRelated to Manors in Owari Province]/ However, they really mustbe viewed as continuous quotations from 'Shinki/ The portion afterTenryaku consists of citations from the same book.

Was 'Shinki' the same book as Shinkokushi? The form of the writ-ing in the early part is the same as that in the National Histories, butthe latter part is rougher. Nor does the statement that 'Shinki' con-sists of twenty volumes tally with either version cited above, settingShinkokushi at forty or fifty volumes. Thus 'Shinki' may consist ofpassages concerning the Todaiji Temple that were taken from Shin-kokushi for the reigns of Emperors Uda and Daigo and from suchworks as Geki Nikki for later years.

There is a problem concerning the number of volumes in Shinko-kushi. Michinori, the lay priest Shinzei, possessed Shinkokushi andlisted it in his library catalogue as follows:

i bundle - 9 volumes. Ninna and Kanpyo eras.i bundle - 4 volumes. Kanpyo era to Engi era [listed under chest no.

58].i bundle - 8 volumes. From Encho i (923) to 8 (930).i bundle - 10 volumes. From Engi 11 (911) to 22 (922). However, 14 (914)

and 21 (921) both missing [listed under chest no. 59].i bundle - Nai Shinkokushi. 4 volumes [listed under chest no. 80]7

In the portion of the Encho and Engi eras in chest number 59, clearlyone volume was devoted to each year. What was the apportionmentfor the Ninna, Kanpyo, and Engi eras in chest number 58? There is aproblem as to where the Kanpyo and Engi eras are demarcated, andthere may also be volumes missing from them. Ban Nobutomothought that the character for 'ten' had somehow been droppedfrom the word 'fourteen' for the number of volumes on Kanpyo andEngi, and that originally there were fourteen. If so, then given thatthere were more than twenty-three years in Emperor Uda's reign(eighth month of 887 to 910), the nine volumes listed plus the four-teen speculated to have existed total twenty-three, making a rate ofone volume per year. The reigns of Emperors Uda and Daigo totalled

Afterword 191

forty-three years, so if this rate held throughout the work, the fortyvolumes of Shinkokushi would fall short only by three. The fortyvolumes listed in the catalogue are a large number, and there may besome room for adjustment, so that the principle of one volume peryear is not totally destroyed. However, the theory that further vol-umes were added for the reign of Emperor Suzaku upsets the rate.His reign lasted for sixteen years, and if they were covered in tenvolumes, the entries must have been sparse in comparison to theprevious two reigns. Since it was an unfinished manuscript, therewas no time to work on the later part. More research is needed onthese problems.

Why was Shinkokushi not presented as a completed work? Whenthe head compiler Oe Asatsuna was appointed in 954 he was alreadysixty-nine years old, and he died in 957 at the age of seventy-two. Hewas replaced by Koretoki, who was seventy; he died at the age ofseventy-six. Both of them were old, the first reason for thinking thatthe work did not progress well. In addition it appears that therewere no talented people among the Confucian scholars and secretar-ies appointed to assist them. Behind this lack of ability was thesudden decline in historical and literary scholarship in the tenthcentury. From its beginning the enterprise of compilation was shortof skills.

However, a more important reason for the inability to completeShinkokushi was the decline of the state. Because of financial distress,government projects were curtailed, the will of the courtiers topursue ideals declined, and administration became a dispiritedseries of patchwork, stop-gap measures. Inevitably these conditionshampered the compilation of National Histories, which was one ofthe symbols in the ritsuryo state. The compiling of kyaku and shiki,the minting of coins, and so on, ended in the reigns of EmperorsDaigo and Murakami. The times were changing.

RUIJU KOKUSHI [ C L A S S I F I E D NATIONAL HISTORY]

Following the Six National Histories there was, in contrast to thefailed Shinkokushi, Ruiju Kokushi, which classifies the annalisticentries in the Six National Histories under headings. This is usefulfor searching for materials.

This work, consisting of two hundred volumes, was compiled bySugawara Michizane. This is known, of course, from Honcho ShojakuMokuroku* and from such works as Kanke Godenki, compiled in 1106by Michizane's fifth generation descendant, Sugawara Nobutsune.9

In Volume 5 of Kanke Bunso there is a preface to a Chinese poem of


893, 'On the occasion when the Emperor commanded me [Michi-zane] to classify the ancient histories.'10 This makes it clear thatMichizane was commanded by Emperor Uda in the Kanpyo era toclassify the entries in the National Histories. Also, the oldest biogra-phy of Michizane, Kitano Tenjin Goden [Biography of the KitanoDeity], in the storehouse of Egara Tenjin, confirms this: 'In theKanpyo era Michizane received the imperial command, and com-piled Bunso Kokushi [Elucidated National History] in one-hundredvolumes; these have been handed down.' However, the number ofvolumes described here differs from the commonly accepted num-ber of 200. We must consider this discrepancy, together with the oldquestion of whether or not Michizane succeeded in classifying theentire Six National Histories.

In Kanke Godenki the date of completion is clear: 'On the loth day,5th month, 892, he presented Ruiju Kokushi.' If we take this date ascorrect, then Sandai Jitsuroku had not been completed, and we shouldnot expect to find any items from Sandai Jitsuroku in Ruiju Kokushi:yet we do. Supposing we reject this date on the ground that it wasconfused with the date of the command to compile Sandai Jitsurokugiven in Nihon Kiryaku, the first day, fifth month, 892.11 Michizanehad already been exiled to Kyushu before Sandai Jitsuroku was fin-ished, so he still could not have classified the entries in it.

This gave rise to Ban Nobutomo's theory that the portions fromSandai Jitsuroku in Ruiju Kokushi were added by later people. This is agood argument as far as it goes, but there is room for development.For additions by later people, the portions from Sandai Jitsuroku aremerged too well into the overall form. Thus I have long speculatedthat Michizane secretly classified the entries in Sandai Jitsurokubefore it was presented. Intertwined with this question is the struc-ture and character of the book, which we must first explain.

Ruiju Kokushi classifies the entries in the National Histories underheadings, and the ideas of the compiler can be seen in the way theheadings are set up and the materials chosen. Both of these areextremely well done.

The idea for such a book was probably derived from the classifiedbooks that were circulating in China at that time. Classified bookswere needed for making poems and organizing knowledge. Theyflourished in the Tang dynasty, taking the necessary texts from theclassics and producing, as separate works, classified compilationswith headings. In Nihonkoku Genzai Sho Mokuroku [List of BooksCurrently in Japan, 891], half a dozen classified works that had cometo Japan in the Heian period were listed.12 Reference might also havebeen made to Kansojirui (discussed under Shoku Nihongi, Chapter 3)

Afterword 193

and Tencho Kyaku Sho (discussed under Nihon Koki, Chapter 4), bothof which classified under headings the entries from the annalisticNational Histories. With precedents within and outside Japan, theidea for Ruiju Kokushi was born.

It was reasonable to follow the precedents of these books in set-ting up the headings. However, Ruiju Kokushi is not a completeimitation, for independent ideas are put forth. The headings aredivided into major headings and detailed sub-headings.

There are eighteen major headings in Ruiju Kokushi as it presentlyexists: Gods of Heaven and Earth, Emperors, Imperial Consorts,People, Annual Events, Music, Awards Banquets, Memorials andPresentations to the Throne, Government, Punishments, Offices,Literature, Rice-Fields, Good Omens, Natural Calamities, Bud-dhism, Customs, and Special Customs. In addition, about five otherheadings are thought to have existed. However, the full number isnot known because only sixty-two volumes exist at the present day;the last 138 have been lost.

The detailed subheadings are numerous. The section 'Gods ofHeaven and Earth' extended to twenty volumes, but only thirteennow remain. They contain twenty-seven sub-headings, such as TheAge of the Gods, The Great God of Ise, Imperial Princesses Servingat the Ise Shrine, Ise districts, The Great Gods of Kamo, ImperialPrincesses Serving at the Kamo Shrines, The Great God of Hachi-man, Enthronement Ceremonies, Festival of New Rice on the 23rdDay of the nth Month, Repose of Souls, and Offering to Ise on thenth Day of the 6th and 12th Months.

This two-stage method of writing headings was used in Tangbooks such as Yiwen Leiju and Chuxueji. Another method of Tangclassified books was also adopted, namely, recording the same itemtwice in related sections. One reference is detailed and the other isan outline; the outline employs a note saying, 'The matter is detailedin section so-and-so.'

Another method was to indicate the heading under which detailswould be found by appending notes in smaller characters: 'IMPE-RIAL PRINCESSES SERVING AT ISE SHRINE; see detached palace;''THE GREAT GOD OF HACHIMAN; see Kashii Shrine, IwashimizuShrine.' Most of the major headings, such as Annual Events, Emper-ors, Offices, and People, appear in the Chinese classified books.

These are examples of following the precedents of Tang classifiedworks. But there are contrasting examples in Ruiju Kokushi of consid-eration for matters peculiar to Japan and to Michizane's own ideas.For example, Michizane set up the category The Gods of Heaven andEarth, and put it first in the book. This method had been adopted


previously, in the Taiho and \o"ro codes and in such works as KansoJirui, so Michizane was not the first to use it. It was adopted inconsideration of the circumstances of Japan; however, in the sectionon the Gods of Heaven and Earth, Volumes i and 2 of The Age of theGods were copied without alteration from Nihon Shoki. The principleof classification was not used, probably because of Michizane'sbelief that it applied to entries in a chronology, whereas The Age ofthe Gods was told without dates and should be regarded as a unifiedwhole.

The placement of Buddhism near the end of the work, starting insection 174, reflected the ideas of the compiler. In the law codes,Nuns and Priests came right after The Gods of Heaven and Earth. InKanso Jirui, Buddhist Temples came right after Gods of Heaven andEarth. But in Ruiju Kokushi, Buddhism was separated from The Godsof Heaven and Earth and placed at the end of the book betweenCalamities, Customs, and Special Customs. This is because Michi-zane saw Buddhism as part of the culture that came from foreigncountries, revealing his strong consciousness of the importance ofJapan's own culture.

Second, Michizane used a certain device for recording entries. Foreach entry, the name of the Emperor, the year, month, and day weregiven, from which could be ascertained the particular National His-tory that was the source. The name of the source work could havebeen given, but Ruiju Kokushi does not do this. By the same token, ifthe year alone is known, there is no necessity to write the name ofthe Emperor. Nevertheless, Ruiju Kokushi strictly records the nameof the Emperor upon every change of reign, so that the reign inwhich each event occurred is perfectly clear. Moreover, the methodof recording the Emperor's name was not just a mechanical trans-plantation from the National Histories. As discussed previously, inShoku Nihongi and Nihon Koki there are cases where the divisionbetween reigns is not clear. For example, Emperor Kanmu died onthe seventeenth day, third month, 806, but Nihon Koki includedevents up to the sixteenth day, fifth month, 806, in the volume onEmperor Kanmu. The next volume began on the eighteenth day ofthe fifth month, with the accession of Emperor Heizei. In Ruiju Koku-shi, however, events of the twenty-fourth and twenty-ninth day ofthe third month and the thirteenth day of the fourth month areplaced under Emperor Heizei, not under Emperor Kanmu. Thisstrictness of method came from the recognition that the Emperor'sreigns were central to the National Histories.

Third, with regard to the names of Emperors, Ruiju Kokushi doesnot blindly follow the original works, which used a variety of meth-

Afterword 195

ods: Shoku Nihongi gave either the Japanese posthumous name orChinese-style name; Nihon Koki gave the Japanese posthumousname and, in addition, the names of the preceding and followingRetired Emperors; Sandai Jitsuroku gave the names of the precedingand following Retired Emperors, except for Emperor Koko. RuijuKokushi uniformly used the Chinese-style name or the equivalenthonorary title or posthumous title. The names of the preceding andfollowing Retired Emperors could be understood in the context of aNational History close to the times, but Ruiju Kokushi, further awayin time, would be ambiguous. Thus Emperors Saga, Junna, Seiwa,and \5zei, called by their posthumous names or by the names theyselected upon retirement, are appropriate.

