~&Two

rJCCJovwn fm a~

\VOMEN IN BANGLADESH

SECTION- A

Social Structure of Bangladesh

Bangladesh became an independent state on the 16 1h of

December 1971, following a civil war against the Pakistan ruling

class. The first government of Bangladesh declared its aim to

transform the society into an egalitarian one by taking the path

towards socialism. Led by a petty-bourgeois party the then

government, however, could not succeed 111 making any

significant changes 111 the century-old social structures. Such a

failure eventually created scope to turn back the public policies

and political practices to pre-liberation condition. This

retrogressive trend was established by an alliance among the

vested interest groups; the military, the bureaucrats and the

rising comprador bourgeoisie. 1

Choudhury, E. Haque, (ed) "Introduction • The Need For A Focus On The Political Economy of Bangladesh" in Bangladesh : Politics, Economy and Society, Bangladesh Studies Assemblage, University of Manitoba, Winnipeg, Manitoba, Canada, I 087, p I.

70

The underdevelopment process of the territory. its basis in

the past colonial and post - colonial regimes as well as the

internal conditions and forces that had helped in sustaining the

external interests.

F erdous Q uari sh i, a renowned poI i ti cian of the country,

reviews the constraints created by the colonial rulers and past

political institutions in their attempts to disintegrate the natural

unity of the geophysical reg10n, Quarishi emphasizes the close

interrelationships not only among natural phenomena but among

the people as well.

!\nisuzzaman Chowdhury traces back the current

de v e I o p m c n t forces 111 the historic a I progress of a gran an

relations, political practices of the petty- bourgeoisie, and

penetrations of capitalistic social relations. He asserts that, the

social relations 111 Bangladesh are characterized by "semi­

feudal" and "semi-colonial" complex structures, where the

principal contradictions lie between the bottom 80 percent and

the top 10 percent of the rural populations and between

71

n a t i o n a I i s t fo r c e s s u p p o r ted by f o r e i g n c a p i t a I an d t h e i r I o c a I

agents. 2

The term "semi-feudal and semi-colonial" was raised by

Wahidul Haque in a paper " Problematic of Transition in

Bangladesh", in the special seminar of the Bangladesh Economic

Association in 1978.1 Most of the Marxist factions hold that

Bangladesh is a "semi-feudal" and "semi-colonial" country.

Characteristics of Bangladesh Agriculture

There are four prominent features of the Bangladesh

agriculture. These features are: (a) share-cropping, (b) perpetual

indebtedness of peasantry, (c) concentration of two modes of

exploitation, viz., usury and ownership of land in one economic

class a (d) inaccessibility of small peasants to commodity and

credit markets-of semi-feudalism in the Bangladesh agriculture.

While production relations in the Bangladesh agriculture 1s

clearly semi-feudal, means of production,-another component of

a mode of production-is not highly capital intensive either.

2 Ibid , p. 33.

Ibid , p 33.

72

Traditional to modern methods of farming has been estimated to

be in the ratio of 65 I (The World Bank, Bangladesh : Current

Economic Situation and the Review of the Second Five Year

Plan, 1982 : 221 ). To characterize the Bangladesh agriculture as

capitalistic on the basis of exchange relations (i.e. sales of

agricultural ·products in the market), instead of production

relations is not only mistaken, but also unfounded. According to

the survey by Januzi and Peach (1980:117) 18.82 of rural house­

holds did not sell any paddy during the last agricultural year.

Only 2.67 sold less than half of their crop and 19.20% sold

more than half. While 59.32 % of the rural households own

about 41. (J(J<Yo of operational holding and control both product

and credit markets.

On the other hand, some thinkers hold the v1ews that the

dominant feature of the Bangladesh agriculture is "capitalistic"

though it is at a very "backward" or "underdeveloped" stage. 4

This argument 1s based on three features of the Bangladesh

economy. They are : (a) growmg number of Landless peasants

who are joining the pool of agricultural wage labourers, (b)

Ibid, p . .B

extent of market and (c) the use of modern inputs like chemical

fertilizer, mechanical irrigation, etc. Later Saha (1980)

presented a paper on creativity and the integration of traditions

and modern attitudes, in which he dealt briefly with class

formation 111 Bangladesh. But he did not go further to

characterize the Bangladesh economy as such. 5

Wood ( 1981) presented a historical account of the rural

class formation in Bangladesh. He opposed the characterization

of the Bangladesh economy on the basis of macro data and held

the view that due to geo-political history different parts of

Bangladesh show different characteristics.('

Marxist writers are debating on a fundamental Issue : the

proper characterization of 'underdevelopment' 1s; why

capitalism has not developed in the Afro-Asia-Latin American

underdeveloped countries. A few, however, rejects this view as

problematic·as such. For example, Warren (1973) argues that the

'Third world' today is at an early stage or various stages of

(,

Ibid., p. 34

Ibid , p. 33

74

industrialization and the development of capitalism. precisely as

we know these processes from the experience of 'developed'

countries. In other words, the under developed countries are en

route even if the journey will be long and painful. 7

On the other hand, the classical view (e.g. Kay, 1975) of

'underdevelopment' is one of blocked transition, a 'normal'

process incomplete, A min ( 1974) and Alavi ( 1975, 1981) go a bit

further. According to them 'blocked transition' becomes

'peripheral capitalism'.x To the Neo-Marxists like Frank ('1967,

1969) and Wallerstein ( 1979) it is just capitalism. There is but a

single 'world system' and it is capitalist through and through.

Nazmul Karim, an eminent sociologist of Bangladesh

s t res s e d o n t h e s t u d y of s o c i a I s t r u c t u r e a n d s o c i a I s t rat i fi cat i on

especially among the Muslims of present Bangladesh. He writes

"Very little IS known about the history of the Muslim

social structure of East Pakistan (Present Bangladesh). Old

institution and old types of social relation still survive,

7

X

Ibid., p. 33.

Ibid, p. 33.

7~

although, in many cases 111 a broken and fragmented way. With a

greater degree of urbanization and with the disappearance of the

present older generation these antiquated and old types of

institutions and relationships will soon disappear. It will then be

difficult for us to reconstruct our social history or to understand

properly our·functioning social structure. 9

Since the Muslim Society of East Bengal (Bangladesh)

began to change as a result of the second world war, partition of

the sub-continent, inflation, industrialization urbanization,

modernization importation of western culture, migration and

population growths brought a great impact on social life.

Prcbcndalization 111 Bengal

To understand the social structure in this regwn we have

to understand what Max Weber used the term 'Prebendalization'

to describe the land the revenue system of medieval India. The

India feudal system was characterized by the absence of private

') Syed, Ahmed, Khan, ''The Sociology of Bangladesh and its Methodology", 'Nazmul Karim's observations· in A. K. Nazmul Karim Commemoration Volume (eel.) Md Afsaruddin Dhaka University Press, Dhaka Bangladesh, 1989, pp. 222-229.

ownership in land. The revenue collection system of India was

also different from that of the west. Max Weber described this

phenomena not as feudalization but as prebendalization of the

patrimonial state.

The revenue system of Bengal was agam different from

that of the rest of India and, therefore, Bengal society developed

differently. This district revenue system of Bengal was neither

feudalization nor prebendalization but it was Waddaderization. 10

Wadda means promise Der means hoI der i.e. hoi der of a pro-mise.

Under the Mughal rule in Bengal the collectors or revenue hold

out a promise that within such and such stipulated period they

would deposit a fixed amount of money to the state's exchequers

failing which state authorities would sometimes resort to

sanctions. In fact the hereditary Zamindars who were more or

less permanent holders of the lease (i.e. lease of the right to the

collection of revenue) failed in the management of their estates

it was given over to the revenue contractors i.e. waddaders.

