· riverside county oks ban on industrial hemp operations the county is in the process of...
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Riverside County OKs Ban On Industrial Hemp Operations The county is in the process of developing a regulatory framework under which commercial cultivation of marijuana may be eventually allowed. By Patch CA, News Partner | Feb 27, 2018 6:58 pm ET
RIVERSIDE COUNTY, CA — Riverside County supervisors Tuesday approved an interim ordinance prohibiting the industrial cultivation of hemp in unincorporated communities as a precautionary move against potential criminal activity. The Office of County Counsel submitted the measure, for which the board voted 5-0 without comment. According to Chief Counsel Greg Priamos, the urgency, or interim, ordinance is needed to clarify that all forms of commercial cannabis production are not permitted in the unincorporated areas at this time. "The unpermitted cultivation of industrial hemp may pose the same threats to the public health, safety or welfare as the unpermitted cultivation of cannabis," Priamos wrote in an introduction to the ordinance. "Such urgent and immediate threats include, but are not limited to, an increased likelihood of criminal activity, the attraction of crime and associated violence, a strain on county resources, and a detrimental impact on agriculture within the region resulting from exotic weeds, plant diseases, mites and other insects that are prevalent in industrial hemp," he wrote. Hemp has its advocates, who argue it has myriad beneficial industrial applications, including in the creation of fuels. No one spoke against the ordinance. The county is in the process of developing a comprehensive regulatory framework under which commercial cultivation of marijuana may be allowed. However, those regulations are not expected to be brought forward until this summer, and they'll likely be subject to approval by voters countywide in November.
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County attorneys acknowledged that Senate Bill 94, which established the Medicinal & Adult-Use Cannabis Regulation & Safety Act last June, as well as Proposition 64, which voters statewide approved in November 2016, open the way for industrial production of hemp, just like commercial cultivation of its close relative, marijuana. However, the regulatory scheme is vague and slated for revision by the California Department of Food and Agriculture by way of its Industrial Hemp Advisory Board, which is expected to bring forward recommendations this fall. The federal Agricultural Act recognizes that institutions of higher learning and state agencies, or entities under state contract, may engage in hemp production for research purposes. County staff said UC Riverside is proceeding with a hemp research project, and the ordinance that the board ratified will have no bearing on the university's objectives. The main difference between hemp and unadulterated marijuana is the tetrahydrocannabinol -- or THC -- content. Hemp leaves have about three-tenths of 1 percent of the compounds contained in cannabis leaves, according to the Office of County Counsel. "The physical appearance of cannabis and industrial hemp (is) virtually the same, and the only way to distinguish them is to test for the THC content," attorneys wrote. The complications of trying to distinguish between genuine hemp producers and businesses that produce consumer cannabis are sufficient grounds for prohibiting everything at this point, according to Priamos. The ordinance will take effect immediately and remain enforceable by sheriff's deputies and code enforcement officers for 45 days. The board can renew the ordinance as many times as it desires going forward, or enact a permanent zoning regulation, according to the Office of County Counsel. — By City News Service
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2/28/2018 District Attorney Rackauckas deletes online critics; ACLU says that’s a civil rights violation – Orange County Register
https://www.ocregister.com/2018/02/23/district-attorney-rackauckas-deletes-online-critics-aclu-says-thats-a-civil-rights-violation/#nws=mcnew… 1/3
By TONY SAAVEDRA | [email protected] | Orange County RegisterPUBLISHED: February 23, 2018 at 5:45 pm | UPDATED: February 24, 2018 at 7:52 am
111 COMMENTS
Orange County District Attorney Tony Rackauckas was accused of violating free speech laws Friday by the American Civil Liberties Union. TheACLU wants Rackackaus to stop blocking critical tweets and Facebook posts on the District Attorney Office’s social media accounts. (Photo by JeffGritchen, Orange County Register/SCNG)
Southern California’s civil rights watchdog is accusing Orange County District Attorney Tony Rackauckas of illegally deleting negative
comments from his government Facebook and Twitter accounts.
The American Civil Liberties Union of Southern California sent a letter Friday to Rackauckas asking him to stop removing unflattering
online comments, arguing that such actions by a government official violate the First Amendment.
“We strongly urge your office to cease… unconstitutional censorship,” said the letter, written by attorney Brendan Hamme. “As you surely
know, by blocking those who have criticized you or your Office, you make it far more difficult for those individuals to engage with both
your Office and others who use social media for the discussion of important topics, including your malfeasance.”
NEWS
District Attorney Rackauckas deletes online critics; ACLUsays that’s a civil rights violation
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2/28/2018 District Attorney Rackauckas deletes online critics; ACLU says that’s a civil rights violation – Orange County Register
https://www.ocregister.com/2018/02/23/district-attorney-rackauckas-deletes-online-critics-aclu-says-thats-a-civil-rights-violation/#nws=mcnew… 2/3
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Rackauckas’ spokesperson, Michelle Van Der Linden, dismissed the request.
“The ACLU routinely attacks the Orange County District Attorney’s Office due to our aggressive pursuit of sexual offenders and gang
members.
“The OCDA remains committed to the business of putting criminals behind bars and keeping our residents, visitors, and members of the
business community safe,” Van Der Linden said.
Hamme has some history with the district attorney’s office. In June, Hamme was hit by a car while protesting outside a fund-raiser for
Rackauckas. The car was driven by the husband of one of Rackauckas’ key supporters. No charges were filed.
On Friday, Hamme said federal courts have ruled social media pages run by elected officials to be constitutionally protected free speech.
He said Rackauckas was violating the rights of critics to have their voices heard on government social media pages that include his name
or the stamp of the office.
There is no mention in the comment sections of Rackauckas’ Facebook or Twitter pages about a jailhouse informant scandal in Orange
County that has prompted an ongoing federal investigation of his office and the sheriff’s department, or of revelations that in some cases
police and prosecutors have withheld evidence from defense attorneys in an effort to win convictions.
There is also no mention of the district attorney’s office being kicked off the case of Orange County’s deadliest mass killer, Scott Dekraai,
who confessed to killing eight people at a Seal Beach salon in 2011. Though the judge in the case said in September he would have
sentenced Dekraai to death, he instead sentenced Dekraai to eight terms of life in prison, and specifically cited “misconduct” by the DAs
office and the sheriff’s department as the reason for that sentence.