There is also the matter of the year in which change of era namestook place. Basically, in the Six National Histories the new era namewas used for the entire year. Even if the change took place in themiddle of the year, the new era name was applied retroactively tothe first month. However, this could not have been the case as his-torical fact. Ruiju Kokushi paid attention to this point and used theold era name up to the day of the change and then switched to thenew name. For example, in the reign of Emperor Montoku the eraname Ninju 4 (854) was used until the thirtieth day of the eleventhmonth, when it was changed to Saiko. Montoku Jitsuroku used the eraname Saiko from the beginning of 854, but in Ruiju Kokushi theentries up to the eleventh month are referred to without exceptionas Ninju 4. This approach was natural enough, but only a personwho truly understood the Six National Histories could have taken it.

How was a complicated entry for a single day divided up forplacement into the detailed sections? It appears that the originalpurpose of writing Ruiju Kokushi was not purely scholarly concern,but rather the practical aim of providing a reference work for admin-istration, so the method of selecting entries was always directedtowards practical convenience. As discussed above, in cases wherethe entry for a single day contained two or more items, the entiretext was entered under the main item, and related materials wereentered under the secondary items. This was an attempt to givepriority to the practical value of the entry. Moreover, this methoddid not mechanically collect all similar items under one heading. AsVolume 99 contains the details of awards of rank, one might expectto find the full texts of all appointments collected there, but this isnot the case. The awards of ranks to regional shrine officials, seniorShinto priests, junior Shinto priests, secularized monks, natives ofsouthern Kyushu, and naturalized aborigines are not included in thesection of officials, but are found in the appropriate sections on the


Gods of Heaven and Earth, Buddhism, and Customs. Accounts ofawards in the section on officials were limited to people of the fifthrank and above, reflecting a strong consciousness of bureaucraticsociety.

No material was added. The compiler transferred only the text ofthe National Histories and made no alterations or additions of hisown. Only when the text is omitted does the phrase 'etc., etc.'appear; and when matters are cited twice, it is noted, 'This matter isdetailed in such-and-so section.' Because of such thorough adher-ence to the original texts, mistakes and omissions of the originalhistories can be corrected by using this book, and missing entriescan be restored. This has brought immeasurable benefit to latergenerations.

These methods of compilation in Ruiju Kokushi also apply to theentries from Sandai Jitsuroku. This is the reason for saying that theportions from Sandai Jitsuroku are too well integrated into the overallstructure to be considered additions by later people. But thereremains the problem of whether Michizane was able to make classi-fications from Sandai Jitsuroku.

In Ruiju Kokushi, the manner of setting up the chapters revealsthat the portions from Sandai Jitsuroku fit well. Some volumes consistentirely of material from Sandai Jitsuroku - one volume on prayers inthe section 'Gods of Heaven and Earth' (Volume 12); three volumeson Ranks of the Gods (Volumes 15-17); and two volumes on award ofranks in the section on officials (Volumes 100-1). In addition, theremay have been other sections, such as 'Appointments,' which arenow lost. If these were added later, the volumes would have differedfrom the original book, and the final number of 200 arose by chancedue to later additions. The number of new headings that consistentirely of material from Sandai Jitsuroku is fairly large: repose ofsouls in the section Gods of Heaven and Earth; the Emperor's com-ing-of-age ceremony, the posthumous name of the retired Emperor,presentation of cheese for pharmaceutical use, and the retiredEmperor's funeral clothing in the section on Emperors; biwa-guitarin the section on Music; standards for timber, and trade goods in thesection on Government Principles; Genba-ryo, the department incharge of Buddhist temples and foreigri guests in the section onGovernment Departments; the moon in the section on Good Omens;spring and autumn lanterns for the Emperor, ranks of Buddhistpriests according to their experience, Ajari-leader of Enryakuji Tem-ple, Mt. Hiei, retirement of priests, certification documents forpriests and nuns, and excommunicated priests in the section onBuddhism. These are set up in exactly the same way as the portions

Afterword 197

from the rest of the Five National Histories, and the method of quot-ing in detail and in rough outline, as well as 'the method of placingnotes on location of the detailed entries, are the same. If later peoplemade these additions, they were surely superior scholars.

Could this have been accomplished by a trusted retainer to whomMichizane taught the principles for classifying the whole of the FiveNational Histories? Did Michizane order him to extend it to SandaiJitsuroku, which would soon be completed? Michizane's exile cameabout suddenly, so it is doubtful that there was time to give such acommand. His eldest son, Takami, and his illegitimate son, Atsu-shige, carried on the scholarly traditions of the family, but theirscholarly ability did not match their father's. His disciples wouldhave shunned association because of his disgrace, so it is unlikelythat they kept his wish and made the additions from Sandai Jitsuroku.The theory that later people added the portions from Sandai Jitsurokudoes not stand up very well.

Kitano Tenjin Goden says there existed Bunso Kokushi, one hundredvolumes, which may mean that no additions had been made aroundthe period 931-47, when this work was written. The understandingis that the part compiled by Michizane consisted of one hundredvolumes and that a title had not yet been determined for the work.The explanation about the title may be true, but the figure of onehundred volumes is suspect, because if one hundred volumes weredevoted to the Five National Histories, and another one hundred toSandai Jitsuroku, the work would be unbalanced. In the original histo-ries, 140 volumes covered from Nihon Shoki to Montoku Jitsuroku,while Sandai Jitsuroku consisted of fifty volumes. Even if the basis fordistributing the volumes was changed, one hundred volumes couldnot have been extended to two hundred by the addition of SandaiJitsuroku. The number one hundred is either a mistake for two hun-dred, or simply a way of indicating a large number; the exactnumber of one hundred should not be a subject for discussion. Theproblem of additions to Ruiju Kokushi needs further study.

NIHON KIRYAKU [ A B B R E V I A T E D C H R O N I C L E S OF J A P A N ]

We must take note of Nihon Kiryaku, an annalistic history book asso-ciated with the Six National Histories. However, the author is notknown and the number of volumes is uncertain. There are variousnames for the work: Honcho Shojaku Mokuroku calls it both NihonshiKiryaku [Abbreviated Chronicles of the History of Japan] and NihonShiryaku [Abbreviated History of Japan],13 and Yurjun Koji calls itNihon Kirui [Classified Chronicles of Japan]. The name Nihon Kiryaku


is used in Kamo Sukeyuki's Nihon Isshi and in the Mito domain's DaiNihon Shi, and thereafter it became widely used.

According to Yubun Koji, the Nihon Kirui in the Bakufu libraryconsisted of twenty volumes from Emperor Monmu to Emperor GoIchijo; in 1614 it was borrowed from the palace of the RetiredEmperor and copied. The Nihon Kiryaku published in 1850 by Yama-zaki Tomoo at the command of Hanawa Hokiichi consisted of four-teen volumes, from Emperor Daigo to Emperor Go Ichijo. There aremany copied versions of this project under such names as KudaiRyakki [Abbreviated Chronicles of Nine Reigns], and it is said thatYamazaki Tomoo had ten variants when he printed it. In contrast,there is a version that goes from the Age of the Gods to Emperor GoIchijo, which was handed down in Ichijoin in Nara, passed throughthe possession of Prince Kuni, and is now in the library of the Impe-rial Household Agency. This was included in Kokushi Taikei and hashad a wide circulation. When Nihon Kiryaku is mentioned, it is gener-ally in reference to this version.

The character of Nihon Kiryaku differs greatly between the periodcovered by the Six National Histories and the period following. Forthe first period it consists of excerpts taken from the Six NationalHistories, while for the following period it consists of material fromShinkokushi and documents of various government circles. In thelatter part the entries are extremely brief, and the dating is careless;it is no more than an unfinished manuscript. The first part consistsof almost faithful excerpts from the Six National Histories, so it isuseful in correcting the original works. As mentioned previously,Nihon Isshi used this work and Ruiju Kokushi to restore the missingtext of Nihon Koki.

However, the excerpting of documents in Nihon Kiryaku lacks theexactitude of Ruiju Kokushi. Instead of the original text of the NationalHistory, here and there the compilers took the sense of the originaland added words of their own. Many cases of appointment of peopleto offices are simply represented by the word Appointments/ andpromotions in rank are recorded by nothing more than 'Promotions.'From this we learn that on the date in question appointments orpromotions took place, but we learn nothing concrete about the textof the National History. There are similar cases of imperial commandsbeing noted: 'An imperial command said such and so.'

The opposite is also true: many excerpts added or changed wordsof the National Histories. An example of the addition of sentencesfollows the description of the Emperor in the chronicle of EmperorHanzei: 'A certain book says he was 2.8 metres tall, and his teethwere 3 centimetres long.' Since there are no similar examples, this

Afterword 199

may have been a note added to the original text by later people, sothe compilers of Nihon Kiryaku may be innocent.

An example of the compilers' consciously adding words into animportant entry is found with regard to Emperor Konin, 770. Momo-kawa Den [Biography of Fujiwara Momokawa] is quoted for the cir-cumstances of the death of Empress Shotoku and Momokawa'sinvestiture of Prince Shirakabe. Momokawa Den is listed in HonchoShojaku Mokuroku as a book wherein his biography appears amongothers, and it probably gave an account of Momokawa's achieve-ments.14 The compilers of Nihon Kiryaku, wanting to give a detailedaccount of the political change following the death of EmpressShotoku, cited this work, but this violated the fundamental policy ofmaking excerpts from the National Histories. Not only that, therewas an error in the dates. Nihon Kiryaku reads, 'On the ist day of thenth month, mizunoe-rat, the Emperor ascended the throne in theGreat Audience Hall/ whereas Shoku Nihongi says, 'ist day, lothmonth, tsuchinoto-ox. The Emperor ascended the throne in theGreat Audience Hall.' Moreover, the first day of the eleventh monthwas not even mizunoe-rat. Momokawa Den was not a very carefullywritten work.

An important case was the quotation of passages from ShokuNihongi (before deletions) to show the facts of the incident involvingFujiwara Tanetsugu in 785. In the original text of Shoku Nihongi, theOtomo and Saeki group put forward Crown Prince Sawara andopposed moving the capital city to Nagaoka, assassinating FujiwaraTanetsugu, who backed the move. Subsequently a curse arose fromPrince Sawara, and this portion of the text was deleted at the com-mand of Emperor Kanmu. When Fujiwara Nakanari gained powerduring the reign of Emperor Heizei, he restored the deleted passagesin order to manifest the accomplishments of his father, Tanetsugu.Later, during the reign of Emperor Saga, after Nakanari had died,the passages were deleted a second time, and thus do not appear inShoku Nihongi. However, Nihon Kiryaku recorded the passages beforethe original deletion, and these have become extremely importanthistorical materials. The compilers must have seen both the deletedand undeleted versions and used the latter to supply deficiencies. Itis most fortunate that the compilers of Nihon Kiryaku saw the unde-leted version of Shoku Nihongi.

Before the date, the compilers gave the year of the sexagenarycycle, and they maintained this method throughout the work, butthis was not found in the original texts. In the period covered byNihon Shoki, they gave the Emperor's age when he became CrownPrince, at his accession, and at his death. If it did not appear in the

2OO The Six National Histories of Japan

original text, the Emperor's age was calculated from other entries.They changed the Japanese-style name of the Emperor into Chinesestyle in the titles throughout the headings, which is also seen oftenin the texts. Shoku Nihongi lacked clarity regarding the distinctionbetween the reigns of Emperor Shomu and Empress Koken, butNihon Kiryaku ends the entry on Emperor Shomu with his abdicationin favour of the Crown Princess in the seventh month of 749 andbegins the reign of Empress Koken from the first month of 750. Theboundary was made clear, but the entries from the seventh to thetwelfth month of 749 were entirely omitted. This was a mistakemade in the interest of preserving order, by which the facts werelost.