10 A K Nazmul Karim, "Max Weber's Theory of Prebendalization and Bengal Society in Bangladesh", Sociological l~eview, vol. I, no I September, I 986, pp I -10

77

Here important point ts that Max 'Weber speaks of

'Prebendalization' he refers specially to the development and

functioning system in the Northern Indian society which in

course of history gradually spread to the periphery of the India

subcontinent. It is true, in the wider sense, the Bengal society is

also to be included in the concept of 'Prebendalization' But in

the specific situation of Bengal society, it developed so

differently that Bengal system may be regarded as the type by

itself. The process of prebendalization created land.ed interest

'however limited, for the prebend holders which the process of

waddaderization resulted tn the creation of a class of

speculators. They belonged to Pareto's phraseology a class of

speculator and not renters. 11

The Waddaders did not belong to hereditary landed

aristocracy as such they belonged to the class of speculators and

business community, such as Crories, Shroffs, Shahukars,

Mahajans etc. They also depended on the money lending class

which grew up to serve these speculators. They merchant,

adventurers and speculators of the British East India company

II Ibid , pp. 4 - S

7X

found in these Bengali (Hindu) speculators, their own image and

was therefore fearful or their competition with them. Hence they

diverted their attention from the field of business and commerce

to landholding by granting of the Permanent Settlement in

1793. 12

This was land system which created a new dominant

educated middle class, who gradually took up the leadership in

society replacing the former land owning class. To meet the

needs of the new Bri!ish Administrative system, this educated

middle class began to spread to the various parts of the Indian

s u b c o n t i 11 e 11 t. 0 u t o f t h i s v a s t m a s s B e n g a I i rvl us I i m w ere

nowhere in the picture, who ultimately made an important

contribution 111 the field of education, literature, science and

philosophy. 13

In the nineteenth century and in the early part of the

twentieth century, the Sharif (noble born) class Muslims 111

Bengal began to lose its economic power together with its

12

I I

Ibid 0 pp 5 - I 0

Ibid. 0 pp 5- I 0

7'J

political power because of British rule. The impact of British

rule created a new social classes among the Muslim 111 Bengal

by having marital relationships with the rising Muslim middle

classes, e spec ia II y from the "Non-Shari f'' (I ow born) cl asses,

who were called Atraf or Ajlaf (both signifying low-born) . In

some cases, a third class called Arzal (lowest of all) signifying

extreme contempt.

New Classes an British Bengal

Regarding the social classes In Bengal, Levy says,

Amongst the Bengal Muhammadans the Ashraf or upper class

include all undoubted descendents of foreign Muslims (Arabs,

Persian, Afghans, etc) and converts from higher castes from

Hindus. 'Like higher caste Hindus they consider it degrading to

accept menial service or to handle the plough 14 and took with

contempt upon all other ranks of Bengal Muslims whom they call

'Ajlaf' 'coarse rabble'. These include 'functional groups', such

as weavers, cotton-carders, oil-pressures, barbers, tailors, etc:,

as well converts of original humble castes, the Arzal on 'lowest

I~ Nazmul, Karim, Changing Society in India, Pakistan and Bangladesh, Nawroze Kitabistan, Dhaka. Bangladesh. 1976, p 121.

xo

of all' such as the Helolkhor (sweeper latrine and garbage

cleaners) Lalbegi, Abdol, and Bediya with whom no other

Muhammadan would associate, and who are forbidden to enter

the mosque or to use the public ground."

In the nineteenth century and in the early part of the

twentieth century the Sharif class Muslims in Bengal tried the

utmost to maintain their caste-pride by practicing a sort of

endogamy among themselves and by abstaining from introducing

or mining on equal terms with the lower classes. But the leyeling

influence ofthe British rule proved to be more powerful than

their caste pride. The British introduced modern education and

modern state ad m in is t rat i v e machinery and for that machinery

personnel was recruited from all sections of the society. The

British rule therefore became the I eve I e r of soc i a I stratification

in Bengal.

Social Stratification and Social Classes an Rural Bangladesh

According to a noted sociologist of Bangladesh, Nazmul

Karim, 1n Changing Society in India, Pakistan, and

Bangladesh depicts the following picture of British rule which

XI

heralded new social classes in two sections (Hindus and Muslim)

of Indian Society are as foil ows.

In rural areas the British rule made the consequential

social classes with a new force and orientation.

I. The new class of landlords evicted by the British

1 The labourers under these landlords.

3. The class of peasant proprietors

middle, and lower strata.

4. Modern merchant class.

5. Modern Money lender class

divided into upper,

Similarly 111 the urban areas new classes came into

existence with the new economy. The most important of

them were.

1. The modern class of capitalists, commercial, industrial and

financial.

2. The modern working lass

3. The class or petty traders and shopkeepers

4. The professional classes such as the technicians,

physicians, lecturers teachers, journalists, manager of

X2

far m s, c I e r k s, a n d o t h e r fo r m s of t h e i n t e II i g e n t s i a an d t h e

educated middle class. 1:\

Class and Power

Looking at the correspondence of land ownership and

political power at the village level one can see a fusion of

economic and political power 111 rural Bangladesh which ts, m

many ways, reminiscent of feudalism. Virtually, the

correspondence of land and power extends from the village to

the nation/state level. A study of the Comilla district. (the

labouratory area of cooperative experiments since the early

·c)O's) showed that 111 the Union Parishads (UP) (local

government bodies, each representing 10 to 20 villages) the class

of rich land owners has the monopoly of political power as well.

Thus, nearly 57 per cent of all UP members, and 100 per cent of

all chairmen own more than 3 acres of land; among the UP

chairmen 65 per cent own more than 7 acres (see Solaiman and

A lam, 1977). Another study showed that 90 per cent of all UP

leaders (members and chairmen) in Bangladesh own more than

2.5 acres of land, while 60 per cent of them own more than 7.5

acres (sec Rahman. 1979) Similarly. at the national leveL it is

I' Ibid. p. 9H X' '

found that in successtve elections landed potentates comprtse the

overwhelt11ing n1ajority of the Metnbers of Parlian1ent. Table 3

below shows that about 90 per cent of the members elected to

two Parliaments owned more than 3 acres of land, while about 60

per cent owned more than 10 acres. It further shows the

preponderance of higher landowning Members in the Post-

independence ( 1973) Parliament 51 per cent owning over 15acres

of land as compared with 41 per cent in 1970.

Table 2.1 Land Owned by Members of Parliament, 1970 and 1973

Less than I .0 acre 3 . I - I 0. 4 <l c res 10.5-15.4 15.5 acres above to 3.0 acres acres

No. of Per No. or Per No. of Per No. of Per MPs Cent MPs Cent MPs Cent MPs Cent

1970 25' I o. 9 79 ] 4 .(, 29 I 2. 7 YS 41.X

1973 29 I 2. 3 25 I 0. 5 121 5 I. I

Note: Total number of MPs were 428 and 315 respectively 111

1970 and 1973 elections.

Number of Interviewed

22X

237

Source : Hasanuzzaman Chowdhury, "Underdevelopment and State in

Bangladesh" inC E. Haque (ed.), Bangladesh Politics, Economy and

Society, table no. 3, p. 55.

The landed potentates at the two levels - village and

nation, are structurally quite aligned. Their coercive power,

particularly in rural areas, 1s quite formidable. The village

potentates maintain their own power with the support of

"dependent" share-croppers, landless labourers, clients in village

factions and retainers, etc. In turn, they themselves constitute

the support base for the aligned political parties/leaders at the

national level. And "in exchange for performing these functions

government policies are tailored to protect and support large

farmers' interests". Such "protection and support" usually range

from subsidized inputs supply and /or control over them to the

postponement of land reform. Indeed, conflicts are not unknown

among fractions of this dominant class, but there are also known

means to resolve them. l'vloney, i.e .. police-power, and higher

connections are inclusive of those means.

The dominance of the landed classes by virtue of a semi-

feudal mode of production is one aspect of political power 111

Bangladesh. The other important aspect is the independent power

of the state by virtue of its bureaucratic-Bonapartist nature. The

bureaucratic nature owes its legacy to the pre-colonial state

"hypertrophy of the state authority" ans1ng from the Asiatic

nwde of production), and also to the colonial state (hypertrophy

of the state authority at the instance of the metropolitan X5

bourgeoisie). The Bonapartist nature 1s attributed to the

persistence of small-holding peasant. Masses enabling the

successive post-colonial governments (mostly military) to rule in

their name and/or, as their representative. It must be argued that,

contrary to the progressive role which is generally attributed to

the state in underdeveloped countries, a bureaucratic-Bonapartist

state persists only as a retrogressive force. In such a state, as in

Bangladesh, one hears development war-cries often amplified by

the officials of the World Bank, IMF and of numerous other

sources. But instead of affecting the structural conditions of

underdevelopment they rather enable the bureaucratic-

Bonapartist state to stay and be stronger in power. Such a state

is particularly conspicuous by its style of consumption. Table 4

illustrates the case of Bangladesh. It shows that the lion's share

of the revenue expenditure is consumed by the state itself,

particularly by its repressive apparatuses. Compared with this,

areas like education, public health, and sports taken together

h a v e a b o u t on e fi f t h share 1 n rev en u e, w h i I e t h e productive

sectors like agriculture and industry have a bare fractional share.