And there is no mention of the former chief of investigations and two investigators who accused Rackauckas of cronyism.
“Absolutely nothing is amiss in these online locales where Rackauckas portrays himself as a just and benevolent leader backed by 100%
of an adoring populace,” Hamme wrote in a release to the media.
Hamme said the constitutional law on social media is pretty simple.
“If government officials allow comments on their Facebook posts, they must allow all comments about the subject of that post,” he wrote.
“Similarly, if the government has a Twitter page where anybody can tweet at the official, it can’t block people who tweet critical
comments.”
The letter asks Rackauckas to respond to Hamme in writing by March 9.
Saavedra.TonyTony SaavedraTony Saavedra is an investigative reporter specializing in legal affairs for the Orange County Register. His work has been
recognized by the National Headliner Club, the Associated Press Sports Editors, the California Newspaper Publishers Association, theOrange County Trial Lawyers Association and the Orange County Press Club. His stories have led to the closure of a chain of badly-rungroup homes, the end of a state program that placed criminals in inappropriate public jobs and the creation of a civilian oversight
Tags: Top Stories OCR
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The good news: Sensational powder ahead. The bad news: Polar temps and bad roads coming first
By CHRIS ERSKINE
FEB 28, 2018 | 7:00 AM
Lake Tahoe on Tuesday. More snow expected later this week. (Vail Resorts)
Mammoth and Lake Tahoe looked like snow globes Tuesday after winter storms graced the resort areas
the past few days, and an even bigger blast is expected to roll in Wednesday night, reaching from the
Northern Sierra to the resorts that rim Los Angeles.
Bring chains and emergency kits with extra food if you're traveling near California mountains the next
few days.
The biggest snows, driven by high winds, will roll into Tahoe on Wednesday night and bash Mammoth
before sunrise Thursday morning. The storm is accompanied by polar air. Highs on Friday and Saturday
are expected to reach only into the teens and 20s.
The National Weather Service issued a winter storm warning through Saturday morning and warned
travelers that conditions could be lethal for those who are unprepared.
But the March Miracle that California resorts were hoping for seems to be developing fast. Arriving like a
lion, the storm system is expected to dump 5 feet along the Sierra crest, and several feet on the slopes
in Mammoth and Tahoe. Highway 395, the main pipeline through the Eastern Sierra, is expected to see
at least a foot of snow.
Ski conditions were finally top notch across California on Tuesday. Snow Valley, less than 2 hours from
L.A., received 8 inches overnight Monday, and more was falling Tuesday. The new snow comes atop 9
inches received last week.
Big Bear was touting 8 inches of fresh light powder as well.
If you're going to Mammoth for the weekend, leave Wednesday, under sunny skies. By late Wednesday,
the storm system will begin to make driving treacherous.
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California road condition hotline: (800) 427-7623.
The Sierra forecast
Wednesday night: Snow developing, turning heavy after 10 p.m.
Thursday: Snow. Highs around freezing. South winds 20 to 25 mph, with gusts up to 45 mph.
Friday: More snow. Highs in mid-20s.
Saturday: Snow tapering by late morning. Mostly cloudy, with highs in mid-20s.
Sunday-Monday: Mostly sunny, with a high near 30.
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Woman, 19, crossing Highland street stuck, killed by bus
By BEATRIZ E. VALENZUELA | [email protected] | San Bernardino Sun
PUBLISHED: March 1, 2018 at 8:08 am | UPDATED: March 1, 2018 at 8:27 am
A 19-year-old woman was struck and killed by a Omnitrans bus as she tried to run across a Highland
street late Wednesday night, San Bernardino County sheriff’s officials said Thursday.
Lyric Monee Franklin was crossing Ninth Street from north to the south and east of Newcomb Street at
around 10:30 p.m.
“As she stepped out from behind a parked vehicle, she walked into the path of an oncoming Omnitrans
bus and was struck,” a sheriff’s statement says.
Cal Fire paramedics and sheriff’s deputies responded; she was pronounced dead at the scene.
ADVERTISING
Video shows a Line 15 Omnitrans bus, which runs into Downtown San Bernardino, sitting in the middle
of the road as deputies and bus officials investigate. A single sandal sits in the middle of Ninth as
neighbors come out of their homes to see what happened.
The roadway was shut down for several hours.
Investigators asked that anyone with information on the incident call the Highland station at 909-387-
8313.
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Why Is California Rebuilding in Fire Country? Because You’re Paying for It
After last year’s calamity, officials are making the same decisions that put homeowners at risk in the first
place.
Derek Webb (left) and a potential investor discuss whether to buy the burned Mayacamas Ranch and
make it a new resort. Webb was able to save his own nearby ranch.
PHOTOGRAPHER: LUCAS FOGLIA FOR BLOOMBERG BUSINESSWEEK
By
Christopher Flavelle
March 1, 2018, 1:00 AM PST
From
At the rugged eastern edge of Sonoma County, where new homes have been creeping into the
wilderness for decades, Derek Webb barely managed to save his ranch-style resort from the raging fire
that swept through the area last October. He spent all night fighting the flames, using shovels and rakes
to push the fire back from his property. He was even ready to dive into his pool and breathe through a
garden hose if he had to. His neighbors weren’t so daring—or lucky.
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On a recent Sunday, Webb wandered through the burnt remains of the ranch next to his. He’s trying to
buy the land to build another resort. This doesn’t mean he thinks the area won’t burn again. In fact, he’s
sure it will. But he doubts that will deter anyone from rebuilding, least of all him. “Everybody knows that
people want to live here,” he says. “Five years from now, you probably won’t even know there was a
fire.”
As climate change creates warmer, drier conditions, which increase the risk of fire, California has a
chance to rethink how it deals with the problem. Instead, after the state’s worst fire season on record,
policymakers appear set to make the same decisions that put homeowners at risk in the first place.
Driven by the demands of displaced residents, a housing shortage, and a thriving economy, local officials
are issuing permits to rebuild without updating building codes. They’re even exempting residents from
zoning rules so they can build bigger homes.
State officials have proposed shielding people in fire-prone areas from increased insurance premiums—
potentially at the expense of homeowners elsewhere in California—in an effort to encourage them to
remain in areas certain to burn again. The California Department of Forestry and Fire Protection (Cal
Fire) spent a record $700 million on fire suppression from July to January, yet last year Governor Jerry
Brown suspended the fee that people in fire-prone areas once paid to help offset those costs.