We must also discuss the chapters on the Age of the Gods. NihonKiryaku does not take excerpts from Nihon Shoki for the Age of theGods: it takes the whole thing. The material is taken from the Tan-kaku Collection text, which contains a note that it was copied in1306 by the priest Ken-a. Originally, Nihon Kiryaku, like Fuso Ryakki,had no account of the Age of the Gods and probably began withEmperor Jinmu. The account of the Age of the Gods was added bylater people, using the Tankaku Collection text. Ruiju Kokushi did notclassify the material on the Age of the Gods, transferring the textwithout change; this was the result of a decision by the compiler.The format of Nihon Kiryaku is similar to Ruiju Kokushi in that thematerial from The Age of the Gods is not excerpted, but its characteris completely different in that the original compiler was not involvedin the later addition of The Age of the Gods.

Finally, when was Nihon Kiryaku written? In the latter part, thelast entry is in 1036, during the reign of Emperor Go Ichijo. Anotherclue is the entry for the eighteenth day, seventh month, 1034, whichsays, 'The Crown Princess, Imperial Princess of the First Grade, gavebirth to the second imperial grandchild at the residence of CrownPrince's Mentor Minamoto Yukito. This is Emperor Go Sanjo.' Thusthe entry was recorded after the bestowal of the posthumous nameof Emperor Go Sanjo, perhaps in the reign of Emperor Shirakawa(r. 1072-86) or Emperor Horikawa (r. 1086-1107).

There are no clues to the date of the first part, but it may havebeen before the completion of the latter part. On the twentieth day,eighth month, 829, during the reign of Emperor Junna, it says, 'Sec-ond Grade Imperial Princess Sakehito died. She was the Princess ofEmperor Konin.' The character used here for Ko in Konin, namely,'broad, spacious' ( £k ), was also used throughout by Ruiju Kokushi,which may indicate that the first part of Nihon Kiryaku was compiledafter Ruiju Kokushi. Elsewhere, however, Nihon Kiryaku uses the reg-

Afterword 201

ular character for Emperor Konin, namely, 'sparkle' ( T!G ), in itsheadings. No conclusion can be drawn from a single use of Ko,meaning 'broad, spacious.' The date of the first part, excerpts fromthe Six National Histories, must remain unexplained.

C H A P T E R N I N E

Conclusion

This concludes our study of the Six National Histories and the worksrelating to them. As works of superior scholarship by the outstand-ing men of their age, the Six National Histories command the great-est respect.

Nihon Shoki was the first attempt in Japan to base a history ondocumentary records, and its latter part is a reliable history. In itsother aspect, as a transmitter of legends and ancient oral materials, itprovides insight into the ideas of ancient Japanese society and givesus a check on Kojiki. The time has long since gone when all thecontents of Nihon Shoki were considered authentic history; but nei-ther should they be regarded as fabrications in their entirety. Theymust be subjected to intense scrutiny, both theoretical and empiri-cal, and the validity of each entry must be confirmed or rejected. Inplaces, the text of Nihon Shoki was clearly fabricated, particularlywhere the phrasing can be traced to Chinese sources; but in othercases involving legends and myths, where verification is difficult,fabrication should not be assumed. Multi-disciplinary studies ofancient societies confirm our insight that such materials may haveoriginated from historical events. Thus a thorough search throughancient documents is required before judging the authenticity of anentry. However, much of the material was changed or distortedduring transmission through generations. We have also noted caseswhere the methods of the compilers, such as collecting similar mate-rials, originally scattered over time and space, into the account ofone era, have the effect of obscuring their precise historical refer-ence.

Such problems are not found in the other Five National Historiessince they are based on documents and cover historical, not legend-

Conclusion 203

ary, times. Yet they too must be carefully checked and not artlesslycited as unimpeachable authorities, for they contain many errorsand biases. But after such examination, their contribution to thehistorical record becomes impressive.

We have noted the special characteristics of the other NationalHistories, such as the severe biographies of Nihon Koki and thewarm-hearted biographies of Montoku Jitsuroku, both of whichenrich the human record. However, there are also limitations inevery work, such as the intrusion of family interests or the deletionof unpleasing materials. More generally, the scope of the entireseries was narrow, being confined mainly to the imperial court; andwithin that narrow scope, the Histories concentrated on appoint-ments and promotions. Shoku Nihongi is almost unreadable inplaces, with long lists of appointments and promotions. At the sametime, such scrupulous listing of awards of offices and names consti-tutes a valuable source for other aspects of history. Although themodern tendency is to regard this exhaustive recording of appoint-ments and promotions as self-interested at best and mindless atworst, perhaps they knew what they were doing, for, under patientexamination, the lists help reveal social developments. And in ShokuNihongi, the complete inclusion of applications for change of nameby immigrant families from Korea and China reveals the process bywhich they were integrated into Japanese society.

In terms of ideology, the compilers of the Six National Historiessubscribed without hesitation to the ideal of the Japanese imperialstate, which in their time had no malevolent intentions. Because thisideal of the imperial state transcended their family interests, thecompilers of the Six National Histories were able to work out amethod of roughly equitable representation of the various familiesas important historical actors. We have noted the cases where com-pilers took advantage of their position to put themselves or theirfamilies forward; but they are surprisingly few. For the most part,the compilers subordinated particular interests, including their own,to the general interest. Japanese Confucian idealism in antiquity wasgenuine, and the imperial state, which had guided the Japanesenation out of danger of foreign domination in the seventh and eighthcenturies and directed the cultural and political growth of the coun-try, seemed worthy of their admiration.

Perhaps because of their complete devotion to the imperial state,the compilers of the Six National Histories were able to criticize theEmperors themselves as well as administrators who failed to achievethe ideal standards of Japanese government. For the most part, theauthors of these histories preserved the duty of the historian, first


articulated in China, of stating the truth without reservation. Therecord they left of the Japanese nation in ancient times remains as aninvaluable source for our understanding.

Appendices

i: R E I G N DATES OF E M P E R O R S TO AD 930

NOTE: The existence and dates of at least the first fourteen Emperors arehistorically indeterminate. Female Emperors are indicated by 9-

485-487488-498498-506

507-531531-535535-539539-571572-585585-587587-592592-628629-641642-645645-654655-661662-671671-672673-686690-697697-707707-715

715-724724-749

i Jinmu2 Suizei3 Annei4 Itoku5 Kosho6 Koan7 Korei8 Kogen9 Kaika

10 Sujin

660-585 BC581-549 BC549-511 BC510-477 BC

475-393 BC392-291 BC

29O-215 BC

214-158 BC

158-98 BC

97-30 BC

11 Suinin 29 BC-AD 7012 Keiko13 Seimu14 Chuai

Empress Regent Jingu15 Ojin16 Nintoku17 Richii18 Hanzei19 Ingyo20 Anko21 Yuryaku22 Seinei

71-130

131-19O

192-2OO

201-269

270-310

313-399

400-405

406-410

412-453

453-456

456-479

480-484

23 Kenzo24 Ninken25 Buretsu26 Keitai27 Ankan28 Senka29 Kinmei30 Bidatsu31 \omei32 Sushun33 Suiko 934 Jomei35 Kogyoku $36 Kotoku37 Saimei $38 Tenji39 Kobun40 Tenmu4i Jito 942 Monmu43 Genmei 944 Gensho 945 Shomu

206 Appendices

46 Koken 9 749-758 54 Ninmyo 833-85047 Junnin 758-764 55 Montoku 850-85848 Shotoku $ 764-770 56 Seiwa 858-87649 Konin 770-781 57 Yozei 876-88450 Kanmu 781-806 58 Koko 884-88751 Heizei 806-809 59 Uda 887-89752 Saga 809-823 60 Daigo 897-93053 Junna 823-833

2: E N G L I S H WORKS R E L A T E D TO THESIX NATIONAL HISTORIES

Beasley, W.G. 'Traditions of Historical Writing in Japan and China.' Transac-tions of the Asiatic Society of Japan, 3rd series, no. 7 (Nov. 1959)

Borton, H. 'A Survey of Japanese Historiography.' American Historical Review43, no. 3 (Apr. 1938)

Hall, J. 'A Decade of Reform Work in Japan at the Opening of the vmthCentury.' Transactions and Proceedings, Japan Society, London, no. 15(1916-17)

Hall, J.W. 'Historiography in Japan.' In H. Stuart Hughes, ed., Teachers ofHistory: Essays in Honor of Laurence Bradford Packard. Ithaca, NY: Amherst1954

Linn, J.K. 'The Imperial Edicts of the Shoku Nihongi.' PH.D thesis, Yale Uni-versity 1950

Nishimura, Yasko. 'The Role of Poetry in Japanese Historical Writing: Rikko-kushi (Six National Histories).' PH.D. thesis, University of Toronto 1982

Robinson, G.W. 'Early Japanese Chronicles: The Six National Histories.' InW.G. Beasley and E.G. Pulleyblank, eds., Historians of China and Japan.Oxford: Oxford University Press 1961

Sansom, G.B. 'The Imperial Edicts in the Shoku Nihongi (700-790 AD).'Transactions of the Asiatic Society of Japan (Dec. 1924)

Shimizu, Osamu. 'Nihon Montoku Tenno Jitsuroku: An Annotated Transla-tion with a Survey of the Early Ninth Century in Japan.' PH.D. thesis,Columbia University 1951

Snellen, J.B. 'Shoku Nihongi: Chronicles of J'apan, Continued, AD 697-791.'Transactions of the Asiatic Society of Japan, 2nd series, no. 11 (1934), no. 14(1937)

Notes

T R A N S L A T O R S I N T R O D U C T I O N

1 D.L. Philippi, trans., Kojiki (Princeton University Press and University ofTokyo Press 1969), 41.

2 This provenance of Kojiki as stated by its Preface has long been doubtedby scholars, especially in view of the strong contrast between the Classi-cal Chinese language of the Preface and the hybrid Japanese language ofthe text, but no consensus has been reached on revised date or author-ship. The dates given above by the translator were also accepted bySakamoto. For updated reviews, see Mitani Ei'ichi, 'Kojiki,' JidaibetsuNihon Bungakushijiten, Jodaihen [Dictionary of Japanese Literary Historyby Periods, Ancient Period] (Yuseido 1987); and Kurano Kenji, 'Kojiki,'Shincho Nihon Bungaku Jiten [Shincho Dictionary of Japanese Literature](Shinchosha 1988).

3 W.G. Aston, trans., Nihongi: Chronicles of Japan from the Earliest Times to AD697 (London: Allen and Unwin 1956; reprint of 1896 edition), n, 350. Theorigins of Nihon Shoki have also been subjected to extended scholarlyinvestigation but, as with Kojiki, no widely accepted revision of the origi-nal understanding has emerged. See Yokota Ken'ichi, 'Nihon Shoki/ Jidai-betsu Nihon Bungakushi Jiten; and Kojima Noriyuki, 'Nihon Shoki,' ShinchoNihon Bungaku Jiten.

4 G. Kato, trans., Kogo Shui: Gleanings from Ancient Stories (Meiji JapanSociety 1925).

5 Because of its diligence in recording government documents in full andits general accuracy, Shoku Nihongi is commonly used as a text in Japa-nese university courses on reading ancient documents. A new scholarlyedition by Aoki Kazuo, Inaoka Koji, Sasayama Haruo, and ShirafujiNoriyuki - the first of a projected five volumes - appeared in 1989 in the

208 Notes to pp. xvi-xxi

series Shin Nihon Koten Bungaku Taikei [New Compendium of ClassicalJapanese Literature], published by Iwanami Shoten.

6 Osamu Shimizu, 'Nihon Montoku Tenno Jitsuroku: An Annotated Trans-lation with a Survey of the Early Ninth-Century in Japan' (PH.D. thesis,Columbia University 1951), 25.

7 Sakamoto, Rikkokushi, 13.8 For a translation of the Charter Oath, see W.T. de Bary, R. Tsunoda, and

D. Keene, eds., Sources of Japanese Tradition (Columbia University Press1959), 643-4.

9 Okubo Toshiaki, 'Nihon Rekishi no Rekishi/ [The History of JapaneseHistory], Nihon Kindai Shigaku no Seiritsu [The Formation of Modern Japa-nese Historical Scholarship], Okubo Toshiaki Rekishi Chosakushu [CollectedHistorical Writings of Okubo Toshiaki], Vol. 7 (Yoshikawa Kobunkan1988), 41-2.

