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Over, Harriet orcid.org/0000-0001-9461-043X, Eggleston, Adam and Cook, Richard (2020)Ritual and the origins of first impressions. Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society B: Biological Sciences. ISSN 1471-2970 (In Press)

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1

Ritualandtheoriginsoffirstimpressions

HarrietOver1,AdamEggleston1,RichardCook1,2

1DepartmentofPsychology,

UniversityofYork,

York,U.K.

1,2DepartmentofPsychologicalSciences,

Birkbeck,UniversityofLondon,

London,U.K.

InpressatPhilosophicalTransactionsoftheRoyalSocietyB

Acknowledgements:WewouldliketothankAsifaMajidforvaluablecomments

onanearlierdraft.ThisresearchwassupportedbytheEuropeanResearch

CouncilundertheEuropeanUnion'sHorizon2020Programme,grantnumber

ERC-STG-755719.RichCookwasalsosupportedbytheERC,grantnumberERC-

2016-StG-715824.

Addressforcorrespondence:

HarrietOver

DepartmentofPsychology

UniversityofYork

YO105DD

harriet.over@york.ac.uk

2

Abstract

Whenencounteringastrangerforthefirsttime,adultsspontaneouslyattribute

tothemawidevarietyofcharactertraitsbasedsolelyontheirphysical

appearance,mostnotablyfromtheirface.Whilethesetraitinferencesexerta

pervasiveinfluenceoverourbehaviour,theiroriginsremainunclear.Whereas

nativistaccountsholdthatfirstimpressionsareaproductofgene-basednatural

selection,theTraitInferenceMappingframework(TIM)positsthatwelearn

face-traitmappingsontogeneticallyasaresultofcorrelatedface-trait

experience.Here,weexaminetheavailableanthropologicalevidenceonritualin

ordertobetterunderstandthemechanismbywhichfirstimpressionsfromfaces

areacquired.ConsistentwiththeTIMframework,wearguethatexaminationof

ritualbodymodificationperformedbycommunitiesaroundtheworld

demonstratesfargreatercross-culturalvariabilityinface-traitmappingsthan

currentlyappreciated.Furthermore,ritualsofthistypemaybeapowerful

mechanismthroughwhichface-traitassociationsaretransmittedfromone

generationtothenext.

Keywords:

Firstimpressions,traitinferences,facialtraits,ritual,bodymodification

3

1.Introduction

Humansspontaneouslyattributeawidevarietyofcharactertraitstostrangers

basedsolelyontheirfacialappearance[1,2].Forexample,adultsmaydetermine

whetherornotapersonappearshonest,kind,intelligent,extrovertedor

aggressivesimplyfromlookingataphotographoftheirface[3].Adultsform

thesefirstimpressionswithstrikingspeedandconsistency.Theratingsof

differentobserverstendtoconvergeonwhoappearstrustworthyevenwhen

imagesofstrangers’facesarepresentedforaslittleas33milliseconds[4].These

firstimpressionsareanimportanttopicforinvestigationbecausetheyexerta

measurableinfluenceoverbehaviour.Ineconomicgames,adultsinvestmore

resourcesinindividualswhoappeartrustworthy[5,6].Inmorenaturalistic

settings,firstimpressionsoftrustworthinesshavebeenshowntoaffecthiring

decisions[7],criminalsentencing[8,9],andeventheoutcomeofelections[10].

Theoriginofthesespontaneousfirstimpressionsremainsamatterof

controversy.Nativistaccountsholdthatfirstimpressionsareaproductofgene-

basednaturalselection.Accordingtothisperspective,thecapacitytoquickly

distinguishfriendsfromfoe,andleadersfromfollowers,wassocrucialtothe

reproductivesuccessofourancestorsthatwehaveinheritedaninnately

specifiedmechanismforjudgingothersonthebasisoftheirappearance[1,11-

15].TheTraitInferenceMappingframework(TIM)[16],ontheotherhand,

holdsthatassociationsbetweenappearanceandapparentpersonalitytraitsare

theproductsofculturallearning[17].Individualsgrowupincommunitiesin

whichtheyareexposedtosystematicmessagesabouthowappearancerelatesto

character.

Thenativiststandpointhasbeenbolsteredbyclaimsofbroadcross-cultural

agreementinfirstimpressions[18,19].Inthispaper,however,wearguethatthe

extentofcross-culturalagreementhasbeensystematicallyover-estimated.We

usetheanthropologicalliteratureonritualbodymodificationtoillustratethe

extentofculturalvariabilityincharacterinferencesfromfacialappearance.