Critics warn that those decisions, however well-intentioned, create perverse incentives that favor the
short-term interests of homeowners at the edge of the wilderness—leaving them vulnerable to the next
fire while pushing the full cost of risky building decisions onto state and federal taxpayers, firefighters,
and insurance companies. “The moral hazard being created is absolutely enormous,” says Ian Adams, a
policy analyst at the R Street Institute, which advocates using market signals to address climate risk. “If
you want to rebuild in an area where there’s a good chance your home is going to burn down again, go
for it. But I don’t want to be subsidizing you.”
The building boom has vastly increased the potential damages from fire. In 1964 the Hanly Fire in
Sonoma County destroyed fewer than 100 homes. Last fall the Tubbs Fire, which covered almost the
same ground, destroyed more than 5,000 homes and killed 22 people. And though it was the most
destructive, the Tubbs Fire was just one of 131 across California in October. By the end of the year, more
than 1 million acres had been burned and 10,000 buildings destroyed.
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Kat Geneste looks through the debris of her Sonoma home. She hopes to rebuild so she can eventually
sell the property.
PHOTOGRAPHER: LUCAS FOGLIA FOR BLOOMBERG BUSINESSWEEK
The next fire may be worse. Sonoma has begun issuing building permits for houses to go back up. Rather
than strengthening building codes, the county has weakened rules—passing temporary ordinances that
let people expand their homes beyond their previous size and waiving development fees for new units.
Other areas hit by fires in 2017, including Anaheim and Ventura, have similarly exempted homeowners
from some zoning rules.
Susan Gorin, one of Sonoma’s five elected county supervisors, represents some of the areas hardest hit
by the fires. While acknowledging the dangers, Gorin, who lost her own home, says the county has
made clear that residents will be allowed to rebuild. “One could make the argument that people were
not meant to live in those environments,” she says. But she doesn’t feel it’s her place to make that call.
“From my perspective, it is very difficult for governments or anyone to tell another person, another
property owner, that they could not, should not, rebuild.”
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One of the issues, in Gorin’s view, is fairness: Why should the people whose homes burned be penalized
and not those whose homes were spared? “It’s pretty hard to say what is defensible and what is not
defensible,” she says. “Are we telling the fire victims that they can’t rebuild, but we’re going to let the
other folks remain in place?”
Ray Rasker has been thinking about this issue for years. As a consultant in Montana, he advises
governments on how to reduce the damage from wildfires while allowing for development. He says
officials’ motive for allowing rebuilding has less to do with fairness than it does with money. “The
economics of the West have changed,” he says. Twenty years ago, local budgets came largely from
resource extraction, including lumber, oil and gas, and mining. “The new cash cow is homebuilding,”
Rasker says. “When they look at a new subdivision, they’re thinking tax revenues. And that clouds their
judgment.”
Rasker says part of the problem is perverse incentives: Local officials know that most of the cost of fire
suppression and disaster recovery will be paid by state and federal taxpayers. But he warns that putting
homes at the forest’s edge costs communities more than they realize. “The suppression cost is about 10
percent of the total,” he says. The rest is harder to see: reduced home values, lost tax revenue, higher
insurance costs, closed businesses, even higher medical bills. He estimates half the cost of a wildfire is
ultimately borne by the community affected.
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A washer-dryer on Foothill Ranch Road in Santa Rosa, Calif.
PHOTOGRAPHER: LUCAS FOGLIA FOR BLOOMBERG BUSINESSWEEK
Nonetheless, local officials almost always decide that rebuilding makes sense despite the risk that the
houses will burn again. Anu Kramer, a researcher at the University of Wisconsin at Madison, looked at
what happened to 3,000 buildings destroyed by wildfires in California from 1970 to 1999. She found that
94 percent were rebuilt. The result is that fires consistently—and predictably—destroy homes in the
same place.
“I’ve heard firefighters tell me that they’ve been on the line, and they’d have this eerie sense of déjà
vu—they’d think, I’ve been here before,” says Christopher Dicus, a professor of wildland fires and fuels
management at California Polytechnic State University. “The key is to avoid building in places that are
known fire hazards.”
Nobody illustrates the tension in California’s wildfire policy better than Dave Jones. As a state legislator
a decade ago, he introduced a bill requiring local governments to account for fire protection. It was
vetoed by then-Governor Arnold Schwarzenegger, who said Cal Fire “should not be in the position of
having to act as a local land agency.” As a result, the state fire agency is “now fighting to defend
subdivisions in high-risk fire areas that they never had to defend before,” Jones says. “The state has to
pick up the cost of that. There’s an externalization of the cost of those decisions.”
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Jones has since become California’s insurance commissioner. In January he asked lawmakers for more
authority to stop insurers from raising premiums or dropping customers in response to the growing risk.
Jones says his position hasn’t changed and that he still supports using local planning and regulation to
limit development in fire-prone areas. He just thinks higher premiums are, by contrast, a “crude tool.”
The state’s insurance industry, which faces a record $12 billion in claims after last year’s wildfires, warns
that tying insurers’ hands will only push costs onto homeowners elsewhere in California. “Of course,
people who choose to live in the forest and local governments that continue to approve development in
the forest would like less fire-prone areas to subsidize them,” says Rex Frazier, president of the Personal
Insurance Federation of California, which represents the industry. “But that just solves one problem by
creating another.”
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Even attempts at small fixes have failed. In 2011 the legislature levied a fee on people who live in “state
responsibility areas”—zones outside cities where the state, rather than local officials, carries the burden
of dealing with wildfires. But the fee, which topped out at about $150, proved deeply unpopular among
the 800,000 or so households that paid it. Last July the governor scrapped it, replacing the revenue with
state funds. Brown’s office declined to comment.
Tea cups arranged on the steps of a burned home on Thomas Lake Harris Drive in Santa Rosa, with the
Fountaingrove Club’s golf course in the background.