10 Ibid., 54. On Ludwig Reiss, see Kanai Madoka, 'Rekishigaku: LudwigReiss o Megutte' [Historical Studies: On Ludwig Reiss], Oyatoi Gaiko-kujin, 17:Jinbun Kagaku [Foreign Employees, 17: Human Sciences] (KajimaShuppankai 1976), 107-201.

11 The influence of the Six National Histories also continues in the chroni-cles of the Emperors. Chronicles were produced of Emperor Meiji(r. 1868-1912), Meiji Tennoki, and Emperor Taisho (r. 1912-26), TaishoTennoki; in August, 1989, the Imperial Household Agency announcedthat a sixteen-year project would be devoted to producing the chroniclesof Emperor Showa (r. 1926-89), Showa Tenno Jitsuroku. However, no oneclaims that these chronicles of the Emperors constitute the history of thenation in the periods covered.

12 Shigaku Zasshi, Vol. 2 (1890), no. 17, 230-40; no. 18, 279-92-; no. 20, 420-33;no. 21, 487-501; no. 22, 562-78.

13 The poem involved recondite allusion to an incident in ancient Chinesehistory, which only Emperor Go Daigo understood. See H.C. McCul-lough, trans., The Taiheiki: A Chronicle of Medieval Japan (Columbia Univer-sity Press 1959), 107-25.

14 Shigaku Zasshi, Vol. 2 (1890), no. 23, 636-50; no. 24,728-42; no. 25,799-811.15 Okubo Toshiaki, 'Yugamerareta rekishi,' [Distorted History], Nihon Kin-

dai Rekishigaku no Seiritsu, 146.16 This belief that Christianity provided the core and the dynamics of West-

ern nations was common in Japan, being first given expression in AizawaSeishisai's Shinron [New Theses] in 1825; see Bob T. Wakabayashi, Anti-Foreignism and Western Learning in Early Modern Japan: The New Theses of 1825(Harvard University Press 1986). Few Japanese saw the emergence of themodern nation states in tandem with the decline of Christianity.

17 J. Pittau, Political Thought in Early Meiji Japan, 1868-1889 (Harvard Univer-sity Press 1967), 177.

Notes to pp. xxii-xxvii 209

18 Ueda Masaaki, Kita Sadakichi (Kodansha 1978), 96-105.19 R.K. Hall, trans., Kokutai no Hongi: Cardinal Principles of the National Essence

of Japan (Harvard University Press 1949).20 Inoue Kiyoshi, 'Nihon Teikoku Shugi to Kokushigaku; [Japanese Impe-

rialism and the Study of Japanese history], in Inoue and Mori Koichi,Yugamerareta Kodaishi [Ancient History Distorted] (Mainichi Shinbun Sha1973)/17-20.

21 lenaga Saburo, Ichi Rekishi Gakusha noAyumi [The Progress of a Scholar ofHistory] (Sanseido 1977), 104-5.

22 'Shuppanho Ihan Jiken Kankei Monjo: Joshinsho,' [Documents Relatedto the Matter of Violation of the Publication Law: Written Statement],Tsuda Sokichi Zenshu [Complete Works of Tsuda Sokichi], Vol. 24 (Iwa-nami Shoten 1965), 261-570.

23 Kodaishi no Michi (Yomiuri Shinbun Sha 1980), 128-34. Fifty years later,Emperor Jinmu continues to be recognized as founder of the imperialline. On 7 July 1990, newly married Prince Aya (retitled Prince Akishinoon the occasion of his wedding) went with his commoner bride, Kawa-shima Kiko, to Kashihara Jingu Shrine, where Emperor Jinmu isenshrined, to announce their wedding to the spirit of the first Emperor.Thus the imperial house recognizes the reign of Emperor Jinmu as his-torical fact. Although there was left-wing protest against the royal wed-ding as part of the Emperor system, no mainstream historian of ancienttimes arose to remind the nation that Emperor Jinmu may not haveexisted. Academic historians have little interest in specifically denyinghistorical misconceptions; and perhaps their widespread carelessness inreferring to the age of Emperor Jinmu, without stating that this is aconvenient form of reference and not necessarily accurate, has helped toperpetuate the myth. Meanwhile, in 1990, Kashihara Jingu celebratedthe 2,65oth anniversary of the founding of the imperial line by EmperorJinmu. Since this took place in democratic Japan, Sakamoto's submissionto the requirement of the authoritarian state of 1940 to celebrate the2,6ooth anniversary does not appear as reprehensible as even hethought.

24 Discussion with Kanai Madoka, Professor Emeritus, HistoriographicalInstitute, Tokyo University, August 1990.

25 Kodaishi no Michi, 114.26 Sakamoto Taro, 'Kokushi Taikei to Kuroita Hakushi' [Kokushi Taikei and

Dr. Kuroita], Koten to Reikishi [The Classics and History] (YoshikawaKobunkan 1972), 427-31.

27 Discussion with Professor Sasayama Haruo, Department of JapaneseHistory, Tokyo University, July 1988.

28 Kodaishi no Michi, 258-9.29 Sakamoto Taro, Waga Seishun [My Youth] (Yoshikawa Kobunkan 1987), 39.

2io Notes to pp. 3-6

C H A P T E R ONE: I N T R O D U C T I O N

1 Different pronunciations of Chinese characters were adopted by the Jap-anese in three historical periods. The first is Wu pronunciation (Japanese:go-on) after the Wu kingdom (222-80); it is the Japanese rendering ofChinese pronunciation in that era. Brought to Japan by priests and immi-grants from Paekche, it came to be used most in Buddhist terms. Thesecond is Han pronunciation (Japanese: kan'on), referring not to the Handynasties but to China in general. Japanese renderings of the standardpronunciation of Zhangan, capital of the Tang dynasty, were brought toJapan by Japanese envoys and overseas students and came into generaluse in government and scholarship. The third is Tang pronunciation(Japanese: to-on), brought to Japan in subsequent eras by priests andtraders, which is generally found in specific compound words. Dictionar-ies commonly use for illustration the pronunciation of the character fT(primary meanings - to go, to carry out). In Wu pronunciation it is gyo; inHan pronunciation it is ko; and in Tang pronunciation it is an, as in thecompound word andon (faj^j;), a paper-covered lamp stand.

2 Ryo no Shuge, Part i, Shintei Zoho Kokushi Taikei, Vol. 23 (1966), 59-60,67.

3 Ibid., 67. 'Ancient Records' is a work cited in small print after 'Compilesthe National History/ under Duties of the Head of the Library Bureau. Itappears many times in Ryo no Shuge but is not otherwise identified. Fromits contents it has been surmised that it was written between 737 and740. Miura Hiroyuki, Ryo no Shuge Shakugi [Exposition of Ryo no Shuge],ed. Takikawa Masajiro, (Naigai Shoseki Kabushiki Gaisha 1931), 6.

4 This is found in small print under the duties of the Head of the Ministryof Central Affairs. It says, 'According to the Miscellaneous Laws, if thereare omens etc.", but the actual 'main text' of the Miscellaneous Lawsreferred to by Sakamoto is not extant. Ryo no Shuge, 59-60.

5 Ibid., 60. Shinryo Shiki is also unidentified: Miura Hiroyuki, Ryo no ShugeShakugi, 10.

6 Iwahashi Koyata, 'Kokushi to Senkokushisho' [National Histories andthe National History Compilation Office], Jodai Shiseki no Kenkyu [Studiesin Ancient Historical Writing] (Yoshikawa Kobunkan 1956), 277-84.

7 Ryo no Shuge, Part i, 63.8 Ibid. The author and date of the 'Shaku' commentary are unknown.

Miura Hiroyuki, Ryo no Shuge Shakugi, 9.9 Iwahashi, 'Kokushi to Senkokushisho.'

10 Kogo Shui, Gunsho Ruiju, Vol. 25 (1939), i.11 Ibid., 10.12 Ruiju Sandai Kyaku, Shintei Zoho Kokushi Taikei, Vol. 25 (1965), 29.13 W.G. Aston, trans., Nihongi: Chronicles of Japan from the Earliest Times to AD

Notes to pp. 7-32 211

687-697 (Tokyo: Charles E. Tuttle 1972; reprint of 1896 edition), Vol. I, 79.14 Zenrin Kokuho Ki, Preface, Zoku Gunsho Ruiju, Vol. 30, Part i (1976), 316.15 Godansho, Gunsho Ruiju, Vol. 21 (1930), 328.16 Nichureki, Shiseki Shuran, Vol. 23 (Kondo Kappansho 1901), Ch. 11, sec-

tion Washo [Japanese Books], National Histories part, 208.17 Iwahashi, Jodai Shiseki no Kenkyu, 267-8418 Honcho Getsurei, Shinko Gunsho Ruiju, Vol. 4 (1931), 302, 306, 308, etc.;

Sato Shigemi, 'Ruiju Kokushi Ko' [On Ruiju Kokushi], Shigaku Zasshi [Jour-nal of Historical Studies], 11:5 (May 1900), 596.

19 Man'yoshu Nanji, Zoku Gunsho Ruiju, Vol. 16, Part 2 (1923), 518,521.20 Imanishi Haruaki, 'Rikkokushi no Tairei' [Models for the Format of the

Six National Histories], Ishihama Sensei Koki Kinen, Toyogaku Ronso [Essaysin Far Eastern History, in Honour of Professor Ishihama Juntaro's Seven-tieth Birthday] (Osaka: Kansai Daigaku 1958), 33-48.

21 Ibid.22 Dairi Shiki, Gunsho Ruiju, Vol. 4 (1931), 258.23 Omodaka Hisataka, Man'yoshu Chushaku [Annotated Man'yoshu], Vol. 20

(Dai Nihon Insatsu Kabushiki Gaisha 1957), 237-9.24 Ruiju Sandai Kyaku, 67-8.

C H A P T E R TWO: NIHON SHOKI

1 'Nihon Shoki K6' [On Nihon Shoki], Hikobae, Ban Nobutomo Zenshu, Vol. 4(Naigai Insatsu Kabushiki Gaisha 1907), 5-6.

2 Honcho Getsurei, 316-17.3 Nihon Shoki Shiki, Kohon [The 'A' Text of Nihon Shoki Shiki], Kokushi

Taikei, Vol. 8 (1965), 3.4 Engi Tengyo Nihongi Kyoen Waka Jo, Zoku Gunsho Ruiju, Vol. 15, Part i, 48.5 Koryuji Engi, Dai Nihon Bukkyo Zensho, Vol. 83 (Kodansha 1972), 238.

Also cited in Choya Gunsai [Classified Records of Court and Country1116], a classified collection of poems and public documents by AbeTameyasu: Kokushi Taikei, Vol. 29, Part i (1951), 37.

6 Shaku Nihongi, Kokushi Taikei, vol. 8 (1965), 6.7 Ryo no Shuge, Part 2, Kokushi Taikei, Vol. 24 (1966), 775.8 Omodaka Hisataka, ed., Manyoshu Chushaku, Vol. i, 90-6.9 Koya Zappitsu Shu, Zoku Gunsho Ruiju, Vol. 12, Part i (1979), 76.

10 Jogu Shotoku Taishi Den Hoketsuki, Gunsho Ruiju, Vol. 3 (1930), 685.11 'Nihonsho to Nihongi/ Shigaku [Historical Studies], Vol. 5, no. 8.12 Kanda Kiichiro, 'Nihon Shoki to iu Shomei' [On Nihon Shoki as the Name

of the Book], Nihon Koten Bungaku Taikei Geppo [Monthly Bulletin ofNihon Koten Bungaku Taikei], July 1965,1-3.

13 Kojima Noriyuki, Jodai Nihon Bungaku to Chugoku Bungaku [Ancient Japa-nese Literature and Chinese Literature], i, (Hanawa Shobo 1962), 287-96.