Havingoutlinedevidencethatculturallearningplaysasubstantialroleinthe

formationoffirstimpressions,wediscusswhycertaintypesofritualmightbe

4

powerfulmechanismsfortheculturaltransmissionofappearance-trait

mappings.

2.Theoreticalaccountsoftheoriginsoffirstimpressions

Thepredominantviewinthefieldisthatfirstimpressionsfromfacesarethe

productofanevolvedmechanismspecialisedfordistinguishingfriendsfromfoe

andleadersfromfollowers[12-15,20,21].Wehaverecentlyproposedan

alternativeaccountoftheoriginsoffirstimpressionsfromfaces.Accordingto

theTraitInferenceMapping(TIM)framework,firstimpressionsaretheproducts

ofmappingsbetweenpointsinface-space(inwhichwerepresentthe

appearanceofothers[22])andtrait-space(inwhichwerepresentthetraitsof

others[23-25]),acquiredthroughlearning[16].Putsimply,whereone

encountersapredictiverelationshipbetweenaparticularfaceshapeorfeature

andaparticularcharactertrait,amappingorassociationformsbetweenthe

correspondingfaceandtraitrepresentations.Thereafter,whenweencountera

strangerwhopossessesoneofthesepredictivefeatures,theirfacialappearance

automaticallyactivatestheassociatedtraitrepresentation.Learningmaytake

placequickly.Weknowfromresearchinotherareasthatextensivesocial

learningtakesplaceacrossthefirstseveralyearsofchildren’slives[26,27].For

example,childrenlearnaboutstrangersthroughsocialreferencingatleastfrom

theageof10months[28].

AccordingtoTIM,theinnatecontributiontofirstimpressionsissmallbut

nonethelessimportant.Innatepreferencesforcertaintypesoffaceorfeature

(e.g.,smilingorattractivefaces)maycanalisetheemergenceofparticular

appearance-personalitymappings.Someface-traitmappingsmay,therefore,

emergemoreconsistently,andearlierindevelopment,thanothers.

Inlinewithotherdominantperspectivesinthefield[e.g.,3],TIMisadual-route

model.Whileitisassumedthatsomefirstimpressionsareautomatic,othersare

attributedtoexplicit,controlledreasoning.Forexample,anobservercould

perceiveanindividualdisplayingaparticularbehaviour(e.g.,smilingor

scowling)andconsciouslyinferpotentialtraits[29].

5

Learningaccountshavetraditionallybeendismissedonthegroundsthatthey

cannotexplainwhythejudgementofdifferentparticipantstendstoconvergeon

inaccuratefirstimpressions[5].Thatis,whileobserverstypicallyagreeabout

whoappearstrustworthy,intelligentandaggressive,thesespontaneous

judgmentsarearelativelypoorpredictorofstrangers'actualtraits[30,31].In

theabsenceofreliableface-traitcontingencies,itisunclearwhetherdirect

learningthroughsocialinteractioncouldproducethehigh-levelsofinter-rater

agreementthathavebeenwidelydocumented[3].

TIMresolvestheapparentparadoxbypostulatingacentralroleforcultural

learningintheontogenyofface-traitmappings[16].Individualsarefrequently

exposedtoculturalmessagesthatsystematicallypairparticularfacialcueswith

particularcharactertraits.Forexample,depictionsofprincessesinDisneyfilms

consistentlypairfemininefeatures,physicalbeauty,andlargeeyeswithdocility

andkindness[32].Similarface-traitcontingenciesarewidespreadthroughout

film,TV,literature,story-books,propaganda,art,andiconography.Inadditionto

messagesimpartedbytheseproductsofcumulativeculture,weproposethat

parentsandothercaregiversteachchildren,eitherexplicitlyorinadvertently,

thatindividualswhovaryintheirfacialfeaturesalsovaryintheircharacter

traits[16].Thus,individualsmayregularlyencounterpredictiverelationships

betweenappearancecuesandcharactertraitsintheircultureevenwhere

reliablecontingenciesarenotafeatureoftheirreal-lifesocialinteractions.

Curiously,thefactthatcharacterinferencesfromappearancearetypically

erroneousisnotwidelyseenasproblematicfornativistaccounts[33,34].