Table 2.2 further shows that increase in the volume of total

revenue expenditure over time, is mostly absorbed by the

reprcsstve apparatuses themselves. Between 1973-74 and 1981-

82 there has been over 2.45 per cent increase in the total volume

of revenue expenditure, and 63.4 per cent of this increase in

absorbed by those apparatuses.

Table 2.2 Revenue Expenditure of the Government of

Bangladesh By Principal Heads, 1973-74 and 1981-82

Heads of Expenditure

General Administrative;

Justice and Police Defence

Education; Health: Sports

Agriculture

Industry

Debt Services

Others

Total

Tk.

1177.7

792. I

73.7

183.2

2198.0

4427.7

1973-74 (In million Tk.)

1981-82 Per cent of Total Tk Per cent of Total

26.6

17.9

I. 7

4.1

49.7

I 00.0

8059.0

3 125.0

494.0

39.0

52.8

20.4

..., ) .) __

0.3

1321.0 8.6

2249.0 14.7

1528.7 100.0

Source Planning commission, Economic Review 1977-78, Table 9,

p.207; Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics, Statistical Pocket

Book of Bangladesh 1981. Table 7.17, p. 274.

X7

This bureaucratic-Bonapartist state has tremendous impact

on the classes and class struggle in Bangladesh. By virtue of its

command over the internal resources and access to external

resources as well, this state is strong enough to disorganize the

classes or pervert the class struggle. In addition to the physical

and material measures which it takes to these ends, it also uses

strong ideological instruments. In recent times it has frequently

expressed its determination to convert Bangladesh into an

"Islamic' state. This stance while it helped to gam compassiOn

of other lvlusltm countries and concurrently, to revtve

ecclesiastic politics tn the country were, evidently aimed at

pulverizing the radical forces. In a word, these actions of the

bureaucratic-Bonapartist state merely constitute a set of

measures for its self-perpetuation at the instance of the extsting

pre-capitalist mode of production, t.e. semi-feudalism.

From the above it follows that the present from of

articulation of the existing mode of production and its state ts

tantamount to the persistence of underdevelopment 111

Bangladesh. The state, however, percetves the problem of

underdevelopment as lying tn agrarian productivity and hence,

KX

recogntzes the necessity of land reform. Indeed, Bangladesh has

had a couple of reforms beginning tn 1950. But none of them has

been implemented in any real sense. The latest committee on

land reform submitted its report to the government in March

1983. Its chairman, the agricultural minister himself, however,

later assured 'all' concerned that there will be no structural

changes in the existing land relations. It is thus evident that in

Bangladesh 'land reform' has so far served as a mere populist

slogan. Indeed, it could hardly be otherwise, for effective land

reform only comes along with either capitalist industrialization

or socialist revolution. Both of these entail in their respective

ways. an articulation of agriculture and industry whereby

agriculture provides 'free labour', raw materials, basic food (for

workers) etc. for industry, and industry provides finished goods,

means of labour, various inputs etc. for agriculture. Both are,

objective outcomes of class struggles. But, for reasons springing

from the nature of the state and the mode of production, class

struggle in Bangladesh was having only a tantalizing effect on

the bourgeois or socialist prospects of the society. The ripened

objective and subjective conditions for decisive struggle for

development in either direction. have been lacking. As of now,

X'l

for instance, the 'bourgeoisie' seem to have little option to their

mercantile, lumpen or comprador complacence. The industrial

proletariat in real sense is almost non-existent or, is a tiny

minority class. Similarly, the mass of peasant proletariat is yet

to be a 'class for themselves'. In spite of this, the latter, for

instance, sometimes Is assigned a revolutionary role by placing

the onus of implementation of say, land reform, on it. this is

only tantamount to assigning an immediate radical role to a

potentially radical class, a class whose desperate condition of

existence is· yet to be harnessed to radical consciousness and

capacity of action.

Indeed, despite structural limitations socialism has for long

been on the agenda of political struggle in Bangladesh. But, to

put it in the economists' term it remained only as the poor

men's 'want' and could not become a 'demand' which JS backed

by the means of realization. Its progress seems to have

floundered, among other things, on a determinate tradition that is

made up of factionalism, ambiguity, isolation and opportunism,

among the advanced section of its workers. It also seems that the

persistence of the present structure of underdevelopment Ill

Bangladesh to a considerable extent will depend on whether or

not. this tradition undergoes self-transformation.

The Muslim Middle Class in Bangladesh

W.S. Blunt in his book, India Under Rrpow (1883-

1844) says "The pride of conquest is the bane of all

Mohammedan societies sprung from Northern Asia, and the

Mohammedan societies sprung from Northern Asia, and the

Mohammedan of India from the exception.

Yet it was to a large extent from these mercantile and

professional classes that the new bourgeoisie was later

drawn."

Our concern here ts with the Bengali Muslim

community. In Bengal particularly the Muslim missionaries

were in a position of effect mass converstons from t he lower

sections of the people to effect mass conversions from the

lower sections of the people of Bengal. (Therefore, during

the Muslim rule in the Bengali Muslim community we could

pro b a b I y find two distinct cIa sse s, the Mus I i m poI it i c a I

supremacy and the poverty-striken Muslim masses.

W. C Smith says, "A II competent observers agree that

the Government of India singled out the Muslim community

for deliberate repression for the first decade or so after the

Mutiny. What they mean is that the government repressed the 91

Muslim upper classes and the sections from which t he

middle classes would have been drawn.

The British r ule transferred the political power from

the hands of the Muslim rulers to the British merchant

capitalists and with such a transference of power,

degeneration set in among the Muslim feudal nobles.

In Bengal, persons like Syed Ameer Ali, Nawab Abdul

Latif, Nawab Nawab Ali Choudhury, Nawab Ali Choudhury,

Nawab Abdul Ghani and Nawab Salimullah of Decca came

forward to conciliate with the British and to take full

advantage of the fruits of British administration, that is, to

take advantage of the jobs and posts which the British

ad m i ni strati on had created for i t s own purposes. Thus

Muslims (meaning the Muslim rising middle class) began tot

he given more and more privileges (relatively more than its

Hindu counterpart), in jobs in education. The educated

Mus I i m middle c I ass was rapidly formed, and such an

educated Muslim middle class was rapidly formed, and such

an educated class is recruited from all sections of the society

; but this middle class desired to be maritally connected with

t h e " S h a r i f' c I a s s be c a u s e t h i s w o ul d g i v e t h em soc i a I s t at u s .

SECTION-B

Women's Status In Society

The concept of 'the status of women' Is one which

conceals as much as it enlightens. It ignores the enormous

variety of situations In which individual women may find

themselves~ according to position In the family, their own and

their relatives' occupation, their mcome, among other such

elements, the variations through time for each individual,

relating to age, position in the household, health, and perhaps

number of children, the fact that they have a varying relationship

with individual men and boys according to the various male

structures and life-cycles, and innumerable other factors. 16

The concept of 'status' has often been used as an

alternative to, or deliberate avoidance of the concept of 'class'.

However, the objections to a concept of women having a single,

definable 'status' apply also to the idea of women as a class,

'status' is essentially a state rather than dynamic concept.

I(, Barbara, Rogers, op. cit., pp 29- 35.