PHOTOGRAPHER: LUCAS FOGLIA FOR BLOOMBERG BUSINESSWEEK
California is just the most obvious example of a national dilemma. In 2013, after 19 firefighters died
fighting a wildfire in Arizona, officials in Montana decided it was no longer fair for homeowners to put
firefighters at risk by deciding to live at the forest’s edge. The Lewis and Clark Rural Fire Council issued a
resolution declaring it wouldn’t go out of its way to save homes in the “Wildland/Urban Interface.” The
resolution was written by Sonny Stiger, a retired U.S. Forest Service employee. “There is only one way to
say this: No, we are not going to risk our lives to save your house,” he said when the resolution was
released. The response from homeowners was swift and furious: Hate email began pouring in almost
immediately.
Still, Stiger says, using regulations to keep people from building in dangerous areas is even harder.
“When you say ‘zoning regulations,’ people almost come unscrewed.” The only way to produce real
change is for the federal government to get stricter about the places it will save from fires, he adds: “The
Forest Service is going to have to say, ‘From this date on, we’re not protecting those homes.’ ”
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In 2016, Rasker, the Montana consultant, took that message to the Obama administration. Invited to the
White House for a meeting about wildfires, he argued that local officials were issuing building permits
near national forests and parks knowing that federal forest firefighters were likely to protect them—and
pick up the cost. “There’s this disconnect between local land-use authority and what happens when
things go wrong,” Rasker recalls saying. He urged officials to seek ways to increase federal grants and
other payments to communities that made smart land-use decisions and cut funds for those that didn’t.
The White House staff said they agreed with him, Rasker says. Nothing changed.
All the houses on Crescent Circle in Santa Rosa burned. Some on the next block were untouched.
PHOTOGRAPHER: LUCAS FOGLIA FOR BLOOMBERG BUSINESSWEEK
Tom Harbour was at that meeting as director of the U.S. Forest Service under Obama. He says until local
communities get clearer financial signals about the risk of building in vulnerable areas, there’s not much
the federal government can do about it. “We’ve designed the system to incentivize and
compartmentalize those kinds of behaviors,” he says. “We look only to tomorrow, instead of 10 or 50
years out.”
Back in Sonoma, Kat Geneste, a retired police officer, wanders through the ruins of the house she
bought four years ago. October’s fire was the third she’s lived through, she says, and by far the worst.
She recalls flames surrounding her car, hearing propane tanks exploding every few seconds, and even
seeing animals on fire. At one point, she was certain she’d die. “I kind of kissed my ass goodbye.”
Still, Geneste says she hopes to rebuild her home, then sell it later, once prices recover. Like Webb, she’s
not worried that the fires will scare off buyers. If anything, she expects the houses that go up will be
even bigger and better than the ones they replace. After what she went through, does she have any
advice for people considering whether to live in the area? Yes: “It’s a good time to buy.”
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Are the days of Riverside County sheriff’s deputies patrolling large cities numbered?
A Riverside County sheriff’s deputy patrols Moreno Valley in this 2017 file photo. Riverside County
supervisors have raised the possibility that large cities like Moreno Valley might form their own police
departments instead of contracting with the county Sheriff’s Department. (File photo by Terry Pierson,
The Press-Enterprise/SCNG)
By JEFF HORSEMAN | [email protected] | The Press-Enterprise
PUBLISHED: February 28, 2018 at 4:47 pm | UPDATED: February 28, 2018 at 6:50 pm
For decades, the sight of Riverside County sheriff’s deputies patrolling cities they serve as the local
police force has been as familiar as palm trees and distant mountaintops.
But two county supervisors have raised the prospect of large cities like Moreno Valley going their own
way for law enforcement instead of relying on the Sheriff’s Department. The Board of Supervisors voted
unanimously Tuesday, Feb. 27, to put off approval of a revised sheriff’s contract for Moreno Valley for
60 days.
The delay — which also affects a contract with the smaller city of Rancho Mirage — is meant to provide
time to see if money-saving ideas from consulting firm KPMG can be incorporated into cities’ contracts.
County officials also are concerned the county isn’t getting enough from cities to recoup the cost of law
enforcement services, especially in cities of 100,000 or more.
It’s part of a complex and at times acrimonious debate over the Sheriff’s Department’s funding levels
and whether it can run more efficiently. Sheriff Stan Sniff, who has said county budget cuts have taken
their toll on his department, has repeatedly criticized KPMG’s work as ineffective.
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Riverside County Supervisor John
Tavaglione. (File photo)
In turn, Supervisor John Tavaglione has lambasted the sheriff for, he says, not cooperating with cost-
cutting efforts meant to fix chronic budget shortfalls that threaten public services and possibly
employees’ jobs.
The Moreno Valley contract before supervisors, which would run from fiscal year 2017-18 to mid-2022,
would modify an existing pact for sheriff’s services. Moreno Valley would pay $223 million over the
contract’s lifetime, with more than 30 positions, including 26 deputy slots, being eliminated.
The Sheriff’s Department provides police services for 17 of the county’s 28 cities under contracts that
guarantee a certain level of service. By law, the county can’t make a profit from those contracts.
Contract rates have risen in recent years, and officials in contract cities have said it’s gotten harder to
afford the cost of service — which they find satisfactory aside from the price.
Supervisors have their own problems with the contracts, saying the rates don’t fully recoup the cost of
service. KPMG, which is getting more than $40 million to make county government more efficient, was
originally brought on to study the contract rate.
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Riverside County Supervisor Marion Ashley,
(Courtesy photo)
Supervisor Marion Ashley, whose district includes Moreno Valley, made the motion Tuesday to delay
action on the Moreno Valley and Rancho Mirage contracts, but offered reasoning that sheriff’s officials
later disputed.
He said the Sheriff’s Department transfers deputies assigned to unincorporated areas to contract cities
when deputies patrolling those cities get sick, go on vacation or need time to recuperate from injuries.
That may have been fine when more deputies were in the field, but with tighter budgets and less
staffing, he said, “Anytime that we pull somebody out of the unincorporated area … we’re leaving the
county less protected than it was before.”
In an emailed response, sheriff’s officials said Ashley’s comments “are perhaps based on mistaken
information – information certainly not provided by the Sheriff’s Department regarding our contract city
operations over several decades.”
The department does not “routinely ‘pull’ county patrol deputies to staff contract city operations at the
expense of county taxpayers,” the statement read. It said the department is prohibited from
“subsidizing” the contract cities with county resources, and vice versa.