Accordingtothisview,intheenvironmentofevolutionaryadaptation,itwas

beneficialtotrustindividualswithcertainfacialfeatures(e.g.,peoplewithlarge

eyesandpositivefacialexpressions)andtobesuspiciousofothers(e.g.,those

pallidskinandasymmetricalfaces).Inmoderntimes,however,theseheuristics

regardingwhototrustare‘over-generalised’,orappliedtomorepeoplethan

theyoughttobe,leadingtoerroneousfirstimpressions[34].Nevertheless,it

remainsunclearhowandwhyobserversintheancientpastwereabletoapply

theseheuristicsselectivelyandaccurately,whereasmodernobserversarenot.

6

Moreover,whiletheover-generalisationaccountoutlinesthecuesonwhichtrait

inferencesarebased,themechanismbywhichthoseinferencesarederivedalso

lacksspecification.

3.Cross-culturalperspectivesonfirstimpressions

Oneofthemostpromisingmeansbywhichtodistinguishbetweenthenativist

andculturallearningaccountsistoexaminetheextentofcross-cultural

agreementinfirstimpressionsfromfaces[17].Evidencethatfirstimpressions

areculturallyuniversalwouldlendsupporttothenativistview[15,18,19].

Evidenceforculturaldiversity,combinedwithevidenceofchangesinface-trait

mappingsovertime,wouldlendsupporttotheviewthatfirstimpressionsare

culturallylearned[16].

Severalstudieshaveclaimedtoprovideevidenceofbroadcross-cultural

agreementinfirstimpressions.Forexample,Sutherlandetal.[18]comparedthe

firstimpressionsofChineseandBritishadultswhenobservingthefacesofAsian

andCaucasianstrangers.Theyfoundevidencethatthejudgmentsofindividuals

frombothcultureswerestructuredaroundapproachability.Zebrowitzetal.[19]

comparedthefirstimpressionsofadultobserversfromtheUSwiththefirst

impressionsofadultsfromtheTsimaneinBolivia.Participantsfromboth

culturalgroupsshowedwithin-cultureagreementforimpressionsoffacesfrom

theirowncultureandsomeagreementintheirimpressionsoffacesfromthe

otherculture.Walker,Jiang,VetterandSczesny[35]manipulatedimagesof

WesternandAsianfacesinordertomakethemappearmoreorlessaggressive,

extrovert,likeable,riskseeking,sociallyskilled,andtrustworthy.Asianand

Westernparticipantswerebothabletoidentifytheenhancedimages.

Althoughthesedataaresometimesdiscussedasprovidingevidenceforcultural

universality,thisconclusionispremature.First,eachofthesestudiesfoundsome

evidenceforculturalvariabilityaswellasagreement.Forexample,Sutherlandet

al.[18]foundthatthejudgmentsofChineseparticipantswerelessclearly

structuredaroundcapabilitythanwerethejudgmentsofBritishparticipants.

Zebrowitzetal.[17]neededtousedifferenttraittermstomeasurefirst

7

impressionsinthetwocommunitiestheyworkedwith:whereasAmerican

participantswereaskedtoratethefacesonintelligence,warmthanddominance,

Tsimaneparticipantswereaskedtoratethefacesonknowledge,sociability,and

respect.Thesecontrastingtermswerenecessarybecauseabstractconceptslike

‘intelligence’arenotculturallyrelevanttotheTsimane[36].Walkeretal.[28]

foundthatAsianparticipantsneededmoretimetoformtheirfirstimpressions

thandidWesternparticipantsandweresomewhatlessconsistentintheir

judgmentsaswell.

Second,evenifweweretoacceptthat,takentogether,thesestudiesrepresented

greaterevidenceforcross-culturalagreementthandiversity,onlyaverysmall

numberofcultureshavethusfarbeenstudied.Aclaimofuniversalitygainsonly

weaksupportfromacomparisonbetweentwoorthreecultures.Third,insome

studiestheextentofagreementisartificiallyexaggeratedbytheincorporationof

emotionalexpressionsinthestimulusset.Forexample,itisnotparticularly

surprisingthatsmilingfaces[e.g.,18]arepreferredacrosscultures[37,38].

Finally,thesestudiesusedahighlyrestrictedrangeofcuesincorporatingonly

variationrelevanttoWesternpopulationsandignoringwaysinwhich

individualsfromothercommunitiesmodifytheirfacialappearance.

4.Whatisaritual?