The c om m on form u I at i on ' statu s quo · i llu s t rates t h i s . a s does the

fact that ·status' and ·state' derive from the same Latin root,

stare, to stand. The connotation of this family of words may even

be characterized as 'feminine' as that is characterized 10

European language and values. Women are objectified, or seen

as passive objects which are acted upon by men! They do not act

on their own environment or behave as agents of change in their

relationships with men or with society in general, either as

individuals or as a group or groups. It is highly questionable

whether the men in most pre colonial cultures allocated such

qualities to· women, and unlikely that women would see

themselves in such a light. In fact, women in western society,

while consciously creating the illusion of their passivity, do not

generally act as if they accept the ideology themselves. They

are constantly initiating action, although often consciously

disguising their own key roles 10 decision-making and

implementation. They also take maJor responsibilities for

children, for example, and co-operate on a wide spectrum of

activities with each other. 17

17 Ibid. p. 30.

94

The position of women IS often considered as a test by

which the civilization of a country or age may be judged. The

test is extraordinarily difficult to apply, because of the difficulty

of determining what is any age constitutes the position of

women. The position of women is one thing in theory, another in

legal position. Yet another in everyday life. 18 If we see the

"status' in terms of third world countries we see the following

picture.

Zairian women's lives are disrupted by status and role

ambiguities. The Zairian constitution and its Legal code

prescribe one mode of behaviour, customary law and actual

practice contradict this. These contradictions between law and

social life tend to make Zairian women dependent on men. The

resulting conflicts pervade social life in Zaire today. Wom,en's

status itself beings about a value judgement that simultaneously

ranks the position of women relative to that of men and

differentiates their positions in terms of prestige, power, and

esteem, it de fines women's place in the social structure. The

chi e f I i mit at ion in operation a II y defining status is that no sing I e

I X Evleen Power, op. cit., p- 9.

95

measure of status can be applied to the majority of Zairian

women. They are not in the public VIew, and their more ordinary

activities are not highly visible.

Therefore, the position of those who carry out such

activities are frequently ignored. Their behaviour remains

unrecorded and unmeasured, and the group as a whole has low

status. However, there probably are gradations of status,

according to what are perceived as relevant indicators.

Indicators determine the prestige of social positions within any

group and must be considered. 19

Status Of Women In Bangladesh Context

In Bangladesh women's status IS inferior in companson to

men. This gender inequality begins m household with sex

inequality in distribution of authority and assets. Religions and

soc ia I injunctions restrict women's mo bi I i ty, economic and

l<J Lois, Adams, in "Women In Zaire" Desparate Status and Roles Beverly Lindsay (ed) 'Comparative Perspectives of Third World Women, The Impact of Race, Sex and Class. Praeger publishers. New York, U.S.A. 1980, pp. 55-6.

social independence. An overwhelming majority of women live

bet ween two vastly d i ffcren t worlds-one determined by reI igi ous

and c u l t u r a I t r ad it i on s, w h i c h con fi n e them w it hi n the h om est e ad

and the other shaped by increasing landlessness and poverty

which force them into wage employment for economic survival.

Over the past two decades, norms which segregated and

protected women, have tended to break down as a consequence

of the pattern of development. The issue of women's political

status i s sign i fica n t because it i s an i n d i cat or o f women ' s r o 1 e in

the policy making process. The realms of politics and policy a·re

inextricably intertwined ; polities provides the institutional and

organizational framework within which poI i cies are formula ted

and adopted. interests arc articulated and mediated. resources

mob i I i zed and a 11 ocate d. agenda set and go a Is ide n t i fie d for

. d I Jo future eve opment.-

Commission Report of Status of Women In Bangladesh 'Bangladesh Mohila Parishad; Dhaka, June. 1992. p. 7.

A New Challenge to Bangladeshi Women

Over the last two decades Bangladesh has undergone a

tremendous change in terms of women's participation in national

development. The major push came from two sources. One was

the UN Decade for creating a global awareness on the

subordinate status of women and the other, the increasing

poverty with increased pressure of population especially in the

developing nations. Both helped women in crossing the boundary

of four walls and undertaking the responsibilities of their

fa m i I i e s o n a n ex p an d e d c c on om i c r o I e . 2 1

The status of women in Bangladesh is a product of many

years of cultural, social and religions traditions. The practice of

purdah in this predominantly Muslim society with its condition

of female dependence and gender segregation has provided a

s t r o n g h i s tori c a I bas i s for est a b I i s h i n g w om e n · s r o I e s and

attendant division of labour within the household. In rural areas,

women's activities are limited primarily to the home and

21 Women In Development: A Guide Book For Planners. Ministry of Women and Children i\tbirs. Government of Peoples republic of Bangladesh. Dhaka. p.l.

IJX

homestead. In rural areas. women's activities are limited

primarily to the home and homestead. Overall, the inferior status

of women has been detrimental to their access to education,

nonagricultural employment, and participation In political

activities. The system, however, is being challenged as poverty

in forcing destitute women from traditional roles and even in the

urban middle class, economic pressures are pushing women into

employment outside the home. Employment options are

restricted by the slow pace of economic development and the

critical absence of job skills, Education for women IS seen as a

priority element in Bangladesh's development strategy. 22

Status versus Women 1n the Family

The Commission on the status on women (CS W) is one of

the first bodies established by UN Economic and social council.

Set up in 1946, it monitors the situation of women and promote

the rights 1n all societies around the world. It prepares

recom mcnda t ions and reports for the UN on any 1ssue affecting

L. Boyd Wennergren and Morris D. Witaker. An Owrview of Women's Roles and USJ\ID Programmes in Bangladesh by Dept or Economics. Utah State University. U.S.A.

women. In case of urgent problems, the commission can press for

in what international action to prevent or alleviate violation of

. . h 71 women s rtg t. --

Fami Iy is the basic unit of a society. The family has been

considered as "primary agents of constructive change and

development'', (UNO P, 1 994 ). According to J. Minces, .. The

fa m i 1 y i s the rea 1 centre o f m o s t act i v it i e s, be they soc i a 1 ,

economic, religious, educational or political." 24

Different types of Families 111 Bangladesh

I n 13 a n g I a d c s h w c h a v c m a i n I v t h r c c t y p e s o f fa m i I i e s .

( 1) Nuclear (Father Mother. and Children) family or without

children

(2) Non-Nuclear or Extended family consists An extended

fam i I y consist of two or more nuclear fami I ies a ffi I iated

23 The United Nations and the Status of Women : Setting the Global Gender Agenda, United Nations Reproduction Section, New York, DIP/167/WOM­May 1995.

J. Minc..:cs. The House Of Obedience: Women In Arab Socict)', Zed Press. London. 19R2. p. 20.

10()

through an extension of the parent-child relationship rather

t h an o f t h e h u s b a n d -w i fe r c I a t i on s h i p : i . c . h y j o i n i n g t he

n u c I ear fa m i I y o f a 111 a rr i e d a d u I t to that o f h i s p are n t s ... 2 5

(3) Single number of single family consists of a single person.

Bangladesh society m gomg through a changes in the

sphere of industrialisation urbanization and modernization

though these changes did not affect the traditional image of

woman in Bangladesh society. Still there might have been some

peripheral change affecting a minority of the female population

mainly based in urban areas.

The Girl Child In Bangladesh

The SAARC Conference on Children (New Delhi.

October, 1986) emphasized the imperative to Improve the

mother- child life cycle , starting with the girl child . The

Banglore SAARC Summit (November. 1986) placed children on

the annual summit agenda and created a viable bases for the

Islamabad SAARC Summit of 1988 to declare 1990 as the

P.G. Murdock. Social Structun:. Macmillan Co., New York. 1949.

I 0 I

··sAARC Year of the Girl Child". In 1990 the Male SAARC

Summit decided that the years 1991 to 2000 be designated as the

"SAARC Decade of the Girl Child''.

In Bangladesh there are 50 million children under 18 years.

Eighteen million of whom are below 5 years . Half of all deaths

in Bangladesh occur among children under 5 years of age .

About three-fourths of all children live below the poverty line.

The additional disadvantages faced by girls compared to boys

may be summarised as follows ;

a. She is less privileged both inside and outside the home

b . S h c h a s fc w c r o p p o r t un i t i c s for e d u c at i on

c . S h c i s nu t r i t i o n all y w or s c o ll

d. S h c has a I ower de g r c e o f p c r son a I safety .

M or c spec i fica II y the I i fe expectancy for g i r I 1 s I ower at

birth is I ower for girls than for- boys after the first few months

of a better chance of survival, child mortality rate (1- 4 years)

is consistently higher for girls than for boys . The reasons are

known; once wearing begins girl babies are given less food than

boys . placing them at higher risk of malnutrition and disease.