212 Notes to pp. 35-45

14 Aston, Nihongi, n, 403.15 Wada Hidematsu, Honcho Shojaku Mokuroku Kosho [Studies on Honcho

Shojaku Mokuroku] (Meiji Shoin 1936), 34-7.16 Hirata Toshiharu, Nihon Koten no Seiritsu no Kenkyu [Studies in the Forma-

tion of the Japanese Classics] (Nihon Shoin 1959), Ch. 2, 66-129.17 Honcho Shojaku Mokuroku Kosho, 34-7.18 Iwahashi, Jodai Shiseki no Kenkyu, i, 114-52.19 Ota Yoshimaro, Kodai Nihon Bungaku ShichoRon, in: Nihon Shoki no kubun

gensho to Kojiki [Trends in Classical Japanese Literature in: The Divisionsin Nihon Shoki in Relation to Kojiki], (Nan'undo Ofusha 1962), 112-21.

20 Nihon Shoki Shiki, Kohon, 3-4.21 Engi Tengyo Nihongi Kyoen Waka Jo, 48.22 Okurayama Ronshu, Part i, Nihon Shoki Kakkan Seiritsu no Ichikosatsu

[On the Formation of the Volumes in Nihon Shoki], 106-21.23 Konosu Hayao, 'Nihon Shoki Hensan ni tsuite: Toku ni Shiyo Goku ni

tsukite Mitaru' [On the Compilation of Nihon Shoki: With Emphasis onWord Usage], Nihon Shogaku Kenkyu [Research in Studies on NihonShoki], Vol. i (1939).

24 Ota, Kodai Nihon Bungaku Shicho Ron, in, 53-110.25 Aston, Nihongi, n, 204.26 Ibid.27 Fujii Akitaka, 'Kinmeiki Bukkyo Denrai no Kisai ni tsuite' [On the Entry

on the Arrival of Buddhism in the Chronicle of Emperor Kinmei], ShigakuZasshi, Vol. 36, no. 8 (Aug. 1925), 653-6, argues that the passage wasformed by altering words of the scripture passage.

28 Inoue Kaoru, 'Nihon Shoki Bukkyo Denrai Kisai K6' [On the Entry on theArrival of Buddhism in Nihon Shoki], Nihon Kodai no Seiji to Shukyo [Poli-tics and Religion in Ancient Japan], (Yoshikawa Kobunkan 1961),189-233.

29 Kojima Noriyuki, 'Nihon Shoki no Jussaku' [The Composition of NihonShoki], Jodai Nihon Bungaku to Chugoku Bungaku, i, 368-74.

30 lenaga Saburo, ed., Jogu Shotoku Hoo Teisetsu (Sanseido 1951), 138.31 Dai Nihon Komonjo [Documents of Japan], (Tokyo Teikoku Daigaku,

Shiryo Hensanjo), Vol. 24 (1939), 378.32 Dai Nihon Komonjo (Tokyo Teikoku Daigaku, Insatsu Kyoku), Vol. 3 (1902),

89. A misprint gives Sakamoto's reference to Volume 2, not Volume 3;however, the correct date is given.

33 Aston, Nihongi, i, 163.34 Donald L. Philippi, trans., Kojiki (Princeton and University of Tokyo Press

1969), 236-7.35 Aston, Nihongi, i, 256; Philippi, Kojiki, 322. The point of the tale of the ship

in Nihon Shoki is that it was light and swift; in Kojiki, the remains of theship when it became dilapidated were made into a zither of special


quality, which became the subject of a song. Aston and Philippi bothrender the name of the ship as Karano.

36 It is not certain how many Fudoki were originally written; as Sakamotonotes, only five survive. While they were local records compiled by localofficials, the forms and terms were prescribed by the central govern-ment. (Naoki Kojiro, Nishimiya Kazutami, and Okada Seishi, 'Sosetsu:Fudoki no Seiritsu' [Overview: The Formation of the Fudoki], NihonShoki, Fudoki (Kadokawa Shoten 1978), 279-80.) Thus it is possible thatthe central government intended from the beginning to use the Fudokifor the Nihon Shoki history project.

37 Aston, Nihongi, 11, 260-3.38 Ato no Sukune Chitoku Nikki is cited three times and Tsuki no Muraji

Omi Nikki once. Shaku Nihongi, 199-200. Nothing more is known aboutany of the individuals associated with these memos than what isrecorded in Nihon Shoki.

39 None of these works has survived independently. Thus the citation ofthem in Nihon Shoki inadvertently provides the oldest written sources forancient Korean history. However, contemporary Korean scholars dislikeusing them because of their alleged bias against the Korean kingdoms.As Sakamoto notes, they seem to be respectful towards the JapaneseEmperor and nation; for Koreans, excessively so.

40 Kojima Noriyuki, 'Nihon Shoki to Ruisho' [Nihon Shoki in Relation toSimilar Works], Jodai Nihon Bungaku to Chugoku Bungaku, i, 375-405.

41 With changes from Aston, Nihongi, i, 391.42 Aston, Nihongi, n, 87.43 Both the female, Amaterasu, and the male, Susano-o, produced children.44 Sakamoto's views about the relations between the Yamato people and

the Izumo people, based entirely on ancient documents, have not beendrastically altered by the findings of the extensive archaeological workdone since his work was published in 1970. See Joan R. Pigott, 'SacralKingship and Confederacy in Early Izumo/ Monumenta Nipponica, Vol. 44,no. i (Spring 1989).

45 In the field of education, the American Occupation authorities insistedon the rewriting of textbooks strictly separating myths from historicalfacts. See John Caiger, 'lenaga Saburo and the First Postwar JapaneseHistory Textbooks,' Modern Asian Studies, Vol. 3, Part i (Jan. 1969).

46 Tajima Mori was sent by Emperor Suinin to the Eternal Land (presuma-bly China) to obtain tachibana orange trees, which bear inedible fruitesteemed for its fragrance and medicinal properties. Tajima Mori, findingupon his return that the Emperor had died, composed a poem andhimself died. Aston, Nihongi, i, 186-7.

47 Miyatsuko referred to a family rank; most were converted into the sev-enth rank of muraji in the Eight-Rank Reform of 684. The suffix osa,

214 Notes to pp. 62-76

meaning chief, is problematical. Inaki seem to have been regional familiesof officials, most of which were converted into the eighth rank, alsocalled inaki, in the Reform of 684.

48 The meaning of this is not clear; see Aston, Nihongi, i, 251.49 Ibid., i, 262-3. This story was traditionally given great significance as the

introduction of Chinese learning into Japan. Its historicity is difficult todetermine; and in any case it is not likely that such contacts were solimited.

50 The Crown Prince was guilty of incest with his half-sister, who was theone to be punished. Ibid., i, 323-5.

51 Hakuson exchanged his slow horse for the swift one, but it inexplicablyturned into a clay haniwa horse. Ibid., i, 357-8.

52 Defeated in love and overturned in an exchange of poems, the CrownPrince had Shibi attacked in force and killed. Ibid., i, 399-402.

53 Jogiiki, in Wada Hidematsu, Kokusho Itsubun, 250-1.54 There is a scholarly theory, not adopted by Sakamoto, that the throne

was empty for two years not because of the compilers' error, but becausethese two Emperors on the one hand, and Emperor Kinmei on the other,engaged in a struggle between opposing courts, as in the period of theSouthern and Northern courts in the fourteenth century. HayashiyaTatsusaburo, 'Keitai Kinmei-cho Nairan no Shiteki Bunseki' [HistoricalAnalysis of the Civil War between the Courts of Keitai and Kinmei], KodaiKokka no Kaitai [The Dissolution of the Ancient State] (Tokyo DaigakuShuppankai 1955).

55 The granaries (miyake) were under direct government control. NihonShoki noted their establishment because the extension of bureaucraticcontrol in the fifth and sixth centuries over long-established granariesmarked an important stage in the development of Yamato state power.The struggle for control with regional families continued until the reor-ganization of the granaries in the Taika Reform of 645.

56 Pillow words (makura kotoba) in Japanese poetry were fixed epithets,usually of five syllables, preceding the noun; some, like Shikishima, car-ried much emotional significance.

57 The message was in black ink on a black feather; Wang Chini steamed itand transferred the characters to silk, where they were visible. Further,he was the only one who could decipher it. Aston, Nihongi, n, 91.

58 Nihon Shoki Shiki, Kohon, 7.59 Kanke Godenki, Gunsho Ruiju, Vol. i (1931), 504.60 Shaku Nihongi, 35-69; Hirata Atsutane, Koshicho, Kaidaiki, Koshi Niten no

Ron [Two Classics of History], Part i, Hirata Atsutane Zenshu, Vol. 5 (Hei-bunsha 1977), 49.

61 Honcho Shojaku Mokuroku, Gunsho Ruiju, Vol. 21 (1930), 526.62 Shaku Nihongi, 14-16.


63 Nihon Shoki Shiki, Kohon, 15-50.64 Tsukishima Hiroshi, Heian Jidai no Kanbun Kundokugo ni tsukite no Kenkyu

[Studies on the Rendering of Kanbun into Japanese Readings in theHeian Period] (Tokyo Daigaku Shuppankai 1965), 132-3.

65 Kasuya Koki, 'Nihon Shoki Shiki Kohon no Kenkyu' [Study of the 'A' Textof Nihon Shoki Shiki], Geirin [The Arts], Vol. 19, no. 2 (1968).

66 The mistake is in Shaku Nihongi, 14, which gives Jowa 6 (839).67 Nihongi Korei, in Shaku Nihongi, 14-15.68 Ibid., 17.69 Nihon Shoki Shiki, Shiki Teibon, Kokushi Taikei, Vol. 8, 185-205. This

records questions to and answers from the lecturer reading the contentsof: Nihon Shoki.

70 Nihon Kiryaku, Kokushi Teikei, Vol. 11 (1965), 96.71 Historical-literary scholarship refers to Kidendo, one of the four branches

of study at the Heian university. It included the study of the Chineseclasical histories, especially Shi Ji, Han Shu, and Hou Han Shu and suchliterary works as Wen Xuan. The other branches of scholarship were:- Myogyodo, ethics, based on such works as the Analects of Confuciusand the Classic of Filial Piety, but also including the important historicalwork Zuo Zhuan;- Myobodo, law, especially based on the ritsuryo codes - this field even-tually became confined within the Sakanoue and Nakahara families;- Sando, mathematics - although this had practical applications forastronomy and calendar-making it was the least esteemed field of study.It became hereditary within the Ozuki and Miyoshi families. See MomoHiroyuki, Jodai Gakusei no Kenkyu [Studies on the Scholarly System ofAncient Times] (Yoshikawa Kobunkan 1983), 62-126.

72 Yamazaki Ansai, Fuyoshu, in Nihon Koten Gakkai, Yamazaki Ansai Zenshu[Complete Works of Yamazaki Ansai] (Perikan-sha 1978), Vol. 5,10.

73 Since it was a history of Japan written by Japanese, Norinaga thought itunnecessary to put 'Japan' in the title; it should have been simply Shoki.

74 Izu no Chiwaki, Soron, Kokiron, Part 4, Tachibana Moribe Zenshu, Vol. i(Tokyo Bijutsu 1967), 14.

75 Muraoka Tsunetsugu, 'Tachibana Moribe no Gakusetsu' [The ScholarlyTheories of Tachibana Moribe], Zotei Nihon Shisoshi Kenkyu [Studies in theHistory of Japanese Thought, Enlarged and Revised] (Iwanami Shoten1940), 282-3.

76 Koshicho, Kaidaiki, Koshi Niten no Ron, Hirata Atsutane Zenshu, Vol. 5, 67.77 Ibid., 92.78 Ibid., 94-5.79 Nihon Shoki K6/ Ban Nobutomo Zenshu, Vol. 7, 5-12.80 'Nagara no Yamakaze Furoku,' Ibid., 520-69; Nihongi Nenryaku K6/ Hiko-

bae, 13-28.

216 Notes to pp. 88-117

81 Sakamoto was among the scholars who compiled the Nihon Koten Bun-gaku Taikei edition (Iwanami Shoten, 2 vols. 1967-8).