Inlightofthedifficultiesadaptingexistinglab-basedparadigmstothestudyof

cross-culturaldifferencesinfirst-impressions,wesoughttopursueanovel,

complementaryapproach.Intheremainingsectionsofthispaper,wewill

considerhowthestudyofcertaintypesofritualcanhelpusunderstandthe

originsoffirstimpressions.

Webeginbyoutliningthefeaturesthatcharacteriserituals.Examplesofrituals

studiedintheliteraturearediverse,rangingfromhangingChristmasstockings

andreadingbedtimestories,tostagingcomingofageceremonies,weddings,and

funerals[39,40].Definingritual,andthuscharacterisingwhattheseexamples

haveincommon,remainsasubstantialchallengeandapointofsomecontention

intheliterature[41,42].

8

Wetakeritualstobesociallysharedgroupactivities[43,44].Althoughthesize

ofthegroupsinvolvedcanvaryfromtheentirecommunity(e.g.,aweddingto

whichanentirevillageisinvited)toanindividualfamily(e.g.,hangingChristmas

stockings),thetypesofritualsweareinterestedinaresocialincharacter.

Ritualsaresingledoutbythecommunitythatparticipateinthemasimportant

andendowedwithspecialmeaningandsignificance[45].Forexample,ritual

cleansingofanobjectismarkedasimportantinawaythatregularcleaningis

not.Similarly,eatingChristmasdinnerasafamilyhasasocialsignificancethata

Wednesdaynightmealtypicallydoesnot.Ritualsalsotendtobecharacterised

byanemphasisontheparticularwayinwhichthecomponentbehavioursare

performed.Thustheactionsthatcomposearitualmaybecarriedoutina

specificorderand/orinaspecificlocation[26,43,44,46-48].Forexample,the

particularmannerinwhichteaismadeandservediscrucialtoaJapanesetea

ceremonybutrarelyconsideredwhenmakingalunchtimebrew[41].Finally,

ritualstendtoberepeatedmultipletimeswithinthecommunityandappealto

thetraditionsofthatgroup[41,49].Forexample,Christmas,Hannukah,and

Diwalioccureveryyear.Evenwhenanygivenindividualonlydirectly

participatesinaritualonceortwice,asinaweddingorcomingofageceremony,

individualswilloftenattendmanysuchceremoniesoverthecourseoftheir

lifetime.

Wearguethatthestudyofritualcanhelpustounderstandthenormsandvalues

importanttoaparticularcommunity.Inthepresentcontext,weareparticularly

interestedintypesofritualwhereparticipantsaltertheirfacialappearance,

eithertemporarily(throughmake-upandcostume)orpermanently(through

bodymodificationssuchastattooinganddentalextraction).Byunderstanding

howandwhyindividualsaltertheirappearance,wehopetorevealtheprevailing

ideasabouttherelationshipbetweencharacterandappearancecommonwithin

differentcultures.

5.Ritualsrevealourtrait-appearancemappings

Theapproachweemployhereisbasedontheviewthatthestudyofritualcan

revealtheprevailingnormswithinasociety.Toillustratethisrationale,

9

considerthefollowingface-traitmappingsprevalentwithinWesterncultures.

First,thatdisfiguredappearanceisassociatedwithevil,untrustworthy

personalitytraits.Second,thatphysicalbeautyisasignofkindnessandvirtue

(“whatisbeautifulisgood”).Third,thatAfrican-Americanappearanceis

associatedwithperceivedlazinessandstupidity.Theseface-traitmappingshave

beenwidelydocumentedinlab-basedresearchconductedintheUS[50,51].

However,evidenceofthesestereotypescanalsobefoundinritualspresentin

thisculture.

Halloween,celebratedon31stofOctober,isapopularUStraditioninwhich

childrendressupandgo‘trick-or-treating’.Membersofthecommunitymust

givelocalchildrenatreat(e.g.,candy)inordertoavoidretributionintheformof

aprank.Commoncostumechoicesincludewitches,vampires,zombies,and

othermonsters(Figure1).Manyfeaturesofthesecostumesaccordwithcultural

depictionsofevilcharactersmoregenerally(e.g.,elderly,unattractive,pallid

skin,missingteeth,largenoses,scarredorotherwisedisfiguredappearance).

The‘beautypageant’isaformofannualcompetitioninwhichcontestantsare

judgedontheirphysicalappearance,aswellasontheirpersonality,intelligence,

confidence,charitywork,prosocialambitions,creativeandartistictalents[52].