102

And parents seem to he slower tn seeking medical help for a

. k . I J(l SIC gtr -

The incidence of acute malnutrition ts worse for girls than

for boys tn all age groups, most girls recetvtng 20% fewer

calories than boys.

Table 2.3 Inequality in the parental family

Degree of Inequality Frequency Percentage

No 1 1 5 55 0 80

Yes 39 18.90

Not equal as male ---, _)J 16.00

members

Not available I 9 9.20

Total 206 100

Source: Field Study

26 "Situation OfThe Girl Child In Bangladesh" SAMATA: Bangladesh Decade Action Plan tor the Girl Child 1901-2000. Ministry of Social Welfare, Government of the Peopks Rcpuhl ic of Bangladesh. p.l5

10]

The above table g1ves an unequal gender biasness among

the respondents answers. Out of 206 half of the professionals

indicate that there are not the victim of gender discrimination in

their parental families. 39 (18.90%) answered that they are not

equally treated in their parents family just being born as a girl

child. Daughters are often considered a financial burden,

families regard sons as a economic assets who in childhood will

provide a source of cheap labour and in adulthood will support

their aged parents. 27

Gender

If the sex of a person is biologically determined the gender

of a person is culturally and socially constructed. There are thus

two sexes (male and female) and two genders (masculine and

feminine). The principal theoretical and political tssue IS

whether gender as a socially constructed phenomenon is related

to or determined by biology.

Gender is the term used to describe all the attributes that

we, regardless of sex, acquire in the process of socialization

27 Audrey, Chapman, Bangladesh, p. I I 4 10~

Gender Gaps 120~--------------------------~

100 . . ....... -......... -... . .. .. .. . -.. ... .. .

80 60 ......... - .. .. . ... ·-· ..... .. . .

40 20

Source: BBS (1992)

Woman ~Men 1Women as % of men

Gender speaks to differing expectations roles and values

ascribed by society or by groups of men and women as

appropriate behavior or endeavor for men, and defines our

. f I 2 !1 expectations o ourse ves.

Recognizing that women are not a homogeneous group,

gender analysis examines relationships within members of the

same sex and among males and females at different stages in the

life cycle. Gender analysis attempts to understand the structural

aspects of inequality, cultural, social and economic.

Gender Equality

In Pre-modern t1mes it was widely believed that \Vomen and

land were meant to be owned even by applying brute force.

Today, co-equality between sexes appears to be a natural

arrangement in all civilized societies. It is now accepted that sex

differentiation is but an accidental biological phenomenon like

co I or of the eye and that in no way it scienti fica II y impairs the

faculties of role perception and role-performance of an individual

in modern democratic social structure. Non-discrimination on sex

2X ~·he Penguin Dictionary of Sociology, op cit , p I 80 IO'i

ground answers both justice and human dignity. Since men and

women are two species under the same genus and complementary

to each other, they cannot be dignified social living if one half of

the human race is kept on a lower plank than the other half. John

Stuart Mill the nineteenth century intellectual, rightly says, "if

nature has not made men and women unequal, still less ought the

law to make them so". 29 A civilized society, therefore, is under

pressing obligation to create conditions whereby accidental

physical inequality is to be replaced by social and legal equality.

Table 2.4 Equality tn parental family of the professional

in s~1mple

nesponses Frequency Percent

Partially/Not equal as male 72 3 5. 00

Equal 115 55.80

Not Available 19 9.20

Total 206 100

Source Field Study

2') J S Mill and Harriet Taylor Mill, •:ssays on Sex Equality, University of Chicago Press, US;\, 1970, p 73

I()( I

The above table shows that 115 respondents answered

that they had enjoyed equality in their parents family. Other 72

responded that some of them did not have equality like male

members in their parents family. They were conditioned to the

fact that Male are superior to female in all respects, and it is

reflected in every sphere of life. Rest of the 19 who responded

had not answered to the question, they kept silent.

Discrimination In The Parental Family

A Ban glade sh woman's I i fe to a large extent is shaped by

her dependence on the three pillars of support her father, her

husband, her son. She is neither allowed nor expected to be

independent. Female inferiority and dependence emanate from

the social misbelieve that woman 1s physically weak,

intellectually poor, mentally inconsistent, timid and irrational

and psychologically emotional. Such a creature cannot exist

accept under comfort protection and supervision of man who is

supposed to be physically strong, assertive, rational, intelligent

and calculative.

107

Woman's position of inferiority IS secured by a system of

seclusion. She is not supposed to be visible in public and her

pe!l~ty should not be displayed. At puberty her mobility is

restricted within the close :i:._, group which includes brothers

brother-in-laws, uncles first cousins. She 1s not however,

allowed to be free with cousins. The female voice should not

reach male ears outside the household. She must therefore speak

in a low voice. Girls are admonished by their mother, "you are

female and should speak in a soft voice". The virtue of softness

and submissiveness in thus inculcated in girls.

In sociology discrimination is used more often to mean the

use, by a superordinate group, of its superior power to impose

customary or legal restriction and deprivation upon a

subordinate group 111 order to maintain a situation or privilege

and equality. 30 15 professionals report that their parents restricts

their movement. Even in urban areas girls are not allowed to

move fre~ty.

!\ N~:" Dictionar\ of Soc1olog\. op Cit. pp )(J-)7

lOX

One fundamental norm govern111g Bangladeshi social

organization the segregation of the sexes, follows the tradition

prevalent thought most of the Islamic world. In Bangladesh, as

in the Middle Eastern Muslim societies, the conjunction of a

high valuation of feminine chastity with the presumption that

women are driven by ungovernable impulses and are therefore

unreliable has resulted in a form of social organization based on

a strict separation of men from women. The principle of sex

s e greg at i on fin d s ex pres s 10 n both In physic a I sec Ius i on of

women and In the distinction between the social roles assigned

d Jl to women an men.

R e o a r d i n ,. t h e d i s c r i m i n a t i o n 1 s s u e s on e o f t h e 'H o f e s s i o n a I 0 0 t

reports -

"My Mother used to address me 'Apaya' (unlucky) and

this very address always made me gloomy in my childhood. She

did not even allow me to be educated. But by the grace of God I

had to made my mind to overcome this situation and continued

my studies. Now I am established person in society. Even my

11 Andr-=y. Chapml:JL Smock. op. cit . panglacksh. p 93 . . J()'J

husband does honour me because of my high salaried job. I get

more respect from my family and society."

Table 2.5 Distribution of the professionals on the question

of discrimination in their parental family in Sample.

Responses Frequency Percent

Burden /less freedom/ill treatment 63 30.60

No Discrimination 143 69.40

Total 206. 100

Source Field Study

The above table shows that out of 206 sample, 63

(30.60%) responded that they were the victim of gender

discrimination. Specially there were special treatment towards

sons not towards daughter. Because in Bangladesh society

girls are considered as a burden to their parents. They

responded that they had restriction to move outside their family

because of the fa m i I y reputation, some of them responded that

I I o

they had been treated as big burden to their parents' family.

And other responded that they had received ill treatment from

their parents being a girl child, specially from their mother.

Rest of 115 responded that they had not have any kind of

discrimination in their parental family. What they face in their

in-laws families.

Table 2.6 Decision making of the professionals by their

mothers in sample

Responses Frequency Percent

No important decision 95 46.10

Yes/absolutely I I I 53.90

Total 206 100

Source Field Study

The table shows that out of 206 cases Ill (53.90%)

professionals responded that their mother could have taken all

Ill

the important decisions in their family matters like children's

education, marriages, property, savings etc. And rest of the

95( 46. 1 0%) responded that their mothers could not take

important decision except on mtnor issues, like house keeping

and daily expenditure of the family.

Table 2. 7 Status of the professionals in their own family

Responses Frequency Percent

N eglected/l-lousewi fe/M other 78 37.90

Respected and responsible 88 42.70

Equal 40 19.40

Total 206 100

Source Field Study

The above table shows that regarding the status in their

o w 11 fa rn i I y 7 8 (3 7 . 9 0% ) res p o 11 d e d t h a t t h e i r stat us i n t h e i r ow 11

I 12

family in some cases is neglected, and in other cases it is that of

housewife and mother. Out of 206 cases 88 ( 42. 70%) responded

that their position in their own family is respectful as well as

responsible and 40 ( 19.40%) responded that they enjoyed equal

status in their own family like their male counterparts.