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Cuts to staffing in unincorporated areas are due solely to county budget cuts, according to sheriff’s
officials.
Supervisor Kevin Jeffries said it was his understanding that Moreno Valley — the largest city with a
sheriff’s contract, having just over 200,000 residents — is a major driver of liability costs stemming from
lawsuits against law enforcement. Litigation arising from officer-involved shootings or allegations of
police brutality contributes to the county’s liability expenses, which have gone up in recent years.
“And frankly, there’s the potential that the county is not going to do contracts for extremely large cities
going forward,” Jeffries said. “If that’s a decision the board wants to make, we need to give those one or
two or three cities, two or three years’ notice to make plans go out on their own, if that’s the direction
we choose to go because we lose money with these contract cities.”
Tavaglione, who has said large cities should have their own police departments, called for the 60-day
delay in approving contracts for Moreno Valley and Rancho Mirage instead of the 30 days Ashley
suggested.
“This is a process that we’re going through to find the efficiencies in our contracts to help our cities
where appropriate,” Tavaglione said. “In doing so, we may decide that the larger cities may find a need
to go their own. At the same time, we may find that we can create very strong efficiencies for them.”
In an emailed statement, Moreno Valley City Manager Tom DeSantis said the city has been “well served”
by the Sheriff’s Department.
“Public safety remains the highest priority for our City Council and we look forward to moving forward
with our county partners in a responsible manner,” he wrote.
Nine contract cities – Coachella, Jurupa Valley, Lake Elsinore, Menifee, Moreno Valley, Perris, San
Jacinto, Temecula and Wildomar – hired a consulting firm to gauge the feasibility of a forming an
alliance to handle police services as an alternative to rely on the Sheriff’s Department.
Those efforts have yet to produce a formal plan for police protection, although a consultant hired by the
nine cities found a joint powers authority could save those cities a combined $14 million a year in law
enforcement costs.
DeSantis said Moreno Valley is in “active discussions with our colleagues regarding the next steps in this
study.”
Under contract
Of Riverside County’s six cities with at least 100,000 residents, three — Riverside, Corona and Murrieta
— have their own police forces, and three — Moreno Valley, Temecula and Jurupa Valley — contract
with the Sheriff’s Department. Among smaller cities, eight have police departments and 14 have sheriff’s
contracts.
Cities with sheriff’s contracts: Calimesa, Canyon Lake, Coachella, Eastvale, Indian Wells, Jurupa Valley,
La Quinta, Lake Elsinore, Menifee, Moreno Valley, Norco, Palm Desert, Perris, Rancho Mirage, San
Jacinto, Temecula, Wildomar
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Cities with police departments: Banning, Beaumont, Blythe, Cathedral City, Corona, Desert Hot Springs,
Hemet, Indio, Murrieta, Palm Springs, Riverside
Editor’s note: This story has been updated to correct that Palm Springs is among the cities with its own
police department.
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L.A. County Sheriff's Department trainee stole $100,000 from ATM, authorities allege
By RICHARD WINTON
FEB 28, 2018 | 5:55 PM
A Los Angeles County Sheriff's Department recruit a couple of months into academy training was
arrested in connection with a theft from a Newhall bank ATM that saw more than $100,000 taken.
Julio Cesar Jimenez, 35, was taken into custody Feb. 15, two months after he was hired by the
department. At the time of the theft in late November, Jimenez was working as a licensed security guard
for an armored car company, according to a source familiar with the investigation.
His arrest is another black mark for the Sheriff's Department recruiting program that in the last decade
has seen several trainees and rookies arrested for crimes.
"Suspect Jimenez is no longer employed by the Department," Capt. Darren Harris said in a statement
Wednesday in reply to questions about the arrest.
Jimenez was arrested in connection with a sophisticated grand theft of money from a Newhall bank
automatic teller machine Nov. 28, just two weeks before he formally joined the Sheriff's Department. He
is also suspected of a Dec. 1 arson.
The Santa Clarita resident was booked on suspicion of theft, arson and embezzlement. During a search
of his home, investigators recovered much of the stolen $120,000, according to sources.
Harris said Jimenez, who formally started working for the department Dec. 18, was in the first phase of
the 22-week academy "when the discovery of his potential involvement in the crimes surfaced."
Jimenez could not be reached for comment. According to state records, Jimenez is a licensed firearm-
carrying security guard.
Harris said the Sheriff's Department conducts an extensive background check of applicants with less
than 5% of them completing the process and entering the academy.
"Based on the timeline, it appears the crimes allegedly committed by Jimenez occurred between the
time his background investigation concluded and his date of employment with the department," a
department statement said.
The Sheriff's Department has a history of hiring some deputies with checkered pasts, and misconduct
has been a recurring issue. Department oversight reports in the past have criticized the department
lowering of standards as the force has increased the number of deputies on the payroll.
In 2010, the Sheriff's Department hired nearly 300 officers from a little-known county police force,
including some who had accidentally fired their weapons, had sex at work and solicited prostitutes.
Nearly, 100 had issues with dishonesty, including lying or falsifying police records, according to records
review by The Times.
[email protected] Twitter: @lacrimes
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2/28/2018 LA County offers to help doctors pay off medical school debt — if they work in its jails – Daily News
https://www.dailynews.com/2018/02/26/la-county-offers-to-pay-off-student-debt-for-new-doctors-if-they-work-in-its-jails/ 1/3
By SUSAN ABRAM | [email protected] | Daily NewsPUBLISHED: February 26, 2018 at 1:07 pm | UPDATED: February 26, 2018 at 11:31 pm
Dr. Lauren Wolchok sees Richard Brent as Matthew Mendez waits to see the family doctor who specializes in HIV treatment at the Los AngelesCounty’s Men’s Central Jail on Thursday, Feb. 22, 2018. Los Angeles County is actively recruiting physicians for their jails. (Photo by SarahReingewirtz, Pasadena Star-News/SCNG)
On the outside, Richard Brent was a thief and a user.
He stole and used meth and heroin, acted tough and aggressive, all of which got him a 90-day sentence to Los Angeles County’s Men’s
Central Jail.
But for Dr. Lauren Wolchok, his physician on the inside, Brent is neither criminal nor inmate.