Toimprovetheirchancesofwinningcompetitions,adultcontestantsoftenseek

toaccentuateaspectsoftheirappearancebystylingtheirhair,wearingmake-up,

dietingandundergoingcosmeticsurgery.Competitionrulesmayalsorequirethe

contestantstohidetattoosandfacialpiercings.Thecontestantsinchildbeauty

pageantsfrequentlyaltertheirappearancetoconformtoidealsofadultbeauty

[53],throughtheuseofmascaraandothermake-up,faketan,elaboratehair-

styles,faketeeth,andfalsenails(Figure1).

Minstrelshowswereacommonritualactivityin19thandearly20thcentury

America.Takingtheformoffamilyentertainment,showscommunicateddeeply

raciststereotypesthroughacombinationofdressingup,singing,dancingand

comedy[54,55].Whiteactorswouldwear‘black-face’make-upinorderto

caricatureAfricanAmericans.Theseactorswouldperformformulaicanddeeply

10

racistsketchesthatdepictedAfricanAmericansaslazy,stupid,andcheerful[56].

Figure-1

6.Evidenceofcross-culturaldifferences

Acrosstheglobeandthroughouthistoricaltime,communitieshavechosento

modifytheirfacialappearanceinnumerouswaysincludingbodypainting,

tattooing,scarification,skullmodification,dentalmodificationandthe

incorporationofLabretsorlipplates.Theseformsoffacialmodificationare

oftenanintegralpartofcomingofageritualsandcanmarkgroupidentity,status

andsocialroles.Inthissection,weconsiderhowandwhycommunitiesaround

theworldaltertheirfacialappearance.Wefocusonthreeexamplesofritual

bodymodification–tattoos,dentalwork,andlipplates.Thisbriefillustrative

reviewsuggestsconsiderablecross-culturalvariabilityinface-traitassociations,

consistentwiththeTIMframework[16].

6.1Tattoos

Perceptionsoftattoosareextremelyculturallyvariable[57].Tattooingdates

backtoatleast3,100BCE[58].Acrossdifferentcommunitiesandhistoricaleras,

tattooinghasbeenusedtoinspirebothpositiveandnegativefirstimpressions.

InAncientGreeceandRome,tattooswereusedasaformofpunishmentto

identifycriminalsandrunawayslaves[59].Thelogicwasthatindividualswho

observedapersonwithtattooswouldimmediatelyrecognisetheirshameful

acts.ExperimentalresearchwithincontemporaryWesterncommunitieshas

shownthatparticipantstypicallynegativelyevaluateindividualswithtattoos.

Forexample,USAmericanadultsviewindividualswithtattoostobeless

intelligentandlesscaringthanindividualswithouttattoos[60-62].Individuals

withtattoosarealsojudgedbyWesternobserverstobelessemployableand

morepronetocriminalitythanindividualswithouttattoos[8,63].

Inothercultures,ritualtattooinghasbeenusedtosignalmembershipwithinthe

community.Forexample,theNativeAmericansoftheNorthWestCoastused

facialtattoostosignalingroupmembership.Thusencounteringanovel

11

individualwithafamiliar,ingroup,tattoowouldsignalthepresenceofalikely

collaborator[58].TheMaoriinNewZealandusepermanentmarkings,TāMoko

(somewhatsimilartotattoos),tosignalstatuswithinthecommunityaswellas

ingroupmembership(Figure2)[64].Individualsofhighstatuswouldhave

distinctivedesignsthatsymbolisedtheirelevatedpositionwithinthegroup.

Thus,observingsuchamarkingwouldleadtopositiveratherthannegative

socialevaluations.

Inlinewiththeculturallearningaccount,thesamebodymarkingscanhave

differentconnotationsfordifferentcommunities.WhereasTāMokoindicateda

sourceofprideforMaori,theyweretypicallyseenasevidenceofbarbarismand

criminalitybythepredominantlyWhiteNewZealandgovernment[64].Further

inlinewiththepredictionsofTIM,differentgenerationswithinthesame

communitycanalsovaryintheirimpressionsoftattoosasculturalnormsand

messageschange.Forexample,afteraperiodofsomedeclineintheprevalence

TāMoko,youngindividualswithMaoriheritageareincreasinglyinterestedinit

andviewitasasourceofculturalpride[64].

Figure-2

6.2Dentalmodification

InWesterncultures,straightwhiteteethareseenasamarkofhealth,

attractivenessandhighsocialstatus[65,66].Childrenoftenhavedentalwork,

includingextractionsandtheapplicationofbraces,tostraightentheirteeth.