Table 2.8 Decision making power in own family in sample

Responses Frequency Percent

Husband 43 20.90

Jointly 102 49.50

!vi y se If 40 19.40

Father and mother 38 18.40

Total 206 100

Source : Field Study

The above table shows that in decision making matter. Out

of 206 cases, I 02( 49.50%) responded that they take decision

jointly (husband and wife)together. 43(20.90%) responded that

IIJ

111 important 1ssues husband takes the decisions. 38(18.40%)

responded their parents take the important decisions. Though

they are earning still these women did not attain the position to

take decision independently 111 their own families on critical

Issues and only 40( 19.40) responded that they themselves take

the decision themselves. They caul d take decisions marnage

1ssues, family properties as well as their own earner and rest of

the women responded that they could have taken decisions 111

children's education, family welfare, and other familial chores

too.

Table 2.9 Equal Status In Society By Profession In

Sample

Responses Frequency Percent

Partially 59 28.60

Yes 86 41.70

No. 61 29.60

Total 206 100

Source : Field Study

The above table shows that out of 206 professionals

86(41.70%) responded that they had equal status like their male

counterparts. 61 (29.60%) responded they had not been given

equal status because of the patriarchal society. And only 38.60 %

professionals responded that they had enjoyed partial status

along with their male counterparts.

Table 2.10 Is the status of Husband Competitive with the

Professional Women in Sample.

Responses Frequency Percent

Always/Yes 46 22.30

No I I 5 55.80

Sometimes 45 21.80

Total 206 100

Source : Field Study

115

The above table shows that 46 (22.30%>) responded

claiming that they feel that their status is always competitive

with their husband. They feel that their husband feel threatened,

but they need the money for the expenses of the family. Because

their husbands can't impose all the decision over them it

sometimes makes them irritant. Other 45(21.8%) responded that

sometimes they feel that their status Is competitive with their

husband because some of the professional husbands' official

position is lower than theirs. This creates psychological problem

to their husband, and other colleagues and friends and relatives

also do point it out. And 115 (55.18%) professional answered

that they never felt that their status is competitive with their

husband.

Equal Status to Daughter

In Islam religion it is said that unless a man begets a

daughter h~ can never attains paradise. So the birth of a daughter

in a Muslim family is welcomed mainly because the religious

t ex t s . 32 8 e s i d e s t h e r e I i g i o u s co m p u I s i o n 8 a n g I a d e s h i s on e o f

Shibani Roy, Status of Muslim Women in North India, B.R Publishing Corporation, Delhi, 1979, p 79 ·

'''·

the world's few countries where females have a I ower I i fe

expectancy, than their males : according to the Bangladesh

Bureau of Statistics, life expectancy at birth is 54.9 years for

women and ·55. 9 years for women and 55.6 years for men

(I 98 7). 33

One factor which noticeable in recent years that the kind of

attitudes is changing. Now because of education, employment

opportunities, urbanization, industrialization and most of all

modernization age creating a new approach toward tradi.tional

values and norms. Even people are interpreting the religious text

rationally against the prevailing beliefs. NGOs' are much more

concerned about women's disadvantageous pos1t1on Ill

Bangladesh society. So now women are not considered as

burden as earlier, rather they are been considered as a asset to

parents specially in urban educated class.

Bangladesh is a pre-dominantly agricultural country, so

son is always welcomed, so that they can be an asset to their

Heide1Rechter, Op cit., Bangladesh: Yesterday; Today, Tomorrows. Selected Articles on Health and Population Issues, Ankur Prakashan;, Dhaka, Bangladesh, 1993, p 20.

117

parents. In rural areas their has been a great change because of

the NGOs' Activity. Women are now not at home but in the

field.

Table 2.11 Equal Status To The Daughter By The

Professionals In Sample

Responses Frequency Percent

Son, Biasness/Human being 100 48:50

Equal 106 51.50

Total 206 100

Source : Field Study

The above table shows that 106 (51.50%) responded that

they do give equal status to their daughters and other 100

(48.50%) responded that some of them have a little bit bais

towards their son because they feel that in their old age the son

can take care of them, though it is only a psychological notion.

II X

Some of them also told that they do care for their daughters

more. because they did not give that motherly love and care from

their own mother so it is a reaction to their deprivation of equal

love from their mother.

Table 2.12 Reaction To Dowry System By The

Professional Women In Sample.

Responses Frequency Percent

Curse 74 35.90

Abolishment 98 4 7.60

Degraded the human dignity/ 34 16.50

influence of Hindu Religion

Total 206 100

Source Field Study

The above table shows that out of 206, 74 (35.9%) responded

that dowry is the curse in present day Bangladesh society. They

said even in educated class the bridegrooms family ask dowry in

II'!

different ways. In such class dowry became a symbol of status,

34 ( 16.5%) responded that this dowry system lowered the overall

status of women and this system came from Hinduism, because in

Islam its bride's parents who are supposed to get the dowry . But

this has been changed in present Bangladesh society. One of my

respondents answered that their own marriage has been broken

because of dowry demand though it was love marriage because

her husband was offered dowry from other girl. 98(4 7.6%)

responded that this dowry should be abolished immediately to

save the future generation.

Table 2.13 Reaction To Discrimination In The Social

Structure By The Professionals In Sample

Responses Frequency Percent

Change of social structure 63 30.60

Absolute discrimination 143 69.40

Total 206 100

Source: Field Study 120

The above table shows that out 206, 143 (69.40%)

responded that the discrimination against women lie in social

structure of a society and rest of 63 (30.60%) respondents told

that partial or absolute discrimination lies in the social

structure and women ,are the worst victim of this patriarchal

setting

777-- 69'2 I Table 2J~Suggestion to change the social structures

Responses

Education/Freedom/ Awareness

Change of social Structure/equal right

in inheritance

Change of Male attitude

Total

Source : Field Study

121

Frequency

92

66

48

206

Percent

44.70

32.00

23.30

100

This table shows that 92(44.70%) respondents suggest that

discrimination against women will be removed only when women

get education which ultimately give the awareness and freedom

so that they can fight against discrimination. 48 (23.30%)

professionals responded that the changes of male attitude only

can eradicate the discrimination. And other 66(32%) responded

that equal inheritance right can help to eliminate discrimination

which automatically will help to change the existing social

structure.

Class

Golclthorpe ( 1983) argues that women's position IS

determined by that of the man with whom they live, either

husband or father, 1he argues that the family, not the individual,

is the basic unit of soc i a I stratification . He suggests that in a II

important respects member of a family share the same life

chances. He argues further that the position of the family is

determined by that of the male breadwinner. He suggests that

w o m en do n o t b r i n g res o u r c e s of an y s i g n i fi can c e to t h e fa m i I y

so do not need to be taken into account tn determining the

p o s i t i on of t h e fa m i I y u n i t. 34

Goldthorpe identifies eleven social class categories 111

three major social classes for many purposes as follows :

Service I Higher - grade Professional, administrators,

and officials, managers Ill large

establishments, large proprietors.

II Lower -grade professionals, administrators,

and officials; higher-grade busines.sman;

managers in small business and industrial

establishments; supervisors of non-manual

employees.

Intermediate Ill A Routine non-manual employees 111

administration and commerce.

. l~

Ill b Personal service worker.

IVa Small proprietors, artisans, etc. with

employees.

IVb Small proprietors, artisans, etc. without

employees .

Sylvia Walby, Theorizing Patriarchy, Blackwell Publishers, Oxford, UK 1992, pp. 8-9.

12:\

IV c Farmers and small-holders,

fisherman.

self-employed

v Lower-grade technicians, s upervt sors of

ma11ual workers.

Working VI skilled manual workers.

VII a semi - skilled and unskilled manual workers

(not in agriculture).

VII b Agricultural workers.