CHAPTER THREE: SHOKU NIHONGI

1 Shingishiki, Gunsho Ruiju, Vol. 4 (1931), 296.2 Prince Otomo reigned as Emperor Kobun for eight months in 671-2 and

died in the Jinshin War. He was not officially included in the roster ofEmperors until the Meiji Period.

3 Kamatari, who was the only person in history to receive this Special CapRank, did so because of his services to Emperor Tenji in the Taika Reformof 654.

4 Shoku Nihongi mentions only the two elder brothers, Ojimaro and Azu-maro; Sakamoto says Ojimaro, Azumaro ra, suggesting that all of themwere released.

5 Ruiju Sandai Kyaku, Kokushi Taikei, Vol. 25 (1965), 107-08.6 Ibid., 112-13.7 Emperor Junnin (r. 758-64), grandson of Emperor Tenmu and the seventh

son of Prince Toneri, was a victim of the power struggles of his era. Hesucceeded Empress Koken (r. 749-58) under the influence of FujiwaraNakamaro (706-64). Nakamaro steadily enhanced his own powers andwas granted the name Emi Oshikatsu by Emperor Junnin. Meanwhile,former Empress Koken's regained strength under the influence of thepriest Dokyo (7-772) led to a brief war in which Emi Oshikatsu wasdefeated. Emperor Junnin was deposed and exiled to Awaji and wasthenceforth known as the Lord of Awaji. He was given the posthumousname Emperor Junnin in 1871. Koken reascended the throne as EmpressShotoku (r. 764-70).

8 Senmyo-style decrees were imperial decrees in the Japanese language, asopposed to materials in kanbun. They were customarily issued on suchoccasions as the New Year, an accession, a change of era name, and theestablishment of the Crown Prince. In Nihon Shoki they were convertedinto kanbun. The recording of senmyo-style decrees in their original lan-guage in Shoku Nihongi makes it a valuable source for the study ofancient Japanese language.

9 That is, the connection of the compilers with the Paekche-descendedsingers led them to include a song using the Man'yo syllabary, whichwas rarely done.

10 The crime was the Kusuko Incident of 809-10, in which Retired EmperorHeizei, believed to be under the power of his wife, Kusuko, attempted toreturn the capital city to Nara, leading to military actions. The eventshocked the court. It is discussed in Chapter 4, Nihon Koki, Chronicle ofEmperor Saga.

Notes to pp. 118-35 217

11 Honcho Hoka Monjo Mokuroku, Zoku Zoku Gunsho Ruiju (Zoku GunshoRuiju Kanseikai 1985), 153-4.

12 Sai-6 - unmarried prince or princess sent to Ise and Kamo shrines at thetime of accession of a new Emperor.

13 Sai-e - priests and nuns gathered together and given purification food.14 'Kanso Jirui/ in Wada Hidematsu, Kokusho Itsubun (Dai Nihon Insatsu

Kabushiki Gaisha 1940), 148-50.15 Ibid., 148.16 Saikyuki, Shintei Zoho Kojitsu Sosho (Meiji Tosho Shuppan Kabushiki

Gaisha 1952), Vol. 18, 4. This text gives Taiho 3 (703) for the first occasion;Wada and Sakamoto both corrected it to Taiho 2 (702). The Saikyuki textalso gives Hoki i (770) for the second occasion; Wada notes a variant ofReiki i (715), which is also given by Sakamoto. Another ancient text alsogives Hoki i (770): Ryosho [Selections from the Laws], Gunsho Ruiju, Vol.4 (1931), 243.

17 Kokusho Itsubun, 149.18 Ibid., 148-9.19 Ibid., 149-50.20 Tsuken Nyudo Zosho Mokuroku, Gunsho Ruiju, Vol. 28 (1939), 197.21 Ban Nobutomo Zenshu, Vol. 4, 81,123-6, 456.22 The former library of the Owari Tokugawa, now belonging to Nagoya

City.

C H A P T E R FOUR: NIHON KOKI

1 Wake Kiyomaro (733-99) was one of the leaders in resisting the attemp-ted ascension to the throne of the priest Dokyo. A key device in thestruggle was an oracle obtained by Kiyomaro from the Usa Hachimandeity, stating that only a descendant of the Sun Goddess could take thethrone. Kiyomaro was exiled but returned to prosperity in the capitalafter the downfall of Dokyo in 770.

2 The entire biography occupies one page in Gunsho Ruiju, Vol. 3 (1930),697.

3 Honcho Shojaku Mokuroku, 531.4 Sakamoto's interpretation here is forced, as Nihon Koki noted the high

expenses but concluded that later generations would be grateful. Otsuguappears to have modified his opinion in the context of making a personalcriticism of the Emperor. It is also possible that someone other thanOtsugu wrote this assessment of the Emperor.

5 This is known as the Kusuko Incident, because it was understood to havearisen from the influence of Fujiwara Kusuko over Retired Emperor Hei-zei. In 809 Heizei abdicated in favour of his younger brother, EmperorSaga, and set out to return to Nara with the support of a number of high

218 Notes to pp. 137-42

officials. It became evident that Retired Emperor Heizei intended torestore Nara as the capital city. Early in 810 the court of Emperor Sagamobilized in resistance, setting up a military alert and closing the threebarriers to the capital. After inconclusive military actions, Emperor Hei-zei abandoned his plan and took holy orders. Fujiwara Kusuko commit-ted suicide by taking poison; her brother, Nakanari, was executed inprison. The capital was shocked by the event, which threatened the firstmajor military confrontation since the Jinshin War of 672.

Fujiwara Kusuko had served at the court of Emperor Kanmu, but wasdismissed for impropriety. When Emperor Kanmu died in 806, she madea comeback at the court of Emperor Heizei, becoming his principal wife,gaining Junior Third Rank, and allegedly exercising much influence. It isbelieved that she feared the loss of her position and power for a secondtime when Emperor Heizei became ill and abdicated to Emperor Saga, soshe conspired with her brother Nakanari and persuaded Emperor Heizeito move the capital to Nara.

6 Ruiju Sandai Kyaku, 270.7 Ibid., 406.8 It was not considered reprehensible for the Emperor to admit to clouded

judgement under the influence of love. The occasion and the themeswere artificial and were meant to evoke the humanity of the poetthrough the expression of feelings.

9 Sandai Jitsuroku, Biography of Imperial Prince Nakano, seventeenth day,first month, 867.

10 Honcho Shojaku Mokuroku, 525.11 Honcho Hoka Monjo Mokuroku, 155.12 Seiji yoryaku, Kokushi Taikei, Vol. 28 (1964), 60-1.13 There were three compilations of Kotai Shiki, for the Enryaku, Jogan, and

Engi eras, which are collected in Kokushi Taikei, Vol. 26 (1965). A mis-print in Sakamoto's text mistakenly refers to Enryaku Kotai Shiki ratherthan to Engi Kotai Shiki and gives Enryaku 12 (793) and Enryaku 14 (795)rather than Engi 12 (912) and Engi 14 (914). For the text of the orders, seeRuiju Fusen Sho, Kokushi Taikei, Vol. 27 (1965), 144,147.

C H A P T E R FIVE: SHOKU NIHON KOKI

i In 866 there was a fire at the Oten Gate that threw the capital into anuproar. Minamoto Makoto (819-68) was first convicted of arson, butfurther investigation revealed that Tomo Yoshio (809-68) was guilty; hewas sentenced to death less one degree, which was exile. It appears thathis motive was to frame Makoto, a well placed political rival of goodfamily. Yoshio was the son of a disgraced official and may have been bornin exile; he owed his position to scheming for the favour of the Fujiwara.


Historians agree that Fujiwara Yoshifusa skilfully exploited the crisisto take control of the government, becoming Chancellor (Daijo Daijin) forhis nephew Emperor Montoku in 866 and advancing other members ofhis family. This marked an important stage in the decline of the ritsuryostate.

2 Sandai Jitsuroku, Biography of Minamoto Makoto, twenty-eighth day,intercalary twelfth month, 868.

3 Sandai Jitsuroku, Biography of Abe Yasuhito, twenty-third day, fourthmonth, 859.

4 Toshi fureba As the years stream byyowai wa oinu my own life passes before meshika wa aredo still I am renewedhana o shi mireba when I but see the blossomsmono omoi mo nashi my heart's sorrows disappear

L.R. Rodd, trans., Kokinshu: A Collection of Poems Ancient and Modern(Princeton University Press 1984), 63.

5 The Jowa Incident of 842 was critical in bringing the Fujiwara family toits long-envisaged ascendancy as Chancellors (Daijo Daijin) and Regents(Sessho) for the adult Emperors.

An arrangement had been worked out between Emperor Saga and hissuccessor and younger brother, Emperor Junna, to alternate the thronebetween their offspring. The lines of each of these two Emperors hadrival supporters at the court. Under the arrangement, Emperor Saga'sson ascended the throne as Emperor Ninmyo in 833, and Emperor Jun-na's son Tsunesada was established as Crown Prince and was slated tofollow Emperor Ninmyo as the next sovereign. However, upon the deathof Retired Emperor Saga in 842, there arose the Jowa Incident, in which itwas alleged that Crown Prince Tsunesada was at the centre of a plan byTomo and Tachibana to raise a force against the state. Tomo and Tachi-bana were exiled, some sixty members of their court faction were impli-cated, and Tsunesada was deposed as Crown Prince. Instead of PrinceTsunesada, Emperor Ninmyo's son Michiyasu was made Crown Princeand succeeded to the throne as Emperor Montoku.

The long-standing historical interpretation is that Fujiwara Yoshifusaorchestrated the affair in order to bring the pliant Prince Michiyasu, ofwhom Yoshifusa was a maternal uncle, to the throne as Emperor Mon-toku. Yoshifusa became the first Fujiwara Chancellor during EmperorMontoku's reign and the first Fujiwara Regent for his nine-year-old suc-cessor, Emperor Seiwa.

22O Notes to pp. 145-81

i Emperor Saga (r. 809-23) 2 Emperor Junna (r. 823-33)

Crown Prince Tsunesada, deposed 842

3 Emperor Ninmyo (r. 833-50) = Fujiwara Junshi, younger sister ofYoshifusa

4 Prince Michiyasu, Emperor Montoku, (r. 850-58)Yoshifusa Chancellor (Daijo Daijin)

5 Emperor Seiwa (r. 858-76)Yoshifusa Regent (Sessho)

6 Tencho: Ten years from 824 to third day, first month, 834Jowa: Fourteen years from 834 to thirteenth day, sixth month, 848Kasho: Three years from 848 to twenty-eighth day, fourth month, 851.

7 Naito Torajiro, Shina Shigakushi [History of Chinese Historical Scholar-ship] (Kobundo, 2nd ed. 1952), 259.

8 Kokugakuin Zasshi, vol. 8 (1902), nos. i, 2, 4,5, 7, 8, 9,11,12.

C H A P T E R SIX: NIHON MONTOKU TENNO JITSUROKU

There are no notes to Chapter Six.

CHAPTER SEVEN: NIHON SANDAI JITSUROKU

1 Nihon Kiryaku, Kokushi Taikei, Vol. 10 (1965), 539.2 Kugyo Bunin, Kokushi Taikei, Vol. 53 (1964), 149.3 Honcho Shojaku Mokuroku, 522.4 Fuso Ryakki, Kokushi Taikei, Vol. 12 (1965), 131-2.5 Translation from Sey Nishimura, 'Retrospective Comprehension: Japa-

nese Foretelling Songs/ Asian Folklore Studies, Vol. 45,1986, 57.6 'Todaiji Sojo Shinzai Den' [Biography of Archbishop Shinzai of Todaiji],

Kikeshu, Kaidai Shakumon, 31-2, accompanying Kikeshu, KunaichoShoryobu Hen (Yoshikawa Kobunkan 1978).

7 Chisho Daishi Den, Zoku Gunsho Ruiju, Vol. 8, Part 2 (1978), 716.8 Jikaku Daishi Den, ibid., 683-99.9 As specified in Ryo no Gige, the duties of the Head of the Ministry of

Ceremonial included the editing of biographies of meritorious families.