ContestantsinUSbeautypageantssometimesapplyVaselinetotheirteethto

makethemappearwhiteandshinyorevenwearfaketeeth[52].However,

positiveassociationswithstraightwhiteteetharenotculturaluniversal[65].

Differentformsofdentalmodificationsuchasremovingteethtocreategaps,

filingteethtomodifytheirshape,andintentionaldiscolourationarecommon

[65,67].Thesepracticesinfluenceimpressionsoftheindividual’sgroup

membership,socialstatusandcharactertraits.

Anumberofculturesengageindentalfilingtochangetheshapeoftheirteeth

12

includingcommunitieslivingintheAmazonvalley,Bali,Cameroon,Congo,

Guinea,Zaire,UgandaandTanzania[66].Ritualfilingoftheteethcarries

differentsocialmessagesindifferentcultures.Forexample,inBali,certain

communitiesperformacomingofageritualinwhichmalesandfemaleshave

theirincisorsanduppercaninesfiledinordertoreducetheir‘fanglike’

appearance.Inadditiontosignalingmaturity,dentalfilingisbelievedto

minimizetheinfluenceofnegativecharactertraitsoflust,anger,greed,

arrogance,intoxicationandjealousy[68].TheMakondeofTanzaniaengageina

comingofageritualinwhichtheychipawaypartoftheenamelfromtheirupper

andlowerincisors.Teethwiththedistinctivepeg-shapedappearancethat

resultsareviewedasasignofstrength,maturity,anddominance[66].

CertainculturalgroupsinSoutheastAsiadeliberatelyblackentheirteeth(Figure

2)[67-69].Thisisdoneforaestheticpurposesbutalsotoreducetheperson’s

perceivedsimilaritytodogs[66,68].Blackteethsignalentranceintoadult

societyinthesecommunitiesandthustraitsassociatedwithmaturity[66,67].

Othercommunitiesengageinritualswhereadultteethareremovedinorderto

createnoticeablegapsbetweentheremainingteeth.Forexample,theDinka,

NuerandMabanlivingintheSudanextracttheirlowerincisorsandsometimes

alsotheircaninesinacomingofageritual.Similarly,inSouthAfrica,certain

communitiesinCapeTownremoveteethasariteofpassageinadolescence[66].

Individualswiththeculturallysanctionedgapintheirteetharerecognisedas

ingroupmembersand,therefore,morelikelytobetrustedaspotential

collaborators[70].

6.3Lipplates

Severalcommunitiespermanentlymodifytheirfacialappearancethroughthe

incorporationofLabretsorlipplates(Figure2)[71].Forexample,Labretsare

commonwithinMursiwomenlivinginEthiopaandsignalingroupmembership

andthussecurepositiveevaluation[71].Interestinglyforourpurposes,within

anygivencommunitysomewomenwillchoosenottowearlipplates.Formany

Mursipeople,thisisassociatedwithnegativetraitevaluations.The

13

anthropologistLaTosky[72]reportsthatawomanwhodoesnotwearalip-plate

whensheisexpectedto,isconsidered‘karkarre’,orlazy.AccordingtoLaTosky

othertraitsassociatedwithchoosingnottowearalipplateincludebeingseenas

lesscalm,lesshardworkingandlessproud.

Consistentwithaculturallearningaccount,thesamephysicalcuecanbe

interpreteddifferentlybydifferentmembersofthecommunity.Culturalchanges

withintheMursicommunityareinfluencingtheimpressionsofthosewhowear

Labrets.TheEthopiangovernmentperceivesLabretsasasignofcultural

backwardnessandhopestoabolishthepractice.Partlyrelatedtothis,young

MursiwomenintheMakkiregionareincreasinglychoosingnottohavetheirlips

cutorchoosingtolettheholesintheirlipsshrink.Thesewomenperceive

Labretstobeoldfashionedandseektocommunicatetheirmodernitythrough

theabsenceofaLabret[72].

6.4Apotentialcritique

Theprevailingviewintheliteratureisthatface-traitmappingsshowcultural

universality,consistentwithaninnateaccountoftheirorigins.Contrarytothis

view,wehavearguedthatexaminationoftheliteratureonritualbody

modificationrevealswidespreadculturalvariationinface-traitmappings–that

differentcommunitieshaveverydifferentideasabouttherelationshipbetween

characterandfacialappearance.Criticsofthisargumentmayclaimthatwehave

redefinedwhatismeantby“facialappearance”inordertoexaggerateevidence

ofcross-culturalvariability.Theassumptionhereisthatwhereastraditionallab-

basedresearchhasstudiedfacesastheyhaveappearednaturallythroughout

evolutionaryhistory,weareciting“artificial”facialcuessuchaslip-plates,

tattoos,andfiledteeth.