Source : Adopted from the penguin Dictionary of Sociology,

Third Edition' Penguin Books, 19~~, f,60

Goldthorpe~s class analysis was criticized by many

critics. Firstlv "''

as many have pointed out, significant

members of people do not live in traditional nuclear families

of the male breadwinner, wife and children model (Acker,

1973, 1980; Alten, 1982; Garnsey, 1978; Murgatroyed, 1982;

Oakley, 1974; Stan worth, 1984 ), other types of household

composition include; single parent households, usually headed

by women; single-person households; unemployed households

in which no one had paid work; married couples where the

woman earns and, for reasons o f i II- he a It h, u n em pI o y men t,

12-l

et.::. the man does not. Further the proportion of traditional

households in steadily declining.

'Ia rx on Class

Marx analysed class in relation to the ownership of

capital and the means of production. 35 He divided the

population into those who owned property and who were

propertyless, the capitalist class and the proletariat. Class was

more than just a way of describing the economic position of

different groups, because Marx saw classes as tangible

collectivities and as real social forces with the capacity to

chant!e societv. ~ "

Modern class theorist have rejected the Marxist

definition, because the separation of capital ownership from

the management and control of industry makes

propertylessness such a broad category that it fails to

distinguish between groups, with different econom1c

Ibid, p. 57.

125

positions, which do not belong in the capitalist class or the

proletariat as traditionally conceived.

Max Weber on Class Theory

Max Weber divided the population into classes according

to economic differences of market capacity that gave rise to

different life-chances while property - owners were a class, as

Marx had emphasized, those whose skills were scarce on the

market and commanded high salaries also constituted a separate

class, Weber distinguished four classes :

(I) The propertied class

(2) The Intellectual class

(3) The Administrative managerial class

( 4) The Traditional petty bourgeois class of small

businessmen and shopkeepers; and the working class.

But Weberian approach to class, is not always easy in

practice, Moreover the conventional analyses has

concentrated on men and wrongly ignored women. Working 12(,

women are heavily concentrated 1n a handful of occupations:

mainly 111 certain professions. In order to assign a class

position to families, the class position of all family members

has conventionally been determined on the basis of the

occupation of one member, the husband/father who ts

regarded as the head of household and main breadwinner. 36

Delphy argues that housewives constitute one class and

husbands th 37 ano er. They have a relation of economtc

difference and of social inequality. She argues that

housewives are the producing class, engaged in domestic

labour, while husbands are the non-producing class,

expropriating the labour of their wives. These classes exist

within a patriarchal mode of production, in a manner similar

to the c I asses 111 other modes of production ide nti fie d by

Marx. Delphy IS thus arguing that housework is as much

production as any other form of work. It is not a separate

category, such as reproduction, consumption or an ideological

activity. Women perform this work under patriarchal relations

y, Ibid , p 61.

Sylvia. Walby. Op cit. p II 127

of production for the benefit of their husbands. Hence

husbands are constituted as the expropriating class and

housewives the direct producers.

Class In Bangladesh

A women's class position ts dependent on that of the

male guardian of her household (father, husband or son). We

get a very nice picture of women in Medieval Bengal by

Shahanara Hussains 'The Social life of women in Early

Medieval Bengal', where she wrote.

"In spite of all love, honor and respect shown to the

woman, the society, following the dictum of Manu, hardly

allowed her any independent status. Prior to her marriage she

must be under the protection and care of her father, brother or

any other member of her father's family. After marriage she

was under the protection and care of her husband and her only

mean of salvation was to serve him. After his decease she was

under the care and protection of her sons or other members of

the husbands' family or in absence of them of her father's

fa m i I y . The property she i n her i ted from a husband who was 12X

sonless she could not sell or dispose of without the consent of her guardians. In

fact she had to pass her life under the supervision of her male guardians and had to

depend most upon the natural instincts of love, affection and of duty possessed by

them. Whatever respect she got from society she got as the mother of a male child,

as a wife or as a daughter or sister. She had no independent status."38

Urban Middle Class Women in Bangladesh

The Bhadraloks constituted the middle-class of Bengal. The upper caste

Bhadralok remained aloof from the demanding occupations of commerce. Hence the

enormous wealth that was being accumulated by Bengal's integration in the world

market fell into the hands of non Bengali and foreign trading castes-particularly

Marwaris, Gujaratis and Armenians (Addy and Azad, 1973). I3ut if the Bhadralok did

not tap the wealth gained in commerce, neither did they descent into the dishonour of

physical labour. Thus, when in the early twentieth century industrial capital and

proletariate were accumulating around Calcutta, the Bhadraloks neither formed part of

the new industrial bourgeoisie nor participated in the labour which generated their

capital. Throughout the enormous social transformations the Bhadraloks were

sustained by state employment and incomes from the land. "Their 'middle class'

position was to limit their social vision and so impede their political development.

. IX Shahanara, Hussain, The Social Life of Women in Early Medieval Bengal, Ph.D . Thesis, University of London, 1975, pp. 40-41.

.J• -Project Age Structure 2000

60~4 ~------~--------~------~---~ 55-59 50-54 ~--------~------~---~-~ 45-49 ~----~-----!..-----'-·~

5 10 15

Source: BBS

SECTION -C

FACT FILE OF BANGLADESH

Bangladesh has possibly the richest inland fisheries in the

world. It still has more fish species then all of Europe combined,

up to five hundred including the close offshore river dependent

species. Fish of every species whether fresh or salt water., is of

the same profusion "Bengal abounds with every necessity, of

I . t' ,. 39 I C.

The French Traveller Francois Bernier, who visited Bengal

a r o u n d 1 6 6 0 r e p o r t e d t h a t i t '' P r o d u c e s r i c e i n s u c h a b u n d a !1 c e

t h a t i t s u p p 1 i e s n o t o n I y i t s n e i g h b or s b u t r e m o t e s tat e s . " 40

-Ill

Once upon a time, the country could boast of a thousand

S.F. Minkin. People Centered Fisheries Development in Bangladesh. A paper pn.:sented at an informal seminar of lJNDP. Dhaka. Bangladesh. 1994.

hancois. Bernier, Travels In The Mughal Empire, Revised Edition. V. A. Smith. (Trans.) Oxford University Press, London. 1914.

130

varieties of nce. Now most of the varieties are

extinct .There arc also decrease 1n the volume of rice of some

specific v a r i e ties .

Selected Basic Facts About Bangladesh

I. Geographical Location Between 20°34' and 26°38' north

latitude and between 88°0 I' and 92°41'

east longitude.

2. Boundary North : India, West India

South : Bay of Bengal

East India and Burma

3. Area 56977 sq. miles or 147570 sq. km.

4. Territorial water 12 nautical miles.

5. Administrative and other Units:

Number

Division 6

lila 64

Thana 490

Union 4,451

Mouza 59,990

Household 19,979,932

( 1991 Census)

Average Population, 1991, in '000 (Adjusted for undercount)

18566.7

1741.5

227.3

25.0

1.9

5.6 (Persons)

Number of Municipalities (Excluding city corporation) 127 as

of Oct. 1996.

~umber of City Corporation 4

6. Population data as on II March, 1991 (Population Census;

adjusted)

Total (in million)

Male (in million)

Female (in Million)

Annual growth rate (1981-1991): 112

I I I . 4

57.3

54. I

2.17%

7.

Sex ratio: (males per 100 females)

Density: (per sq. km.)

Literacy rate (7 years and above) :

Life expectancy at birth ( 1995) : Both Sex

C a p i t a I city

Male Female

Dhaka

106

750

32.4%

58.7

58.9 58.0

8. Area and Population of Statistical Metropolitan

Areas( SMA) 1 991 :

(population census adjusted).

Area (sq.km.) Population

Dhaka 1353 6,844,131

Chi ttagong 986 2,348,428

Khulna 267 1,001,825

Rajshahi 377 5,44,649

9. Main seasons Winter (November-February),

111

Summer (March- June),

Monsoon (July-October)

10. Climatic variations : Winter temperature average maximum 29°C

Winter temperature average minimum II °C

Summer temperature average maximum 34"C

Summer temperature average minimum 2I °C

Monsoon, average rainfall II94 mm to 345.4 mm.

I I. Standard time GMT+ 6 hours

12. Principal nvers: Paclma, Meghna, Jamuna, Brahmaputra,

Teesta, Surma and Karmphuli

(Total 230 rivers including tributaries)

13. Principal seasonal

crops and fruits Rice, wheat, jute, potato, sugarcane, tea,

tobacco, pulses, oilseeds, sptces,

vegetable, banana, mango, coconut and

jack fruit.