Notes to pp. 187-99 221

There follows in small print, 'The worthy families present their familybiographies; the Ministry compiles them.' Ryo no Gige, Kokushi Taikei,Vol. 22, 38.

C H A P T E R E I G H T : A F T E R W O R D

1 Ruiju Fusen Sho, 289-94.2 Honcho Shojaku Mokuroku, 522.3 Shugaisho, Kojitsu Sosho (Yoshikawa Kobunkan 1906), Vol. i, 58.4 Honcho Shojaku Mokuroku Kosho, 82-3.5 Jodaiji Yoroku, Zoku Zoku Gunsho Ruiju, Vol. 21 (1986), 190-4.6 Wada Hidematsu, Kokusho Itsubun, 54-7.7 Tsuken Nyudo Sosho Mokuroku, 193-4. It is not clear whether the last line

should be read as 'Nai Shinkokushi' [Within, Shinkokushi] or as 'NaishinKokushi,' the title of an unknown work.

8 Honcho Shojaku Mokuroku, 522.9 Kanke Godenki, Shinko Gunsho Ruiju, Vol. i (1931), 504.

10 Kanke Bunso, Nihon Koten Bungaku Taikei, Vol. 72 (Iwanami Shoten1966), 394.

11 Nihon Kiryaku, 539.12 Nihonkoku Genzai Sho Mokuroku, Zoku Gunsho Ruiju, Vol. 30, Part 2

d979)/ 4ii-13 The entry in Honcho Shojaku Mokuroku, gives only 'Nihonshi Kiryaku.'

Wada Hidematsu discusses it under the title 'Nihonshi Kiryaku' andnotes the variant names 'Nihon Shiryaku' and 'Nihon Kiryaku.' HonchoShojaku Mokoroku Kosho, 24. As Sakamoto notes below, it is now widelyknown as Nihon Kiryaku, the title that is used in the Kokushi Taikeiedition.

14 Honcho Shojaku Mokuroku, 531.

Original Text Index

ABBREVIATIONS

NS: Nihon ShokiSN: Shoku NihongiNK: Nihon KokiSNK: Shoku Nihon KokiNMTJ: Nihon Montoku Tenno JitsurokuNSJ: Nihon Sandai JitsurokuRK: Ruiju Kokushi

Ariwara Narihira, assessed as hand-some and talented poet, NSJ, 184

Awata Mahito, dialogue with Chi-nese about Japan, SN, 104

Bidatsu, Emperor, non-believer inBuddhism, NS, 70

Demon Strangler appears in front ofthe Ceremonial Hall, NSJ, 178

Dokyo. See Shotoku, Empress

Enrolment of 15 shrines as govern-ment shrines, SNK, 146

Foretelling song predicts accessionof Emperor Seiwa, NSJ, 180

Fujiwara Sonondo, poem on

cuckoo, NK, 138Fujiwara Tsugutada, biography as a

modest, untalented official, NK, 98Fujiwara Yoshifusa, accompanies

Emperor Ninmyo to a banquet,SNK, 151

Fujiwara Yoshifusa, identifies jail forEmperor Ninmyo, SNK, 151

Fujiwara Yoshifusa, leads officials toview archery, SNK, 151

Fujiwara Yoshifusa, orders edict ofTang Emperor stored, SNK, 151

Fujiwara Yoshifusa, as ProvisionalMiddle Counsellor, leads officials,SNK, 151

Giant snake eats Nirvana Sutra, NSJ,178

224 Original Text Index

Heizei, Emperor, criticized forchanging era name, NK, 133

Ikeda Haruno, conformity to Chi-nese dress code of short gown,SNK, 150

Izumo Takeru, poem of sword, NS,45

Junna, Emperor, Assessment ascost-conscious, but viciousEmperor, RK, 134-5

Kanmu, Emperor, Assessment asdiligent but extravagant Emperor,NK, 133-4

Kanmu, Emperor, poem on cuckoo,NK, 138

Kanmu, Emperor, poem on snow,NK, 138

Kenzo, Emperor, events during hisreign adapted from Chinesesources, NS, 50-1

Kinmei, Emperor, events during hisreign adapted from Chinesesources, NS, 51

Kogen, Emperor, biography followsstyle of Han Shu and Hou HanShu, NS, 16

Konin, Emperor, Essay of Praise athis death as virtuous ruler, SN,18-19

Kyaku (regulations on domesticadministration) on taxes, etc., SN,106

Michi Kimi Obitona, Model Gover-nor in Chikugo and Higo, SNK,NSJ, 107

Minabuchi Toshina, objective andhonest official, NSJ, 157

Miyako Yoshika, death throughoverwork on Montoku Tenno Jitsu-

roku, NMTJ, 159Miyako Yoshika, talented man of

scholarship and letters, NSJ, 158Montoku, Emperor, exemplary

behaviour as 9-year-old CrownPrince, SNK, 149

Muneyasu, Prince, exemplarybehaviour at age 7, SNK, 149

New Year's poem in a singing anddancing party in court, SN, 108-9

Nihon Sandai Jitsuroku, principles ofcompilation, NSJ, 175-6

Ninmyo, Emperor, rides on palan-quin for Empress Dowager, SNK,148-9

Offerings to Kashii Shrine, SNK, 146Officials appointed for funeral of

Emperor Ninmyo, SNK, 147Ogre eats a woman in Banquet Pine

Grove, NSJ, 178-9Okura Yoshiyuki donates funds for

lamps to Kojimayama-dera Tem-ple, NSJ, 173

Okura Yoshiyuki instructs princesand aristocrats on Yanshi Jiaxun,NSJ, 172

Onakatomi Morouo, who appre-ciated arts but craved wealth, NK,136

Ono Takamura, refusal to exchangeships with Envoy to China, NMTJ,165-6

Owari Muraji Hamanushi, at age113, performs dance and givespoems, SNK, 147-8

Presentation of Buddha's ashes inthe Palace, SNK, 146

Reading of Benevolent King Sutrain the Palace, SNK, 146

Original Text Index 225

Reading of Great Wisdom Sutra in 7great temples of Nara, SNK, 146

Reading of Great Wisdom Sutra inCeremonial Hall, SNK, 146

Sakanoue Tamuramaro, bravegeneral of the frontier, NK, 136-7

Sakanoue Tamuramaro, pleasure atgrandson's archery, NMTJ, 164-5

Seiwa, Emperor, Essay of Praise athis death, NSJ, 183-4

Shingon'in, Todaiji Temple, estab-lishment of 21 monks, SNK, 29

Shoku Nihongi, 794 Memorial of Pre-sentation, RK, 9O-1

Shoku Nihongi, 797 Memorial of Pre-sentation, NK, 92-3

Shotoku, Empress, assessed as mer-ciful but permitted cruel rule byDokyo, SN, 19

Song of courtships at a popular pic-

nic, SN, 114Strange natural phenomena, NMTJ,

167Strange voice disturbs priests in

Chodoin, NSJ, 179Sugawara Koreyoshi compiles Mon-

toku Tenno Jitsuroku, etc., NSJ, 174-5

Tajihi Mahito Kiyosada, appointedGovernor of Ise, SNK, 147

Tamura, Prince, exemplary behav-iour at age 7, SNK, 149

Toneri, Prince, commanded to com-pile Nihongi, SN, 35

Yamato Yakamaro, who had notalent but kind to old friends, NK,136

Yin-Yang Bureau report on a starincluded in Nihon Sandai Jitsuroku,NSJ, 177

General Index

Age of the Gods, xxiv; in Kojiki, 53;in Nihon Kiryaku, 198, 200; inNihon Shoki, xiv-xv, 51-6; in RuijuKokushi, 193-4

Akishino Yasundo, xi, compiler ofShoku Nihongi, 100

Amabeuji Keizu, 75Asano Shikatori, compiler of Nihon

Koki, 129Awata Ason Mahito, 104

Ban Nobutomo, 30, 87,120-1Bunka Shureishu, 10,123,124,127,

129Bunso Kokushi, 192,197

Chisho Daishi Den, 181Chun Qiu, 4,11,14; and Commen-

taries of Gong Yang, 167-8; andCommentaries of Gu Liang, 167-8

Chuxueji, 193

Dai Nihon Hennenshi, xviii-xixDai Nihon Shi, xvii, xx, xxvii-xxviii,

10,198Dai Nihon Shiryo, xixDaihannyagyo, 146Dairi Shiki, 23, 24,123,124,127,129

Eiga Monogatari, xvii, 11Emi Oshikatsu, 112, 216Enchin Zokusei Keizu, 75Engi Kinmochi Shiki, 78Engi Koki, 30Engi Kotai Shiki, 140Engi Shiki, 23,172,173Engi Tengyo Nihongi Kyoen Waka Jo,

30

Fudoki, 46, 61, 66Fujiwara- Fuyutsugu, compiler of Nihon

Koki, 123-4- Mototsune, xii; compiler of Nihon

Montoku Tenno Jitsuroku, 155-7,182- Otsugu, xii; compiler of Nihon

Koki, 100,124,128; debate on vir-tuous government, 100,134,138-9

- Sadatsugu, compiler of NihonKoki, 124

- Saneyori, 80- Tadahira, 80- Tokihira, xii, 79-80; compiler of

Nihon Sandai Jitsuroku, 170-1- Tsugutada, xii; compiler of Shoku

Nihongi, 96-8

228 General Index

- Yoshifusa, xii; compiler of ShokuNihon Koki, 143,150-1

- Yoshino, compiler of Nihon Koki,126-7,129

Fundamental Dicta, 44-5, 50, 55, 58,64, 65, 67

Furu Takaniwa, compiler of NihonKoki, 129

Fuso Ryakki, 28,174,179, 200

Gangoji Engi, 47-8, 70, 71Gangyo Shiki, 81Gekan Jirui, 119-20Geki Nikki, 146,190Genmei, Empress, xiv, 35Gensho, Empress, 35Ginbo Kanritsu, 159Godansho, 7, 8Gukansho, xviiGunseki Yoran, 157Gyokuyo, 181

Han Changli Waiji, 15Han Ji, 12,14Han Shu, 4,15-16, 50,129Hare-cane ceremony, 23Haruzumi Yoshitada, compiler of

Shoku Nihon Koki, 143-4,149-50Hayashi Jussai, xviiiHeizei, Emperor, 117,134-5,199Hieda Are, xiv, 33, 34, 36Hikobae, 87,120-1,189Hiraizumi Kiyoshi, xxiiiHirata Atsutane, 30, 34, 86-7Hoken Taiki, 9-10Honcho Getsurei, 7, 9, 30Honcho Hoka Monjo Mokuroku, 118,

139 _Honcho Shojaku Mokuroku, 75,132,

139,172,189,191,197,199Hou Han Ji, 12,14Hou Han Shu, 12,15-16,50, 51Hozumi Mitate Shujitsu, 44

lida Takesato, 30, 87-8Imperial Chronicles, 43-4, 60Imperial Chronicles and Funda-

mental Dicta, 33-4, 52,55, 58-9, 68Ise Monogatari, 184Ishikawa Natari, compiler of Shoku

Nihongi, 101Iwanami Shigeo, xxivIzu no Chiwaki, 86

Jikaku Daishi Den, 181Jindai no Maki Fuyoshu, 83Jindai no Maki Moshiogusa, 83Jindaishi no Atarashii Kenkyu, 88-9Jingikan Ki, 112Jinmu, Emperor, 56-8; 2,6ooth anni-

versary of, xxiv-xxvJinno Shotoki, xviiJiu Tangshu Jinji Zhi, 15Jodai Nihon no Shakai oyobi Shiso,

88-9Jogan Kyaku Shiki, 157,159Jogan Shiki, 156Jogu Shotoku Hod Teisetsu, 44Johei Shiki, 81Jowa Affair, 151-2, 219-20Junna, Emperor, 125,126-7,128Junnin, Emperor, 112, 216