For her, he is a person in need of medical care like anyone else. Whether to help him monitor the pills he takes to manage HIV, link him to
drug treatment or offer a sympathetic ear as he recounts a childhood that included maternal neglect, Wolchok said Brent is her patient,
whether she had met him on the inside or outside.
“I love this work. I just love it all,” Wolchok said of her duties inside the massive jail in downtown L.A.’s Chinatown, where an estimated
4,400 inmates are housed each month. “I fall in love with the patients. It’s very meaningful work, as close to social justice as anyone could
get.”
LOCAL NEWS
LA County offers to help doctors pay off medical school debt— if they work in its jails
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2/28/2018 LA County offers to help doctors pay off medical school debt — if they work in its jails – Daily News
https://www.dailynews.com/2018/02/26/la-county-offers-to-pay-off-student-debt-for-new-doctors-if-they-work-in-its-jails/ 2/3
— Dr. Lauren Wolchok
— Dr. Mark Ghaly
Los Angeles County wants to see more Wolchoks — many more. At least 200 healthcare-related positions, including about 40 doctors, are
needed to deliver medical care inside the largest jail system in the nation.
To help recruit those doctors, the county has launched Mission Possible, an online and social media effort that raises awareness about jobs
inside the jails. The goal is to attract doctors and nurses and other staff who can see past criminal records, handcuffs, locks, bars and the
cold stare of a person facing hard time to help men and women learn how to manage their health.
They may be working within borders, in a sense, but they’ll be doctors without boredom, county officials like to say.
“It’s a mix of emergency medicine and primary care, and everything in between and there are not a lot fields that do that,” Dr. Margarita
Pereyda, the chief medical officer who oversees Correctional Health Services for Los Angeles County, says in a featured in one of the videos
at missionpossible.lacounty.gov.
“If you’re interested in social justice, human rights, and decreasing health disparities, we have a job for you,” she notes.
Those who are hired as jail physicians can earn up to $200,000 a year.
“ I fall in love with the patients. It’s very meaningful work, asclose to social justice as anyone could get.”
The county Board of Supervisors took the recruitment effort a step further. In January, the board approved a plan to pay up to $120,000 in
student loans as an incentive to attract specialists who can join right out of their residency program — and senior physicians with at least
five years out of residency and some program oversight experience.
Physicians without debt also can apply and receive a one-time bonus of $10,000 after six months of service and another $20,000 after the
first year of full-time work.
Young, interested physicians can build skills in a setting that includes the most vulnerable and underserved population in the county,
said Dr. Mark Ghaly, director of Community Health & Integrated Programs at the L.A. County Department of Health Services.
An estimated 10 to 12 percent of inmates who are patients are homeless, and up to 25 percent have mental health needs. Many also battle
substance abuse, county officials have said. Linking them to medical care while inside the jails may help them stay healthy and out of
trouble outside, which could prove less costly to the county, Ghaly added.
“Here’s a chance to serve Angelenos, who are part of the community, without judging what they did or didn’t do, and to help them return to
the community better,” Ghaly said. “Lots of people go to medical school, then go to Haiti, or Peru, or work in the inner city, in a community
clinic. (Doctors) are working with underserved populations all the time, but not a lot of people say ‘mom, I want to be a jail doctor. What we
try to show is, it’s no different.”
The recruitment effort also is a way to build a better standard of care in the county’s jail system, which has come under criticism and
scrutiny by the American Civil Liberties Union, but most recently by the county’s Office of Inspector General.
“ Here’s a chance to serve Angelenos, who are part of thecommunity, without judging what they did or didn’t do,and to help them return to the community better.”
Early last year, there were a reported 10 in-custody deaths in a four-month period, with many of the men and women dying on their way to
the hospital. One was a suicide. Five of the inmates who died were housed at Twin Towers Correctional Facility, two at Men’s Central Jail,
one at North County Correctional Facility and one at the women’s Century Regional Detention Facility, according to the inspector general’s
report.
RELATED STORY: Inside an LA County women’s jail ‘busting at the seams’: rotted pipes, overcrowding and a plan to relocate
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2/28/2018 LA County offers to help doctors pay off medical school debt — if they work in its jails – Daily News
https://www.dailynews.com/2018/02/26/la-county-offers-to-pay-off-student-debt-for-new-doctors-if-they-work-in-its-jails/ 3/3
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The Los Angeles County Sheriff’s Department is the largest provider of correctional medical services in the nation and provides medical
services to over 140,000 prisoners each year, according to the report released last July. On any given day, the jails hold 17,000 inmates. But
a deficiency of 500 healthcare personnel within the jails and a lack of coordination between the Custody Services Division, the Department
of Health Services, Correctional Health Services and the Sheriff’s Department, contributes to waiting times of up to 10 hours for inmates to
be seen by doctors and “prisoners are required to remain seated in waiting area chairs throughout,” Max Huntsman, the inspector general
noted in his report.
“Prisoners who are at risk of harming themselves are handcuffed to the chairs for the duration of their intake processing, which may take
longer than 10 hours,” according to the report. “These prisoners are provided regular access to food, water, and toilets, though lapses occur,
and the risk for injury under these conditions is substantial.”
But progress is being made, he added.
Ed Matzen, the clinical nursing director for the jail system, said he welcomes the scrutiny because his goal is to improve the delivery of care.
He said there are challenges to the job, including working within antiquated buildings such as Men’s Central Jail, where extra safety
precautions have to be taken when nurses distribute medications down darkened rows toward crowded cells.
But Matzen said there are many rewards to helping people get healthier.
“It’s not all lions and tigers and dungeons and dragons in here,” Matzen said. “There are good people in here doing good work. We’re doing
the best we can with what we have.”
Wolchok, 32, is a family doctor who specializes in HIV/AIDS care. She gravitated toward working in the jails, specifically with inmates with
HIV, while making the rounds there as a young doctor in residency.
Inside her small office on the 9300 floor, Wolchok listened as Brent, 47, told her about how his mother was a drug user, how he had been in
trouble since he was 16 years old, and that he’s been in and out of jails and prison 16 times. He’s done a lot of things to get a hold of heroin,
he said, showing her needle scars on his arms.
In all the times he’s been to jail, he said, he’s never met a doctor like Wolchok, or the nurse who comforted him recently when he learned
while locked up that he was HIV positive.