Itisimportanttorecognise,however,thatthestimuliusedinlab-basedresearch

(bothphotographicandcomputer-generatedimages)donotdepictfacesasthey

appearedinevolutionaryhistory.Rather,thesestimulusimagesdepictfacesthat

havebeenmodifiedinlinewithcontemporaryWesternnormsandidealsof

beauty.Forexample,facialhairisgroomedorabsent;teetharewhiteand

14

straight;eye-browsappearthinnedandshaped;thepresenceofmake-up

accentuatestheappearanceoftheactors’eyesandmouth,andobscures

blemishes.Wherethehairlineisvisible,theindividuals’hairisstyled

extensively.Someoftheindividualsdepictedmayhavehadcosmeticsurgeryto

altertheappearanceoftheirears,lips,noseorcheekbones,orusedfacial

treatmentstomaketheirskinappearyouthful.Thustheappearanceofthe

individualsusedinlab-basedresearchconductedintheWestisnomore

“natural”–thatistypicaloftheindividualsthathumansencounteredin

evolutionaryhistory–thantheappearanceoftheindividualsdescribedinthe

anthropologicalliteraturereviewedabove.Rather,theirappearancehasmerely

been“modified”indifferentways.

7.Ritualsaspowerfulsourcesofface-traitlearning

AccordingtoTIM,face-traitmappingsareacquiredontogenetically(i.e.,asa

resultofthecorrelatedface-traitexperienceweareexposedtoduringour

lifetime).TIMpositsacentralroleforculturallearning,invokingtheideathat,

throughdifferentculturalmechanisms,weeffectively“teach”ourchildrenwhich

traitstoassociatewithwhichtypesoffaces.Forthereasonsweoutlinebelow,

wehypothesisethatthetypesofritualsconsideredinSections5and6maybean

importantmechanismofculturaltransmissionthroughwhichface-trait

mappingsarepassedonfromonegenerationtoanother.

7.1Communicatingnorms

Becauseritualsofteninvolvelargegroupsofindividualsorindeedthe

communityasawhole,theyprovidemultipleopportunitiesforsocial

referencing.Childrenhavetheopportunitytoobservehownumerousindividuals

withintheircommunityrespondtotheritualparticipantsandlearnfromthose

reactions[16].Furthermore,theinformationprovidedduringritualsisoften

endorsedbyhighstatusmembersofthecommunity.Forexample,minstrel

showswereendorsedbypowerfulcompaniesaswellashighprofilemembersof

theWhitemajority,andtookplacewithinacontextofadiscriminatorypolitical

system[55].Ritualstherebyservetocommunicatethenormsofthecultural

15

group.Whenchildrenobserveorparticipateinrituals,theynotonlylearnhow

peopleintheirculturetypicallythink,butalsohowtheyoughttothink[39].

7.2Salientemotionalcontexts

Ritualstakeplacewithinemotionallysalientcontexts.Forexample,Halloweenis

atimeofgreatexcitementforchildren.Similarly,minstrelshowsincorporated

song,danceandcomedy[55].Formsofritualbodymodificationarealsolikelyto

beemotionallysalient,astheprocessescanbefear-inducingandpainfulto

endure.Whereperiodsofheightenedemotionsaccompanyrituals,these

contextsensuretheimplicitmessagesareattended,deeplyprocessedand

frequentlyrecalled[73].

7.3Repeatedpresentation

Bydefinition,ritualsarerepeatedevents,occurringatregularintervalswithina

community[26].Thus,whenritualsexposeparticipantstocorrelatedface-trait

experience,theto-be-learnedmessageisfrequentlyrepeated.Asaresult,

associationsformedbetweenfacesandtraitsarelikelytobestronglyreinforced.

Insofaraseachperformanceoftheritualislikelytoadheretoasimilarformat,

andcriticaldiscourseandinnovationarediscouraged,childrenmayobserve

relativelyfewcounterexamples[26].