Kada Azumamaro, 85Kaibun Ruiju, 159,174Kamitsukeno Okawa, compiler of

Shoku Nihongi, 101-2Kamiyo no Maki Koketsu, 82Kamo Mabuchi, 85Kanke Bunso, 173,191Kanke Godenki, 191,192Kanmu, Emperor, xi, xxv, 98-9,101,

116-18,133-4Kanso Jirui, 118-19,120,139,192,194Kashu,174Kawamura Hidene, 49, 84-5,121,

186

General Index 229

Kawamura Masune, 121-2,153,168,186

Keichu, 85Keikokushu, 10,124,127Ki Kiyondo, compiler of Nihon

Shoki, 35, 38Kikeshu, 181Kitano Tenjin Goden, 192,197Kiyowara Natsuno, compiler of

Nihon Koki, 126Kodaishi no Michi, xxvKogansho, 85Kogo Shui, xv, 6, 83Kojiki, xiv; compilation of, 33-4, 37;

date of beginning of, 33, 36; dateof completion of, 34; and EmperorKeitai, 67; and Emperor Yuryaku,65; expedition to Silla in, 62; andFundamental Dicta, 44-5; andImperial Chronicles, 43; pillowword in, 68; and Yamato Takeru,60

Kojiki oyobi Nihon Shoki no Kenkyu,88-9

Kojikiden, 85,120Kokinshu, 10Kokushi, 3-6Kokusho Itsubun, 119,139,189Kokutai no Hongi, xxiiiKongocho-kyo, 160Konin, Emperor, xi, 18-19,199,

200-1Konin Kyaku Shiki, 123,124Konin Shiki, 30, 38, 75, 76-7Konkomyo-Saisho-O Gyo, 42Koryuji Engi, 30Koshicho Kaidaiki, 75, 86-7Koshin Kaden, 137Koteihan, 157Koyasan Zappitsu Shu, 31Kudai Ryakki, 198Kugyo Bunin, 170Kume Kunitake, xx-xxi

Kuroita, Katsumi, xxii, xxviiKusuko Incident, 135, 217-18Kyaku, 106

Liang Shu, 50, 69Lushi Chunqiu, 67

Man'yoshu, 24, 31, 83Man'yoshu Chushaku, 82Man'yoshu Jidai Nanji, 8-9Mikami Sanji, xxiii, xxviiMimune Masahira, compiler of

Nihon Sandai Jitsuroku, 170-2Minabuchi Toshina, compiler of

Nihon Montoku Tenno Jitsuroku, 155,

157Minamoto: Makota, 142-3; Tokiwa,

compiler of Nihon Koki, 128-9;Yoshiari, compiler of Nihon SandaiJitsuroku, 169-70

Minbusho Rei, 132Minobe Tatsukichi, xxii-xxiiiMiyake Fujimaro, compiler of Nihon

Shoki, 38Miyako Yoshika, compiler of Nihon

Montoku Tenno Jitsuroku, 155-6,158,166-8

Momokawa Den, 199Montoku, Emperor, 141,142,155Montoku Tenno Jitsuroku. See Nihon

Montoku Tenno JitsurokuMontoku Tenno Jitsuroku Shiki, 168Montoku Tenno Jitsuroku Shikkai, 168Motoori Norinaga, 85-6,120

Nagara no Yamakaze, 87Nakashina Kotsuo, compiler of

Shoku Nihongi, 100Naoyo, Prince, compiler of Nihon

Koki, 126National History. See KokushiNihon Gaishi, xxNihon Isshi, 140,198

230 General Index

Nihon Kiryaku, 78,117,137,140,169,170,192,197-201; variant namesof (Nihonshi Kiryaku, Nihon Shi-ryaku, Nihon Kirui), 197

Nihon Koki, xii; compilation of, 123,128; compilers of, 123-8; contentsof, 130-9; coverage in, xii; date ofbeginning of, 123; date of comple-tion of, 130

Nihon Montoku Tenno Jitsuroku, xii,xvi; compilation of, 155-60; com-pilers of, 155-9; contents of,160-8; coverage in, xii; date ofbeginning of, 155-6; date of com-pletion of, 159

Nihon Sandai Jitsuroku, xii, xvi, xviii;compilers of, 169-75; contents of,175-85; coverage in, xii; date ofbeginning of, 169-70; date ofcompletion of, 171

Nihon Shinwa no Kenkyu, 89Nihon Shoki, xi, xiv, xv; apportion-

ment of writing in, 38-40; Chi-nese sources in, 49-51; compilersof, 33-7; contents of, 51-74; cover-age in, xi; date of beginning of,33-5, 36-7; date of completion of,xi; and Kojiki, 33-4, 36, 37, 43,44-5, 60, 62, 65, 67; Koreansources in, 48-9, 62, 66, 69; lec-tures on, 76-81; Nihongi as var-iant name of, 30-4; ReadingCompletion banquet for, 77, 78,79, 80, 81; repetition of entries in,41-2

Nihon Shoki Jindai Kojutsu Sho, 82Nihon Shoki Sanso, 82Nihon Shoki Shinko, 88Nihon Shoki Tsushaku, 42, 87-8Nihon Shoki Tsusho, 84, 85, 88Nihongi, alternative name for Nihon

Shoki, 30-4. See also Nihon ShokiNihongi Hydchu, 87

Nihongi Jindai Sho, 82-3Nihongi Korei, 76, 78Nihongi Kunko, 85Nihongi Kyoen Waka Jo, 38Nihonkoku Genzai Sho Mokuroku, 192Ninmyo, Emperor, xii, 128,129,148,

149/151Nin'okyo, 146Nintoku, Emperor, 64-5

O Yasumaro, xiv, 34, 37, 38Oe: Asatsuna, compiler of Shinkoku-

shi, 187,188,191; Koretoki, com-piler of Shinkokushi, 187-8,191;Otondo, compiler of Nihon Mon-toku Tenno Jitsuroku, 157-8

Okagami, xvii, 11Okura Yoshiyuki, compiler of Nihon

Sandai Jitsuroku, 170-3Omi Mifune, 102Ono: Minemori, compiler of Nihon

Koki, 127; Takamura, 165-6

Paekche Pon'gi (Kudara Hongi), 48,49, 68, 69

Paekche Sinch'an (Kudara Shinsen),48, 66, 67

Paekchegi (Kudara Ki), 48, 49, 62, 64,66

Post stations, 27

Qian Han Shu, 12

Reiss, Ludwig, xixRekicho Shoshi Kai, 120Ruiju Fusen Sho, 140Ruiju Kokushi, 7, 8,10, 26, 75, 83, 90,

113,119,123,134,136,137,140,155,163,174,176,191-7,198, 200; com-pilers of, 191-7; contents of,192-7, coverage in, 191-2; date ofbeginning of, 191-2; date of com-pletion of, 192-7

General Index 231

Ruiju Sandai Kyaku, 6, 25, 28, 109,119,160,161

Ryo no Gige, 10,126,181Ryo no Shuge, 4, 5, 31Ryounshu, 10,123,124,127

Saga, Emperor, xvi, xxv, 123,124,

125Saikyiiki, 119Sakamoto Taro: and anniversary of

Emperor Jinmu, xxiv-xxv; educa-tion of, xxv-xxvi; and ImperialHouse, xxvii-xxviii; and TsudaSokichi, xxvi

Sakanoue: Imatsugu, compiler ofNihon Koki, 127; Tamuramaro,164-5

San Guo Zhi, 50Sandai Jitsuroku. See Nihon Sandai

JitsurokuSandai Jitsuroku Koji Ko, 185Sandai Jitsuroku Shikkai, 186Sanjo Sanetomi, xviiiSawara, Prince, 116,117,199Seiji Yoryaku, 139Seiwa, Emperor, 155,179-80,183-4Shaku Nihongi, 30, 47, 75, 76, 77, 78,

81-2, 88Shashoso Mokuroku, 44Shi Tong, 11Shigeno Yasutsugu, xix, xxShiji, xviii, 11, 17, 50, 129Shimada Kiyota, compiler of Nihon

Koki, 127Shimada Yoshiomi, compiler of

Nihon Montoku Tenno Jitsuroku, 158Shingishiki, 97,123,142,187-9Shinkokushi, 7,187-91; compilers of,

187-9; contents of, 189-91; cover-age in, 189-91; date of beginningof, 187; date of completion of, 189

Shinryo Shiki, 4Shoki Shikkai, 49, 84-5

Shokki Shikkai, 120,121-2Shoku Koki Shikkai, 153Shoku Nihon Koki, xii; compilation

of, 141-2; compilers of, 141-4; con-tents of, 144-53; coverage in, xii;date of beginning of, 141; date ofcompletion of, 144

Shoku Nihon Koki Sanko, 154Shoku Nihon Koki Shiki, 153Shoku Nihongi, xi, xvi; Assessments

of Emperors in, 18-19; biogra-phies in, 19; compilation of, 90-6;compilers of, 96-102; contents of,103-18; coverage in, xi-xii; date ofbeginning of, 90-6; date of com-pletion of, xi; deletions in, 115-18;and eras, 18; genealogies of, 74-5;imperial edicts in, 19-20; andmemorials, 90-1, 92-3; recordingof dates in, 18; and reigns, 17-18

Shoku Nihongi Kosho, 120,121,122Shotoku, Empress, 19Shotoku, Prince Regent, 71-2Shotoku Taishi Den Hoketsuki, 31Shugaisho, 172,189Shuin Risshi, 174Sima Qian, xviiiSix National Histories (Rikkokushi),

xi-xiii, 3-10; authenticity of, 20-2;and Chinese works, 14-17; citedin ancient to Tokugawa works,6-10; common characteristics of,10-13; coverage and omissions in,22-9; poetry in, 24, 45, 80,108,114,138,148,180

Song Shu, 49Soshitsuji-kyo, 160Sugano Mamichi, xi, compiler of

Shoku Nihongi, 98-100Sugawara- Koreyoshi, compiler of Nihon

Montoku Tenno Jitsuroku, 158-9,

174-5

232 General Index

- Michizane, xii, 159-60; compilerof Ruiju Kokushi, 191-2,193-4,197>compiler of Sandai Jitsuroku, 173-5

Swi Shu, 49, 50, 66, 70, 72

Tachibana Moribe, 86Taiheiki, xxTaima Nagatsugu, 102Takahashi Ujibumi, 30, 32Tangjian, 15Tanikawa Kotosuga, 84Tencho Kyaku Sho, 139-40,193Tenmu, Emperor, xi, xiii, xiv, 55;

compilation of Kojiki and NihonShoki, 33-4, 36

Todaiji Yoroku, 189-90Togu Setsuin, 159,174Tokugawa Jikki, xviiiTomo Yoshio, compiler of Shoku

Nihon Koki, 142-3,184Toneri, Prince, xi, 35-6, 37Tsuda Sokichi, xxvi, 63, 88-9; trial

of, xxiii-xxivTsuji Zennosuke, xxv, xxvi, xxviiTsuken Nyudo Zosho Mokuroku, 120

Uda, Emperor, 170Uiyamabumi, 10Uzu no Yamakage, 86

Wake Kiyomaro, 131-2Wake Kiyomaro Den, 132Wakun Shiori, 84Wei Zhi, 49, 63Wen Xuan, 50, 66, 69White horse ceremony, 23-4

Yakushikyo, 145Yamada Furutsugu, compiler of

Nihon Koki, 129-30Yamatoshi Fu, 132Yamazaki Ansai, 37, 83Yiwen Leiju, 50, 67,193Yoshibuchi Chikanari, compiler of

Nihon Montoku Tenno Jitsuroku, 158Yoshida, Togo, xxiiYoshimine Yasuyo, compiler of

Nihon Koki, 124Yozei, Emperor, 180-2Yubun Koji, 197,198

Zenrin Kokuhoki, 6Zho Zhuan, 167Zhou Li, 3Zizhi Tongjian, 147Zogen Howa, 171Zoku Sandai Jitsuroku, 189Zoku Tokugawa Jikki, xviiiZuo Zhuan, 11,14

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