“There’s been no one like you,” Brent, a father of five children, said to Wolchok. “No one has taken the time to talk to me like this. You
honestly care.”
susan-abram Susan Abram
Susan Abram covers public health and county government for the Los Angeles Daily News and the SouthernCalifornia News Group.
Follow Susan Abram @sabramLA
Tags: San Fernando V alley , Top Stories LADN , Top Stories PSN , Top Stories SGVT , Top Stories WDN
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How can a place with 58,000 homeless people continue to
function? By THE TIMES EDITORIAL BOARD
MAR 01, 2018 | 4:15 AM
Even as it continues to gentrify, downtown L.A. remains the epicenter of a
staggering homeless problem. (Los Angeles Times)
Homelessness affects the lives of all Angelenos, not just those
forced to live on the streets. And it does so almost daily, in ways
large and small.
Consider the pairs of thick gloves that George Abou-Daoud has stashed inside
the nine restaurants he owns on the east side of Hollywood. When a homeless
person accosts his customers, Abou-Daoud says, he can no longer count on the
police for help; unless there’s an imminent threat to safety, he contends, they
don’t respond quickly and can’t just haul the person away. So he’s had to take
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matters into his own hands, literally, by physically ejecting problematic
homeless people himself. That’s why he has the gloves — to keep his hands
clean.
Abou-Daoud’s gloves are a particularly bleak symbol of the relationship
between the homeless and the non-homeless. But everyone’s got a story of one
sort or another. Day in and day out, Metro riders step into trains with
homeless people on them — often visibly disturbed or threatening, prompting
nervous passengers to edge away or change cars. In downtown L.A., shop
owners worry that customers will opt for suburban malls to avoid the
panhandlers and glassy-eyed wanderers. In Venice, besieged businesses have
banded together to share the cost of security guards and cleanup crews to clear
garbage, bedding or worse from the sidewalks.
Across the city, drivers exiting freeways routinely encounter homeless people
on the off-ramps shuffling from window to window requesting money.
Libraries, train stations and public parks have become refuges for homeless
people. In many residential neighborhoods and commercial districts,
encampments have become a seemingly immutable fact of life.
As homelessness spreads across Los Angeles County — the official tally shows
a 46% increase from 2013 to 2017 — it is drawing two conflicting responses, at
times from the same people. There’s sympathy and a desire to help, but there’s
also a sense of being invaded and perhaps even endangered — in terms of both
physical safety and public health (see, for example, the state of emergency
California declared last year over a hepatitis A outbreak that spread among the
homeless, or the Skirball blaze that was sparked by a cooking fire in a
homeless encampment). There’s an unavoidable, often unspoken, fear that the
city around us may be in a state of irreversible decline, and a suspicion on the
part of some that the rights of homeless people have trumped the rights of
everyone else.
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There’s an unavoidable, often unspoken, fear that the city around us may be in a state of irreversible decline.” The increasing visibility of homelessness and destitution contributes to the
uneasy feeling that the problem is closing in on everyone. It’s also a daily
reminder that the values and systems to which we cling — liberty, democracy,
free enterprise, the social contract that’s supposed to hold a community
together, the safety net that is supposed to protect the most vulnerable —
haven’t steered us out of this mess. Nor have our leaders.
It’s not surprising that some Angelenos are angry or even afraid. But we need
to channel those concerns into constructive action.
Los Angeles Times
The city and county must find a way to balance effectively the needs and rights
of homeless people against the demands and expectations of everyone else.
Respecting the rights of homeless people doesn’t mean consigning the
sidewalks and parks permanently to tents and shopping carts, just as
respecting the rights of property owners doesn’t mean rousting the
unsheltered and shuffling them from one neighborhood to the next. Instead,
what is needed are reasonable compromises that protect the health, safety and
basic needs of homeless people while ensuring the community’s ability to
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function day in and day out. That, in turn, requires residents and businesses
not just to accept the presence of homeless people, but to have a stake in
getting them off the streets and into housing. (They should start by
remembering that only a minority — though a visible one — of homeless
people are mentally ill or drug addicted; many are simply down on their luck
and pose no threat to others.)
Some compromises have already been laid out. What’s often been missing,
though, is the political courage necessary to implement them. For example,
the L.A. City Council adopted an ordinance two years ago that requires
homeless people to abandon their carts and put most of their possessions in
storage once the government has made a storage facility available nearby. The
city, however, has been able to open only two such facilities, and only one —
on skid row — has available storage space. Community opposition has killed or
hamstrung projects in San Pedro and Venice.
WITHOUT A HOME
They’re part of the Los Angeles streetscape, as familiar as the swaying palm trees and idling
traffic, living under freeways, alongside riverbeds and on canyon hillsides. The mentally ill,
the drug addicts, the economically disadvantaged, many with their life belongings in a
backpack or shopping cart. In this ongoing series, Without a Home, The Times is examining
the crisis of homelessness in our region. Full coverage
Similarly, faced with mounting complaints about homeless people sleeping in
their cars and campers, the council adopted an ordinance in late 2016
imposing a ban on people lodging in their vehicles overnight in residential
areas. But the city has been far too slow to follow through on the safe parking
areas it called for on property owned by churches, nonprofits and public
agencies. That was at the heart of the compromise, and without it, the problem
is merely shifted to commercial and industrial zones. Today, there is just one
small safe parking lot in the city, at a church in South Los Angeles.
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Admittedly, the city and county have taken some important steps forward, and
have acted with an unusual degree of coordination. For example, L.A.
Mayor Eric Garcetti’s office has been conducting weekly meetings in a “war
room” of sorts to begin identifying the homeless encampments most in need of
attention, and then to devote outreach workers and other resources to the
people living in them in a concentrated effort to move them into housing. The
encampments would then be cleared. And at Metro, teams of Los Angeles
Police Department officers, outreach workers and mental health experts now
respond to calls about homeless people (which make up about half of the calls
received). The point is to connect people to the services they need, rather than
just hustling them off the trains and buses.
Yolanda Gutter, a mental evaluation officer with the LAPD, speaks with Ken
Adam on the subway and on the platform. (Los Angeles Times)
Those are the right approaches, but they’re not yet making a visible difference.
In Hollywood, for example, business owners say street people seem younger,
more aggressive and well aware of how limited the police response has
become. As a consequence, businesses are relying more on private security
guards they fund through the local business improvement district, and living
with a rise in drug use and petty theft.