7.4Theroleofchildren

Manyritualsinvolvechildren,eitheraswitnessesoractiveparticipants.The

participationofchildreninritualissignificantbecausedevelopmentisan

inherentlyrecursiveprocessinwhichlaterexperiencesdependonearlierones

[16].Onceestablished,aface-traitmappingmaybecomeself-reinforcing.For

example,wemayrememberandattendtoexamplesconsistentwithour

stereotype,butforgetoroverlookdisconfirmingevidence[74].Theassociative

learningliteraturesuggeststhattheface-traitmappingsweacquireearlyinlife

mayproveparticularlyinfluential.Specifically,findingsfromrenewaland

counter-conditioningparadigmsindicatethat,onceacquired,so-called‘first-

learned’associationsarehardtounlearn[e.g.,75].Indeed,itmaybeimpossible

tofullyunlearntheface-traitmappingweacquireaschildren[16].

16

7.5Communicationofsimplemessages

SeveralritualsinWesternculturedepictindividualswithbothcaricatured

appearanceandcaricaturedtraits.OnHalloween,participantsviewextremely

disfiguredmonstersthreateningterriblemischief.Atbeautypageants,attendees

listentobeautyqueensdescribetheircharitableworksandpersonal

accomplishments.Duringminstrelshows,audiencemembersobservedwhite

actorsincaricaturedmake-updepictAfricanAmericansassolazyandstupid

theycouldbarelyformcoherentsentences[55].Thecrudepairingofcaricatured

appearancewithunnuanced(and,insomecasesdeeplyoffensive)traitprofiles

likelyfacilitatestheacquisitionofface-traitpairings.Experimentalresearch

confirmsthatstereotypicalpresentationsofthistypeincreasebiasinobservers

[50].

8.Conclusion

Itisbeyonddoubtthatthetraitswespontaneouslyinferaboutothersexerta

pervasiveinfluenceoverourday-to-daybehaviour[3].However,theoriginof

thesefirstimpressionsremainscontroversial.Here,wehavearguedthat

examinationoftheritualsperformedbycommunitiesaroundtheworldi)can

revealtheprevailingface-traitassociationswithinthatculture,ii)suggestsfar

greatercross-culturalvariabilityinface-traitmappingsthaniscurrently

appreciated,andiii)indicatesthatritualsmaybeanimportantculturallearning

mechanismbywhichface-traitassociationsarepassedfromonegenerationto

another.

Todate,thevastmajorityofresearchonface-traitmappingshasbeenconducted

withinWesterncultures.Asaresult,researchershavetendedtostudyfacialcues

andtraitconstructsastheyareunderstoodbyWesternpopulations.Byseeking

toadaptparadigmsdevelopedinWesternuniversitylabsettingstocross-

culturalresearch,authorsmayhaveinadvertentlyoverestimatedtheextentof

cross-culturalagreementinface-traitmappings,andinturn,erroneously

attributedamajorrolefornaturalselectionintheirorigin.

17

Byexaminingtheavailableanthropologicalevidenceonritualsfromaroundthe

world,wehavepursuedadifferent,buthighlycomplementaryapproach.Our

preliminaryfindingssuggestthat,farfrombeinguniversal,boththecueson

whichthesejudgmentsaremade,andthenatureoftheinferencesdrawn,vary

widelyacrosscultures.Furthermore,thesamecuesareusedbydifferent

observers,andindifferenthistoricalperiods,toinferdifferenttraits.This

variabilityprovidesevidencefortheimportanceofculturallearninginthe

emergenceoffirstimpressions.Animportantavenueforfutureresearchisto

understandhowthisculturallearningtakesplace.Heretooritualwillbecrucial,

pointingtowardssomeofthesocialexperiencesthatleadchildrentoformand

retaininferencesfromappearance.

18

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Figures

Figure1.StaroftheUSTVseries‘ToddlersandTiaras’andLittleMissAmerica

(2012)IsabellaBarrett1.AwitchmaskfromFasching(carnival),Germany2.

1PhotobyJenniferMariePugliaCCBY2.0

(https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0)2PhotographbyLenDog64,[CCBY2.0

(https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0)])).

25

Figure2.TūhoeMaoriactivistTameItifromNewZealandwearingtraditional

TāMoko3.AMursiladyfromEthiopiawithalipplate4.AnAkhaladyfrom

Thailandwheresomepeoplepracticeteethblackening5.

3PhotographbyStuartyeatesatEnglishWikipedia[CCBY-SA3.0

(https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/3.0)]4PhotographbyGusjer[CCBY2.0

(https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0)]5Photographbymomo[CCBY2.0

(https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0)]