14. Principal industries:Jute & cotton textiles, garment making,

tea

processing, paper, newsprint, cement,

chemical fertilizers, I ight . .

engmeenng,

sugar.

15. Principal minerals:Natural gas, lignite coal, limestone,

ceramicclay and glass sand.

16. Principal exports :Ready made garments, raw jute, jute

manufactures, tea, fish, hides and skins,

and newsprint.

17. Ports. Sea Chittagong and Mongla

Inland River: Dhaka,Chandpur,Barisal, Khulna,

Baghabari, sirajganj, Sharishabari,

115

18 Airports

19. Radio Stations:

Narayanganj, Bhairab Bazar, Ashuganj.

Dhaka, chi ttagong,

Sylhet,

Jessore, Ishwardi,

Comilla, Cox's Bazar, Thakurgaon,

Syedpur,

Rajshahi and Barisal.

Of which intermational Dhaka,

chittagong and Sylhet.

Dhaka, chittauong 0 '

Khulna, Rajshahi,

Rangpur, Sylhet, rangamati, comilla and

Thakurgaon.

Broadcasting Programmes (In addition to

Bengali): in English, Urdu, Hindi, Arabic

and Nepali.

20. Television Station: Dhaka, Chittagong

Relay station: Chittagong, sylhet, Khulna, Natore,

Mymensingh, rangpur, Noakhali,

Satkhira, Cox's Bazar, Rangamati and

Tahkurgaon.

2 I. Educational institutions and enrollments

Govt. Universities ( 1995) : 1 1

None-Govt. Universities (1995) : I 8

Govt. Medical colleges ( 1995) : 13

Non-Govt. Medical College (1995) : 5

Engineering colleges ( 1995) : 4

Colleges ( 1994) : 1268

Polytechnic institutes ( 1995) : 20

Secondary schools ( 1994): I I 0 19

Primary school ( 1995) : 61550

University enrollment ( 1995) I34813

College enrollment (I994): I032635

Secondary school enrolment ( 1994 ): 4.9 million

Primary school enrolment ( I995) : 16.6 million

117

22. Health Facilities: 1995

Hospitals : 933

(of which Thana Health complex and Rural Health Complex, 395)

Hospital beds : 37131

Persons per Hospital bed : 3229

Registered Physician : 24638

Persons per Physician : 4866

Households per Physician : 810

,.., - _). GOP in 1994-95:

At 1984-85 constant market price : 609.8 Billion Taka

At current market price 1170.3 Billion Taka

Per capita G D P

At 1984-85 market price Taka 5086

And at current market price Taka 9780

24. Agricultural crop production index (1991-92=100):94

(1993-94)

llX

25. Energy production index (1981-82 = 100)

Electricity

Natural gas

376 (1994-95)

382 (1994-95)

26. Industrial production index (manufacturing)

( 1988-89= 1 00) 163 (1994-95)

27. Price indices (1969-70=100):

Wholesale prices of

Agricultural & industrial products : 14 79 ( 1994-95)

Consumer prices (Dhaka)

28. Money and Credit, June, 1995

Money supply (Narrow)

Money supply (Broad)

1878 ( 1 994-95)

(Billion Taka)

13 I. 8

422. I

Scheduled banks time deposits: 290.3

Scheduled banks credit

2 9. Govt. finance, 1994-9 5

Revenue receipt

Revenue expenditure

292.0

(Billion Taka)

142.1

99.9

Public sector development expenditure: 103.0

ll'J

Foreign exchange reserve as on 30-6-1995 123.0

US$ (million): 3070

30. Foreign aid, 1994-95 (Billion Taka)

Gross Disbursement 69.9

Debt. repayment: to which 18.8

Principal 12.6

Interest 6.2

31. Foreign trade, 1993-94 (P) (Billion TaKa)

(Billion US$)

Export (forb) : I 02.3 2.6

Import (cif) 125.2 3. I

Source :- Statistical Pocketbook of Bangladesh, 1996,

B a n g I a de s h B Lt'PJtt\..t.L o f S tat i s t i c s . S t at i s t i c s D i vi s i o n ,

Ministry of Planning, government of the Peoples republic

of Bangladesh, pp- 3-7.

1-W

ENVIRONMENTAL FEATURES OF BANGLADESH

700 rivers and tributaries

Land and water ratio at high flow- 60:40

Richest and most diverse fisheries and aquatic life

Sundarbans - the world's largest tidal flat mangrove forest

The deepest sedimentation basin

The largest deep sea fan

About I 000 paddy varieties

About 5000 threatened

plant varieties or "'''"'I - .) .) rare

More than 350 bird spectes including 27 threatened species

Source: l!Nf)P 's 1995 Report on Human Development in Bangladesh : Environment, Dhaka, Bangladesh, April, 1995, Box 2. 1' p.5 0

141

Conclusion

There is a whole literature on the status of women which

seems to offer us both a cross-cultural measure and a sense of

determinate relationships. Sometimes a single variable ts

presented as describing or predicting this status as when it ts

assumed, that high fertility connotes low 'status'; more often a

package of variables is presented as measuring 'status' (Mazey

and Lee, 1983). It clearly has considerable political value in the

struggle for women's rights, locally, nationally· and

internationally ; the term is then used with different meaning an

inter'pretation in different times and places, it is a deliberately

value-loaded expression, effective and emotive, not intended to

refer to a measurable quatity.

Stewart and Winter ( 1977) took UN data (mainly for the

1960s) for 'variables presumed to measure the status of women

these included political, education and economic indicators as

well as illegitimacy, age of marriage and measures of well,

being. Their factor analysis produced are factor, involving the

J.n

social and educational equality of the sexes, another for

. 1. 41

economic equa 1ty.

Status has two sociological uses (1) R. Linton (1936)

defined status simply as a positive in a social system, such as

'child' or 'parent'. Status refers to what a person IS, whereas

the closely linked notion of role refers to the behaviour expected

of people in a status (2) Status is also used as synonym for

honour or prestige, when social status denotes the relative

position of a person on a publicly recogan i zed scale or hierarchy

of social world. 42 F. Engles in 'The Origin Of The Family,

Private Pruperly' and the Slate' ( 1884 )was perhaps the first to

describe women's position or varying ace ord i ng to the prevai I i ng

economic and cultural relationships. Engles presents a historical

development from communal, egalitarian societies through the

rise of private property and the family to exploitative class

societies. Women in their scenario were initially dominant, but

became subordinate with the appearance of means of production

41

42

Jane, Pryer, "Production and Reproduction of Malnutrition in an urban Slum in Khulna, Bangladesh" in Janet , H. Momsen and Janet, Townsend (ed.), geography Of Gender In The Third World, State University ofNew York Press, Hutchinson, London, 1987, p. 13 I.

Nicolas, Abercrombie, Dictionary of Sociology, op. cit, p 411 J.n

w h i c h co u I d be p r i vat e I y own e d, spec i fi c a II y d om e s t i cat e d

animals. When men held private property in productive assets

and an exchangeable surplus; women came to work for their

husbands and families instead of for society : the division of

labour between the sexes became exploitative. With the rise of

capitalism, production and reproduction are same

becomes the locale of reproduction. 43

In Bangladesh the position of women and the role are very

important, not only because women constitute half of the human

resources but also because they have to bear the brunt of the

daily struggle for survival like any other developing countries.

Although women are not a homogenous social group, and their

position varies between and within countries, there are some

feat~res which are common to all societies. Historically their

role in biological reproduction has generally restricted women's

participation in the mainstream of social, economic and political

processes. But there is a revolutionary change in Bangladesh

that both the Head of the state is a women Prime Minister and

Janet, H. Momsen and Janet, Townsend (ed) 'The Engles Scenario" in Geography of Gender in the Third World, State University of New York Press. Hutrr;chinson, London, 1987, p. 6 7

l.t.t

the leader of the opposition IS also a women. The being a

traditional society, Bangladeshi women achieved political

success, what even the women from developed countries could

not achieve. So this change IS remarkable change against

traditional social settings. This 1s a maJor break through m the

changing position of women in Bangladesh. 44

Ibid, Janet, H Momsen and Janet, Townsend (ed ), p 67. l-l5