Sitting in one of his restaurants on Sunset Boulevard, Abou-Daoud — who
says he supplies food to homeless people and has twice given them jobs —
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reels off a list of recent incidents. Here’s one: A homeless man stretched out
on that restaurant’s patio floor one evening and screamed at the diners around
him. “I asked him politely to leave. He gave me a blank stare,” Abou-Daoud
said. “What am I supposed to do?”
George Abou-Daoud with his dog
Hudson at one of his restaurants in Hollywood. Los Angeles Times
Some contend that the police are handicapped in their dealings with homeless
people by criminal justice reform measures such as Proposition 47, which
downgraded some nonviolent crimes from felonies to misdemeanors, and
court orders that, for the time being, give homeless people the right to spend
their nights in tents and blankets under the stars. Yet a Times investigation
found that as the homeless population grew from 2011 to 2016, arrests of
homeless people went up significantly — largely for petty crimes relating to
quality-of-life issues.
If the police really backed off on arrests, there’s nothing in the criminal justice
reforms that compelled them to do so. Nor is it a crime to be homeless. And
moving homeless people from one street or neighborhood to the next is no
solution; it just moves the problem to someone else’s property. Yet that’s how
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private security officers deal with an uncooperative or problematic homeless
person.
The real, durable solution is to get homeless people into housing, which means
building many more apartments (the point of Proposition HHH) as well as
providing the outreach workers and services needed to move people off the
streets and keep them off the streets (the point of Measure H). It will take
years to get those housing units built, however. Realizing they can’t leave
thousands of people in tents on the sidewalks in the meantime, city officials
have kicked around a number of promising ways to house homeless people on
a temporary basis; for example, there’s a proposal to fast-track the conversion
of motels into short-term rentals and a plan to put housing trailers on a city-
owned lot.
The county is also preparing to send out far more outreach teams this year,
eventually putting 10 times as many in the field as it had before Measure H
passed. And it’s expanding its 211 phone service to summon outreach teams if
they need help with a homeless person. A responsive and effective 211 service
would provide at least a partial answer to Abou-Daoud’s question about what
Angelenos are supposed to do in the face of homelessness. But officials haven’t
spread the word about it yet — they’re waiting until they have enough teams
assembled to make the service worth calling.
At stake here is the quality of life for everyone in the county, not just the
people without homes. We can’t continue trying to solve the problems on the
sidewalks by foisting them onto someone else. That’s not striking a balance
between the competing needs of the homeless and the non-homeless; it’s just
staying on the path that got us to this point.
This is the fifth in a series.
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2/28/2018 Social Media’s Pitfalls for Government
http://www.governing.com/commentary/col-social-media-pitfalls-government.html 1/2
January 9, 2018
By Hana Callaghan | Contributor
Director of the Government Ethics Program at Santa Clara University's Markkula Center forApplied Ethics
Social media platforms such as Twitter, Facebook and Nextdoor offer governments and theiragencies great ways to communicate with constituents and to encourage civic engagement. Tofacilitate these efforts, some cities have even encouraged their employees to spread the goodmunicipal word via the workers' personal accounts as "social media ambassadors."
But while that's a cost-effective way to extend the reach of the governmental message, makingemployees de facto agents of government in their private lives is a terrible idea. Blurring the linebetween public and private social-media interaction is already having unintended andundesirable consequences.
President Trump, our Tweeter-in-Chief, provides a prime example of the use of private socialmedia by a public official that is giving government lawyers headaches. The White House hasdeclared that tweets from the president's private account are "official statements." Does thismean that Trump's tweets fall under the Presidential Records Act (PRA), which requirespreservation of presidential documents? What happens if the president or his agent removes atweet? Does this violate the PRA? Can the president block someone from his Twitter feed withoutviolating his ethical duty of fairness and impartiality? And if a private individual takes down thepresident's Twitter account, as happened briefly in November, should that be considered anattack against the government?
Those aren't the only questions raised by government officials' use of social media. In Arizona, aconstituent sued her representative in Congress after he blocked her from his personal Facebook
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2/28/2018 Social Media’s Pitfalls for Government
http://www.governing.com/commentary/col-social-media-pitfalls-government.html 2/2
page due to her critical commentary. The congressman said that because the Facebook page ishis private account he can block whomever he pleases. The constituent argued that since thecongressman was using his private Facebook page in his official capacity to reach constituentsand conduct public business, the page was an instrumentality of the government and her right tofree speech had been violated. After initially calling the claim "hogwash," the congressmanreinstated the constituent.
The use of social media by government has also raised questions involving transparency. Forexample, in California a 1953 law requires that prior notice of local-government meetings begiven and that the meetings be open to the public. Emails among a quorum of city councilmembers discussing public business have been held to be illegal meetings under the law. So ifthose same council members hop onto someone's private social media account and discusspublic business, will the result be the same?
Similarly, in a recent case from San Jose, Calif., the state Supreme Court held that when localpublic officials discuss public business on private email accounts those emails are subject todisclosure under the California Public Records Act. It seems a good bet that discussinggovernment business on private Facebook accounts would subject officials to the same publicscrutiny.
The city of Seattle got in hot water last year when it held an online town hall meeting on thesocial platform Nextdoor. The moderator for Nextdoor suspended a blogger/journalist fromusing the site after she posted other people's comments on her blog. Nextdoor said the blogger'sactions violated its privacy policy. However, as in California, under Washington state lawgovernment meetings are supposed to be open and transparent, and communications withgovernment are deemed to be public records. Upon review, the company reinstated the bloggerand concluded that "Nextdoor is not the best platform for a public town hall."
Finally, does it violate notions of fairness to ask government employees to become social mediaambassadors? Many of us feel that our social-media accounts are our own personal place tocommunicate with our friends and families. These platforms provide an online home. If anorganization, be it public or private, asks its employees to use their private accounts for theorganization's agenda, will employees feel compelled to allow this invasion into their privatespace in order to keep their jobs?
Social media does indeed provide many opportunities for engagement. However, in thegovernment context use of social media can also create many traps for the unwary. Governmentorganizations should consider the legal and ethical implications whenever embracing new waysto communicate.
Hana Callaghan | Contributor | [email protected] | @SantaClaraUniv